transcriber's note: this work was transcribed from a contemporary printing, not from the edition. certain spellings may have been modernized and typographic and printer's errors changed from the original. the narrative of lunsford lane, formerly of raleigh, n.c. embracing an account of his early life, the redemption by purchase of himself and family from slavery, and his banishment from the place of his birth for the crime of wearing a colored skin. published by himself. boston: printed for the publisher: j. g. torrey, printer. narrative of lunsford lane. [original.] the slave mother's address to her infant child. i cannot tell how much i love to look on thee, my child; nor how that looking rocks my soul as on a tempest wild; for i have borne thee to the world, and bid thee breathe its air, but soon to see around thee drawn the curtains of despair. now thou art happy, child, i know, as little babe can be; thou dost not fancy in thy dreams but thou art all as free as birds upon the mountain winds, (if thou hast thought of bird,) or anything thou thinkest of, or thy young ear has heard. what are thy little thoughts about? i cannot certain know, only there's not a wing of them upon a breath of woe, for not a shadow's on thy face, nor billow heaves thy breast,-- all clear as any summer's lake with not a zephyr press'd. to the reader. i have been solicited by very many friends, to give my narrative to the public. whatever my own judgment might be, i should yield to theirs. in compliance, therefore, with this general request, and in the hope that these pages may produce an impression favorable to my countrymen in bondage; also that i may realize something from the sale of my work towards the support of a numerous family, i have committed this publication to press. it might have been made two or three, or even six times larger, without diminishing from the interest of any one of its pages--_indeed with an increased interest_--but the want of the pecuniary means, and other considerations, have induced me to present it as here seen. should another edition be called for, and should my friends advise, the work will then be extended to a greater length. i have not, in this publication attempted or desired to argue anything. it is only a simple narration of such facts connected with my own case, as i thought would be most interesting and instructive to readers generally. the facts will, i think, cast some light upon the policy of a slaveholding community, and the effect on the minds of the more enlightened, the more humane, and the _christian_ portion of the southern people, of holding and trading in the bodies and souls of men. i have said in the following pages, that my condition as a slave was comparatively a happy, indeed a highly favored one; and to this circumstance is it owing that i have been able to come up from bondage and relate the story to the public; and that my wife, my mother, and my seven children, are here with me this day. if for any thing this side the invisible world, i bless heaven, it is that i was not born a plantation slave, nor even a house servant under what is termed a hard and cruel master. it has not been any part of my object to describe slavery generally, and in the narration of my own case i have dwelt as little as possible upon the dark side--have spoken mostly of the bright. in whatever i have been obliged to say unfavorable to others, i have endeavored not to overstate, but have chosen rather to come short of giving the full picture--omitting much which it did not seem important to my object to relate. and yet i would not venture to say that this publication does not contain a single period which might be twisted to convey an idea more than should be expressed. those of whom i have had occasion to speak, are regarded, where they are known, as among the most kind men to their slaves. mr. smith, some of whose conduct will doubtless seem strange to the reader, is sometimes taunted with being an abolitionist, in consequence of the interest he manifests towards the colored people. if to any his character appear like a riddle, they should remember that, men, like other things, have "two sides," and often a top and a bottom in addition. while in the south i succeeded by stealth in learning to read and write a little, and since i have been in the north i have learned more. but i need not say that i have been obliged to employ the services of a friend, in bringing this narrative into shape for the public eye. and it should perhaps be said on the part of the writer, that it has been hastily compiled, with little regard to style, only to express the ideas accurately and in a manner to be understood. lunsford lane. boston, july , . narrative. the small city of raleigh, north carolina, it is known, is the capital of the state, situated in the interior, and containing about thirty six hundred inhabitants.[a] here lived mr. sherwood haywood, a man of considerable respectability, a planter, and the cashier of a bank. he owned three plantations, at the distances respectively of seventy-five, thirty, and three miles from his residence in raleigh. he owned in all about two hundred and fifty slaves, among the rest my mother, who was a house servant to her master, and of course a resident in the city. my father was a slave to a near neighbor. the apartment where i was born and where i spent my childhood and youth was called "the kitchen," situated some fifteen or twenty rods from the "great house." here the house servants lodged and lived, and here the meals were prepared for the people in the mansion. [footnote a: whites-- free people of color--and , slaves. total , ; according to the census of .] on the th of may, , i was ushered into the world; but i did not begin to see the rising of its dark clouds, nor fancy how they might be broken and dispersed, until some time afterwards. my infancy was spent upon the floor, in a rough cradle, or sometimes in my mother's arms. my early boyhood in playing with the other boys and girls, colored and white, in the yard, and occasionally doing such little matters of labor as one of so young years could. i knew no difference between myself and the white children; nor did they seem to know any in turn. sometimes my master would come out and give a biscuit to me, and another to one of his own white boys; but i did not perceive the difference between us. i had no brothers or sisters, but there were other colored families living in the same kitchen, and the children playing in the same yard, with me and my mother. when i was ten or eleven years old, my master set me regularly to cutting wood, in the yard in the winter, and working in the garden in the summer. and when i was fifteen years of age, he gave me the care of the pleasure horses, and made me his carriage driver; but this did not exempt me from other labor, especially in the summer. early in the morning i used to take his three horses to the plantation, and turn them into the pasture to graze, and myself into the cotton or cornfield, with a hoe in my hand, to work through the day; and after sunset i would take these horses back to the city, a distance of three miles, feed them, and then attend to any other business my master or any of his family had for me to do, until bed time, when with my blanket in my hand, i would go into the dining room to rest through the night. the next day the same round of labor would be repeated, unless some of the family wished to ride out, in which case i must be on hand with the horses to wait upon them, and in the meantime work about the yard. on sunday i had to drive to church twice, which with other things necessary to be done, took the whole day. so my life went wearily on from day to day, from night to night, and from week to week. when i began to work, i discovered the difference between myself and my master's white children. they began to order me about, and were told to do so by my master and mistress. i found, too, that they had learned to read, while i was not permitted to have a book in my hand. to be in the possession of anything written or printed, was regarded as an offence. and then there was the fear that i might be sold away from those who were dear to me, and conveyed to the far south. i had learned that being a slave i was subject to this worst (to us) of all calamities; and i knew of others in similar situations to myself, thus sold away. my friends were not numerous; but in proportion as they were few they were dear; and the thought that i might be separated from them forever, was like that of having the heart wrenched from its socket; while the idea of being conveyed to the far south, seemed infinitely worse than the terrors of death. to know, also, that i was never to consult my own will, but was, while i lived, to be entirely under the control of another, was another state of mind hard for me to bear. indeed all things now made me _feel_, what i had before known only in words, that _i was a slave_. deep was this feeling, and it preyed upon my heart like a never-dying worm. i saw no prospect that my condition would ever be changed. yet i used to plan in my mind from day to day, and from night to night, how i might be free. one day, while i was in this state of mind, my father gave me a small basket of peaches. i sold them for thirty cents, which was the first money i ever had in my life. afterwards i won some marbles, and sold them for sixty cents, and some weeks after mr. hog from fayetteville, came to visit my master, and on leaving gave me one dollar. after that mr. bennahan from orange county gave me a dollar, and a son of my master fifty cents. these sums, and the hope that then entered my mind of purchasing at some future time my freedom, made me long for money; and plans for money-making took the principal possession of my thoughts. at night i would steal away with my axe, get a load of wood to cut for twenty-five cents, and the next morning hardly escape a whipping for the offence. but i persevered until i had obtained twenty dollars. now i began to think seriously of becoming able to buy myself; and cheered by this hope, i went on from one thing to another, laboring "at dead of night," after the long weary day's toil for my master was over, till i found i had collected one hundred dollars. this sum i kept hid, first in one place and then in another, as i dare not put it out, for fear i should lose it. after this i lit upon a plan which proved of great advantage to me. my father suggested a mode of preparing smoking tobacco, different from any then or since employed. it had the double advantage of giving the tobacco a peculiarly pleasant flavor, and of enabling me to manufacture a good article out of a very indifferent material. i improved somewhat upon his suggestion, and commenced the manufacture, doing as i have before said, all my work in the night. the tobacco i put up in papers of about a quarter of a pound each, and sold them at fifteen cents. but the tobacco could not be smoked without a pipe, and as i had given the former a flavor peculiarly grateful, it occurred to me that i might so construct a pipe as to cool the smoke in passing through it, and thus meet the wishes of those who are more fond of smoke than heat. this i effected by means of a reed, which grows plentifully in that region; i made a passage through the reed with a hot wire, polished it, and attached a clay pipe to the end, so that the smoke should be cooled in flowing through the stem like whiskey or rum in passing from the boiler through the worm of the still. these pipes i sold at ten cents apiece. in the early part of the night i would sell my tobacco and pipes, and manufacture them in the latter part. as the legislature sit in raleigh every year, i sold these articles considerably to the members, so that i became known not only in the city, but in many parts of the state, as a _tobacconist_. perceiving that i was getting along so well, i began, slave as i was, to think about taking a wife. so i fixed my mind upon miss lucy williams, a slave of thomas devereaux, esq., an eminent lawyer in the place; but failed in my undertaking. then i thought i never would marry; but at the end of two or three years my resolution began to slide away, till finding i could not keep it longer i set out once more in pursuit of a wife. so i fell in with her to whom i am now united, miss martha curtis, and the bargain between _us_ was completed. i next went to her master, mr. boylan, and asked him, according to the custom, if i might "marry his woman." his reply was, "yes, if you will behave yourself." i told him i would. "and make her behave herself!" to this i also assented; and then proceeded to ask the approbation of my master, which was granted. so in may, , i was bound as fast in wedlock as a slave can be. god may at any time sunder that band in a freeman; either master may do the same at pleasure in a slave. the bond is not recognized in law. but in my case it has never been broken; and now it cannot be, except by a higher power. when we had been married nine months and one day, we were blessed with a son, and two years afterwards with a daughter. my wife also passed from the hands of mr. boylan into those of mr. benjamin b. smith, a merchant, a member and class-leader in the methodist church, and in much repute for his deep piety and devotion to religion. but grace (of course) had not wrought in the same _manner_ upon the heart of mr. smith, as nature had done upon that of mr. boylan, who made no religious profession. this latter gentleman used to give my wife, who was a favorite slave, (her mother nursed every one of his own children,) sufficient food and clothing to render her comfortable, so that i had to spend for her but little, except to procure such small articles of extra comfort as i was prompted to from time to time. indeed mr. boylan was regarded as a very kind master to all the slaves about him; that is, to his house servants; nor did he inflict much cruelty upon his field hands, except by proxy. the overseer on his nearest plantation (i know but little about the rest) was a very cruel man; in one instance, as it was said among the slaves, he whipped a man _to death_; but of course denied that the man died in consequence of the whipping. still it was the choice of my wife to pass into the hands of mr. smith, as she had become attached to him in consequence of belonging to the same church, and receiving his religious instruction and counsel as her class-leader, and in consequence of the peculiar devotedness to the cause of religion for which he was noted, and which he always seemed to manifest.--but when she became his slave, he withheld both from her and her children, the needful food and clothing, while he exacted from them to the uttermost all the labor they were able to perform. almost every article of clothing worn either by my wife or children, especially every article of much value, i had to purchase; while the food he furnished the family amounted to less than a meal a day, and that of the coarser kind. i have no remembrance that he ever gave us a blanket or any other article of bedding, although it is considered a rule at the south that the master shall furnish each of his slaves with one blanket a year. so that, both as to food and clothing, i had in fact to support both my wife and the children, while he claimed them as his property, and received all their labor. she was house servant to mr. smith, sometimes cooked the food for his family, and usually took it from the table, but her mistress was so particular in giving it out to be cooked, or so watched it, that she always knew whether it was all returned; and when the table was cleared away, the stern old lady would sit by and see that every dish (except the very little she would send into the kitchen) was put away, and then she would turn the key upon it, so as to be sure her slaves should not die of gluttony. this practice is common with some families in that region; but with others it is not. it was not so in that of her less pious master, mr. boylan, nor was it precisely so at my master's. we used to have corn bread enough, and some meat. when i was a boy, the pot-liquor, in which the meat was boiled for the "great house," together with some little corn-meal balls that had been thrown in just before the meat was done, was poured into a tray and set in the middle of the yard, and a clam shell or pewter spoon given to each of us children, who would fall upon the delicious fare as greedily as pigs. it was not generally so much as we wanted, consequently it was customary for some of the white persons who saw us from the piazza of the house where they were sitting, to order the more stout and greedy ones to eat slower, that those more young and feeble might have a chance. but it was not so with mr. smith: such luxuries were more than he could afford, kind and christian man as he was considered to be. so that by the expense of providing for my wife and children, all the money i had earned and could earn by my night labor was consumed, till i found myself reduced to five dollars, and this i lost one day in going to the plantation. my light of hope now went out. my prop seemed to have given way from under me. sunk in the very night of despair respecting my freedom, i discovered myself, as though i had never known it before, a husband, the father of two children, a family looking up to me for bread, and i a slave, penniless, and well watched by my master, his wife and his children, lest i should, perchance, catch the friendly light of the stars to make something in order to supply the cravings of nature in those with whom my soul was bound up; or lest some plan of freedom might lead me to trim the light of diligence after the day's labor was over, while the rest of the world were enjoying the hours in pleasure or sleep. at this time an event occurred, which, while it cast a cloud over the prospects of some of my fellow slaves, was a rainbow over mine. my master died, and his widow, by the will, became sole executrix of his property. to the surprize of all, the bank of which he had been cashier presented a claim against the estate for forty thousand dollars. by a compromise, this sum was reduced to twenty thousand dollars; and my mistress, to meet the amount, sold some of her slaves, and hired out others. i hired my time of her,[a] for which i paid her a price varying from one hundred dollars to one hundred and twenty dollars per year. this was a privilege which comparatively few slaves at the south enjoy; and in this i felt truly blessed. [footnote a: it is contrary to the laws of the state for a slave to have command of his own time in this way, but in raleigh it is sometimes winked at. i knew one slave-man who was _doing well for himself_, taken up by the public authorities and hired out for the public good, three times in succession for this offence. the time of hiring in such a case is one year. the master is subject to a fine. but generally, as i have said, if the slave is orderly and appears to be _making nothing_, neither he nor the master is interfered with.] i commenced the manufacture of pipes and tobacco on an enlarged scale. i opened a regular place of business, labelled my tobacco in a conspicuous manner with the names of "_edward and lunsford lane_," and of some of the persons who sold it for me,--established agencies for the sale in various parts of the state, one at fayetteville, one at salisbury, one at chapel hill, and so on,--sold my articles from my place of business, and about town, also deposited them in stores on commission, and thus, after paying my mistress for my time, and rendering such support as necessary to my family, i found in the space of some six or eight years, that i had collected the sum of one thousand dollars. during this time i had found it politic to go shabbily dressed, and to appear to be very poor, but to pay my mistress for my services promptly. i kept my money hid, never venturing to put out a penny, nor to let any body but my wife know that i was making any. the thousand dollars was what i supposed my mistress would ask for me, and so i determined now what i would do. i went to my mistress and inquired what was her price for me. she said a thousand dollars. i then told her that i wanted to be free, and asked her if she would sell me to be made free. she said she would; and accordingly i arranged with her, and with the master of my wife, mr. smith, already spoken of, for the latter to take my money[a] and buy of her my freedom, as i could not legally purchase it, and as the laws forbid emancipation except for "meritorious services." this done, mr. smith endeavored to emancipate me formally, and to get my manumission recorded; i tried also; but the court judged that i had done nothing "meritorious," and so i remained, nominally only, the slave of mr. smith for a year; when, feeling unsafe in that relation, i accompanied him to new york whither he was going to purchase goods, and was there regularly and formally made a freeman, and there my manumission was recorded. i returned to my family in raleigh and endeavored to do by them as a freeman should. i had known what it was to be a slave, and i knew what it was to be free. [footnote a: _legally_, my money belonged to my mistress; and she could have taken it and refused to grant me my freedom. but she was a very kind woman for a slave owner; and she would under the circumstances, scorn to do such a thing. i have known of slaves, however, served in this way.] but i am going too rapidly over my story. when the money was paid to my mistress and the conveyance fairly made to mr. smith, i felt that i was free. and a queer and a joyous feeling it is to one who has been a slave. i cannot describe it, only it seemed as though i was in heaven. i used to lie awake whole nights thinking of it. and oh, the strange thoughts that passed through my soul, like so many rivers of light; deep and rich were their waves as they rolled;--these were more to me than sleep, more than soft slumber after long months of watching over the decaying, fading frame of a friend, and the loved one laid to rest in the dust. but i cannot describe my feelings to those who have never been slaves; then why should i attempt it? he who has passed from spiritual death to life, and received the witness within his soul that his sins are forgiven, may possibly form some distant idea, like the ray of the setting sun from the far off mountain top, of the emotions of an emancipated slave. that opens heaven. to break the bonds of slavery, opens up at once both earth and heaven. neither can be truly seen by us while we are slaves. and now will the reader take with me a brief review of the road i had trodden. i cannot here dwell upon its dark shades, though some of these were black as the pencillings of midnight, but upon the light that had followed my path from my infancy up, and had at length conducted me quite out of the deep abyss of bondage. there is a hymn opening with the following stanza, which very much expresses my feelings: "when all thy mercies, oh my god, my rising soul surveys, transported with the view, i'm lost in wonder, love, and praise." i had endured what a freeman would indeed call hard fare; but my lot, on the whole, had been a favored one for a slave. it is known that there is a wide difference in the situations of what are termed house servants, and plantation hands. i, though sometimes employed upon the plantation, belonged to the former, which is the favored class. my master, too, was esteemed a kind and humane man; and altogether i fared quite differently from many poor fellows whom it makes my blood run chill to think of, confined to the plantation, with not enough of food and that little of the coarsest kind, to satisfy the gnawings of hunger,--compelled oftentimes, to hie away in the night-time, when worn down with work, and _steal_, (if it be stealing,) and privately devour such things as they can lay their hands upon,--made to feel the rigors of bondage with no cessation,--torn away sometimes from the few friends they love, friends doubly dear because they are few, and transported to a climate where in a few hard years they die,--or at best conducted heavily and sadly to their resting place under the sod, upon their old master's plantation,--sometimes, perhaps, enlivening the air with merriment, but a forced merriment, that comes from a stagnant or a stupified heart. such as this is the fate of the plantation slaves generally, but such was not my lot. my way was comparatively light, and what is better, it conducted to freedom. and my wife and children were with me. after my master died, my mistress sold a number of her slaves from their families and friends--but not me. she sold several children from their parents--but my children were with me still. she sold two husbands from their wives--but i was still with mine. she sold one wife from her husband--but mine had not been sold from me. the master of my wife, mr. smith, had separated members of families by sale--but not of mine. with me and my house, the tenderer tendrils of the heart still clung to where the vine had entwined; pleasant was its shade and delicious its fruit to our taste, though we knew, and what is more, we _felt_ that we were slaves. but all around i could see where the vine had been torn down, and its bleeding branches told of vanished joys, and of new wrought sorrows, such as, slave though i was, had never entered into my practical experience. i had never been permitted to learn to read; but i used to attend church, and there i received instruction which i trust was of some benefit to me. i trusted, too, that i had experienced the renewing influences of the gospel; and after obtaining from my mistress a written _permit_, (a thing _always_ required in such a case,) i had been baptised and received into fellowship with the baptist denomination. so that in religious matters, i had been indulged in the exercise of my own conscience--a favor not always granted to slaves. indeed i, with others, was often told by the minister how good god was in bringing us over to this country from dark and benighted africa, and permitting us to listen to the sound of the gospel. to me, god also granted temporal freedom, which _man_ without god's consent, had stolen away. i often heard select portions of the scriptures read. and on the sabbath there was one sermon preached expressly for the colored people which it was generally my privilege to hear. i became quite familiar with the texts, "servants be obedient to your masters."--"not with eye service as men pleasers."--"he that knoweth his master's will and doeth it not, shall be beaten with many stripes," and others of this class: for they formed the basis of most of these public instructions to us. the first commandment impressed upon our minds was to obey our masters, and the second was like unto it, namely, to do as much work when they or the overseers were not watching us as when they were. but connected with these instructions there was more or less that was truly excellent; though mixed up with much that would sound strangely in the ears of freedom. there was one very kind hearted episcopal minister whom i often used to hear; he was very popular with the colored people. but after he had preached a sermon to us in which he argued from the bible that it was the will of heaven from all eternity we should be slaves, and our masters be our owners, most of us left him; for like some of the faint hearted disciples in early times we said,--"this is a hard saying, who can bear it?" my manumission, as i shall call it; that is, the bill of sale conveying me to mr. smith, was dated sept. th, . i continued in the tobacco and pipe business as already described, to which i added a small trade in a variety of articles; and some two years before i left raleigh, i entered also into a considerable business in wood, which i used to purchase by the acre standing, cut it, haul it into the city, deposit it in a yard and sell it out as i advantageously could. also i was employed about the office of the governor as i shall hereafter relate. i used to keep one or two horses, and various vehicles, by which i did a variety of work at hauling about town. of course i had to hire more or less help, to carry on my business. in the manufacture of tobacco i met with considerable competition, but none that materially injured me. the method of preparing it having originated with me and my father, we found it necessary, in order to secure the advantage of the invention, to keep it to ourselves, and decline, though often solicited, going into partnership with others. those who undertook the manufacture could neither give the article a flavor so pleasant as ours, nor manufacture it so cheaply, so they either failed in it, or succeeded but poorly. not long after obtaining my own freedom, i began seriously to think about purchasing the freedom of my family. the first proposition was that i should buy my wife, and that we should jointly labor to obtain the freedom of the children afterwards as we were able. but that idea was abandoned, when her master, mr. smith, refused to sell her to me for less than one thousand dollars, a sum which then appeared too much for me to raise. afterwards, however, i conceived the idea of purchasing at once the entire family. i went to mr. smith to learn his price, which he put at _three thousand dollars_ for my wife and six children, the number we then had. this seemed a large sum, both because it was a great deal for me to raise; and also because mr. smith, when he bought my wife and _two_ children, had actually paid but five hundred and sixty dollars for them, and had received, ever since, their labor, while i had almost entirely supported them, both as to food and clothing. altogether, therefore, the case seemed a hard one, but as i was entirely in his power i must do the best i could. at length he concluded, perhaps partly of his own motion, and partly through the persuasion of a friend, to sell the family for $ , , as i wished to free them, though he contended still that they were worth three thousand dollars. perhaps they would at that time have brought this larger sum, if sold for the southern market. the arrangement with mr. smith was made in december, . i gave him five notes of five hundred dollars each, the first due in january, , and one in january each succeeding year; for which he transferred my family into my own possession, with a _bond_ to give me a bill of sale when i should pay the notes. with this arrangement, we found ourselves living in our own house--a house which i had previously purchased--in january, . after moving my family, my wife was for a short time sick, in consequence of her labor and the excitement in moving, and her excessive joy. i told her that it reminded me of a poor shoemaker in the neighborhood who purchased a ticket in a lottery; but not expecting to draw, the fact of his purchasing it had passed out of his mind. but one day as he was at work on his last, he was informed that his ticket had drawn the liberal prize of ten thousand dollars; and the poor man was so overjoyed, that he fell back on his seat, and immediately expired. in this new and joyful situation, we found ourselves getting along very well, until september, , when to my surprise, as i was passing the street one day, engaged in my business, the following note was handed me. "read it," said the officer, "or if you cannot read, get some white man to read it to you." here it is, _verbatim_: _to lunsford lane, a free man of colour_ take notice that whereas complaint has been made to us two justices of the peace for the county of wake and state of north carolina that you are a free negro from another state who has migrated into this state contrary to the provisions of the act of assembly concerning free negros and mulattoes now notice is given you that unless you leave and remove out of this state within twenty days that you will be proceeded against for the penalty porscribed by said act of assembly and be otherwise dealt with as the law directs given under our hands and seals this the th sept willis scott jp (seal) jordan womble jp (seal) this was a terrible blow to me; for it prostrated at once all my hopes in my cherished object of obtaining the freedom of my family, and led me to expect nothing but a separation from them forever. in order that the reader may understand the full force of the foregoing notice, i will copy the law of the state under which it was issued: sec. . it shall not be lawful for any free negro or mulatto to migrate into this state: and if he or she shall do so, contrary to the provisions of this act, and being thereof informed, shall not, within twenty days thereafter, remove out of the state, he or she being thereof convicted in the manner hereafter directed, shall be liable to a penalty of five hundred dollars; and upon failure to pay the same, within the time prescribed in the judgment awarded against such person or persons, he or she shall be liable to be held in servitude and at labor for a term of time not exceeding ten years, in such manner and upon such terms as may be provided by the court awarding such sentence, and the proceeds arising therefrom shall be paid over to the county trustee for county purposes: provided, that in case any free negro or mulatto shall pay the penalty of five hundred dollars, according to the provisions of this act, it shall be the duty of such free negro or mulatto to remove him or herself out of this state within twenty days thereafter, and for every such failure, he or she shall be subject to the like penalty, as is prescribed for a failure to remove in the first instance.--_revised statutes north carolina, chap. iii._ the next section provides that if the free person of color so notified, does not leave within the twenty days after receiving the notice, he may be arrested on a warrant from any justice, and be held to bail for his appearance at the next county court, when he will be subject to the penalties specified above; or in case of his failure to give bonds, he may be sent to jail. i made known my situation to my friends, and after taking legal counsel it was determined to endeavor to induce, if possible, the complainants to prosecute no farther at present, and then as the legislature of the state was to sit in about two months, to petition that body for permission to remain in the state until i could complete the purchase of my family; after which i was willing, if necessary, to leave. from january st, , i had been employed as i have mentioned, in the office of the governor of the state, principally under the direction of his private secretary, in keeping the office in order, taking the letters to the post office, and doing such other duties of the sort as occurred from time to time. this circumstance, with the fact of the high standing in the city of the family of my former master, and of the former masters of my wife, had given me the friendship of the first people in the place generally, who from that time forward acted towards me the friendly part. mr. battle, then private secretary to governor dudley, addressed the following letter to the prosecuting attorney in my behalf: raleigh, nov. , . dear sir:--lunsford lane, a free man of color, has been in the employ of the state under me since my entering on my present situation. i understand that under a law of the state, he has been notified to leave, and that the time is now at hand. in the discharge of the duties i had from him, i have found him prompt, obedient, and faithful. at this particular time, his absence to me would be much regretted, as i am now just fixing up my books and other papers in the new office, and i shall not have time to learn another what he can already do so well. with me the period of the legislature is a very busy one, and i am compelled to have a servant who understands the business i want done, and one i can trust. i would not wish to be an obstacle in the execution of any law, but the enforcing of the one against him, will be doing me a serious inconvenience, and the object of this letter is to ascertain whether i could not procure a suspension of the sentence till after the adjournment of the legislature, say about st january, . i should feel no hesitation in giving my word that he will conduct himself orderly and obediently. i am most respectfully, your obedient servant, c.c. battle. g.w. haywood, esq. attorney at law, raleigh, n.c. to the above letter the following reply was made: raleigh, nov. , . my dear sir:--i have no objection so far as i am concerned, that all further proceedings against lunsford should be postponed until after the adjournment of the legislature. the process now out against him is one issued by two magistrates, messrs. willis scott and jordan womble, over which i have no control. you had better see them to-day, and perhaps, at your request, they will delay further action on the subject. respectfully yours, geo. w. haywood. mr. battle then enclosed the foregoing correspondence to messrs. scott and womble, requesting their "favorable consideration." they returned the correspondence, but neglected to make any reply. in consequence, however, of this action on the part of my friends, i was permitted to remain without further interruption, until the day the legislature commenced its session. on that day a warrant was served upon me, to appear before the county court, to answer for the sin of having remained in the place of my birth for the space of twenty days and more after being warned out. i escaped going to jail through the kindness of mr. haywood, a son of my former master, and mr. smith, who jointly became security for my appearance at court. this was on monday; and on wednesday i appeared before the court; but as my prosecutors were not ready for the trial, the case was laid over three months, to the next term. i then proceeded to get up a petition to the legislature. it required much hard labor and persuasion on my part to start it; but after that, i readily obtained the signatures of the principal men in the place.--then i went round to the members, many of whom were known to me, calling upon them at their rooms, and urging them for my sake, for humanity's sake, for the sake of my wife and little ones, whose hopes had been excited by the idea that they were even now free; i appealed to them as husbands, fathers, brothers, sons, to vote in favor of my petition, and allow me to remain in the state long enough to purchase my family. i was doing well in business, and it would be but a short time before i could accomplish the object. then, if it was desired, i and my wife and children, redeemed from bondage, would together seek a more friendly home, beyond the dominion of slavery. the following is the petition presented, endorsed as the reader will see: _to the hon. general assembly of the state of north carolina._ gentlemen:--the petition of lunsford lane humbly shews--that about five years ago, he purchased his freedom from his mistress, mrs. sherwood haywood, and by great economy and industry has paid the purchase money; that he has a wife and seven children whom he has agreed to purchase, and for whom he has paid a part of the purchase money; but not having paid in full, is not yet able to leave the state, without parting with his wife and children. your petitioner prays your honorable body to pass a law, allowing him to remain a limited time within the state, until he can remove his family also. your petitioner will give bond and good security for his good behaviour while he remains. your petitioner will ever pray, &c. lunsford lane. * * * * * the undersigned are well acquainted with lunsford lane, the petitioner, and join in his petition to the assembly for relief. charles manly, drury lacy, r.w. haywood, will. peck, eleanor haywood, w.a. stith, wm. hill, a.b. stith, r. smith, j. brown, wm. peace, william white, jos. peace, geo. simpson, wm. m'pheeters, jno. i. christophers, wm. boylan, john primrose, fabius j. haywood, hugh m'queen, d.w. stone, alex. j. lawrence, t. meredith, c.l. hinton. a.j. battle, * * * * * lunsford lane, the petitioner herein, has been servant to the executive office since the st of january, , and it gives me pleasure to state that, during the whole time, without exception, i have found him faithful and obedient, in keeping every thing committed to his care in good condition. from what i have seen of his conduct and demeanor, i cheerfully join in the petition for his relief. c.c. battle, _p. secretary to gov. dudley._ raleigh, nov. , . the foregoing petition was presented to the senate. it was there referred to a committee. i knew when the committee was to report, and watched about the state house that i might receive the earliest news of the fate of my petition. i should have gone within the senate chamber, but no colored man has that permission. i do not know why, unless for fear, he may hear the name of _liberty_. by and by a member came out, and as he passed me, said, "_well, lunsford, they have laid you out; the nigger bill is killed._" i need not tell the reader that my feelings did not enter into the merriment of this honorable senator. to me, the fate of my petition was the last blow to my hopes. i had done all i could do, had said all i could say, laboring night and day, to obtain a favorable reception to my petition; but all in vain. nothing appeared before me but i must leave the state, and leave my wife and my children never to see them more. my friends had also done all they could for me. and why must i be banished? ever after i entertained the first idea of being free, i had endeavored so to conduct myself as not to become obnoxious to the white inhabitants, knowing as i did their power, and their hostility to the colored people. the two points necessary in such a case i had kept constantly in mind. first, i had made no display of the little property or money i possessed, but in every way i wore as much as possible the aspect of poverty. second, i had never appeared to be even so intelligent as i really was. this all colored people at the south, free and slaves, find it peculiarly necessary to their own comfort and safety to observe. i should, perhaps, have mentioned that on the same day i received the notice to leave raleigh, similar notices were presented to two other free colored people, who had been slaves; were trying to purchase their families; and were otherwise in a like situation to myself. and they took the same course i did to endeavor to remain a limited time. isaac hunter, who had a family with five children, was one; and waller freeman, who had six children, was the other. mr. hunter's petition went before mine; and a bill of some sort passed the senate, which was so cut down in the commons, as to allow him only _twenty days_ to remain in the state. he has since, however, obtained the freedom of his family, who are living with him in philadelphia. mr. freeman's petition received no better fate than mine. his family were the property of judge badger, who was afterwards made a member of mr. harrison's cabinet. when mr. badger removed to washington, he took with him among other slaves this family; and freeman removed also to that city. after this, when mr. b. resigned his office, with the other members of the cabinet under president tyler, he entered into some sort of contract with freeman, to sell him this family, which he left at washington, while he took the rest of his slaves back to raleigh. freeman is now endeavoring to raise money to make the purchase. it was now between two and three months to the next session of the court; and i knew that before or at that time i must leave the state. i was bound to appear before the court; but it had been arranged between my lawyer and the prosecuting attorney, that if i would leave the state, and pay the costs of court, the case should be dropped, so that my bondsmen should not be involved. i therefore concluded to stay as long as i possibly could, and then leave. i also determined to appeal to the kindness of the friends of the colored man in the north, for assistance, though i had but little hope of succeeding in this way. yet it was the only course i could think of, by which i could see any possible hope of accomplishing the object. i had paid mr. smith six hundred and twenty dollars; and had a house and lot worth $ , which he had promised to take when i should raise the balance. he gave me also a bill of sale of one of my children, laura, in consideration of two hundred and fifty dollars of the money already paid; and her i determined to take with me to the north. the costs of court which i had to meet, amounted to between thirty and forty dollars, besides the fee of my lawyer. on the th of may, , three days after the court commenced its session, i bid adieu to my friends in raleigh, and set out for the city of new york. i took with me a letter of introduction and recommendation from mr. john primrose, a very estimable man, a recommendatory certificate from mr. battle, and a letter from the church of which i was a member, together with such papers relating to the affair as i had in my possession. also i received the following: raleigh, n.c. may, . the bearer, lunsford lane, a free man of color, for some time a resident in this place, being about to leave north carolina in search of a more favorable location to pursue his trade, has desired us to give him a certificate of his good conduct heretofore. we take pleasure in saying that his habits are temperate and industrious, that his conduct has been orderly and proper, and that he has for these qualities been distinguished among his caste. wm. hill, r. smith, weston r. gales, c. dewey. c.l. hinton, the above was certified to officially in the usual form by the clerk of the court of common pleas and quarter sessions. my success in new york was at first small; but at length i fell in with two friends who engaged to raise for me three hundred dollars, provided i should first obtain from other sources the balance of the sum required, which balance would be one thousand and eighty dollars. thus encouraged, i proceeded to boston; and in the city and vicinity the needful sum was contributed by about the st of april, . my thanks i have endeavored to express in my poor way to the many friends who so kindly and liberally assisted me. i cannot reward them; i hope they will receive their reward in another world. if the limits of this publication would permit, i should like to record the names of many to whom i am very especially indebted for their kindness and aid, not only in contributing, but by introducing me and opening various ways of access to others. on the th of february, , finding that i should soon have in my possession the sum necessary to procure my family, and fearing that there might be danger in visiting raleigh for that purpose, in consequence of the strong opposition of many of the citizens against colored people, their opposition to me, and their previously persecuting me from the city, i wrote to mr. smith, requesting him to see the governor and obtain under his hand a permit to visit the state for a sufficient time to accomplish this business. i requested mr. smith to publish the permit in one or two of the city papers, and then to enclose the original to me. this letter he answered, under date of raleigh, th feb. , as follows: lunsford:--your letter of the th inst. came duly to hand, and in reply i have to inform you, that owing to the absence of gov. morehead, i cannot send you the permit you requested, but this will make no difference, for you can come home, and after your arrival you may obtain one to remain long enough to settle up your affairs. you ought of course to apply to the governor immediately on your arrival, before any malicious person would have time to inform against you; i don't think by pursuing this course you need apprehend any danger. * * * * * we are all alive at present in raleigh on the subjects of temperance and religion. we have taken into the temperance societies, about five hundred members, and about fifty persons have been happily converted. * * * the work seems still to be spreading, and such a time i have never seen before in my life. glorious times truly. do try and get all the religion in your heart you possibly can, for it is the only thing worth having after all. your, &c. b.b. smith. the way now appeared to be in a measure open; also i thought that the religious and temperance interest mentioned in the latter portion of mr. smith's letter, augured a state of feeling which would be a protection to me. but fearing still that there might be danger in visiting raleigh without the permit from the governor, or at least wishing to take every possible precaution, i addressed another letter to mr. smith, and received under date of march th, a reply, from which i copy as follows: "the governor has just returned, and i called upon him to get the permit as you requested, but he said he had no authority by law to grant one; and he told me to say to you, that you might in perfect safety come home in a quiet manner, and remain twenty days without being interrupted. i also consulted mr. manly [a lawyer] and he told me the same thing. * * * _surely you need not fear any thing under these circumstances. you had therefore better come on just as soon as possible._" * * * * * i need not say, what the reader has already seen, that my life so far had been one of joy succeeding sorrow, and sorrow following joy; of hope, of despair; of bright prospects, of gloom; and of as many hues as ever appear on the varied sky, from the black of midnight, or the deep brown of a tempest, to the bright warm glow of a clear noon day. on the th of april it was noon with me; i left boston on my way for raleigh with high hopes, intending to pay over the money for my family and return with them to boston, which i intended should be my future home; for there i had found friends and there i would find a grave. the visit i was making to the south was to be a farewell one; and i did not dream that my old cradle, hard as it once had jostled me, would refuse to rock me a pleasant, or even an affectionate good bye. i thought, too, that the assurances i had received from the governor, through mr. smith, and the assurances of other friends, were a sufficient guaranty that i might visit the home of my boyhood, of my youth, of my manhood, in peace, especially as i was to stay but for a few days and then to return. with these thoughts, and with the thoughts of my family and freedom, i pursued my way to raleigh, and arrived there on the d of the month. it was saturday about four o'clock, p.m. when i found myself once more in the midst of my family. with them i remained over the sabbath, as it was sweet to spend a little time with them after so long an absence, an absence filled with so much of interest to us, and as i could not do any business until the beginning of the week. on monday morning between eight and nine o'clock, while i was making ready to leave the house for the first time after my arrival, to go to the store of mr. smith, where i was to transact my business with him, two constables, messrs. murray and scott, entered, accompanied by two other men, and summoned me to appear immediately before the police. i accordingly accompanied them to the city hall, but as it was locked and the officers could not at once find the key, we were told that the court would be held in mr. smith's store, a large and commodious room. this was what is termed in common phrase in raleigh a "call court." the mayor, mr. loring, presided, assisted by william boylan and jonathan busbye, esqs. justices of the peace. there was a large number of people together--more than could obtain admission to the room, and a large company of mobocratic spirits crowded around the door. mr. loring read the writ, setting forth that i had been guilty of _delivering abolition lectures in the state of massachusetts_. he asked me whether i was guilty or not guilty. i told him i did not know whether i had given abolition lectures or not, but if it pleased the court, i would relate the course i had pursued during my absence from raleigh. he then said that i was at liberty to speak. the circumstances under which i left raleigh, said i, are perfectly familiar to you. it is known that i had no disposition to remove from this city, but resorted to every lawful means to remain. after i found that i could not be permitted to stay, i went away leaving behind everything i held dear with the exception of one child, whom i took with me, after paying two hundred and fifty dollars for her. it is also known to you and to many other persons here present, that i had engaged to purchase my wife and children of her master, mr. smith, for the sum of twenty-five hundred dollars, and that i had paid of this sum (including my house and lot) eleven hundred and twenty dollars, leaving a balance to be made up of thirteen hundred and eighty dollars. i had previously to that lived in raleigh, a slave, the property of mr. sherwood haywood, and had purchased my freedom by paying the sum of one thousand dollars. but being driven away, no longer permitted to live in this city, to raise the balance of the money due on my family, my last resort was to call upon the friends of humanity in other places, to assist me. i went to the city of boston, and there i related the story of my persecutions here, the same as i have now stated to you. the people gave ear to my statements; and one of them, rev. mr. neale, wrote back, unknown to me, to mr. smith, inquiring of him whether the statements made by me were correct. after mr. neale received the answer he sent for me, informed me of his having written, and read to me the reply. the letter fully satisfied mr. neale and his friends. he placed it in my hands, remarking that it would, in a great measure, do away the necessity of using the other documents in my possession. i then with that letter in my hands went out from house to house, from place of business to place of business, and from church to church, relating (where i could gain an ear) the same heart-rending and soul-trying story which i am now repeating to you. in pursuing that course, the people, first one and then another contributed, until i had succeeded in raising the amount alluded to, namely, thirteen hundred and eighty dollars. i may have had contributions from abolitionists; but i did not stop to ask those who assisted me whether they were anti-slavery or pro-slavery, for i considered that the money coming from either, would accomplish the object i had in view. these are the facts; and now, sir, it remains for you to say, whether i have been giving abolition lectures or not. in the course of my remarks i presented the letter of mr. smith to mr. neale, showing that i had acted the open part while in massachusetts; also i referred to my having written to mr. smith requesting him to obtain for me the permit of the governor; and i showed to the court, mr. smith's letters in reply, in order to satisfy them that i had reason to believe i should be unmolested in my return. mr. loring then whispered to some of the leading men; after which he remarked that he saw nothing in what i had done, according to my statements, implicating me in a manner worthy of notice. he called upon any present who might be in possession of information tending to disprove what i had said, or to show any wrong on my part, to produce it, otherwise i should be set at liberty. no person appeared against me; so i was discharged. i started to leave the house; but just before i got to the door i met mr. james litchford, who touched me on the shoulder, and i followed him back. he observed to me that if i went out of that room i should in less than five minutes be a dead man; for there was a mob outside waiting to drink my life. mr. loring then spoke to me again and said that notwithstanding i had been found guilty of nothing, yet public opinion was law; and he advised me to leave the place the next day, otherwise he was convinced i should have to suffer death. i replied, "not to-morrow, but to-day." he answered that i could not go that day, because i had not done my business. i told him that i would leave my business in his hands and in those of other such gentlemen as himself, who might settle it for me and send my family to meet me at philadelphia. this was concluded upon, and a guard appointed to conduct me to the depot. i took my seat in the cars, when the mob that had followed us surrounded me, and declared that the cars should not go, if i were permitted to go in them. mr. loring inquired what they wanted of me; he told them that there had been an examination, and nothing had been found against me; that they were at the examination invited to speak if they knew of aught to condemn me, but they had remained silent, and that now it was but right i should be permitted to leave in peace. they replied that they wanted a more thorough investigation, that they wished to search my trunks (i had but one trunk) and see if i was not in possession of abolition papers. it now became evident that i should be unable to get off in the cars; and my friends advised me to go the shortest way possible to jail, for my safety. they said they were persuaded that what the rabble wanted was to get me into their possession, and then to murder me. the mob looked dreadfully enraged, and seemed to lap for blood. the whole city was in an uproar. but the first men and the more wealthy were my friends: and they did everything in their power to protect me. mr. boylan, whose name has repeatedly occurred in this publication, was more than a father to me; and mr. smith and mr. loring, and many other gentlemen, whose names it would give me pleasure to mention, were exceedingly kind. the guard then conducted me through the mob to the prison; and i felt joyful that even a prison could protect me. looking out from the prison window, i saw my trunk in the hands of messrs. johnson, scott, and others, who were taking it to the city hall for examination. i understood afterwards that they opened my trunk; and as the lid flew up, lo! a paper! a paper!! those about seized it, three or four at once, as hungry dogs would a piece of meat after forty days famine. but the meat quickly turned to a stone; for the paper it happened, was one _printed in raleigh_, and edited by weston r. gales, a nice man to be sure, but no abolitionist. the only other printed or written things in the trunk were some business cards of a firm in raleigh--not incendiary. afterwards i saw from the window mr. scott, accompanied by mr. johnson, lugging my carpet-bag in the same direction my trunk had gone. it was opened at the city hall, and found actually to contain a pair of old shoes, and a pair of old boots!--but they did not conclude that these were incendiary. mr. smith now came to the prison and told me that the examination had been completed, and nothing found against me; but that it would not be safe for me to leave the prison immediately. it was agreed that i should remain in prison until after night-fall, and then steal secretly away, being let out by the keeper, and pass unnoticed to the house of my old and tried friend mr. boylan. accordingly i was discharged between nine and ten o'clock. i went by the back way leading to mr. boylan's; but soon and suddenly a large company of men sprang upon me, and instantly i found myself in their possession. they conducted me sometimes high above ground and sometimes dragging me along, but as silently as possible, in the direction of the gallows, which is always kept standing upon the common, or as it is called "the pines," or "piny old field." i now expected to pass speedily into the world of spirits; i thought of that unseen region to which i seemed to be hastening; and then my mind would return to my wife and children, and the labors i had made to redeem them from bondage. although i had the money to pay for them according to a bargain already made, it seemed to me some white man would get it, and they would die in slavery, without benefit from my exertions and the contributions of my friends. then the thought of my own death, to occur in a few brief moments, would rush over me, and i seemed to bid adieu in spirit to all earthly things, and to hold communion already with eternity. but at length i observed those who were carrying me away, changed their course a little from the direct line to the gallows, and hope, a faint beaming, sprung up within me; but then as they were taking me to the woods, i thought they intended to murder me there, in a place where they would be less likely to be interrupted than in so public a spot as where the gallows stood. they conducted me to a rising ground among the trees, and set me down. "now," said they, "tell us the truth about those abolition lectures you have been giving at the north." i replied that i had related the circumstances before the court in the morning; and could only repeat what i had then said. "but that was not the truth--tell us the truth." i again said that any different story would be false, and as i supposed i was in a few minutes to die, i would not, whatever they might think i would say under other circumstances, pass into the other world with a lie upon my lips. said one, "you were always, lunsford, when you were here, a clever fellow, and i did not think you would be engaged in such business as giving abolition lectures." to this and similar remarks, i replied that the people of raleigh had always said the abolitionists did not believe in buying slaves, but contended that their masters ought to free them without pay. i had been laboring to buy my family; and how then could they suppose me to be in league with the abolitionists? after other conversation of this kind, and after they seemed to have become tired of questioning me, they held a consultation in a low whisper among themselves. then a bucket was brought and set down by my side; but what it contained or for what it was intended, i could not divine. but soon, one of the number came forward with a pillow, and then hope sprung up, a flood of light and joy within me. the heavy weight on my heart rolled off; death had passed by and i unharmed. they commenced stripping me till every rag of clothes was removed; and then the bucket was set near, and i discovered it to contain tar. one man, i will do him the honor to record his name, mr. william andres, a journeyman printer, when he is any thing, except a tar-and-featherer, put his hands the first into the bucket, and was about passing them to my face. "don't put any in his face or eyes," said one.[a] so he desisted; but he, with three other "gentlemen," whose names i should be happy to record if i could recall them, gave me as nice a coat of tar all over, face only excepted, as any one would wish to see. then they took the pillow and ripped it open at one end, and with the open end commenced the operation at the head and so worked downwards, of putting a coat of its contents over that of the contents of the bucket. a fine escape from the hanging this will be, thought i, provided they do not with a match set fire to the feathers. i had some fear they would. but when the work was completed they gave me my clothes, and one of them handed me my watch which he had carefully kept in his hands; they all expressed great interest in my welfare, advised me how to proceed with my business the next day, told me to stay in the place as long as i wished, and with other such words of consolation they bid me good night. [footnote a: i think this was mr. burns, a blacksmith in the place, but i am not certain. at any rate, this man was my _friend_ (if so he may be called) on this occasion; and it was fortunate for me that the company generally seemed to look up to him for wisdom.] after i had returned to my family, to their inexpressible joy, as they had become greatly alarmed for my safety, some of the persons who had participated in this outrage, came in (probably influenced by a curiosity to see how the tar and feathers would be got off) and expressed great sympathy for me. they said they regretted that the affair had happened--that they had no objections to my living in raleigh--i might feel perfectly safe to go out and transact my business preparatory to leaving--i should not be molested. meanwhile, my friends understanding that i had been discharged from prison, and perceiving i did not come to them, had commenced a regular search for me, on foot and on horseback, every where; and mr. smith called upon the governor to obtain his official interference; and after my return, a guard came to protect me; but i chose not to risk myself at my own house, and so went to mr. smith's, where this guard kept me safely until morning. they seemed friendly indeed, and were regaled with a supper during the night by mr. smith. my friend, mr. battle, (late private secretary to the governor,) was with them; and he made a speech to them setting forth the good qualities i had exhibited in my past life, particularly in my connection with the governor's office. in the morning mr. boylan, true as ever, and unflinching in his friendship, assisted me in arranging my business,[a] so that i should start with my family _that day_ for the north. he furnished us with provisions more than sufficient to sustain the family to philadelphia, where we intended to make a halt; and sent his own baggage wagon to convey our baggage to the depot, offering also to send his carriage for my family. but my friend, mr. malone, had been before him in this kind offer, which i had agreed to accept. [footnote a: of course i was obliged to sacrifice much on my property, leaving in this hurried manner. and while i was in the north, a kind _friend_ had removed from the wood-lot, wood that i had cut and corded, for which i expected to receive over one hundred dollars; thus saving me the trouble of making sale of it, or of being burdened with the money it would bring. i suppose i have no redress. i might add other things as bad.] brief and sorrowful was the parting from my kind friends; but the worst was the thought of leaving my mother. the cars were to start at ten o'clock in the morning. i called upon my old mistress, mrs. haywood, who was affected to weeping by the considerations that naturally came to her mind. she had been kind to me; the day before she and her daughter, mrs. hogg, now present, had jointly transmitted a communication to the court representing that in consequence of my good conduct from my youth, i could not be supposed to be guilty of any offence. and now, "with tears that ceased not flowing," they gave me their parting blessing. my mother was still mrs. haywood's slave, and i her only child. our old mistress could not witness the sorrow that would attend the parting with my mother. she told her to go with me; and said that if i ever became able to pay two hundred dollars for her, i might; otherwise it should be her loss. she gave her the following paper, which is in the ordinary form of a _pass_: raleigh, n.c. april , . know all persons by these presents, that the bearer of this, clarissa, a slave, belonging to me, hath my permission to visit the city of new york with her relations, who are in company with her; and it is my desire that she may be protected and permitted to pass without molestation or hindrance, on good behavior. witness my hand this th april, . eleanor haywood. witness--j.a. campbell. on leaving mrs. haywood's, i called upon mrs. badger, another daughter, and wife of judge badger, previously mentioned. she seemed equally affected; she wept as she gave me her parting counsel. she and mrs. hogg and i had been children together, playing in the same yard, while yet none of us had learned that they were of a superior and i of a subject race. and in those infant years there were pencillings made upon the heart, which time and opposite fortunes could not all efface.--may these friends never be slaves as i have been; nor their bosom companions and their little ones be slaves like mine. when the cars were about to start, the whole city seemed to be gathered at the depot; and among the rest the mobocratic portion, who appeared to be determined still that i should not go peaceably away. apprehending this, it had been arranged with my friends and the conductor, that my family should be put in the cars and that i should go a distance from the city on foot, and be taken up as they passed. the mob, therefore, supposing that i was left behind, allowed the cars to start. mr. whiting, known as the agent of the rail road company, was going as far as petersburg, va.; and he kindly assisted in purchasing our tickets, and enabling us to pass on unmolested. after he left, capt. guyan, of raleigh, performed the same kind office as far as alexandria, d.c., and then he placed us in the care of a citizen of philadelphia, whose name i regret to have forgotten, who protected us quite out of the land of slavery. but for this we should have been liable to be detained at several places on our way, much to our embarrassment, at least, if nothing had occurred of a more serious nature. one accident only had happened: we lost at washington a trunk containing most of our valuable clothing. this we have, not recovered; but our lives have been spared to bless the day that conferred freedom upon us. i felt when my feet struck the pavements in philadelphia, as though i had passed into another world. i could draw in a full long breath, with no one to say to the ribs, "why do ye so?" on reaching philadelphia we found that our money had all been expended, but kind friends furnished us with the means of proceeding as far as new-york; and thence we were with equal kindness aided on to boston. in boston and in the vicinity, are persons almost without number, who have done me favors more than i can express. the thought that i was now in my new, though recently acquired home--that my family were with me where the stern, cruel, hated hand of slavery could never reach us more--the greetings of friends--the interchange of feeling and sympathy--the kindness bestowed upon us, more grateful than rain to the thirsty earth,--the reflections of the past that would rush into my mind,--these and more almost overwhelmed me with emotion, and i had deep and strange communion with my own soul. next to god from whom every good gift proceeds, i feel under the greatest obligations to my kind friends in massachusetts. to be rocked in their cradle of liberty,--oh, how unlike being stretched on the pillory of slavery! may that cradle rock forever; may many a poor care-worn child of sorrow, many a spirit-bruised (worse than lash-mangled) victim of oppression, there sweetly sleep to the lullaby of freedom, sung by massachusetts sons and daughters. a number of meetings have been held at which friends have contributed to our temporal wants, and individuals have sent us various articles of provision and furniture and apparel, so that our souls have been truly made glad. there are now ten of us in the family, my wife, my mother, and myself, with seven children, and we expect soon to be joined by my father, who several years ago received his freedom by legacy. the wine fresh from the clustering grapes never filled so sweet a cup as mine. may i and my family be permitted to drink it, remembering whence it came! i suppose such of my readers as are not accustomed to trade in human beings, may be curious to see the bills of sale, by which i have obtained the right to my wife and children. they are both in the hand writing of mr. smith. the first--that for laura is as follows: _state of north carolina, wake county._ know all men by these presents, that for and in consideration of the sum of two hundred and fifty dollars, to me in hand paid, i have this day bargained and sold; and do hereby bargain, sell and deliver unto lunsford lane, a free man of color, a certain negro girl by the name of laura, aged about seven years, and hereby warrant and defend the right and title of the said girl to the said lunsford and his heirs forever, free from the claims of all persons whatsoever. in witness whereof, i have hereunto set my hand and seal at raleigh, this th may, . b.b. smith, [seal.] witness--robt. w. haywood. below is the bill of sale for my wife and other six children, to which the papers that follow are attached. _state of north carolina, wake county._ know all men by these presents, that for and in consideration of the sum of eighteen hundred and eighty dollars to me in hand paid, the receipt of which is hereby acknowledged, i have this day bargained, sold and delivered unto lunsford lane, a free man of color, one dark mulatto woman named patsy, one boy named edward, one boy also named william, one boy also named lunsford, one girl named maria, one boy also named ellick, and one girl named lucy, to have and to hold the said negroes free from the claims of all persons whatsoever. in witness whereof, i have hereunto affixed my hand and seal this th day of april, . b.b. smith, [seal.] witness--th. l. west. * * * * * _state of north carolina, wake county._ office of court of pleas and quarter sessions, april , . the execution of the within bill of sale was this day duly acknowledged before me by b.b. smith, the executor of the same. [l.s.] in testimony whereof, i have hereunto affixed the seal of said court, and subscribed my name at office in raleigh, the date above. jas. t. marriott, clerk. * * * * * _state of north carolina, wake county._ i, wm. boylan, presiding magistrate of the court of pleas and quarter sessions for the county aforesaid, certify that james t. marriott, who has written and signed the above certificate, is clerk of the court aforesaid,--that the same is in due form, and full faith and credit are due to such his official acts. given under my hand and private seal (having no seal of office) this th day of april, . wm. boylan, p.m. [seal.] * * * * * _the state of north carolina._ to all to whom these presents shall come, greeting: be it known, that william boylan, whose signature appears in his own proper hand writing to the annexed certificate, was at the time of signing the same and now is a justice of the peace and the presiding magistrate for the county of wake, in the state aforesaid, and as such he is duly qualified and empowered to give said certificate, which is here done in the usual and proper manner; and full faith and credit are due to the same, and ought to be given to all the official acts of the said william boylan as presiding magistrate aforesaid. [l.s.] in testimony whereof, i, j.m. morehead. governor, captain general and commander in chief, have caused the great seal of the state to be hereunto affixed, and signed the same at the city of raleigh, on the th day of april, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-two, and in the sixty-sixth year of the independence of the united states. j.m. morehead. by the governor. p. reynolds, private secretary. but thou art born a slave, my child; those little hands must toil, that brow must sweat, that bosom ache upon another's soil; and if perchance some tender joy should bloom upon thy heart, another's hand may enter there, and tear it soon apart. thou art a little joy to me, but soon thou may'st be sold, oh! lovelier to thy mother far than any weight of gold; or i may see thee scourg'd and driv'n hard on the cotton-field, to fill a cruel master's store, with what thy blood may yield. should some fair maiden win thy heart, and thou should'st call her thine; should little ones around thee stand, or round thy bosom twine, thou wilt not know how soon away these loves may all be riv'n, nor what a darkened troop of woe through thy lone breast be driv'n. thy master may be kind, and give thy every wish to thee, only deny that greatest wish, _that longing to be free:_ still it will seem a comfort small that thou hast sweeter bread, a better hut than other slaves, or pillow for thy head. what joys soe'er may gather round, what other comforts flow,-- _that_, like a mountain in the sea, o'ertops each wave below, that ever-upward, firm desire to break the chains, and be free as the ocean is, or like the ocean-winds, be free. oh, child! thou art a little slave; and all of thee that grows, will be another's weight of flesh,-- but thine the weight of wees thou art a little slave, my child, and much i grieve and mourn that to so dark a destiny a lovely babe i've borne. and gladly would i lay thee down to sleep beneath the sod, and give thy gentle spirit back, unmarr'd with grief, to god: the tears i shed upon that turf should whisper peace to me, and tell me in the spirit land my lovely babe was free. i then should know thy peace was sure, and only long to go the road which thou had'st gone, and wipe away these tears that flow. death to the slave has double power; it breaks the earthly clod, and breaks the tyrant's sway, that he may worship only god. j.p.b. produced from images generously made available by the library of congress) notice to the public. the object of the writer, in preparing this account of himself, is to raise sufficient means to free his last two children from slavery. having already, within twelve years past, purchased himself, his wife, and five of his children, at a cost, altogether, of over _four thousand dollars_, he now earnestly desires a humane and christian public to aid him in the sale of this book, for the purpose of finishing the task in which he has so long and anxiously labored. god has blessed him in an extraordinary manner, not only by granting freedom to him and so large a portion of his family, but by giving him the hope of the gospel, and permitting him to preach that gospel among his own people--in which calling he has been engaged for about twenty-five years. [illustration: the saratoga street african baptist chapel.] the building, of which the above cut is an imperfect representation, fronts as above feet on saratoga street, and feet on calvert street. the house is of brick, and cost over $ , .--(see page .) a narrative of the life of rev. noah davis, _a colored man._ written by himself, at the age of fifty-four. printed solely for the author's benefit. baltimore: published by john f. weishampel, jr., no. west baltimore st. entered according to the act of congress, in the year , by noah davis, in the clerk's office of the district court of maryland. stereotyped by john f. weishampel, jr., bookseller and publisher, baltimore. contents. chapter i. early life in virginia--example of pious parents. chapter ii. apprenticed to the shoe-making--learns housework--intemperance--"a negro can't be trusted"--learning how to write and cipher. chapter iii. religious experience--conviction and conversion. chapter iv. marriage--license to preach--purchase of freedom--call to baltimore. chapter v. experience in baltimore--education--purchase of a wife and two children--great distress of mind--generous assistance--church matters. chapter vi. a new movement in baltimore--erection of a meeting house for the african baptist church--heavy indebtedness--account of the enterprise. chapter vii. account of a visit to the northern cities--true friends. chapter viii. conclusion--object of this book. narrative. chapter i. early life in virginia--example of pious parents. i was born a slave, in madison county, virginia, march, . my father, john davis, and his family, belonged to robert patten, esq., a wealthy merchant, residing in fredericksburg--who was also owner, in connection with mr. john thom, of a large merchant mill, located on "crooked run," a stream running between madison and culpepper counties. my father was the head miller in that large establishment, in which responsible station he was much respected. there i was born, and remained until i was twelve years old. mr. patten was always considered one of the best of masters, allowing his servants many privileges; but my father enjoyed more than many others. both he and my mother were pious members of a baptist church, and from their godly example, i formed a determination, before i had reached my twelfth year, that if i was spared to become a man, i would try to be as good as my parents. my father could read a little, and make figures, but could scarcely write at all. his custom, on those sabbaths when we remained at home, was to spend his time in instructing his children, or the neighboring servants, out of a new testament, sent him from fredericksburg by one of his older sons. i fancy i can see him now, sitting under his bush arbor, reading that precious book to many attentive hearers around him. such was the esteem i had for my pious father, that i have kept that blessed book ever since his death, for his sake; and it was the first new testament i read, after i felt the pardoning love of god in my soul. my father died, august , , aged years. my mother, jane davis, at the death of my father, removed from the farm, where my father died, and spent the remainder of her days in fredericksburg, with her children. she lived to good old age, and fell asleep in jesus, dec. , . my father had been allowed to keep a cow and horse, for his own use; and to raise and feed his hogs and poultry from the mill. he had the privilege of keeping his children with him, until they were old enough to put out to such trades as they might choose. i had several brothers and one sister. two of my brothers, one older, the other younger than myself, lived with our parents, at this place. my oldest brother worked in the mill, with my father, while my youngest brother and i did little else than play about home, and wait upon our mother. i had several playmates, besides my brothers, and among them were the sons of col. thom, and the servant boys who stayed at his house. although many years have passed away since, it gives me pleasure, even now, to recollect the happy seasons i enjoyed with the playmates of my childhood. but this pleasant state of things was not to continue long. the owners of the mill and farm concluded to sell out the whole concern. my father and his family then removed to another farm, belonging to our owner, located in culpepper county, near stevensburg. here i remained nearly two years, working, part of the time, with a carpenter, who was building a summer residence for my master; and the rest of the time, assisting my father to cultivate as much ground as he and his family could tend. here i learned something of a farmer's life. the overseer, mr. daniel brown, had the reputation of being one of the best overseers in the county. but my father's family was not put under him further than for his protection; for after our owner sold the mill, he set my parents free, and allowed them to maintain themselves, by cultivating as much ground on the farm as they needed. sometimes my father would leave his little place in charge of my brother robert and myself, and would hire himself to work in some mill, or go peddling poultry, vegetables, &c., at some of the market places around. chapter ii. apprenticed to the shoe-making--learns housework--intemperance--"a negro can't be trusted"--learning how to write and cipher. in december, , for the first time in my life, i left my parents, to go a distance from home; and i was sad at the thought of parting with those whom i loved and reverenced more than any persons on earth. but the expectation of seeing fredericksburg, a place which, from all i had then learned, i supposed must be the greatest place in the world, reconciled me somewhat with the necessity of saying good-bye to the dear ones at home. i arrived at fredericksburg, after a day and a half's travel, in a wagon--a distance of some fifty miles. having arrived in town, a boy green from the country, i was astonished and delighted at what appeared to me the splendor and beauty of the place. i spent a merry christmas at my old master's stately mansion, along with my older brother, and for a while forgot the home on the farm. but soon, another home was selected for me, where i might learn a trade, and as i preferred the boot and shoe-making, i was put to mr. thomas wright, a man of sterling integrity, who was considered the best workman in the whole town. here i had an older brother living, which was some inducement for my going to live with mr. wright. i was bound, to serve until i should be twenty-one years old. this was in january, . upon entering with mr. wright, i learned that the colored boys had to serve one year with mrs. wright, in the house and kitchen. the object of this was to train them for future usefulness, when called from the shop, to serve as waiters or cooks. mrs. wright was a good manager, and a very particular housekeeper. i used to think she was too particular. but i have learned better since. i have often wished, when i have been seeking homes for my children, that i could find one like mrs. wright. she would spare no pains to teach her servants how she wanted her work done; and then she would spare no pains to make them do it. i have often looked back, with feelings of gratitude and veneration, to that pious lady, for her untiring perseverance in training me up in the way i should go. but she is gone, as i trust, to receive the reward of righteousness, in a better world. after i had been under mrs. wright's special charge the first year, she could leave me to cook a dinner, or clean the house, or do anything she might set me at, without her being present. i was now considered fit to take my seat among the hands in the shop. here i found quite a new state of things. the shoemakers, at that time, in fredericksburg, were considered the most intemperate of any class of men in the place; and as the apprentice-boys had always to be very obliging to the journeymen, in order to get along pleasantly with them, it was my duty to be runner for the shop; and i was soon trained how to bring liquor among the men with such secresy as to prevent the boss, who had forbidden it to come on the premises, from knowing it. but, in those days, the drinking of ardent spirits was a common practice, even among christians. with such examples all around, i soon learned the habit of drinking, along with every other vile habit to which my companions were addicted. it was true in my case, that "evil communications corrupt good manners;" and had it not been for the strictness with which my boss and his amiable lady watched over me, i should in all probability have become a confirmed drunkard, before my time was out. but they held the reins over me, and kept me in, until i had served out my apprenticeship. i can say, however, that, much as i was inclined to other vices and sins, mr. wright readily gave me a recommendation for honesty, truthfulness, and goodness of character. in fact, he had felt such confidence in me, that he would often leave his shoe store in my care, when he would have to go to the north, for a supply of stock. and i can truly say, that i never deceived him, when he thus trusted me. nothing would mortify me as much, as to hear it said, "a negro can't be trusted." this saying would always nerve me with a determination _to be trustworthy_.--if i was trusted, i would deserve to be trusted. i wanted to show that principle was not confined to color. but i have been led to look at it since, and have thought that perhaps it was more pride than principle in me, at that time, for i was a wicked sinner. the first idea i ever got of writing, was from trying to imitate my employer, who used to write the names of his customers on the lining of the boots and shoes, as he gave them out to be made. so i tried to make letters, and soon succeeded in writing my name, and then the word fredericksburg, and so on. my father had previously taught me the alphabet, in the spelling book, before i had left the mill. after i became religious, i would carry my father's new testament to church, and always try to get to meeting in time to hear the preacher read a chapter before sermon. if he named the chapter before reading it, i would soon find it. in this way, i gathered much information in pronouncing many hard words in the scriptures. it was a long time before i learned the meaning of the numeral letters put in the bible over the chapters. i had often seen them in the spelling book running alongside a column of figures; but no one ever told me that they were put there for the same use as the figures. chapter iii. religious experience--conviction--conversion. just about the close of my apprenticeship, and as i began to feel myself a man, i commenced to visit the girls, which induced me to go still more frequently to church. at that time, there were four churches in fredericksburg. the colored people had apartments for worship with the white people, at each of these churches. they were methodist, presbyterian, episcopalian and baptist. i had no particular preference for any one of these denominations, more than another; but, went wherever my favorites went. one night a young lady invited me to go to the methodist church, where a prayer-meeting was to be held. during the meeting, a venerable old gentleman rose to his feet, and related an account of the sudden death of a young lady, which he had read in a newspapers. when he related that solemn circumstance, it so affected me, that i felt as if i was about to die, in a sudden manner also. having always, from parental training, purposed in my mind to become religious before i died, i thought that now was the time to begin to pray. but i could not try to pray in the church, for i was afraid that the girls would laugh at me. yet i became so troubled, that i left the house, girls and all, intending to seek some place where i might pray. but to my horror and surprise, when i got out of the church, this reflection occurred to me, "god is in heaven, and you are on earth:--how can he hear you?" o, what distress of mind i now felt! i began to wonder how god could hear my prayer; for, sure enough, he was in heaven, and i on the earth. in my perplexity, i started for home. just before i reached the shop, where i slept, this thought struck me, if possible with more force than the former reflection: "god does see you!" it really appeared to me as if i could see that god was indeed looking at me; and not only so, but i felt that he had been looking at me all my life. i now said to myself, "it is of no use for me to pray.--if god has seen all my wickedness, as i feel that he has, then there is no mercy for me." so i ran to my lodging-place, and tried to hide myself in a dark room. but this was useless; for it appeared that god could see me in the dark, as well as in the light. i now felt constrained to beg for mercy, and spent the time in trying to obtain pardon for my sins. but the morning came, and the hour drew near for the hands to go to work, and i was still unhappy. i felt so very different to what i had always felt, that i tried to examine my impressions of the previous night, to learn if it was true that god did see me or not; for i thought my imagination might have deceived me. up to this time, i was not fully convinced that god knew all about me. so i began to study about the matter. as i sat on the shoe-bench, i picked up a bunch of bristles, and selecting one of the smallest, i began to wonder, if god could see an object so small as that. no sooner had this inquiry arose in my heart, than it appeared to me, that the lord could not only see the bristle, but that he beheld me, as plainly as i saw the little object in my hand; and not only so, but that god was then looking through me, just as i would hold up a tumbler of clear water to the sun and look through it. this was enough. i felt that i must pray, or perish; and now i began to pray. but it really seemed, that the more i prayed the less hope there was for me. still i could not stop praying; for i felt that god was angry with me. i had sinned against his holy laws; and now, if he should cut me off, and send me to hell, it was but right. these thoughts followed me day and night, for five weeks, before i felt relief. at length, one day, while sitting on my shoe bench, i felt that my time had come when i must die. what troubled me most, was that i should have to appear before god, in all my sins;--o, what horror filled my soul at the thought! i began to wonder what i must do. i knew i was not prepared for death and the judgment. it is true that two of my shopmates, at that time, were members of the church; but they did not seem to care for my soul. all the rest of the hands were as wicked as myself. "what shall i do?" was in my mind, all the time i sat at work. the reflection occurred to me, "your mother is a christian; it may be she can save you." but this suggestion appeared to be offensive to god. then came another thought,--"as my master was a rich man, could he not do something to help me?" but i found no relief in either ... and while i sat thus, hoping and praying, light broke into my mind--all my trouble left me in an instant. i felt such a love and peace flowing in my soul, that i could not sit longer; i sprang to my feet, and cried out, "glory to god!" it seemed to me, that god, whom i had beheld, a few seconds previously, angry with me, was now well-pleased. i could not tell why this great change had taken place in me; and my shopmates were surprised at my conduct, saying, that i must be getting crazy. but, just at this moment, the thought came into my mind, that i was converted; still, as i felt so very different from what i had expected to feel, i could not see how that could be. i concluded to run and see my mother, and ask her how people felt, when they got converted. so i went, right away, to my mother's house, some five or six squares from the shop. when i reached the door of her house, it appeared to me that everything was new and bright. i went in, and sat down. mother asked me how i was. i told her, i felt _right smart_. this was a new sound from me; for my answers to this question had long been--"_poorly_." but now came the trial; to ask mother how people felt, when they were converted. i felt ashamed to ask the question; so i went into another room; and seeing a hymn book lying on the table, i took it up. the first hymn that struck my sight began with these words: "when converts first begin to sing, their happy souls are on the wing-- their theme is all redeeming love; fain would they be with christ above. with admiration they behold the love of christ, which can't be told," &c. these lines expressed my feelings precisely, and being encouraged from them, i went to my mother, and asked her the question--"how do people feel, when they get converted?" she replied, "do you think you are converted?" now, this was a severe trial; for, although i felt that i was really changed, yet i wanted to hear from her, before i could decide whether i was actually converted, or not. i replied, "no." then she said, "my son, the devil makes people think themselves converted, sometimes." i arose, and left immediately, believing that the devil had made a fool of me. i returned to my shop, more determined to pray than ever before. i arrived, and took my seat, and tried to get under that same weight, that i had felt pressing me down, but a short while before. but it seemed to me that i could not; and, instead of feeling sad, i felt joyful in my heart; and while trying to pray, i thought the saviour appeared to me. i thought i saw god smiling upon me, through christ, his son. my soul was filled with love to god and jesus christ. it appeared to me, i saw a fullness in jesus christ, to save every sinner who would come to him. and i felt, that if i was only converted, i would tell all sinners how precious the saviour was. but i could not think myself converted yet, because i could not see what i had done, for god to pardon my sins. still i felt a love to him for what he had done for my soul. then i began to think upon my shopmates--and, o what pity ran through my soul for them. i wished to pray for them; but i felt so unworthy, that i could not do it. at last i promised the lord that if he would convert my soul, i would talk to them. ... it was several months after that, before i was made to realize this to be the work of god; and when it was made plain, o what joy it did bring to my poor soul! i shortly became a member of the baptist church, and was baptized, in company with some twenty others, by rev. geo. f. adams, who was then pastor of the baptist church in fredericksburg--september , . this church then contained about three hundred colored members. chapter iv. marriage--license to preach--purchase of freedom--a call to baltimore. i had not been a member of the church a great while, before i formed an attachment to a young woman, who ultimately became my wife. i have ever regarded her as the special gift of god to me. she embraced religion about the same time that i did. we had been acquainted with each other for several years previous, and although we associated frequently in the same social circle together; yet nothing of a special liking had manifested itself until the day she was baptized. but we were both slaves, and of course had to get the consent of our owners, before we went further. my wife belonged to the late carter l. stephenson, esq., who was a brother to hon. andrew stephenson, of va. my wife's master was quite indulgent to the servants about the house. he never restrained visitors from coming on his premises to visit his domestics. it was said he had the likeliest set of servant girls in the town; and though i cannot say i got the prettiest, yet i think i got the best one among them. we have lived happily together, as husband and wife, for the last twenty-eight years. we have had nine children--seven born in slavery, and two since my wife's freedom. five out of the seven in slavery i have bought--two are still in bondage. before long, the brethren chose me to fill the office of a deacon. but it never seemed to me to be the place that god designed for me; though i felt willing to do whatever lay in my power for god's glory and the good of his people. the impression made upon my mind at my conversion, to talk to sinners, increased on me, until i could wait no longer. i related my convictions of duty to my brethren, and particularly to one who was always held in high esteem for his piety and excellent character--a colored brother, armistead walker. my case was first brought by him before the colored portion of the church; and after a full hearing of my statement, by the white brethren, with regard to my call to preach, &c., i was licensed to preach the gospel, and exhort sinners to repentance, as opportunity might be afforded. i had ample opportunities at that time, for doing good, by preaching to my fellow men, both in town and country. several other colored brethren, about this time, gave evidence of having been called of god, to the work of preaching the gospel. among these was a dear brother, named alexander daniel. he was a bright and shining light, among our people, and everything considered, i think he was the best preacher of color i ever heard. but alas, he is no more! he was esteemed as a christian minister, and his friends, both white and colored, united in erecting a monument over his grave. in my attempts to preach the gospel to my fellow sinners, i often felt embarrassed, not knowing how to read a chapter in the bible correctly. my desires now increased for such a knowledge of the sacred scriptures, as would enable me to read a chapter publicly to my hearers. i thought that if i had all my time at my own command, i would devote it all to divine things. this desire i think, led me more than anything else, to ask permission of my master, dr. f. patten, to purchase my freedom. i made this a subject of prayer, both night and day, that god would show me what he would have me do. i felt encouraged to hope that i should find favor with my owner, as he had always treated me kindly. but how shall i get the purchase money, provided he grants my request?--this appeared a difficult matter, but i thought if my master would give me a chance, that i should be able to raise the money. i went to him, and stated my wishes, informing him why i wanted to be free--that i had been led to believe the lord had converted my soul, and had called me to talk to sinners. he granted my request, without a single objection, fixing my price at five hundred dollars. but now i had to tell him that i had no money, and that i desired him to grant me another request; which was, to let me travel and find friends, who would give me the money. after learning my wishes fully, he consented, and told me, when i got ready to start, he would give me a pass, to go where i pleased. i thanked him sincerely for this privilege, and after making arrangements, in the way of obtaining suitable letters of recommendation, i left fredericksburg, in june, , for philadelphia, new york, boston, &c. after spending nearly four months in visiting the northern cities, i returned home, with about one hundred and fifty dollars, greatly disheartened. previous to going north, i had raised about a hundred and fifty dollars, which i had already paid on my debt. the cause of my failure to raise all the money, i believe, was that i was unaccustomed to addressing large congregations of strangers; and often, when i was favored with an opportunity of presenting my case to the people, i would feel such embarrassment that i could scarcely say anything. and i met another obstacle, which discouraged me very much; which was, that some persons would tell me they sympathized with me, in my efforts to get free; but they said it was against their principles to give money, to buy slaves. i confess, this was new to me, and would cut me down much in my spirits--still i found generous and noble-hearted friends, who treated me with every mark of kindness. i began to wonder to myself, whether god was in this matter, or not; and if so, why i had not succeeded. however, having returned home, i went to work at my trade, for the purpose of earning the remainder of the money. having paid what i was able, toward my debt, and reserving enough to open a shop, upon my own account, my old boss, mr. wright, my true and constant friend, became my protector, so that i might carry on my business lawfully. in this, however, i was not very successful; but i had not been long engaged at it, before i received a communication from my white baptist friends in baltimore, through my pastor, rev. sam'l smith, informing me that if i would come to baltimore, and accept an appointment as missionary to the colored people of that city, they would assist me in raising the balance of the money then due upon myself. this was indeed an unexpected, and to me an undesired call. i began to think, how can i leave my wife and seven small children, to go to baltimore to live, a distance of more than a hundred miles from them. this, i thought, could not be. i thought my children would need my watchful care, more now than at any other time. it is true, they were all slaves, belonging to a rich widow lady. but she had always given me the entire control of my family. now, if i should leave them at their tender age, mischief might befall them. still, as the letter from baltimore was from gentlemen of the best standing, it became me to give them an answer. this i could not do, without first consulting my master. i did so, and after giving the matter a careful consideration, he thought i had better go and see those gentlemen--he was perfectly willing to leave the matter to me. the result was, that i accepted the offer of the brethren in baltimore; and by them i was enabled to pay the debt i owed; and i have never had cause to repent it--though i had misgivings sometimes, when i would get into trouble. but i have found those who were my friends at first, are my friends still. in a few weeks after i had arrived in baltimore, ( ,) the white baptists who were favorable to the mission in behalf of the colored people, secured for me an appointment as missionary of the domestic board of the southern baptist convention, in connection with the maryland baptist union association. i now felt a debt of gratitude to these dear friends, that i could not show more acceptably to them, than by engaging heartily in the work to which i had been thus called. i went to work, first, by hiring a room in a private house, where i would collect what few children i could get together, in a sabbath school. i continued in this place for nearly a year, teaching the little children, and preaching to a few grown persons, who would come in at times to hear what this baptist man had to say; and who, after satisfying their curiosity, would generally leave me. during my stay in this locality, i could not find half a dozen colored baptists, who would take hold with me in this missionary enterprise. there were some few attached to the white churches; but only two of those showed any disposition to help me in this great and good work. i found that everybody loved to go with the multitude, and it was truly up-hill work with me. i found some who are called anti-mission, or old school baptists, who, when i called upon them, would ask of what faith i was,--and when i would reply, that i belonged to what i understood to be the regular baptists, they would answer, "then you are not of our faith," &c. now i felt lonely indeed, separated far from home, from family, from dear brethren and friends; thrown among strangers in a strange place. those i came to benefit, stood aloof from me, and seemed to look upon all my movements with distrust and suspicion, and opposed to all i was trying to do for the moral and spiritual benefit of our degraded race. but, thanks be to god, all i found in baltimore were not of this stamp. those of the white baptists who had been the means of calling me to this field, adhered to me like brethren, indeed. could i feel at liberty to mention names, i would bring to notice some dear friends who have ever stood by me, in all my efforts to do good, and whose acts of disinterested benevolence have been rarely equaled. but their labors of love are recorded on high, and i must forbear. chapter v. experience in baltimore--education--purchase of a wife and two children--great distress of mind--generous assistance--church matters. when i came among the colored people of baltimore, i found, to my surprise, that they were advanced in education, quite beyond what i had conceived of. of course, as i never had such advantages, i was far behind the people; and as this did not appear well in a preacher, i felt very small, when comparing my abilities with others of a superior stamp. i found that the great mass of colored professors of religion were methodists, whose piety and zeal seemed to carry all before them. there were, at that time, some ten or eleven colored methodist churches, one episcopalian, one presbyterian; and one little baptist church, located upon the outskirts of the city. the most of the methodist churches were large and influential; and the presbyterian church had one of the best sabbath schools for colored children in the city. but the baptist colored membership was looked upon as the smallest; and under these circumstances, i was surrounded with discouragements; although the ministers and brethren of other denominations have always treated me with marked christian kindness. i had never had a day's schooling; and coming to one of the first cities in the union, where the colored people had the advantages of schools, and where their pulpits were occupied, sabbath after sabbath, by comparatively intelligent colored ministers--what could i expect, but that the people would turn away from one who was trying to preach in the room of a private house, some fifteen by twenty feet? yet, there was no turning back: god had called me to the work, and it was his cause i was advocating. i found, that to preach, like other preachers, i must improve my mind, by reading the bible and other good books, and by studying my own language. i started afresh--i got a small stock of books, and the white brethren loaned and gave me other useful volumes, to which they added a word of instruction and encouragement, whenever an opportunity offered; and the ministers cordially invited me to attend their monday ministerial conference meeting, which was very useful to me. ... i had now been in baltimore more than a year. my wife and seven children were still in virginia. i went to see them as often as my circumstances permitted--three or four times a year. about this time, my wife's mistress agreed to sell to me my wife and our two youngest children. the price fixed, was eight hundred dollars cash, and she gave me twelve months to raise the money. the sun rose bright in my sky that day; but before the year was out, my prospects were again in darkness. now i had two great burdens upon my mind: one to attend properly to my missionary duty, the other to raise eight hundred dollars. during this time we succeeded in getting a better place for the sabbath school, and there was a larger attendance upon my preaching, which demanded reading and study, and also visiting, and increased my daily labors. on the other hand, the year was running away, in which i had to raise eight hundred dollars. so that i found myself at times in a great strait. my plan to raise the money was, to secure the amount, first, by pledges, before i collected any.... finally, the year was more than passed away, and i had upon my subscription list about one half of the money needed. it was now considered that the children had increased in value one hundred dollars, and i was told that i could have them, by paying in cash six hundred dollars, and giving a bond, with good security, for three hundred more, payable in twelve months. i had six weeks, in which to consummate this matter. i felt deeply, that this was a time to pray the lord to help me, and for this my wife's prayers were fervently offered with my own. i had left my wife in virginia, and come to baltimore, a distance of over a hundred miles; i had been separated thus for nearly three years; i had been trying to make arrangements to have her with me, for over twelve months, and as yet had failed. we were oppressed with the most gloomy forebodings, and could only kneel down together and pray for god's direction and help. i was in fredericksburg, and had but one day longer to stay, and spend with my wife. what could be done, must be done quickly. i went to my old friend, mr. wright, and stated my case to him. after hearing of all i had done, and the conditions i had to comply with, he told me that if i would raise the six hundred dollars cash, he would endorse my bond for the remaining three hundred.--this promise inspired me with new life. the next thing was, how could the six hundred dollars be obtained in six weeks. i had upon my subscription list and in pledges nearly four hundred dollars. but this had to be collected from friends living in fredericksburg, washington city, baltimore, and philadelphia. i left fredericksburg, and spent a few days in washington, to collect what i could of the money promised to me there; and met much encouragement, several friends doubling their subscriptions. when i arrived in baltimore, and made known the peculiar strait i was in, to my joyful surprise, some of the friends who had pledged five dollars, gave me ten; and one dear friend who had promised me ten dollars, for this object, and who had previously contributed largely in the purchase of myself, now gave me fifty. i began to count up, and in two weeks from the time i commenced collecting, i had in hand four hundred dollars. presently, another very dear friend enquired of me how i was getting along; and when i told him, he said, "bring your money to me." i did so. it lacked two hundred dollars to make the purchase. this, the best friend i ever had in the world, made up the six hundred dollars, and said, "go, get your wife; and you can keep on collecting, and repay the two hundred dollars when you get able." i was now overcome with gratitude and joy, and knew not what to say; and when i began to speak, he would not have any of my thanks. i went to my boarding house, and shut myself up in my room, where i might give vent to the gratitude of my heart: and, o, what a melting time i had! it was to me a day of thanksgiving. having now in hand the six hundred dollars, and the promise of mr. wright's security for three hundred more, i was, by twelve o'clock, next day in fredericksburg. at first sight, my wife was surprised that i had come back so soon; for it was only two weeks since i had left her; and when i informed her that i had come after her and the children, she could hardly believe me. in a few days, having duly arranged all things relative to the purchase and removal, we left for baltimore, with feelings commingled with joy and sorrow--sorrow at parting with five of our older children, and our many friends; and rejoicing in the prospect of remaining together permanently in the missionary field, where god had called me to labor. i arrived in baltimore, with my wife and two little ones, november th, , and stopped with sister hester ann hughes, a worthy member of the m. e. church, with whom i had been boarding for four years. the md. baptist union association was now in session here, and it became my duty to prepare my church letter and missionary report, for that body. the church had now been organized just three years; commencing with only four members, including the pastor. our church statistics for the year, as reported, were: baptized, ; received by letter, ; present number of members, .... sabbath school much revived, under the special efforts of several white brethren and sisters. present number of sunday scholars, . this year was a joyful one to me--my little church increasing, and the sabbath school flourishing, under the superintendence of the late truly excellent brother james c. crane, though he was with us but for a short season. my wife and little ones were also with me, both in the church and sabbath school. i was a happy man, and felt more than ever inclined to give thanks to god, and serve him to the best of my ability. my salary was only three hundred dollars a year; but with hard exertion and close economy, together with my wife's taking in washing and going out at day's work, we were enabled by the first of the year, to pay the two hundred dollars our dear friend had loaned us, in raising the six hundred dollars before spoken of. but the bond for three hundred dollars was now due, and how must this be met? i studied out a plan; which was to get some gentleman who might want a little servant girl, to take my child, and advance me three hundred dollars for the purpose of paying my note, which was now due in virginia. in this plan i succeeded; and had my own life insured for seven years for five hundred dollars, and made it over to this gentleman, as security; until i ultimately paid him the whole amount; though i was several years in paying it. among the number that joined our little church, was a young brother, jos. m. harden, who was baptized by dr. fuller, but soon became a valuable member with us, both in the church and sunday school. he was born in baltimore, and had been early taught to read, and though he had been at ten years old bound out, till he was twenty-one, his love of books had made him far superior to colored people generally, and he was very valuable to me. things had gone on hopefully with me, and my little church, though our progress was very slow. but we had to suffer a loss in brother harden's leaving us for the great missionary field in africa, where i trust the lord has sent him for a great and happy work. but god has blessed us in the person of brother samuel w. madden, whose labors as a licensed preacher for several years have been invaluable to us. chapter vi. a new movement in baltimore--erection of a meeting house for the african baptist church--heavy indebtedness--account of the enterprise--personal troubles. for several years previous to jan., , our little church and sunday school had occupied a very inconvenient upper room on courtland street. our particular friend, mr. william crane, with some other white persons to aid him, was the devoted superintendent of our sunday school, and the unfailing friend of our own little church, as well as of me personally. mr. crane had felt, with us, the great disadvantage of our place of worship, and had exerted himself much to obtain a more commodious room for us. but in july, ; he commenced an extraordinary effort in our behalf, by purchasing a lot--one hundred feet by forty-six feet--with three fronts, on calvert, saratoga and davis streets, on which a chapel building has been erected for us. our chapel was opened for worship feb. , ; and rev. dr. fuller preached the opening sermon to a crowded audience. on this occasion mr. wm. crane read a detailed report of all the facts relative to this building--a full copy of this report may be interesting probably to my readers, and i have therefore obtained it, and here present it, in connection with a picture of the building, which will be found opposite the title page. history of the saratoga street african baptist chapel. "the questions have often been asked in this vicinity during the last six months, who is putting up that large building called the 'saratoga street african baptist chapel?' 'what are they putting it up for?'--'who will own it, when finished?' 'how much will it cost? and who will pay for it?'" these questions have often been answered, but it seems proper, and indeed necessary, at this time to answer them plainly and clearly, for the information of this large assembly. first, then, i reply: this entire building has been reared under my directions, in the name of the saratoga street african baptist church. this church was organized with only four members, six years ago, with brother noah davis, a missionary of the md. baptist union association, as its pastor, who has labored most faithfully in his work. but, although colored churches of the baptist denomination in all of our southern and western cities count their members by thousands, this church has now only thirty members--but our hope and prayer is, that established here in the centre of a population of full thirty thousand colored people, god may bless the humble devoted efforts of his people, and increase their numbers a hundred fold. four years ago, the st of january, we commenced a sunday school in courtland street,--where this church has always held its regular meetings, which notwithstanding its many discouragements--mostly from a want of devoted self-denying teachers--has been unremittingly kept up morning and afternoon, till the present time, with an attendance varying from thirty to over one hundred scholars; and we feel assured that the hundreds of bibles and testaments, tracts, &c., with the sunday school instructions, and the preaching of brother davis will have laid the foundation for a lasting blessing to his people. this little church and sunday school have met to-day for the first time in this building, and in the language of the psalmist david, probably on an occasion like this, we would exclaim, "send now, we beseech thee, o lord--o lord, we beseech thee, send now prosperity!"--(ps. : .) but what are the objects for which this house has been built? i answer, the first object was, to furnish such a room as this, for the use of this church, where the gospel might be preached and its ordinances administered, and where sunday schools and religious associations might be properly accommodated. the second was, to furnish rooms in the next story, for a male high school at one end, and a female high school at the other, and where colored missionaries for africa might be educated for that most important field of labor; with a large hall in the centre, for a lecture room, or for any other religious, moral, or useful purposes. the upper story has four separate rooms, finished for renting to associations of colored people, with a view to paying whatever debt may remain on the building, and for defraying its current expenses;--and it is hoped that, at some future day, a reading room and a circulating library for colored people may also be located here--the whole of it combining a most respectable, central, commodious _colored people's home_. but it is asked, who owns this building? i admit that it is an unusually mixed up affair; but i will try to explain it. after a great deal of searching and enquiring after a lot or building, where this church and sunday school could have a settled home, about two years ago, i was informed that this lot was for sale; and realizing instantly that my cherished objects could here be accomplished i bought it without hesitation, for five thousand dollars; but the loss of two years' interest and the amount paid to tenants to move away, makes the cost of the lot now full six thousand dollars. i obtained the deed of j. h. b. latrobe, esq., who sold it, as trustee for the estate of hugh finley, deceased, under an order of court. after a charter of incorporation for the church had been made, i got mr. latrobe to draw up also this deed, [here presenting it] which he says is a perfectly good one--from william crane and wife, to geo. f. adams, j. w. m. williams, and john w. ball, as trustees for all concerned, conveying to this church all my right and title forever to all of the proposed building on this lot above the first story: leaving me the basement and the cellar as my own property forever, with the proviso, that the church in its own name should put up the entire building. but i agreed at the same time to subscribe five thousand dollars on the subscription book of the church towards erecting it. so that i am now sole owner of the store and cellar under the chapel--the church has no ownership there at all--but the church is legal owner of this chapel and all the rooms above it. the church appointed me their agent to build the house, and as such i have made all the contracts, paid out all the monies, and assumed all the liabilities. before commencing the building, as before stated, my own subscription was...................................$ , my brother, j. c. crane, from whom i expected efficient personal aid, gave.. , bro. franklin wilson,.................. , a. fuller crane,......................... john w. ball,............................ j. b. thomas,............................ among our colored friends, about......... ------ amounting to, say,....................$ , since that time, the pressure on the money market has prevented any general effort to obtain subscriptions, but a city pastor has subscribed..............................$ a sister of the first baptist church..... bro. jonathan batchelor, of lynn, mass... ------ making in all, a total of.............$ , the entire cost of the building, notwithstanding the most rigid economy, will be over eighteen thousand dollars, and full half of this amount is yet unprovided for. the bills are not all presented, but some of the larger ones which have been settled by notes will be due in a short time; while the largest one, the lumber bill, has six months to run yet, so that i am bound to settle up and pay the entire balance of expenditure on this house, as agent of the church, within the coming six months. and whatever amount of money i advance over and above the subscriptions and collections must, of course, remain as a debt due me by the church, and be on interest until paid. the last question, how is the money obtained to pay for the building? has been partly answered; but a full explanation of it will depend on what the friends of the object will now contribute toward paying for it. i will subscribe one dollar for every ten dollars that may be subscribed and paid on account of the church debt within the year . in other words, i will add ten per cent to any amount which may be contributed. i may remark, that in engaging in this project, i had not a dollar which i wished to put out at interest. i want much more than my capital in my mercantile business. i am in fact borrowing, to lend to the church. but it is god's cause, and i have had to trust in him to bear me through it. the failing health of my dear brother, j. c. crane,[a] and the want of his invaluable co-operation with me, as well as the lack of hearty, zealous assistance on the part of many other brethren and friends, has been painful to me. but i hope, now that the house is finished, the friends of our redeemer's cause and of the african race generally, may not fail in lending their efficient aid. [footnote a: died march , . see memoir of southern baptist publication society.] i have only to add, brethren, "the time is short;" we must all of us soon appear before the judgment seat of christ, to render an account of all the talents committed to our charge. if god has given me a talent for the acquisition of money over and above what my duty to my family requires, i regard myself bound as a good steward to exert that talent entirely for him. i am not my own, and i feel perfectly assured that any individual who possesses the tact and ability for acquiring money is neccessarily (_sic._) the best qualified for a judicious and proper disbursement of it; and i dare not try to leave my earthly acquisitions in testamentary charitable bequests--to the inexperienced and uncertain management of those who may come after me. "may god help us to work for him, and at last may we hear, 'well done, good and faithful servant; enter thou into the joy of thy lord.'" this paper was read to the congregation, probably a thousand people, immediately after dr. fuller had preached the opening sermon, feb. , ; and a collection was taken of about one hundred dollars. subsequent to this, a venerable widow lady of baltimore contributed $ , and other quite liberal donations were made. on the st of july, , mr. crane rendered a full account to the church and trustees, of all the monies received and bills paid on the building; showing that the entire cost of it was,............................$ , , total am't of collections credited,..... , , ---------- leaving balance over-paid by him, .... $ , , the trustees then gave mr. crane a bond for this balance, and a lease on the building, until this debt, with interest on it, could be paid. our church now had great cause of gratitude at finding ourselves in a fine large chapel, in the centre of our city--a room feet long, and feet high, with a gallery at each end, a baptistery, gas lights, and sliding partitions, to make two closed rooms under the galleries, when needed for the changing of clothes on baptismal occasions, as well as for our church prayer and conference meetings. we were in hopes that we could rent out the large hall, together with the six other spacious rooms in the two upper stories, for schools, benevolent societies, &c., so as to pay the interest on our debt, if no more; but so far, we have not been able to do this. my own trials, with my family, have greatly retarded my efforts in this matter. we have had the largest and best week-day school for colored children in the city--a part of the time with three teachers and over one hundred scholars--but for four years, no rent has been received from the school. the prices for tuition have been so low, that they have hardly sustained the teachers; but we trust that our people have derived much benefit from them already, and hope they may receive much more good from them in the future. since the dedication of our chapel, our church has more than doubled its membership, and the congregation has increased four-fold; while on our baptizing occasions the hall is generally full. we have always held three meetings for worship every sunday, to accommodate many servants, who have no command of their time, and also regular wednesday and friday evening prayer and conference meetings. our sunday school has always had two sessions a day--an hour and a half in the morning, and an hour in the afternoon. i have been necessarily much hindered in my own labors, from pecuniary embarrassments, arising from the sale of my children, who were left in virginia--two daughters and three sons. the first of these, who was about to be sold, and taken away south, was my oldest daughter; and it was with great difficulty and the help of friends that i raised eight hundred and fifty dollars, and got her on to baltimore. but i was soon called upon to make a similar effort to save my eldest son from being sold far from me. entirely unexpected, i received the painful news that my boy was in one of the trader's jails in richmond, and for sale. the dealer knew me, and was disposed to let me have him, if i could get any one to purchase him. i was, of course, deeply anxious to help my boy; but i began to think that i had already drawn so heavily on the liberality of all my friends, that to appeal to them again seemed out of the question. i immediately wrote to the owners of my son, and received an answer--that his price was fixed at seven hundred dollars. the fact is, god had already done so much more for me and my family than we had ever expected, that we could not tell what further help he might give us, until we had asked him for it; and we could but pray over this trying affair. i hardly knew what else to do, but pray. the boy was twenty years old, and had been accustomed to waiting in the house, for the most respectable families. it occurred to me, that i might perhaps get him a home near me, where we might see him and use our parental influence over him. i thought it was possible, that i might find three hundred persons among my friends in baltimore, who would contribute one dollar each to save my son, and that i might then obtain some friend in baltimore to advance four hundred dollars, and let my son work it out with him: and give this friend a life insurance policy on the boy, as a security. this plan seemed practicable, and i wrote to his owners, asking for ten days to raise the money; which they granted me. i now got my case made known publicly to the different colored congregations in the city--and was very much surprised to find how many friends i had, and how kindly they engaged in helping me. the result of it was, that i obtained the three hundred dollars, and also a kind friend to advance the four hundred dollars, within the ten days, and recovered my son; who is now doing well, in working out the money advanced on him. so far, i felt that i had great reason to say, "hitherto the lord hath helped me." i had obtained my own freedom and also that of my wife and four children. but three of my children were still in bondage. in , the mistress of these remaining ones died; and in settling up her estate, it became necessary to sell all her servants at auction with her other property. this was the decision of the court; and commissioners were appointed to carry out the sale, on the st of january, . i felt now, that i had gone as far as i could in getting my family free; for i felt very certain that my daughter, about whom i felt the greatest anxiety, would sell at auction for more money than i could get any of my friends in baltimore to give for her; and i saw no way to do any thing for the two boys. i thought i had no chance of raising any more money myself, and i could only pray the lord to grant us his grace, to reconcile us and the children, to whatever might come upon us. but before the end of the year, when the sale was to take place, the time was extended six months by the court. my hopes now began to revive again; i began to think that if i could be at the sale, my daughter, though a grown up girl might possibly not bring over six or seven hundred dollars. in that case, i might perhaps get six or twelve months time, and get some friend in baltimore to help me, as had been the case with my son. the sale was postponed for six months longer, and finally occurred, jan. , . the money panic, of , had partially destroyed my hopes of doing anything to relieve my daughter;--but i had secured the promise of a kind friend in baltimore, to go to fredericksburg with me, and if he liked the appearance of the boys, to buy one or both of them. but in this i was disappointed; for on the day of sale this gentleman was confined to his house by sickness. the sale went on. my oldest son, aged twenty-one, sold for $ ; and the younger one, just turning his seventeenth year, brought $ . they were bought in by their young master. but my daughter was run up to $ , by a slave trader, who after the sale agreed to let my friends have her, for me, for eleven hundred dollars. these friends were gentlemen of the first standing in the place, who, out of kindness to me, whom they had well known for years, gave their bond jointly for the amount, and in this case again i got the girl's life insured for one thousand dollars as a security for them. the girl was of course left in the hands of these gentlemen, in whom i had the most implicit confidence. i returned to baltimore, and prepared for the redemption of my child. i had a circular printed, showing the facts as they were, and scattered it among my friends. chapter vii. account of a visit to the northern cities--true friends. during the winter and spring, i used every effort in my power in the way of collecting funds, but, though i met with the most generous sympathy and kindness from all my friends--up to the st of june i had in hand only one hundred and fifty dollars. i then applied to the mission board, for permission to travel and solicit funds to help me out of my distress. this was readily granted me. having obtained a certificate, relative to the objects of my journey, signed by rev. franklin wilson, secretary of our state missionary board, as well as by the pastors and other friends in baltimore, i started once more on this painful business of begging money, to purchase my fifth child out of slavery. i went to philadelphia, and met with marked attention from the ministers of the baptist churches generally, and especially from rev. messrs. mckean, cole, and griffith, with whom i had been acquainted in baltimore; as well as revs. messrs cuthbert and malcom, and the editors of the christian chronicle, presbyterian, &c. i obtained in this city nearly two hundred dollars. with a view to meet a particular friend in boston, i was induced to visit that city next. the many acts of kindness and sympathy i met with there can never be effaced from my memory. i had a special introduction to the messrs. gould and lincoln, book publishers. to the latter, i owe a lasting obligation.--through him i obtained a hearing of my case in mr. anderson's church, roxbury, where i obtained very liberal aid, while the pastor was absent, as well as in many other cases. i called on rev. dr. stow, who allowed my case to be presented to his congregation, at an evening meeting, where i received some fifty dollars. he also gave me a letter of commendation to the other baptist ministers, with a request that they would also sign it, which a large number did. the article was then published gratuitously for me in the "watchman and reflector" and "christian era." rev. l. a. grimes, pastor of the th baptist church, (colored,) from the respectable position which he occupied in the community, did much for me, in furthering my cause, and introducing me to others, especially at the daily prayer meetings. i had the great privilege and pleasure of mingling with the people of god of every name, in these blessed meetings. the first i went to, was at the old south chapel. here i felt at first greatly embarrassed when called on to speak or pray. i thought that those who came to these meetings must be among the most pious and intelligent people in boston. the kind manner in which they treated me, confirmed me in my impressions of them. but the best meetings, i think i ever enjoyed on earth, for such a length of time, (nearly two months,) was at what was called the north street prayer meeting, or father mason's. this was in a large upper room. it really appeared to me, that the most of those who met at this place each day at twelve o'clock to spend an hour in prayer, to tell what god had done for their souls, had been made "ready," by the spirit of god before they reached that sacred spot.-- i know, i shall fail to present a true picture of this heavenly place; for such it was to me, and many others. but, it may be, that my own peculiar circumstances may have rendered the meetings unusually precious to me. but they were good to me in many respects. i was a poor colored man, in distress, and needed christian sympathy. i found it truly, among the many white friends with whom i met in the north street prayer meeting. there, in that meeting, the dear friends would pray with me and for me. in a word, i felt at times it was good for me to be afflicted, for surely, if it had not been for my peculiar circumstances, i should never have been inside the old south chapel, or north street prayer meeting, where i enjoyed so much of god's presence, and found so many real friends, in the midst of strangers. i felt that i realized what the apostle peter meant: "if need be, ye are in heaviness, through manifold temptation, that the trials of your faith, being much more precious than gold that perisheth, though it be tried with fire, might be found unto praise and honor and glory, at the appearing of jesus christ."--( peter : , .) also, "for i will show him how great things he must suffer for my name's sake."--(acts : .) the arguments i drew from these passages of scripture were, to show that when god wanted to purify our faith, and strengthen our confidence in him, he would send trials upon us. and to let us see how great the things we must suffer for his name's sake, and to let us see too how great the grace he gives us, to enable us to endure hardness, as good soldiers of the cross. suffice it to say, the friends in boston and its vicinity gave me about four hundred dollars towards the purchase of my daughter. i had the privilege of meeting the baptist ministers in their conference meeting. here the rev. mr. tilson, pastor of the first baptist church at hingham, invited me to spend a sunday evening at his place, which i did, very greatly to my own satisfaction and profit. during my stay in boston, i visited several of the smaller towns adjacent to it,--lynn, cambridge, melrose, malden, chelsea, and others, and i was kindly received at all of them. i collected in lynn something like $ , the most of which was given to me by the members of the nd baptist church. just before leaving boston, to my great and agreeable surprise, i met dr. f. patten, surgeon in the u. s. navy, (my former owner,) in the street, in that city. i had not seen him for seven or eight years, and had no thought of seeing him in boston. he recognized me first, and spoke to me before i knew he was near; but i instantly knew him. we greeted each other heartily, and he invited me to visit him at chelsea. this i did, the same afternoon, and was kindly treated. while i sat there with him and his children, and he was looking over my subscription book, i was constrained to look back for fifteen years, over all the way the lord had brought me, since the day this same gentleman had given me privilege to purchase my freedom, and handed me a pass, saying, "i am not afraid of you running away, noah--you may go where you please." i reflected, suppose i had stayed away, when i was in boston, twelve years ago, begging money to buy myself--how would it be with me and my family to-day? but i have tried to acknowledge the lord in all my ways, always asking counsel of him, and i now feel that he has kindly directed and kept me. i also visited new bedford, where i met a large number of my old acquaintances from virginia, and had the privilege of presenting my object to several of the churches, and i received in all about $ . i next went to providence, rhode island, where i spent a couple of weeks greatly to my advantage. it was indeed "providence" to me. i was permitted to present my case to nearly all the baptist churches in that city. five of these aided my cause; but their great kindness deserves some particular notice. the first one i visited was rev. mr. stone's, whose congregation, with himself, greatly encouraged me. at the first church i told my story before an evening meeting, and shall never forget the kindness of the pastor, the senior deacon, and others. i obtained here nearly $ . i was kindly assisted by rev. mr. keyser's church, as also the fourth baptist church. but at the central baptist church, rev. mr. fields', i found unbounded kindness and liberality. after seeing my letters of recommendation, the pastor invited me to his prayer meeting, where i was favored with the privilege of telling my story, freely. i had been from home several months, and had collected in all about seven hundred dollars, but still lacked about four hundred to accomplish my object. i was receiving letters every week from my church and family, saying that my presence at home was greatly needed; but the idea of going home without accomplishing my great object, filled me with distress. while speaking to the meeting, and telling how god had delivered me from time to time out of trials, i felt such a sense of my condition, that for the moment i could not restrain my feelings--my heart became so full, that it stopped all utterance. at the close of the meeting, the people showed their sympathy for me by giving me a collection of sixty one dollars.--one dear brother, (may the lord bless him!) came forward, and presenting me with a ten dollar bill, said, "brother davis, give yourself no more trouble about that daughter.--you say you have to stop in new york. let me say, that when you get home, whatever you lack of the four hundred dollars, write to me, and i will send you a check for the balance." this was spoken in the presence of the whole meeting. i felt completely at a loss for words of gratitude and thanksgiving; and merely said, the day is broke, and the lord has appeared for me indeed! i now left providence, feeling in my heart that the place is rightly called by that name, as far as i am concerned. i then went to new york. in that great city, i met with considerable assistance. i never started out, but it seemed that the lord directed my steps. i was allowed to address a prayer meeting of the first baptist church, whose pastor was the late excellent rev. a. k. nott, and was aided to the amount of over seventy dollars. rev. dr. lathrop, with much christian kindness, invited me to his night meeting; but a severe rain prevented any attendance. he invited me again, and then he was absent because of illness. i was depressed with disappointment; but he had sent a request that i might be heard, (as i afterward learned,) and i was called on to state my case to the audience. i was taken by surprise, for the pastor's illness had taken all hope from me of accomplishing anything there. still i begun, by telling my experience. i said that when it had pleased god to convert my soul, i thought that all my trouble was gone, and gone forever; but i had since learned that i was much mistaken--i had learned that "in the world we shall have tribulation." i then went on to state my present trouble and distress--and before i left the meeting, i received with heart-felt gratitude, one hundred and thirty four dollars. this reminded me of providence. rev. drs. gillette and armitage treated me with much generous sympathy, as also did many others. i visited greenport on long island, where rev. henry knapp kindly aided me. elders swan and read, and the brethren generally at new london, aided me to the amount of about fifty dollars. chapter viii. conclusion--object of this book. i now left the north, for home, and arrived there safely. my friends greeted me cordially on my success in collecting money. i still lacked, however, one hundred and forty-two dollars of the needed eleven hundred. i had used every effort in my power to prevent the necessity of having to call on my generous friend in providence. but in spite of all my endeavors, i had to make known to him this deficiency, which he immediately and generously supplied, by remitting me a check for the full amount. i was now prepared to go after my daughter, which i did, december st, ; thus releasing her within one year from the time she was sold. she is now with me, and doing well. i received a promise from the young master of my two sons, at the time he purchased them, that if i should succeed in paying for my daughter during that year, he would let me know what i might have my two boys for. at the time, my boys were about returning to richmond, where they had been hired out for several years. i charged them to let me hear a good report of their conduct; and if i could do anything for them, after i had got through with the purchase of their sister, i would do it. this pledge i made to the boys, in the presence of their master's agent. having, through the aid of a kind providence, been enabled to pay for my daughter, i have felt it my duty to turn my attention toward redeeming my word to my last children now in bondage. but this, of course, has called up anxious thought and prayerful meditation. i have also considered the peculiar condition of my church--the large outlay of money in the erection of the building, and the heavy debt hanging upon it, which is increased every year by the interest. i have also considered how long i have been supported in this field of labor by the missionary board of the southern baptist convention and the maryland baptist union association. the question then occurred to me, could i not, by _making a book_, do something to relieve myself and my children, and ultimately, by the same means, help my church, under its heavy debt, and also relieve the missionary board from helping me. this idea struck me with so much force, that i have yielded to it--that is, to write a short narrative of my own life, setting forth the trials and difficulties the lord has brought me through to this day, and offer it for sale to my friends generally, as well as to the public at large; and i hope it may not only aid me, but may serve to encourage others, who meet with similar difficulties, to put their trust in god. end of the narrative. sermon. by rev. noah davis text.--"but if any provide not for his own, and especially for those of his own house, he hath denied the faith, and is worse than an infidel."-- tim. : . in this chapter, we have several christian duties set forth by the apostle paul, to timothy, a young preacher of the gospel, who was to teach other christians to observe them, as evidences of the genuineness of their faith in christ. that faith which does not produce obedience to the commands of jesus must be regarded as defective. religion requires us to love god, and all men, and we must show our faith, by a life consistent with our profession. if human nature, fallen as it is, prompts men of the world to labor zealously to supply their own temporal necessities and the wants of those whom providence has made to depend upon them, how much more will it be expected of those who profess to have drank of that pure fountain of love, the spirit of our blessed lord and saviour, jesus christ. god has indeed doomed man to eat his bread in the sweat of his face; but as if to reward him, he has connected with it a pleasure in the labor, and especially, in our efforts to do good to others. in speaking from these words, let us first consider what is here meant by "providing" for "his own;" secondly, "and especially for those of his own house;" thirdly, what it is to "deny the faith;" and lastly, draw a comparison between the one who "hath denied the faith" and the "infidel." . in the first place, we are to consider the duty enjoined in the text, to provide for our own: which we understand to mean our own temporal wants, such as food and raiment and every temporal benefit. every man is bound by the laws of nature to provide for himself the necessaries of life, honestly in the sight of god and men, as far as in him lieth. this both reason and common sense dictate. this religion inspires. "he that will not work, shall not eat," is the teaching of the word of god. "provide things honest in the sight of all men," is the instruction of the great apostle to the gentiles; at the same time giving them an example, by working with his own hands, to supply his necessities, and the wants of those who were with him. i have heard it said that a lazy person cannot be a christian, and the same idea seems to be supported in my text. "but if any provide not for his own." religion benefits those who possess it, by regulating their appetite for temporal things, as well as giving them a relish for spiritual ones. while we are in love with sin, we labor hard to enjoy its pleasures. how industriously do wicked men labor for what they can eat, drink and wear. and shall a christian be less active to secure for himself the necessaries of life?--he would prove himself indeed to be worse than the infidel. but we have other wants to be supplied, beside those of the body. god has given to all men an intellectual nature--a mind, which distinguishes them from the brutes. these minds are capable of improvement; and every man is under obligation to make use of the means and opportunities which god has given him for cultivating his mind, by educating himself, that he may be useful to himself and those around him. but man is a social being as well as an intellectual one. "god hath made of one blood, all nations of men, for to dwell on all the face of the earth."--(acts : .) much of our happiness, and usefulness in this world arises from this quality which man possesses over the animal creation. and just in proportion, as we shall cultivate, and refine our social and intellectual natures, just in that proportion, shall we rise above the level of the savage and the heathen. but man has a soul, which must be fitted for the enjoyment of god, here and hereafter. now to provide for the wants of the soul, is our highest duty on earth.--sin has unclothed us of that innocence in which our creator first made us, and the responsibility now rests upon every soul, to provide a clothing which will stand the inspection of god himself. this clothing, christ has prepared through his sufferings, and death, and it is given to all them that believe in him. and surely, if it be our duty to provide temporal things for ourselves, and for those of our own house, how much more are we bound to seek and secure the one thing needful. . but we will consider in the second place, what is meant by providing for our own house?--"and especially for those of his own house?" house here means family. first, we will consider the duty devolving upon a christian parent, in making suitable provision for his own house, or family. this embraces all we have urged as his duty to himself. it is the duty of all parents, to provide for their families every temporal good which adds to their own comfort or usefulness in life. and it is no less the duty of parents to provide for the spiritual necessities of their own families. and first--we shall consider the duty of parents, to provide suitable training for their children. this is a duty which god has enjoined and approves. he said of abraham, "for i know him, that he will command his children and his household after him, and they shall keep the way of the lord, to do justice and judgment, that the lord may bring upon abraham, that which he hath spoken of him." the duty of parents to train their children religiously, is clearly taught under the gospel dispensation. "and ye fathers, provoke not your children to wrath, but bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the lord." here, we have divine authority, for teaching our children, the things, which make for their good, both in this life and that which is to come. but it may be asked, to what extent are parents bound to comply with these high and solemn obligations? we answer, to the utmost of their ability. to whom much is given, of him much is required, and to whom little is given, of him little is required.--but all are bound to train up their children "in the way they should go, that when they are old, they may not depart from it." this duty is seen in the judgments which god has visited upon those parents and children who have neglected to obey the lord in this particular.--( samuel : .) . we are, in the third place, to enquire what it is to "deny the faith." much is said in the scriptures about faith. much depends upon it. we are said to be "justified by faith," and "saved by faith;" we "live by faith." and inasmuch, as such as are spoken of in the text are said to be worse than an infidel, because they provide not for themselves and families, thereby showing that they have denied the faith, therefore let us try to consider what genuine faith is, and what it is to deny it. this is the most important point in the subject now before us. "without faith it is impossible to please god." we will consider some of the effects of this distinguishing grace. there are several kinds of faith spoken of in the bible. in one case, men are said to "believe for a while." this faith is shown us in the parable taught by our blessed saviour, in the characters represented by the seed sown upon the rock, "which for a while believe, and in time of temptation fall away."--(luke : .) there is a faith which is called dead.--"even so faith, if it hath not works, is dead, being alone."--(james : .) but the faith which enables the christian to obey the saviour in all things, is said to "work by love."--(gal. : .) now we say that those who have this faith, will never deny it. the counterfeit may deceive, but the genuine cannot. we say this faith cannot deny itself. all who are spoken of in the old testament as having this faith never denied it. by it abel made a more excellent sacrifice to god than cain. by it, enoch walked with god, when the other portion of mankind walked in the vain wicked imaginations of their own hearts. "by faith noah, being warned of god of things not seen as yet, moved with fear, prepared an ark for the saving of his house." "abraham believed god, and it was counted unto him for righteousness." this is the grace which enables believers to renounce the pleasures of sin, which are but for a season. it gives them a complete victory over the world. it abideth with hope and charity. now, whosoever professes this faith, and then by his unholy life denies it, by neglecting to provide for his own, and especially for those of his own house, makes it manifest that he never had it. it is as unchangeable as its author, for it is the gift of god. it prompted noah to labor over a hundred years, to build an ark, to save his house. and what it has done, it will continue to do, for those who have it. this is the principle in religion which purifies the heart, overcomes the world, and causes christians to love one another, whatever may be their circumstances, or color or rank in life. . we are now in the fourth and last place to draw a comparison between those who deny the faith, and an infidel. now an infidel, is an unbeliever in the religion of christ.--yet he provides for his own, and especially for those of his own house. in this he is consistent with himself. here he acts from reason, and principles of nature. but the individual who denies the faith, is one, who has taken upon himself the solemn vow before god and men, that he will act out what his profession supposes him to be in possession of, which is superior in its influence, to the infidel's principles, yet he fails to do as much. but again, an infidel is a bad man, and makes no pretensions to hide it. but he who contradicts his profession, by denying it in the manner here set forth, is worse for attempting to cover up a character, which in itself is no better. but consider the effect produced by a false faith, (and we have shown, that such a faith, as does not come up with the infidel's, is false,) it does the person no harm. many persons, when they make a profession of faith, suppose it is the true faith, but after a while, they find that their faith does not work by love, it does not purify their hearts. they love sin secretly, as much as before. they love worldly company as well as ever. and they find the employments, which their profession enjoins upon them, irksome and dry. such persons are greatly deceived, yet they are ashamed to confess it, and throw off the mask of profession. and such persons are often the greatest fault-finders with those, whose true faith inspires them to endure hardness, afflictions and deny themselves and take up their cross, so that they may glorify their saviour in their bodies and spirits which are the lord's. in conclusion, dear brethren, let us, who have made a profession of faith, examine ourselves, whether we be in the faith of the gospel, or not. "know ye not your own selves how that jesus christ is in you, except ye be reprobates." amen. statistical report of all the colored protestant churches and sabbath schools in baltimore. (as quoted from the minutes of their respective bodies, for the year .) sharp st. and wesley chapel, meth. ep., orchard st. and asbury, " dallas st., " bethel, saratoga st., african m.e., ebenezer, montgomery st., " " union bethel, fell's point, " " water's chapel, spring st., " " mission " tissia st., " " south howard st. chapel, zion meth., st. thomas', chesnut st., meth. prot., st. james', saratoga st., episcopal, presbyterian church, madison st., first baptist, cor. young and thomson st., union baptist, lewis st., saratoga st. african baptist chapel, ----- total col'd prot. religious popul'n, sabbath school report. (rendered to the s. s. union, for .) v b c o i o l f m b n s e a l v . m l s e e . e c r l h r s i t t o e i b e e l a ' r a a a d n ' c c r s s y h h s . . . . . . sharp st., m.e., orchard st., " asbury, " dallas st., " john wesley, " bethel, african m.e., ebenezer, " " spring st., " " allen chapel, " " union bethel, " " good samaritan, " tissia st., " " st. thomas, m.p., s. how'd st., zion, mt. olive, ind., presbyterian, episcopal, first col'd baptist, union, " saratoga st., " ---------------------------------- aggregate, the saratoga street _institute._ this seminary for colored people, was opened in the upper rooms of the african baptist chapel building, in december, , and in a few months, over one hundred scholars, were in attendance. but from circumstances which need not be narrated, in , the school was removed away, without any rent having ever been paid for the use of the rooms. a second time a school has been collected of over one hundred scholars, but, up to the present time, august, , the trustees of the building have never received any sort of compensation for the use of the rooms, occupied by the institute. mr. j. g. goodridge, lately a teacher of a public school, in york, pa, has now rented the rooms, and his friends feel great confidence in the success of his labors. it may be remarked, that the large colored population of baltimore, now from thirty to forty thousand souls, have no sort of public school provision made for them, by the city or state governments. they are left entirely to themselves for any education they may obtain. the above named institute combines advantages for the education of colored children far superior to any other in the city. interesting books published by weishampel, baltimore. prayer meeting hymn book. _containing over three hundred hymns, with many favorite choruses._ _price twenty-five cents._ this book is bound in leather, it convenient to carry in the pocket, and has been received with much favor, many thousands having been sold during the first year of its publication. it contains all the hymns most used in prayer meetings and revivals; these have been collected from many different volumes, no other single book containing all of them. it is provided at a low price. the retail coat being only twenty-five cents, it will circulate where larger and costlier volumes are neglected; and being designed only for the circle of prayer and the revival, will not interfere with the use of the regular church hymn books. the cheap edition is furnished at the following prices: _single copies_, _cts._ _one dozen copies_, $ , _one hundred copies_, $ , to please the various tastes of purchasers, three editions in fine binding have been prepared, at the annexed prices: _roan_, _cts._, _full gilt_, _cts._, _turkey mor._, _cts._ the following lots are arranged for convenience: lot no. , for five dollars: plain at cts., roan at cts., gilt at cts. being $ , worth of books for $ . lot no. , for ten dollars: plain at cts., roan at cts., gilt at cts. being $ , worth of books for $ . lot no. , for twenty dollars: plain at cts., roan at cts., gilt at cts. these packages can go by express, or any means directed. character book: for high schools, academies, and primary schools. _price six cents._ the object of this book is to give a weekly report to parents of the studies, attendance, deportment, standing and progress of pupils at school. the conduct of the pupil is marked under the head of general deportment, with the following degrees: excellent, good, tolerable, unsatisfactory, inattentive, idle, disorderly, disrespectful, careless. a written excuse is required for every exercise omitted, or for leaving school before the hour of dismissal. parents or guardians are requested to examine the weekly reports of the character book, sign their names to them, and return the book on monday morning. a _good name_ is rather to be chosen than great riches. _price to teachers: fifty cts. a dozen._ the first school book. _illustrated with numerous engravings._ _price twelve cents._ this is an instructive primer, for children, combining a series of progressive spelling lessons, commencing with the alphabet, and interspersed with simple rhymes and easy sentences in prose, accompanied with many pictures. the primer contains dr. watts' celebrated cradle hymn, the verses entitled "mary and her lamb," the "busy bee," &c. those who wish to change from the heavy and badly printed "spelling books" in present use, will find this to be more attractive to the young beginner, and more likely to coax him a step forward in his first lessons. the testimony of a hundred witnesses: _or, the instrumentalities by which sinners are brought to embrace the religion of jesus christ._ _price fifty cents._ this volume contains the history of one hundred conversions, written mostly expressly for this publication, by christian individuals in the various evangelical denominations. it is, in a word, an "experience meeting" in a book, in which each person relates briefly the experience of his own heart concerning the great salvation. among the number are about fifty ministers, some of the most able and renowned of the past and present ages. these interesting narratives show some of the causes which lead sinners to become concerned for their eternal welfare,--their resistance to the force of the truth and the strivings of the holy spirit,--their subsequent struggles against their own evil dispositions, or "carnal mind,"--and their final perseverance toward the way of life, by true repentance, and an acceptance through faith in christ, of the blessings which follow the love of god shed abroad in the soul. place this book in your family, and cause it to be circulated among your neighbors, that it may awaken many sinners, and edify the saints of god. form clubs of a dozen or more, and send for the work, which will be forwarded at $ . per dozen, cash, in any way directed. a single copy sent by mail, post-paid, on receipt of fifty cents. canvassers can make good wages in selling this popular book. all orders must be acccompanied (_sic._) by the cash, and addressed to the publisher. the career of john mortal, a man who enjoyed this life. _illustrated with several engravings._ _price twenty-five cents._ this volume presents several rapid and startling pictures of the career of a man who enjoyed all the pleasures and profits of this world, and neglected to honor god. john mortal gained the whole world, and lost his own soul. the style of the composition is partly allegorical and partly narrative. it claims no credit for literary excellence, but is published with the hope of arresting the attention of those who neglect to read works of a heavier and more solemn appearance, and impressing their minds with the worthlessness of human vanities and honors. _table of contents._ part i. the beginning of life.--the first disappointment.--apprenticeship.--follies of youth.--sin. part ii. the child has become a young man.--he dissipates.--the revelers of vagrant island.--religion scoffed.--follies and pains of an irregular life.--sickness.--the friend in need.--tempter.--"recruits wanted."--enlistment in a regiment of soldiers.--col. blood's speech. part iii. the army.--advancement.--mortal succeeds col. blood.--the fury of war.--the slaughter.--glory.--unhappiness.--honor to the brave.--major sharper. part iv. mortal in love.--he becomes wealthy.--he travels.--vesuvius.--the grave of general gog.--gambling.--ruin. part v. the last scene of all.--dr. popular gospel.--dimelover and sharp die hopefully.--john mortal's last conversation with mentor and tempter.--despair and death. struggles for freedom. [illustration: (signed) yours truly, lucy a. delaney] from the darkness cometh the light or struggles for freedom. [illustration] st. louis, mo. publishing house of j. t. smith, no. , bridge entrance. dedication. to those who by their valor have made their name immortal, from whom we are daily learning the lessons of patriotism, in whom we respect the virtues of charity, patience and friendship as displayed towards the colored race and to those "whose deeds crowd history's pages and time's great volume make," is this little volume reverently dedicated-- the grand army of the republic. preface. so many of my friends have urged me to give a short sketch of my varied life that i have consented, and herewith present it for the consideration of my readers. those who were with me in the days of slavery will appreciate these pages, for though they cannot recur with any happiness to the now "shadowy past, or renew the unrenewable," the unaccountable longing for the aged to look backward and review the events of their youth will find an answering chord in this little book. those of you who have never suffered as we have, perhaps may suppose the case, and therefore accept with interest and sympathy the passages of life and character here portrayed and the lessons which should follow from them. if there is a want of unity or coherence in this work, be charitable and attribute it to lack of knowledge and experience in literary acquirements. as this is a world of varied interests and many events, although we are each but atoms, it must be remembered, that we assist in making the grand total of all history, and therefore are excusable in making our affairs of importance to ourselves, and endeavoring to impress them on others. with this reason of my seeking your favor, i leave you to the perusal of my little tale. l. a. d. struggles for freedom. chapter i. "soon is the echo and the shadow o'er, soon, soon we lie with lid-encumbered eyes and the great fabrics that we reared before crumble to make a dust to hide who dies." in the year --, mr. and mrs. john woods and mr. and mrs. andrew posey lived as one family in the state of illinois. living with mrs. posey was a little negro girl, named polly crocket, who had made it her home there, in peace and happiness, for five years. on a dismal night in the month of september, polly, with four other colored persons, were kidnapped, and, after being securely bound and gagged, were put into a skiff and carried across the mississippi river to the city of st. louis. shortly after, these unfortunate negroes were taken up the missouri river and sold into slavery. polly was purchased by a farmer, thomas botts, with whom she resided for a year, when, overtaken by business reverses, he was obliged to sell all he possessed, including his negroes. among those present on the day set apart for the sale was major taylor berry, a wealthy gentleman who had travelled a long distance for the purpose of purchasing a servant girl for his wife. as was the custom, all the negroes were brought out and placed in a line, so that the buyers could examine their good points at leisure. major berry was immediately attracted by the bright and alert appearance of polly, and at once negotiated with the trader, paid the price agreed upon, and started for home to present his wife with this flesh and blood commodity, which money could so easily procure in our vaunted land of freedom. mrs. fanny berry was highly pleased with polly's manner and appearance, and concluded to make a seamstress of her. major berry had a mulatto servant, who was as handsome as an apollo, and when he and polly met each other, day after day, the natural result followed, and in a short time, with the full consent of major berry and his wife, were married. two children were the fruit of this marriage, my sister nancy and myself, lucy a. delaney. while living in franklin county, major berry became involved in a quarrel with some gentleman, and a duel was resorted to, to settle the difficulty and avenge some fancied insult. the major arranged his affairs and made his will, leaving his negroes to his wife during her life-time and at her death they were to be free; this was his expressed wish. my father accompanied major berry to new madrid, where the fatal duel was fought, and stayed by him until the end came, received his last sigh, his last words, and closed his dying eyes, and afterwards conveyed the remains of his best friend to the bereaved family with a sad heart. though sympathizing deeply with them in their affliction, my father was much disturbed as to what disposition would be made of him, and after major berry was consigned with loving hands to his last resting place, these haunting thoughts obtruded, even in his sleeping hours. a few years after, major berry's widow married robert wash, an eminent lawyer, who afterwards became judge of the supreme court. one child was born to them, who, when she grew to womanhood, became mrs. francis w. goode, whom i shall always hold in grateful remembrance as long as life lasts, and god bless her in her old age, is my fervent prayer for her kindness to me, a poor little slave girl! we lived in the old "wash" mansion some time after the marriage of the judge, until their daughter frances was born. how well i remember those happy days! slavery had no horror then for me, as i played about the place, with the same joyful freedom as the little white children. with mother, father and sister, a pleasant home and surroundings, what happier child than i! as i carelessly played away the hours, mother's smiles would fade away, and her brow contract into a heavy frown. i wondered much thereat, but the time came--ah! only too soon, when i learned the secret of her ever-changing face! chapter ii. mrs. wash lost her health, and, on the advice of a physician, went to pensacola, florida, accompanied by my mother. there she died, and her body was brought back to st. louis and there interred. after mrs. wash's death, the troubles of my parents and their children may be said to have really commenced. though in direct opposition to the will of major berry, my father's quondam master and friend, judge wash tore my father from his wife and children and sold him "way down south!" slavery! cursed slavery! what crimes has it invoked! and, oh! what retribution has a righteous god visited upon these traders in human flesh! the rivers of tears shed by us helpless ones, in captivity, were turned to lakes of blood! how often have we cried in our anguish, "oh! lord, how long, how long?" but the handwriting was on the wall, and tardy justice came at last and avenged the woes of an oppressed race! chickamauga, shiloh, atlanta and gettysburgh, spoke in thunder tones! john brown's body had indeed marched on, and we, the ransomed ones, glorify god and dedicate ourselves to his service, and acknowledge his greatness and goodness in rescuing us from such bondage as parts husband from wife, the mother from her children, aye, even the babe from her breast! major berry's daughter mary, shortly after, married h. s. cox, of philadelphia, and they went to that city to pass their honeymoon, taking my sister nancy with them as waiting-maid. when my father was sold south, my mother registered a solemn vow that her children should not continue in slavery all their lives, and she never spared an opportunity to impress it upon us, that we must get our freedom whenever the chance offered. so here was an unlooked-for avenue of escape which presented much that was favorable in carrying out her desire to see nancy a free woman. having been brought up in a free state, mother had learned much to her advantage, which would have been impossible in a slave state, and which she now proposed to turn to account for the benefit of her daughter. so mother instructed my sister not to return with mr. and mrs. cox, but to run away, as soon as chance offered, to canada, where a friend of our mother's lived who was also a runaway slave, living in freedom and happiness in toronto. as the happy couple wandered from city to city, in search of pleasure, my sister was constantly turning over in her mind various plans of escape. fortune finally favored nancy, for on their homeward trip they stopped at niagara falls for a few days. in her own words i will describe her escape: "in the morning, mr. and mrs. cox went for a drive, telling me that i could have the day to do as i pleased. the shores of canada had been tantalizing my longing gaze for some days, and i was bound to reach there long before my mistress returned. so i locked up mrs. cox's trunk and put the key under the pillow, where i was sure she would find it, and i made a strike for freedom! a servant in the hotel gave me all necessary information and even assisted me in getting away. some kind of a festival was going on, and a large crowd was marching from the rink to the river, headed by a band of music. in such a motley throng i was unnoticed, but was trembling with fear of being detected. it seemed an age before the ferry boat arrived, which at last appeared, enveloped in a gigantic wreath of black smoke. hastily i embarked, and as the boat stole away into the misty twilight and among crushing fields of ice, though the air was chill and gloomy, i felt the warmth of freedom as i neared the canada shore. i landed, without question, and found my mother's friend with but little difficulty, who assisted me to get work and support myself. not long afterwards, i married a prosperous farmer, who provided me with a happy home, where i brought my children into the world without the sin of slavery to strive against." on the return of mrs. cox to st. louis she sent for my mother and told her that nancy had run away. mother was very thankful, and in her heart arose a prayer of thanksgiving, but outwardly she pretended to be vexed and angry. oh! the impenetrable mask of these poor black creatures! how much of joy, of sorrow, of misery and anguish have they hidden from their tormentors! i was a small girl at that time, but remember how wildly mother showed her joy at nancy's escape when we were alone together. she would dance, clap her hands, and, waving them above her head, would indulge in one of those weird negro melodies, which so charm and fascinate the listener. mrs. cox commenced housekeeping on a grand and extended scale, having a large acquaintance, she entertained lavishly. my mother cared for the laundry, and i, who was living with a mrs. underhill, from new york, and was having rather good times, was compelled to go live with mrs. cox to mind the baby. my pathway was thorny enough, and though there may be no roses without thorns, i had thorns in plenty with no roses. i was beginning to plan for freedom, and was forever on the alert for a chance to escape and join my sister. i was then twelve years old, and often talked the matter over with mother and canvassed the probabilities of both of us getting away. no schemes were too wild for us to consider! mother was especially restless, because she was a free woman up to the time of her being kidnapped, so the injustice and weight of slavery bore more heavily upon her than upon me. she did not dare to talk it over with anyone for fear that they would sell her further down the river, so i was her only confidant. mother was always planning and getting ready to go, and while the fire was burning brightly, it but needed a little more provocation to add to the flames. chapter iii. mrs. cox was always very severe and exacting with my mother, and one occasion, when something did not suit her, she turned on mother like a fury, and declared, "i am just tired out with the 'white airs' you put on, and if you don't behave differently, i will make mr. cox sell you down the river at once." although mother turned grey with fear, she presented a bold front and retorted that "she didn't care, she was tired of that place, and didn't like to live there, nohow." this so infuriated mr. cox that he cried, "how dare a negro say what she liked or what she did not like; and he would show her what he should do." so, on the day following, he took my mother to an auction-room on main street and sold her to the highest bidder, for five hundred and fifty dollars. oh! god! the pity of it! "in the home of the brave and the land of the free," in the sight of the stars and stripes--that symbol of freedom--sold away from her child, to satisfy the anger of a peevish mistress! my mother returned to the house to get her few belongings, and straining me to her breast, begged me to be a good girl, that she was going to run away, and would buy me as soon as she could. with all the inborn faith of a child, i believed it most fondly, and when i heard that she had actually made her escape, three weeks after, my heart gave an exultant throb and cried, "god is good!" a large reward was offered, the bloodhounds (curse them and curse their masters) were set loose on her trail. in the day time she hid in caves and the surrounding woods, and in the night time, guided by the wondrous north star, that blessed lodestone of a slave people, my mother finally reached chicago, where she was arrested by the negro-catchers. at this time the fugitive slave law was in full operation, and it was against the law of the whole country to aid and protect an escaped slave; not even a drink of water, for the love of the master, might be given, and those who dared to do it (and there were many such brave hearts, thank god!) placed their lives in danger. the presence of bloodhounds and "nigger-catchers" in their midst, created great excitement and scandalized the community. feeling ran high and hundreds of people gathered together and declared that mother should not be returned to slavery; but fearing that mr. cox would wreak his vengeance upon me, my mother finally gave herself up to her captors, and returned to st. louis. and so the mothers of israel have been ever slain through their deepest affections! after my mother's return, she decided to sue for her freedom, and for that purpose employed a good lawyer. she had ample testimony to prove that she was kidnapped, and it was so fully verified that the jury decided that she was a free woman, and papers were made out accordingly. in the meanwhile, miss martha berry had married mr. mitchell and taken me to live with her. i had never been taught to work, as playing with the babies had been my sole occupation; therefore, when mrs. mitchell commanded me to do the weekly washing and ironing, i had no more idea how it was to be done than mrs. mitchell herself. but i made the effort to do what she required, and my failure would have been amusing had it not been so appalling. in those days filtering was unknown and the many ways of clearing water were to me an unsolved riddle. i never had to do it, so it never concerned me how the clothes were ever washed clean. as the mississippi water was even muddier than now, the results of my washing can be better imagined than described. after soaking and boiling the clothes in its earthy depths, for a couple of days, in vain attempt to get them clean, and rinsing through several waters, i found the clothes were getting darker and darker, until they nearly approximated my own color. in my despair, i frantically rushed to my mother and sobbed out my troubles on her kindly breast. so in the morning, before the white people had arisen, a friend of my mother came to the house and washed out the clothes. during all this time, mrs. mitchell was scolding vigorously, saying over and over again, "lucy, you do not want to work, you are a lazy, good-for-nothing nigger!" i was angry at being called a nigger, and replied, "you don't know nothing, yourself, about it, and you expect a poor ignorant girl to know more than you do yourself; if you had any feeling you would get somebody to teach me, and then i'd do well enough." she then gave me a wrapper to do up, and told me if i ruined that as i did the other clothes, she would whip me severely. i answered, "you have no business to whip me. i don't belong to you." my mother had so often told me that she was a free woman and that i should not die a slave, i always had a feeling of independence, which would invariably crop out in these encounters with my mistress; and when i thus spoke, saucily, i must confess, she opened her eyes in angry amazement and cried: "you _do_ belong to me, for my papa left you to me in his will, when you were a baby, and you ought to be ashamed of yourself to talk so to one that you have been raised with; now, you take that wrapper, and if you don't do it up properly, i will bring you up with a round turn." without further comment, i took the wrapper, which was too handsome to trust to an inexperienced hand, like mrs. mitchell very well knew i was, and washed it, with the same direful results as chronicled before. but i could not help it, as heaven is my witness. i was entirely and hopelessly ignorant! but of course my mistress would not believe it, and declared over and over again, that i did it on purpose to provoke her and show my defiance of her wishes. in vain did i disclaim any such intentions. she was bound to carry out her threat of whipping me. i rebelled against such government, and would not permit her to strike me; she used shovel, tongs and broomstick in vain, as i disarmed her as fast as she picked up each weapon. infuriated at her failure, my opposition and determination not to be whipped, mrs. mitchell declared she would report me to mr. mitchell and have him punish me. when her husband returned home, she immediately entered a list of complaints against me as long as the moral law, including my failure to wash her clothes properly, and her inability to break my head for it; the last indictment seemed to be the heaviest she could bring against me. i was in the shadow of the doorway as the woman raved, while mr. mitchell listened patiently until the end of his wife's grievances reached an appeal to him to whip me with the strength that a man alone could possess. then he declared, "martha, this thing of cutting up and slashing servants is something i know nothing about, and positively will not do. i don't believe in slavery, anyhow; it is a curse on this land, and i wish we were well rid of it." "mr. mitchell, i will not have that saucy baggage around this house, for if she finds you won't whip her, there will be no living with her, so you shall just sell her, and i insist upon it." "well, martha," he answered, "i found the girl with you when we were married, and as you claim her as yours, i shall not interpose any objections to the disposal of what you choose to call your property, in any manner you see fit, and i will make arrangements for selling her at once." i distinctly overheard all that was said, and was just as determined not to be sold as i was not to be whipped. my mother's lawyer had told her to caution me never to go out of the city, if, at any time, the white people wanted me to go, so i was quite settled as to my course, in case mr. mitchell undertook to sell me. several days after this conversation took place, mrs. mitchell, with her baby and nurse, lucy wash, made a visit to her grandmother's, leaving orders that i should be sold before her return; so i was not surprised to be ordered by mr. mitchell to pack up my clothes and get ready to go down the river, for i was to be sold that morning, and leave, on the steamboat alex. scott, at o'clock in the afternoon. "can't i go see my mother, first?" i asked. "no," he replied, not very gently, "there is no time for that, you can see her when you come back. so hurry up and get ready, and let us have no more words about it!" how i did hate him! to hear him talk as if i were going to take a pleasure trip, when he knew that if he sold me south, as he intended, i would never see my dear mother again. however, i hastily ran up stairs and packed my trunk, but my mother's injunction, "never to go out of the city," was ever present in my mind. mr. mitchell was superintendent of indian affairs, his office being in the dwelling house, and i could hear him giving orders to his clerk, as i ran lightly down the stairs, out of the front door to the street, and with fleet foot, i skimmed the road which led to my mother's door, and, reaching it, stood trembling in every limb with terror and fatigue. i could not gain admittance, as my mother was away to work and the door was locked. a white woman, living next door, and who was always friendly to mother, told me that she would not return until night. i clasped my hands in despair and cried, "oh! the white people have sold me, and i had to run away to keep from being sent down the river." this white lady, whose name i am sorry i cannot remember, sympathized with me, as she knew my mother's story and had written many letters for her, so she offered me the key of her house, which, fortunately, fitted my mother's door, and i was soon inside, cowering with fear in the darkness, magnifying every noise and every passing wind, until my imagination had almost converted the little cottage into a boat, and i was steaming down south, away from my mother, as fast as i could go. late at night mother returned, and was told all that had happened, and after getting supper, she took me to a friend's house for concealment, until the next day. as soon as mr. mitchell had discovered my unlooked-for departure, he was furious, for he did not think i had sense enough to run away; he accused the coachman of helping me off, and, despite the poor man's denials, hurried him away to the calaboose and put him under the lash, in order to force a confession. finding this course unavailing, he offered a reward to the negro catchers, on the same evening, but their efforts were equally fruitless. chapter iv. on the morning of the th of september, , my mother sued mr. d. d. mitchell for the possession of her child, lucy ann berry. my mother, accompanied by the sheriff, took me from my hiding-place and conveyed me to the jail, which was located on sixth street, between chestnut and market, where the laclede hotel now stands, and there met mr. mitchell, with mr. h. s. cox, his brother-in-law. judge bryant mullanphy read the law to mr. mitchell, which stated that if mr. mitchell took me back to his house, he must give bond and security to the amount of two thousand dollars, and furthermore, i should not be taken out of the state of missouri until i had a chance to prove my freedom. mr. h. s. cox became his security and mr. mitchell gave bond accordingly, and then demanded that i should be put in jail. "why do you want to put that poor young girl in jail?" demanded my lawyer. "because," he retorted, "her mother or some of her crew might run her off, just to make me pay the two thousand dollars; and i would like to see her lawyer, or any other man, in jail, that would take up a d---- nigger case like that." "you need not think, mr. mitchell," calmly replied mr. murdock, "because my client is colored that she has no rights, and can be cheated out of her freedom. she is just as free as you are, and the court will so decide it, as you will see." however, i was put in a cell, under lock and key, and there remained for seventeen long and dreary months, listening to the "----foreign echoes from the street, faint sounds of revel, traffic, conflict keen-- and, thinking that man's reiterated feet have gone such ways since e'er the world has been, i wondered how each oft-used tone and glance retains its might and old significance." my only crime was seeking for that freedom which was my birthright! i heard mr. mitchell tell his wife that he did not believe in slavery, yet, through his instrumentality, i was shut away from the sunlight, because he was determined to prove me a slave, and thus keep me in bondage. consistency, thou art a jewel! at the time my mother entered suit for her freedom, she was not instructed to mention her two children, nancy and lucy, so the white people took advantage of this flaw, and showed a determination to use every means in their power to prove that i was not her child. this gave my mother an immense amount of trouble, but she had girded up her loins for the fight, and, knowing that she was right, was resolved, by the help of god and a good lawyer, to win my case against all opposition. after advice by competent persons, mother went to judge edward bates and begged him to plead the case, and, after fully considering the proofs and learning that my mother was a poor woman, he consented to undertake the case and make his charges only sufficient to cover his expenses. it would be well here to give a brief sketch of judge bates, as many people wondered that such a distinguished statesman would take up the case of an obscure negro girl. edward bates was born in belmont, goochland county, va., september, . he was of quaker descent, and inherited all the virtues of that peace-loving people. in , he received a midshipman's warrant, and was only prevented from following the sea by the influence of his mother, to whom he was greatly attached. edward emigrated to missouri in , and entered upon the practice of law, and, in , was appointed prosecuting lawyer for the st. louis circuit. toward the close of the same year, he was appointed attorney general for the new state of missouri, and in , while yet a young man, was elected representative to congress as an anti-democrat, and served one term. for the following twenty-five years, he devoted himself to his profession, in which he was a shining light. his probity and uprightness attracted to him a class of people who were in the right and only sought justice, while he repelled, by his virtues, those who traffic in the miseries or mistakes of unfortunate people, for they dared not come to him and seek counsel to aid them in their villainy. in , mr. bates was delegate to the convention for internal improvement, held in chicago, and by his action he came prominently before the whole country. in , president fillmore offered him the portfolio of secretary of war, which he declined. three years later, he accepted the office of judge of st. louis land court. when the question of the repeal of the missouri compromise was agitated, he earnestly opposed it, and thus became identified with the "free labor" party in missouri, and united with it, in opposition to the admission of kansas under the lecompton constitution. he afterwards became a prominent anti-slavery man, and in was mentioned as a candidate for the presidency. he was warmly supported by his own state, and for a time it seemed that the opposition to governor seward might concentrate on him. in the national republican convention, , he received forty-eight votes on the first ballot, but when it became apparent that abraham lincoln was the favorite, mr. bates withdrew his name. mr. lincoln appointed judge bates attorney general, and while in the cabinet he acted a dignified, safe and faithful part. in , he resigned his office and returned to his home in st. louis, where he died in , surrounded by his weeping family. "----loved at home, revered abroad. princes and lords are but the breath of kings, 'an honest man's the noblest work of god.'" on the th of february, , the suit for my freedom began. a bright, sunny day, a day which the happy and care-free would drink in with a keen sense of enjoyment. but my heart was full of bitterness; i could see only gloom which seemed to deepen and gather closer to me as i neared the courtroom. the jailer's sister-in-law, mrs. lacy, spoke to me of submission and patience; but i could not feel anything but rebellion against my lot. i could not see one gleam of brightness in my future, as i was hurried on to hear my fate decided. among the most important witnesses were judge robert wash and mr. harry douglas, who had been an overseer on judge wash's farm, and also mr. mackeon, who bought my mother from h. s. cox, just previous to her running away. judge wash testified that "the defendant, lucy a. berry, was a mere infant when he came in possession of mrs. fannie berry's estate, and that he often saw the child in the care of its reputed mother, polly, and to his best knowledge and belief, he thought lucy a. berry was polly's own child." mr. douglas and mr. mackeon corroborated judge wash's statement. after the evidence from both sides was all in, mr. mitchell's lawyer, thomas hutchinson, commenced to plead. for one hour, he talked so bitterly against me and against my being in possession of my liberty that i was trembling, as if with ague, for i certainly thought everybody must believe him; indeed i almost believed the dreadful things he said, myself, and as i listened i closed my eyes with sickening dread, for i could just see myself floating down the river, and my heart-throbs seemed to be the throbs of the mighty engine which propelled me from my mother and freedom forever! oh! what a relief it was to me when he finally finished his harangue and resumed his seat! as i never heard anyone plead before, i was very much alarmed, although i knew in my heart that every word he uttered was a lie! yet, how was i to make people believe? it seemed a puzzling question! judge bates arose, and his soulful eloquence and earnest pleading made such an impression on my sore heart, i listened with renewed hope. i felt the black storm clouds of doubt and despair were fading away, and that i was drifting into the safe harbor of the realms of truth. i felt as if everybody _must_ believe _him_, for he clung to the truth, and i wondered how mr. hutchinson could so lie about a poor defenseless girl like me. judge bates chained his hearers with the graphic history of my mother's life, from the time she played on illinois banks, through her trials in slavery, her separation from her husband, her efforts to become free, her voluntary return to slavery for the sake of her child, lucy, and her subsequent efforts in securing her own freedom. all these incidents he lingered over step by step, and concluding, he said: "gentlemen of the jury, i am a slave-holder myself, but, thanks to the almighty god, i am above the base principle of holding anybody a slave that has as good right to her freedom as this girl has been proven to have; she was free before she was born; her mother was free, but kidnapped in her youth, and sacrificed to the greed of negro traders, and no free woman can give birth to a slave child, as it is in direct violation of the laws of god and man!" at this juncture he read the affidavit of mr. a. posey, with whom my mother lived at the time of her abduction; also affidavits of mr. and mrs. woods, in corroboration of the previous facts duly set forth. judge bates then said: "gentlemen of the jury, here i rest this case, as i would not want any better evidence for one of my own children. the testimony of judge wash is alone sufficient to substantiate the claim of polly crockett berry to the defendant as being her own child." the case was then submitted to the jury, about o'clock in the evening, and i was returned to the jail and locked in the cell which i had occupied for seventeen months, filled with the most intense anguish. chapter v. "there's a joy in every sorrow, there's a relief from every pain; though to-day 'tis dark to-morrow he will turn all bright again." before the sheriff bade me good night he told me to be in readiness at nine o'clock on the following morning to accompany him back to court to hear the verdict. my mother was not at the trial. she had lingered many days about the jail expecting my case would be called, and finally when called to trial the dear, faithful heart was not present to sustain me during that dreadful speech of mr. hutchinson. all night long i suffered agonies of fright, the suspense was something awful, and could only be comprehended by those who have gone through some similar ordeal. i had missed the consolation of my mother's presence, and i felt so hopeless and alone! blessed mother! how she clung and fought for me. no work was too hard for her to undertake. others would have flinched before the obstacles which confronted her, but undauntedly she pursued her way, until my freedom was established by every right and without a questioning doubt! on the morning of my return to court, i was utterly unable to help myself. i was so overcome with fright and emotion,--with the alternating feelings of despair and hope--that i could not stand still long enough to dress myself. i trembled like an aspen leaf; so i sent a message to mrs. lacy to request permission for me to go to her room, that she might assist me in dressing. i had done a great deal of sewing for mrs. lacy, for she had showed me much kindness, and was a good christian. she gladly assisted me, and under her willing hands i was soon made ready, and, promptly at nine o'clock, the sheriff called and escorted me to the courthouse. on our way thither, judge bates overtook us. he lived out a short distance in the country, and was riding on horseback. he tipped his hat to me as politely as if i were the finest lady in the land, and cried out, "good morning miss lucy, i suppose you had pleasant dreams last night!" he seemed so bright and smiling that i was imbued with renewed hope; and when he addressed the sheriff with "good morning sir. i don't suppose the jury was out twenty minutes were they?" and the sheriff replied "oh! no, sir," my heart gave a leap, for i was sure that my fate was decided for weal or woe. i watched the judge until he turned the corner and desiring to be relieved of suspense from my pent-up anxiety, i eagerly asked the sheriff if i were free, but he gruffly answered that "he didn't know." i was sure he did know, but was too mean to tell me. how could he have been so flinty, when he must have seen how worried i was. at last the courthouse was reached and i had taken my seat in such a condition of helpless terror that i could not tell one person from another. friends and foes were as one, and vainly did i try to distinguish them. my long confinement, burdened with harrowing anxiety, the sleepless night i had just spent, the unaccountable absence of my mother, had brought me to an indescribable condition. i felt dazed, as if i were no longer myself. i seemed to be another person--an on-looker--and in my heart dwelt a pity for the poor, lonely girl, with down-cast face, sitting on the bench apart from anyone else in that noisy room. i found myself wondering where lucy's mother was, and how she would feel if the trial went against her; i seemed to have lost all feeling about it, but was speculating what lucy would do, and what her mother would do, if the hand of fate was raised against poor lucy! oh! how sorry i did feel for myself! at the sound of a gentle voice, i gathered courage to look upward, and caught the kindly gleam of judge bates' eyes, as he bent his gaze upon me and smilingly said, "i will have you discharged in a few minutes, miss lucy!" some other business occupied the attention of the court, and when i had begun to think they had forgotten all about me, judge bates arose and said calmly, "your honor, i desire to have this girl, lucy a. berry, discharged before going into any other business." judge mullanphy answered "certainly!" then the verdict was called for and rendered, and the jurymen resumed their places. mr. mitchell's lawyer jumped up and exclaimed: "your honor, my client demands that this girl be remanded to jail. he does not consider that the case has had a fair trial, i am not informed as to what course he intends to pursue, but i am now expressing his present wishes?" judge bates was on his feet in a second and cried: "for shame! is it not enough that this girl has been deprived of her liberty for a year and a half, that you must still pursue her after a fair and impartial trial before a jury, in which it was clearly proven and decided that she had every right to freedom? i demand that she be set at liberty at once!" "i agree with judge bates," responded judge mullanphy, "and the girl may go!" oh! the overflowing thankfulness of my grateful heart at that moment, who could picture it? none but the good god above us! i could have kissed the feet of my deliverers, but i was too full to express my thanks, but with a voice trembling with tears i tried to thank judge bates for all his kindness. as soon as possible, i returned to the jail to bid them all good-bye and thank them for their good treatment of me while under their care. they rejoiced with me in my good fortune and wished me much success and happiness in years to come. i was much concerned at my mother's prolonged absence, and was deeply anxious to meet her and sob out my joy on her faithful bosom. surely it was the hands of god which prevented mother's presence at the trial, for broken down with anxiety and loss of sleep on my account, the revulsion of feeling would have been greater than her over-wrought heart could have sustained. as soon as she heard of the result, she hurried to meet me, and hand in hand we gazed into each other's eyes and saw the light of freedom there, and we felt in our hearts that we could with one accord cry out: "glory to god in the highest, and peace and good will towards men." dear, dear mother! how solemnly i invoke your spirit as i review these trying scenes of my girlhood, so long agone! your patient face and neatly-dressed figure stands ever in the foreground of that checkered time; a figure showing naught to an on-looker but the common place virtues of an honest woman! never would an ordinary observer connect those virtues with aught of heroism or greatness, but to me they are as bright rays as ever emanated from the lives of the great ones of earth, which are portrayed on historic pages--to me, the qualities of her true, steadfast heart and noble soul become "a constellation, and is tracked in heaven straightway." chapter vi. after the trial was over and my mother had at last been awarded the right to own her own child, her next thought reverted to sister nancy, who had been gone so long, and from whom we had never heard, and the greatest ambition mother now had was to see her child nancy. so, we earnestly set ourselves to work to reach the desired end, which was to visit canada and seek the long-lost girl. my mother being a first-class laundress, and myself an expert seamstress, it was easy to procure all the work we could do, and command our own prices. we found, as well as the whites, a great difference between slave and free labor, for while the first was compulsory, and, therefore, at the best, perfunctory, the latter must be superior in order to create a demand, and realizing this fully, mother and i expended the utmost care in our respective callings, and were well rewarded for our efforts. by exercising rigid economy and much self-denial, we, at last, accumulated sufficient to enable mother to start for canada, and oh! how rejoiced i was when that dear, overworked mother approached the time, when her hard-earned and long-deferred holiday was about to begin. the uses of adversity is a worn theme, and in it there is much of weak cant, but when it is considered how much of sacrifice the poverty-stricken must bear in order to procure the slightest gratification, should it not impress the thinking mind with amazement, how much of fortitude and patience the honest poor display in the exercise of self-denial! oh! ye prosperous! prate of the uses of adversity as poetically as you please, we who are obliged to learn of them by bitter experience would greatly prefer a change of surroundings. mother arrived in toronto two weeks after she left st. louis, and surprised my sister nancy, in a pleasant home. she had married a prosperous farmer, who owned the farm on which they lived, as well as some property in the city near-by. mother was indescribably happy in finding her child so pleasantly situated, and took much pleasure with her bright little grandchildren; and after a long visit, returned home, although strongly urged to remain the rest of her life with nancy; but old people are like old trees, uproot them, and transplant to other scenes, they droop and die, no matter how bright the sunshine, or how balmy the breezes. on her return, mother found me with mrs. elsie thomas, where i had lived during her absence, still sewing for a livelihood. those were the days in which sewing machines were unknown, and no stitching or sewing of any description was allowed to pass muster, unless each stitch looked as if it were a part of the cloth. the art of fine sewing was lost when sewing machines were invented, and though doubtless they have given women more leisure, they have destroyed that extreme neatness in the craft, which obtained in the days of long ago. time passed happily on with us, with no event to ruffle life's peaceful stream, until , when i met frederick turner, and in a few short months we were made man and wife. after our marriage, we removed to quincy, ill., but our happiness was of short duration, as my husband was killed in the explosion of the steamboat edward bates, on which he was employed. to my mind it seemed a singular coincidence that the boat which bore the name of the great and good man, who had given me the first joy of my meagre life--the precious boon of freedom--and that his namesake should be the means of weighting me with my first great sorrow; this thought seemed to reconcile me to my grief, for that name was ever sacred, and i could not speak it without reverence. the number of killed and wounded were many, and they were distributed among friends and hospitals; my husband was carried to a friend's, where he breathed his last. telegraphs were wanting in those times, so days passed before this wretched piece of news reached me, and there being no railroads, and many delays, i reached the home of my friend only to be told that my husband was dead and buried. intense grief was mine, and my repining worried mother greatly; she never believed in fretting about anything that could not be helped. my only consolation from her was, "'cast your burden on the lord.' _my_ husband is down south, and i don't know where he is; he may be dead; he may be alive; he may be happy and comfortable; he may be kicked, abused and half-starved. _your_ husband, honey, is in heaven; and mine--god only knows where he is!" in those few words, i knew her burden was heavier than mine, for i had been taught that there was hope beyond the grave, but hope was left behind when sold "down souf"; and so i resolved to conceal my grief, and devote myself to my mother, who had done so much and suffered so much for me. we then returned to st. louis, and took up the old life, minus the contentment which had always buoyed us up in our daily trials, and with an added sorrow which cast a sadness over us. but time, the great healer, taught us patience and resignation, and once more we were "waiting when fortune sheds brightly her smile, there always is something to wait for the while." chapter vii. four years afterward, i became the wife of zachariah delaney, of cincinnati, with whom i have had a happy married life, continuing forty-two years. four children were born to us, and many were the plans we mapped out for their future, but two of our little girls were called from us while still in their childhood. my remaining daughter attained the age of twenty-two years, and left life behind, while the brightest of prospects was hers, and my son, in the fullness of a promising youth, at the age of twenty-four, "turned his face to the wall." so my cup of bitterness was full to the brim and overflowing; yet one consolation was always mine! our children were born free and died free! their childhood and my maternity were never shadowed with a thought of separation. the grim reaper did not spare them, but they were as "treasures laid up in heaven." such a separation one could accept from the hand of god, with humble submission, "for he calleth his own!" mother always made her home with me until the day of her death; she had lived to see the joyful time when her race was made free, their chains struck off, and their right to their own flesh and blood lawfully acknowledged. her life, so full of sorrow, was ended, full of years and surrounded by many friends, both black and white, who recognized and appreciated her sufferings and sacrifices and rejoiced that her old age was spent in freedom and plenty. the azure vault of heaven bends over us all, and the gleaming moonlight brightens the marble tablet which marks her last resting place, "to fame and fortune unknown," but in the eyes of him who judgeth us, hers was a heroism which outvied the most famous. * * * * * i frequently thought of father, and wondered if he were alive or dead; and at the time of the great exodus of negroes from the south, a few years ago, a large number arrived in st. louis, and were cared for by the colored people of that city. they were sheltered in churches, halls and private houses, until such time as they could pursue their journey. methought, i will find him in this motley crowd, of all ages, from the crowing babe in its mother's arms, to the aged and decrepit, on whom the marks of slavery were still visible. i piled inquiry upon inquiry, until after long and persistent search, i learned that my father had always lived on the same plantation, fifteen miles from vicksburg. i wrote to my father and begged him to come and see me and make his home with me; sent him the money, so he would be to no expense, and when he finally reached st. louis, it was with great joy that i received him. old, grizzled and gray, time had dealt hardly with him, and he looked very little like the dapper master's valet, whose dark beauty won my mother's heart. forty-five years of separation, hard work, rough times and heart longings, had perseveringly performed its work, and instead of a man bearing his years with upright vigor, he was made prematurely old by the accumulation of troubles. my sister nancy came from canada, and we had a most joyful reunion, and only the absence of our mother left a vacuum, which we deeply and sorrowfully felt. father could not be persuaded to stay with us, when he found his wife dead; he longed to get back to his old associations of forty-five years standing, he felt like a stranger in a strange land, and taking pity on him, i urged him no more, but let him go, though with great reluctance. * * * * * there are abounding in public and private libraries of all sorts, lives of people which fill our minds with amazement, admiration, sympathy, and indeed with as many feelings as there are people, so i can scarcely expect that the reader of these episodes of my life will meet with more than a passing interest, but as such i will commend it to your thought for a brief hour. to be sure, i am deeply sensible that this story, as written, is not a very striking performance, but i have brought you with me face to face with but only a few of the painful facts engendered by slavery, and the rest can be drawn from history. just have patience a little longer, and i have done. i became a member of the methodist episcopal church in ; was elected president of the first colored society, called the "female union," which was the first ever organized exclusively for women; was elected president of a society known as the "daughters of zion"; was matron of "siloam court," no. , three years in succession; was most ancient matron of the "grand court of missouri," of which only the wives of masons are allowed to become members. i am at present, past grand chief preceptress of the "daughters of the tabernacle and knights of tabor," and also was secretary, and am still a member, of col. shaw woman's relief corps, no. , auxiliary to the col. shaw post, , grand army of the republic. considering the limited advantages offered me, i have made the best use of my time, and what few talents the lord has bestowed on me i have not "hidden in a napkin," but used them for his glory and to benefit those for whom i live. and what better can we do than to live for others? except the deceitfulness of riches, nothing is so illusory as the supposition of interest we assume that our readers may feel in our affairs; but if this sketch is taken up for just a moment of your life, it may settle the problem in your mind, if not in others, "can the negro race succeed, proportionately, as well as the whites, if given the same chance and an equal start?" "the hours are growing shorter for the millions who are toiling; and the homes are growing better for the millions yet to be; and we all shall learn the lesson, how that waste and sin are spoiling the fairest and the finest of a grand humanity. it is coming! it is coming! and men's thoughts are growing deeper; they are giving of their millions as they never gave before; they are learning the new gospel; man must be his brother's keeper, and right, not might, shall triumph, and the selfish rule no more." finis. * * * * * =transcriber's notes= spelling variations have been retained for: chapter i, page : polly crocket (living with mrs. posey was a little negro girl, named polly crocket, who had made it her home there, in peace and happiness, for five years.) chapter iv, page : polly crockett berry (the testimony of judge wash is alone sufficient to substantiate the claim of polly crockett berry to the defendant as being her own child.) other minor typographical and punctuation errors have been corrected from the original to reflect the author's intent. the choctaw freedmen [illustration: oak hill] an oak tree on the southeastern slope, near the academy, a pretty oak, that strong and stalwart grows. with every changing wind that blows, is a beautiful emblem of the strength, beauty and eminent usefulness of an intelligent and noble man. "he shall grow like a cedar in lebanon; like a tree planted by the rivers of water, that bringeth forth his fruit in his season." [illustration: alice lee elliott - ] the choctaw freedmen and the story of oak hill industrial academy valliant, mccurtain county oklahoma now called the alice lee elliott memorial including the early history of the five civilized tribes of indian territory the presbytery of kiamichi, synod of canadian, and the bible in the free schools of the american colonies, but suppressed in france, previous to the american and french revolutions by robert elliott flickinger a recent superintendent of the academy and pastor of the oak hill church illustrated by engravings under the auspices of the presbyterian board of missions for freedmen pittsburgh, pa. entered according to act of congress in the year by the author in the office of the librarian of congress at washington, d. c. journal and times press, fonda, iowa table of contents i. general facts introduction--list of portraits i indian territory ii indian schools and churches iii the bible, an important factor in civilization iv the american negro v problem of the freedman vi voices from the black belt vii uplifting influences viii the presbyterian church ix the freedmen's board x special benefactors ii. oak hill industrial academy xi native oak hill school and church xii era of eliza hartford xiii early reminiscences xiv early times at forest xv era of supt. james f. mcbride xvi era of rev. edward g. haymaker xvii buds of promise xviii closed in xix reopening and organization xx prospectus in xxi obligation and pledges xxii bible study and memory work xxiii decision days xxiv the self-help department xxv industrial education xxvi permanent improvements xxvii elliott hall xxviii unfavorable circumstances xxix building the temple xxx success maxims and good suggestions xxxi rules and wall mottoes xxxii savings and investments xxxiii normals and chautauquas xxxiv graces and prayers xxxv presbyterial meetings and picnics xxxvi farmer's institutes xxxvii the apiary, health hints xxxviii oak hill aid society xxxix tributes to workers xl closing day, iii. the presbytery and synod xli presbytery of kiamichi xlii histories of churches xliii parson stewart xliv wiley homer xlv other ministers and elders xlvi synod of canadian iv. the bible in the public school xlvii the public school xlviii a half century of bible suppression in france [illustration: oak hill chapel] [illustration: elliott hall-- ] list of illustrations alice lee elliott frontispiece elliott hall choctaw church and court house alexander reid, john edwards biddle and lincoln universities rev. e. p. cowan, rev. john gaston, mrs. v. p. boggs eliza hartford, anna campbell, rev. e. g. and priscilla g. haymaker girls hall, old log house carrie and mrs. m. e. crowe, anna and mattie hunter james mcguire and others wiley homer, william butler, stewart, jones buds of promise rev. and mrs. r. e. flickinger, claypool, ahrens, eaton reopening, , flower gatherers mary i. weimer, lou k. early, jo lu wolcott rev. and mrs. carroll, hall, buchanan, folsom closing day, ; dr. baird approved fruits planting sweet potatoes and arch orchestra, sweepers, going to school miss weimer, celestine, coming home the apiary; feeding the calves log house burning, pulling stumps oak hill in , the hen house, pigpen the presbytery, grant chapel bridges, bethel, starks, meadows, colbert, crabtree crittenden, folsom, butler, stewart, perkins, arnold, shoals, johnson teachers in , harris, brown representative homes of the choctaw freedmen the sweet potato field introduction "the pleasant books, that silently among our household treasures take familiar places, are to us, as if a living tongue spake from the printed leaves, or pictured faces!" the aim of the author in preparing this volume has been to put in a form, convenient for preservation and future reference, a brief historical sketch of the work and workers connected with the founding and development of oak hill industrial academy, established for the benefit of the freedmen of the choctaw nation, indian territory, by the presbyterian church, u. s. a., in , when miss eliza hartford became the first white teacher, to the erection of elliott hall in , and its dedication in ; when the name of the institution was changed to "the alice lee elliott memorial." some who rendered service at oak hill academy, bestowed upon it their best work, while superintendent, james f. mcbride and matron, adelia m. eaton, brought to it a faithful service, that proved to be the crowning work of their lives. the occasion of receiving a new name in , is one that suggests the eminent propriety of a volume, that will commemorate the labors of those, whose self-denying pioneer work was associated with the former name of the institution. another aim has been, to place as much as possible of the character building work of the institution, in an attractive form for profitable perusal by the youth, in the homes of the pupils and patrons of the academy. as an aid in effecting this result, the volume has been profusely illustrated with engravings of all the good photographs of groups of the students that have come to the hand of the author; and also of all the teachers of whom they could be obtained at this time. the portraits of the ministers and older elders of the neighboring churches have been added to these, to increase its general interest and value. in as much as oak hill industrial academy was intended to supply the special educational needs of the young people in the circuit of churches ministered to by parson charles w. stewart, the pioneer preacher of the choctaw freedmen, and faithful founder of most of the churches in the presbytery of kiamichi, a memorial sketch of this worthy soldier of the cross has been added, that the young people of the present and future generations may catch the inspiration of his heroic missionary spirit. "all who labor wield a mighty power; the glorious privilege to do is man's most noble dower." the ministers of the neighboring churches, in recent years, have been so helpfully identified with the work of the academy, as special lecturers and assistants on decision days, and on the first and last days of the school terms, they seem to have been members of the oak hill family. the story of the academy would not be complete, without a recognition of them and their good work. this recognition has been very gratefully accorded in a brief history of the presbytery of kiamichi and of the synod of canadian. the period of service rendered by the author, as superintendent of the academy from the beginning of to the end of , eight years, was one of important transitions in the material development of indian territory. the allotment of lands in severalty to the indians and freedmen was completed in , and the territorial government was transformed into one of statehood on jan. , . the progress of their civilization, that made it possible for the indians in the territory to become owners and occupants of their own homes, supporters of their own schools and churches and to be invested with all the powers and duties of citizenship, is briefly reviewed in the introductory chapters. the author has endeavored to make this volume one easily read and understood by the choctaw freedmen, in whose homes it is expected to find a place, and be read with interest and profit many years. he has done what he could to enable as many of you as possible to leave the impress of your personality on the world, when your feet no longer move, your hands no longer build and your lips no longer utter your sentiments. the hope is indulged that every pupil of the academy, whose portrait has been given an historic setting in this volume, will regard that courteous recognition, as a special call to make the bible your guide in life and perform each daily duty nobly and faithfully, as though it were your last. a life on service bent, a life for love laid down, a life for others spent, the lord will surely crown. whilst other denominations have rendered conspicuous and highly commendable service in the effort to educate and evangelize the indians and freedmen, in this volume mention is made only of the work of the presbyterian church. this is due to the fact the presbyterian church, having begun missionary work among the choctaws at a very early date, it was left to pursue it without a rival, in the particular section of country and early period of time included in the scope of this volume. such as it is, this volume is commended to him, whose blessing alone can make it useful, and make it to fulfil its mission of comfort and encouragement, to the children and youth of the freedmen who are sincerely endeavoring to solve the problem of their present and future destiny. fonda, iowa, march , . r. e. f. part i general facts relating to the indians of indian territory, the choctaw freedmen and presbyterian board of missions for freedmen. "in history we meet the great personalities, who have crystallized in their own lives, the hopes and fears of nations and races. we meet the living god, as an actor, and discover in passing events, a consistent purpose, guiding the changing world to an unchanging end."--w. a. brown. "four things a man must learn to do, if he would make his record true; to think without confusion, clearly; to act from honest motives purely; to love his fellowmen sincerely; to trust in god and heaven securely." --vandyke. "the study of history, as a means of cultivating the mind and for its immediate practical benefit, ever since the days of moses, who wrote the pioneer history of israel, and herodotus, the father of profane history, has formed a necessary part of a liberal and thorough education."--history of pocahontas county, iowa. i indian territory early history of the five civilized tribes--opening of indian territory--oklahoma--clear creek, oak hill, valliant. "let us develop the resources of our land, call forth its powers, build up its institutions, promote all its great interests and see whether we, also, in our day and generation may not perform something worthy to be remembered."--daniel webster. indian territory, now oklahoma, was a part of the public domain, that was reserved for several tribes of indians whose native hunting grounds were principally in the southern states. while they remained in their native valleys they proved a menace to the safety of the frontier settlers, and in times of war were sure to take sides against them. thomas jefferson in his day advised that they be located together on some general reservation. this was gradually effected during the earlier years of the last century. the official act of congress constituting it an indian reservation did not occur until , but a considerable number of the choctaws, chickasaws and of some other tribes were induced to migrate westward and locate there previous to that date. other leading tribes that were transferred to special reservations in indian territory were the cherokees, creeks and seminoles. the five civilized tribes the choctaw indians recently occupied lands in the states bordering on the gulf of mexico. in a considerable part of them, ceding their lands in georgia, were located on a reservation in the red river valley west of arkansas. in they ceded the remainder of their lands in alabama and mississippi and all, together with their slaves, were then transferred to their new reservation in the southeastern part of indian territory. the chickasaws, who originally occupied the country on the east side of the mississippi river, as early as began to migrate up the valley of the arkansas. in , and in they ceded more of their lands and more of them migrated westward, many of them going to the country allotted to the choctaws. in , when the last of their lands in the gulf states were ceded, they were located on a reservation south of the canadian river, west of the choctaws. these two tribes lived under one tribal government until , when they were granted a political separation. the cherokees, previous to , occupied the upper valley of the tennessee river, extending through the northern parts of georgia and alabama. in a part of the tribe migrated to louisiana and they rendered important services in the army of gen. jackson at new orleans in the war of . in they ceded a part of their native lands for others and the next year , of them were located in the northwestern part of arkansas in the valleys of the arkansas and white rivers. in the remainder of them were located just west of the first migration in the northeast part of indian territory. the creek indians originally lived in the valleys of the flint, chattahoochee, coosa and alabama rivers and in the peninsula of florida. about the year , a part of them moved to louisiana and later to texas. in the remainder of the tribe was transferred to a reservation north of the canadian river in indian territory. the seminoles were a nation of florida indians, that was composed chiefly of creeks and the remnants of some other tribes. after the acquisition of florida from spain in many slaves in that section fled from their masters to the seminoles. the government endeavored to recover them and to force the seminoles to remove westward. these efforts were not immediately successful, osceola, their wily and intrepid chief, defeating and capturing four of the generals sent against them, namely, clinch, gaines, call and winfield scott. he was finally captured by his captors violating a flag of truce. in they were induced to move west of the mississippi and in , they were assigned lands west of the creeks in the central part of indian territory. these five tribes, the choctaws, chickasaws, cherokees, creeks and seminoles, were the most powerful in numbers. after their settlement in indian territory, they made considerable progress in elementary education and agriculture, their farm work being principally done by their slaves previous to the time they were accorded their freedom in . as a result of their progress in the arts of life, during the last half of the last century, these were often called "the five civilized tribes, or nations." in when the last census was taken of them in their tribal form their numbers were as follows: choctaw nation, , ; chickasaw, , ; cherokee, , ; creek, , ; seminole, , . the osage indians were early driven to the valley of the arkansas river. they were conveyed to their reservation west of that river, in the north part of indian territory, in . the supplies of oil and other minerals found upon their reservation have caused some of the members of this nation to be reputed as quite wealthy. other tribes that were located on small reservations in the northeast part of the territory were the modocs, ottawas, peorias, quapaws, senecas, shawnees and wyandottes. during this early period the union indian agency established its headquarters at muskogee, and it became and continued to be their principal city, during the period of their tribal government. opening of indian territory on april , , , , acres of the creek and seminole lands were opened to white settlers, and there occurred an ever memorable rush for lands and a race for homes. an area as large as the state of maryland was settled in a day. on that first day the city of guthrie was founded with a population of , , a newspaper was issued and in a tent a bank was organized with a capital of $ , . oklahoma and other cities sprang up as if in a night. on june , , the west half of indian territory was created a new territory, called oklahoma, with its capital at guthrie, and with later additions it soon included , , acres. on june , , president roosevelt signed the enabling act, that admitted oklahoma, including oklahoma and indian territories, as a state, one year from that date. on november , , occurred the election of members to the constitutional convention, that met at guthrie january , . the first legislature met there january , . two years later the capital was moved to oklahoma city. the growth, progress and advancement of the territory of oklahoma during the sixteen years preceding statehood in has never been equaled in the history of the world, and in all probability will never be eclipsed. this was due to the mild and healthful climate of this region, and a previous knowledge of its great, but undeveloped agricultural and mineral resources. so great has been the flow of oil near tulsa, in the north central part of the state, it has been necessary to store it there in an artificial lake or reservoir. oklahoma the surface of oklahoma consists of a gently undulating plain, that gradually ascends from an altitude of feet at valliant in the southeast to feet at oklahoma city, and at woodward, the county seat of woodward county, in the northwest. the principal mountains are the kiamichi in the southern part of laflore county, and the wichita, a forest reserve in comanche and swanson counties. previous to statehood indian territory was divided into recording districts for court purposes. in when garvin was founded it became the residence of the judge of the southeastern judicial or recording district, and a small court house was built there for the transaction of the public business. in , when mccurtain county was established, idabel was chosen as the county seat. the location of oak hill academy proved to be one and a half miles east of the west line of mccurtain county. in the population of mccurtain county was , , of oklahoma city , ; and of the state of oklahoma, , , . clear creek during the period immediately preceding the incoming of the hope and ardmore railroad in , the most important news and trading center, between fort towson and wheelock, was called "clear creek." clear creek is a rustling, sparkling little stream of clear water that flows southward in a section of the country where most of the streams are sluggish and of a reddish hue. the clear creek post office was located in a little store building a short distance east of this stream and about three miles north of red river. a little log court house, for the administration of tribal justice among the choctaws of that vicinity, a blacksmith shop and a choctaw church were also located at this place. these varied interests gave to clear creek the importance of a miniature county seat until valliant and swink were founded. oak hill during this early period the oak covered ridge, extending several miles east of clear creek, was known as oak hill and the settlement in its vicinity was called by the same name. when the first church ( ) and school ( ) were established among the freedmen in this settlement, the same name was naturally given to both of them. it has adhered to them, amid all the changes that have occurred, since the first meetings were held at the home of henry crittenden in . valliant valliant was founded in , and was so named in honor of one of the surveyors of the hope and ardmore, a branch of the frisco railway. it is located in the west end of mccurtain county eight miles north of red river. it has now a population of , and a branch railroad running northward. the country adjacent to the town consists of beautiful valleys and forests heavily set with timber, principally oak, walnut, ash and hickory, and with pine and cedar along the streams. the soil is a rich sandy loam, that is easily cultivated and gives promise of great agricultural and horticultural possibilities. it is in the center of the cotton belt and this staple is proving a very profitable one. the climate is healthful and the locality is unusually free from the prevalence of high winds. ii indian schools and churches before the civil war.--effects of the civil war.--transfer of the freedmen's work.--the indians make progress toward civilization.--wheelock academy.--spencer academy.--doaksville and fort towson. "god, who hath made of one blood all nations of men and determined the bounds of their habitation, commandeth all men everywhere to repent."--paul. when columbus landed on the shores of america, the indians were the only people he found occupying this great continent. during the long period that has intervened, the indian has furnished proof, that he possesses all the attributes which god has bestowed upon other members of the human family. he has shown that he has an intellect capable of development, that he is willing to receive instruction and that he is capable of performing any duty required of an american citizen. considerable patience however has had to be exercised both by the church in its effort to bring him under the saving influence of the gospel, and by the government in its effort to elevate him to the full standard of citizenship. results are achieved slowly. his struggles have been many and difficult. he has needed counsel and encouragement at every advancing step. in the former days, when the indian supported his family by hunting, trapping and fishing, he moved about from place to place. this was finally checked in indian territory by the individual allotment of lands in . he has thus been compelled by the force of circumstances, to change his mode of life. he has gradually discovered he can settle down on his own farm, improve it by the erection of good buildings, and either buy or make the implements he needs for cultivating the soil. the great commission to the church to "go into all the world and preach the gospel to every creature," will not be completed until the american indian and the freedmen, who were his former slaves, have been brought under its uplifting influence. the presbyterian church throughout all its history has been the friend and patron of learning and inasmuch as the evangelistic work among the indians and freedmen, has been largely dependent on school work for permanent results, it began to establish schools among the indians at a very early date. the work among the five civilized tribes was begun many years before they were transported from the southern states to indian territory. some of these missionaries migrated with them and continued both their school and church work in the territory. rev. alfred wright, who organized the presbyterian church at wheelock in december, , and died there in , after receiving members into it, began his work as a missionary to the choctaws in . the aim of the government in its educational work among the indians, as elsewhere in the public schools of the country, has been mainly to make them intelligent citizens. the aim of the church, by making the bible a daily textbook, is to make them happy and hopeful christians, as well as citizens. in the early days there was great need for this educational work, and in the presbyterian church it was carried forward by its foreign mission board, with wisdom, energy and success. in the presbyterian church had established and was maintaining six boarding schools with pupils and six day schools among the indians in the territory. two of these schools, spencer and wheelock academies, were located in the southern part of the choctaw nation. in the presbytery of indian was organized and in the presbytery of the creek nation. in these included an enrollment of churches with a communicant membership of , . effects of the civil war at the outbreak of the civil war in , all of these schools and churches were closed, and the next year the presbyterian church became divided by the organization of the southern presbyterian church, under the corporate name, "the presbyterian church in the united states." at the close of the war it was left to the southern branch of the church to re-establish this school and church work in the territory. it undertook to do this and carried parts of it alone for a number of years. the task however proved to be too great; the men and means were not available to re-open the boarding schools, and to supply the churches with ministers. the arrangement was accordingly made for the foreign mission board of the presbyterian church, to resume its former work as fast as workers could be obtained. in , four ministers returned and opened six churches among the choctaws, creeks and cherokees. in spencer academy was re-opened at nelson, by rev. oliver p. starks, a native of goshen, new york, who, for seventeen years previous to the civil war, had been a missionary to the choctaws, having his home at goodland. the indian mission school at muskogee was also re-opened that year by miss rose steed. in the fall of the presbytery of indian territory was re-established with a membership of ministers, churches, communicants and sunday school scholars. in wheelock academy was re-opened by rev. john edwards, who for a couple of years previous, had been located at atoka. this was a return of edwards to the educational work among the choctaws. from to he served at spencer academy, north of doaksville, and then from to had charge of wheelock academy, as the successor of rev. alfred wright, its early founder. in two teachers were sent, who opened a school among the creek freedmen at muskogee, known as the "pittsburgh mission." a teacher was also sent to the freedmen among the seminoles. after a few years the pittsburgh mission was transferred from muskogee to atoka, where it supplied a real want for a few years longer. in when adequate provision was first made for the freedmen in the public schools of that town this mission was discontinued. transfer of the freedmen's work during this same year, , the presbyterian board of missions for freedmen, pittsburgh, pa., received the voluntary transfer from the southern church of all the work it had developed at that date among the choctaw freedmen. this transfer was made in good spirit. the motive that prompted it was the conviction and belief the presbyterian church could carry it forward more conveniently, aggressively and successfully. the work that was transferred at this date consisted of rev. charles w. stewart, doaksville, and the following churches then under his pastoral care, namely: oak hill, beaver dam, hebron, new hope and st. paul (eagletown). parson stewart had been licensed about and ordained a few years later. with a true missionary spirit he had gone into these various settlements and effected the organization of these churches among his people. during the next two years he added to his circuit two more churches, mount gilead at lukfata and forest, south of wheelock, and occasionally visited one or two other places. indians make progress towards civilization about the year the social and moral condition of the indians in indian territory was described as follows: "about thirty different languages are spoken by the indians now in the territory. the population of the territory, though principally indians, includes a lot of white men and negroes, amongst whom intermarriages are frequent. the society ranges from an untutored indian, with a blanket for his dress and paganism for his religion, to men of collegiate education, who are manifesting their christian culture and training by their earnest advocacy of the christian faith. "the cherokees were the first to be brought under direct christian influence and they were probably in the lead of all the indians on the continent in civilization, or practice of the useful arts and enjoyment of the common comforts of life." "in , the year following the opening of the first land in the territory to white settlers, the mission work in the territory was described as "very interesting and unique." the indian population represented every grade of civilization. one might see the several stages of progress from the ignorant and superstitious blanketed indian on the western reservations to the representatives of our advanced american culture among the five civilized nations. our missionaries have labored long and successfully and the education, degree of civilization and prosperity enjoyed by the indians are due principally, if not solely, to the efforts of consecrated men and women, who devoted their lives to this special work. although their names may not be familiarly known among the churches, none have deserved more honorable mention than these faithful servants of the master, who selected this particular field of effort for their life work." "events are moving rapidly in indian territory. many new lines of railroad have been surveyed, and when they have been built, every part of the territory will be easily accessible." "a new judicial system with a complete code of laws has recently been provided, and with liberal provision for indian citizenship and settlement of the land question it is safe to predict a speedy end to tribal government." "this means the opening of a vast region to settlement, the establishment of churches and the thorough organization of every form of christian work. for this we must prepare and there is no time to lose. our churches and schools must be multiplied and our brethren of the ministry must be fully reinforced by competent educated men trained for christian work. what the future has in store for the whole territory was illustrated by the marvelous rush into and settlement of oklahoma territory during the last year." "a wonderful transformation has taken place. the unbroken prairie of one year ago has been changed to cultivated fields. the tents of boomers have given place to well built homes and substantial blocks of brick and stone. unorganized communities have now become members of a legally constituted commonwealth. here are found all the elements of great progress and general prosperity and the future of oklahoma territory is full of great promise." "here the presbyterian church has shown itself capable of wrestling with critical social problems and stands today as the leading denomination in missionary enterprise. every county has its minister and many churches have been organized. others are underway. with more ministers and liberal aid for the erection of churches the presbyterian church will do for oklahoma what it has done for kansas and the dakotas." in the mission school work among the indians was transferred from the care of the foreign to the home mission board. those in charge of the school work of spencer academy at nelson resigned that work and the school was closed. in the mission school work at wheelock academy was undertaken and continued thereafter by the indian agency, as a school for orphan children of the indians. wheelock academy wheelock academy for nearly four-score years was the most attractive social, educational and religious center in the southeast part of the choctaw nation. it was located on the main trails running east and west and north and south. but when the frisco railway came in , it passed two miles south of it, and a half dozen flourishing towns were founded along its line. there remain to mark this place of early historic interest the two mission school buildings, a strongly built stone church by feet, a two story parsonage and cemetery. the church is of the gothic style of architecture, tastefully decorated inside and furnished with good pews and pulpit furniture. rev. alfred wright among the many old inscriptions on the grave stones in the wheelock cemetery, there may be seen the following beautiful record of the work of one, whose long and eminently useful life was devoted to the welfare of the choctaw people: sacred to the memory of the rev. alfred wright who entered into his heavenly rest march , , age years. born in columbia, connecticut, march , . appointed missionary to the choctaws . removed to this land october, . organized wheelock church december, . received to its fellowship members. as a man he was intelligent, firm in principle, prudent in counsel, gentle in spirit, kindness and gravity, and conscientious in the discharge of every relative and social duty. as a christian he was uniform, constant, strong in faith, and in doctrine, constant and fervent in prayer, holy in life, filled with the spirit of christ and peaceful in death. as a physician he was skillful, attentive, ever ready to relieve and comfort the afflicted. as a translator he was patient, investigating and diligent, giving to the choctaws in their own tongue the new and part of the old testament, and various other books. as a minister his preaching was scriptural, earnest, practical, and rich in the full exhibition of gospel truth. he was laborious, faithful and successful. communion with god, faith in the lord jesus, and reliance upon the aid of the holy spirit, made all his labor sweet to his own soul and a blessing to others. in testimony of his worth, and their affection, his mourning friends erect this tablet to his memory. "there remaineth therefore a rest to the people of god." rev. john edwards rev. john edwards, the successor of rev. alfred wright, was a native of bath, new york. he graduated from the college at princeton, new jersey, in , and from the theological seminary there in . he was ordained by the presbytery of indian territory december , . [illustration: the choctaw church, clear creek.] [illustration: the choctaw court house, clear creek. both buildings ceased to be used about .] [illustration: rev. alexander reid. spencer academy, - .] [illustration: rev. john edwards. wheelock academy, - ; - .] he became a teacher at spencer academy, north of fort towson, in , and continued until , when he became the successor of rev. alfred wright as the stated supply of the choctaw church and superintendent of the academy at wheelock. at the outbreak of the civil war in he passed to california and after teaching two years in san francisco, served as stated supply of various churches during the next twenty years, having his residence during the latter part of that period at oakland. in he returned and resumed work among the choctaws, locating first at atoka. in he re-opened the academy at wheelock, and continued to serve as its superintendent until , when it became a government school. he remained the next year in charge of the church. he then returned to california and died at san jose, at , december , . in , rev. evan b. evans, supplied the choctaw church at wheelock one year. as its membership of consisted principally of students living at a distance, and they were absent most of the year, the services were then discontinued. a few years later the services were resumed at the town of garvin, where another stone church was built in , during the efficient ministry of rev. w. j. willis. spencer academy rev. alexander reid, principal of spencer academy, was a native of scotland, and came to this country in his boyhood. he graduated from the college at princeton, n. j., in , and the theological seminary there, three years later. he was ordained by the presbytery of new york in and accepting a commission to serve as a missionary to the indians of the choctaw nation in indian territory, was immediately appointed superintendent of spencer academy, ten miles north of fort towson. he was accompanied by rev. alexander j. graham, a native of newark, new jersey, who served as a teacher in the academy. the latter was a roommate of reid's at princeton seminary, and his sister became reid's wife. at the end of his first year of service he returned to lebanon springs, new york, for the recovery of his health, and died there july , . rev. john edwards immediately became his successor as a teacher. alexander reid while pursuing his studies, learned the tailor's trade at west point and this proved a favorable introduction to his work among the choctaws. they were surprised and greatly pleased on seeing that he had already learned the art of sitting on the ground "tailor fashion" according to their own custom. the academy under reid enjoyed a prosperous career of twelve years. in , when the excitement of war absorbed the attention of everybody, the school work was abandoned. reid, however, continued to serve as a gospel missionary among the indians until , when he took his family to princeton, new jersey, to provide for the education of his children. while ministering to the spiritual needs of the indians his sympathies and interest were awakened by the destitute and helpless condition of their former slaves. in he resumed work as a missionary to the choctaws making his headquarters at or near atoka and in he was appointed by the foreign mission board, superintendent of mission work among the freedmen in indian territory. in this capacity he aided in establishing neighborhood schools wherever teachers could be found. in order that a number of them might be fitted for teaching, he obtained permission of their parents to take a number of bright looking and promising young people to boarding schools, maintained by our freedmen's board in texas, mississippi and north carolina. he thus became instrumental in preparing the way, and advised the development of the native oak hill school into an industrial and normal boarding school. in , owing to failing health, he went to the home of his son, rev. john g. reid (born at spencer academy in ), at greeley, colorado, and died at at cambridgeport, near boston, july , . "he was a friend to truth, of soul sincere, of manners unaffected and of mind enlarged, he wished the good of all mankind." uncle wallace and aunt minerva uncle wallace and aunt minerva were two of the colored workers that were employed at spencer academy, before the war. they lived together in a little cabin near it. in the summer evenings they would often sit at the door of the cabin and sing their favorite plantation songs, learned in mississippi in their early youth. in , when the jubilee singers first visited newark, new jersey, rev. alexander reid happened to be there and heard them. the work of the jubilee singers was new in the north and attracted considerable and very favorable attention. but when prof. white, who had charge of them, announced several concerts to be given in different churches of the city he added, "we will have to repeat the jubilee songs as we have no other." when mr. reid was asked how he liked them he remarked, "very well, but i have heard better ones." when he had committed to writing a half dozen of the plantation songs he had heard "wallace and minerva" sing with so much delight at old spencer academy, he met mr. white and his company in brooklyn, new york, and spent an entire day rehearsing them. these new songs included, "steal away to jesus." "the angels are coming," "i'm a rolling," and "swing low." "steal away to jesus" became very popular and was sung before queen victoria. the hutchinson family later used several of them in their concerts, rendering "i'm a rolling," with a trumpet accompaniment to the words: "the trumpet sounds in my soul, i haint got long to stay here." these songs have now been sung around the world. when one thinks of the two old slaves singing happily together at the door of their humble cabin, amid the dreary solitudes of indian territory, and the widely extended results that followed, he cannot help perceiving in these incidents a practical illustration of the way in which our heavenly father uses "things that are weak," for the accomplishment of his gracious purposes. they also serve to show how little we know of the future use god will make of the lowly service any of us may now be rendering. these two slaves giving expression to their devotional feelings in simple native songs, unconsciously exerted a happy influence, that was felt even in distant lands; an influence that served to attract attention and financial support to an important institution, established for the education of the freedmen. new spencer academy in the fall of the presbyterian board of foreign missions re-established spencer academy in a new location where the postoffice was called, nelson, ten miles southwest of antlers and twenty miles west of old spencer, now called spencerville. =rev. oliver p. stark=, the first superintendent of this institution, died there at the age of , march , . he was a native of goshen, new york, and a graduate of the college and theological seminary at princeton, n. j. in , he was ordained by the presbytery of indian which, as early as , had been organized to include the missions of the american board. as early as , while he was yet a licentiate, he was commissioned as a missionary to the choctaws, and, locating at goodland, remained in charge of the work in that section until , a period of seventeen years. during the next thirteen years he served as principal of the lamar female seminary at paris, texas. his next and last work was the development of the mission school for the choctaws at nelson, which had formed a part of his early and long pastorate. =rev. harvey r. schermerhorn=, became the immediate successor of mr. stark as superintendent of the new spencer academy and continued to serve in that capacity until , when the mission work among the indians was transferred from the foreign to the care of the home mission board. the school was then discontinued and he became pastor of the presbyterian church at macalester. after a long and very useful career he is now living in retirement at hartshorne. these incidents, relating to the work of the presbyterian church among the indians, especially the choctaws, have been narrated, because the men who had charge of these two educational institutions at wheelock and spencer academies, were very helpful in effecting the organization of presbyterian churches, the establishment of oak hill academy and a number of neighborhood schools among the freedmen in the south part of the choctaw nation. doaksville and fort towson rev. cyrus kingsbury, an early presbyterian missionary to the choctaws, was located at doaksville near old fort towson. he secured the erection of an ample church building and rendered many years of faithful service. he died and was buried in the cemetery at that place in . doaksville, though no longer entitled to a place on the map, is the name of an important pioneer indian village. here the once proud and powerful choctaws established themselves during the later twenties, and were regarded as happy and prosperous before the civil war. fort towson was built by the government to protect them from incursions on the part of the wild kiowas and comanches, who still roamed over the plains of texas. the name of ulyses s. grant was associated with it just before the mexican war. the generous hospitality of col. garland, who died there after a long period of service, is still gratefully remembered. during its most prosperous days, which were long before the civil war, a considerable number of aristocratic choctaws, claiming large plantations in the neighboring valleys, dwelt there near each other. some were men of culture and university education, while others were ignorant and superstitious. some had previously enjoyed the acquaintance and friendship of andrew jackson and zachary taylor, and greatly appreciated the privilege of manifesting their chivalrous spirit. berthlett's store, now used as a stable, was a noted trading establishment and place of social resort. its owner was a native of canada, who had come to live among the choctaws. while living in this beautiful country, where they were paternally protected from poverty at home and the encroachments of enemies abroad it has been said they were so addicted to private quarrels and fatal combats, that there was scarcely a choctaw family that did not have its tragedy of blood. these fatal tribal feuds, however, seldom occurred except on gala days, and the preparations therefor included a supply of "fire-water." the old doaksville cemetery occupies the slope of a hillside near a little stream skirted with timber. some of the leading pioneers of the choctaw nation were buried here. the marble tablets that mark their graves were brought by steam boat from new orleans, up the mississippi and red rivers to a landing four miles south. some of the graves are walled and covered with a marble slab, while others are marked by the erection over them of oddly shaped little houses. in the early days, the full-bloods were in the habit of burying with the body some favorite trinket or article of personal adornment. many of the grave stones attest the fact that the deceased while living enjoyed a good hope of a blessed immortality through our lord jesus christ. iii the bible an important factor in civilization and education the bible a power in the formation of character.--the architect greater than the cathedral.--the bible the basis of the american public school system.--valley of diamonds.--importance of christian teachers. "from a child thou hast known the holy scriptures, which are able to make thee wise unto salvation." "all scripture is given by inspiration of god, and is profitable for instruction; that the man of god may be perfect thoroughly furnished unto all good works."--paul whilst our religious educational institutions where unsectarian instruction in the bible is fundamental, have been producing good results of the highest order, those educational institutions where only secular instruction is given, have been contributing a very small proportion of the world's consecrated moral leaders. of , home missionaries, , received their training in christian educational institutions. of foreign missionaries, received their training in christian educational institutions. it is not correct to say that one standard of education is as good as another. fourteen american colleges, recently established in china by the christian missionaries, though only meagerly equipped, but manned by those of un-questioned christian character, and teaching the plain saving truths of the bible, have become educational centers, from which have gone out the leaders in a peaceful revolution that occurred there in , that have brought the boon of civil and religious liberty to one-fourth of the population of the world. under the beneficent influence of a few christian leaders this ancient empire has been lifted off its hinges and a new life and spirit of progress have been infused into a civilization, hoary with centuries of stagnant heathenism. in this wonderful transformation, effected by trained christian teachers, the church and the world have seen the fulfillment of the bible prediction, "a nation shall be born in a day." training for a noble christian life is many times better than training merely to make a living. the demand for good and true men, to serve as leaders in church and state was never greater than at present. the aim of the church is to supply the world with capable leaders that are "christ-led and bible-fed." a right education knows no limit of breadth. it includes a knowledge of the infinite as well as the finite. it recognizes the fact that finite things can not be rightly understood without knowing their relation to the infinite. our lord jesus, who came into the world to make known the will of the father, "holds in his girdle the key to all the secrets of the universe, and no education can be thorough without the knowledge of him." christian schools are established for the culture of souls. their aim is to develop men and women as persons to the full extent of their powers for the sake of their contribution to the personal welfare and progress of society. the bible a power in the formation of character all things being equal the thorough christian makes a better mechanic, a better farmer, a better housekeeper, teacher, doctor, lawyer or business man, than one who is not a christian. it is the work of a bible school of instruction to equip its graduates with the very best elements of character and progress, and send them forth tempered and polished for the conquest of the world. the young have characters to be molded, ideals to be formed, capacities to be enlarged, an efficiency that may be increased, an energy to be centralized, and a hope and faith to be strengthened. the bible, in the hands of the tactful and faithful christian teacher accomplishes all of these results, by its precepts and interesting biographies. the bible, furnishes the young correct ideals of a noble and useful manhood. the common greed for money, position and outward appearance is weighed in the balance and found wanting. the bible is the fountain of all true character, and furnishes the means for the betterment of one's self. it furnished the principles and ideals that enabled washington, lincoln, frances willard, queen victoria, gladstone and others, to achieve greatness as statesmen, rulers or national leaders; and enabled gary, judson, moffat, livingstone and others to invade dark, dangerous continents that they might become heralds of gospel light and liberty where they were most needed. "buy the truth, sell it not, and the truth shall make you free," was the ringing message they proclaimed to men, women and children. the architect greater than the cathedral a tourist, visiting the famous cathedral at milan, expressed his great surprise at the wonderful vision and perfect ideal of the man, who designed it. a guide remarked, that the mind of the architect, who wrought out the hundred striking features of the design, was greater than the magnificent cathedral. this led another to remark, "only a mind inspired by christ could have designed this wonderful building," how true! the love of christ constrains his people to bring to his service and worship their noblest powers of mind and body. when the tourist viewed the works of art, which included some of the world's most famous statuary and paintings, he found the master pieces of michael angelo, the sculptor, were moses and david, both of them characters from the bible; and the most wonderful paintings were those of the person of our lord jesus, the only redeemer of the world. hayden and handel, two of the world's most famous musical composers, were inspired to write their great choral masterpieces, the "creation" and the "messiah" as a result of their careful study of the sacred scriptures. the best the world has produced in law, literature, poetry, music, art and architecture has been the embodiment of ideals, that have received their inspiration from reading god's holy word, and experiencing saving knowledge of the redeeming work of his blessed son. abraham continues to be the "father of the faithful;" moses, author of the pentateuch, continues to be the world's greatest lawgiver and leader of men; joshua effecting the conquest of canaan on the principle, "divide and conquer," continues to be the inspirer of successful military strategists; david author of psalms, continues to be the world's greatest poet; joseph, daniel and isaiah, continue to be the best ideals for rulers and their counselors; nehemiah, the best representative of a progressive and successful man of affairs; peter and john, the most noted examples of loyalty to truth; paul, the most zealous advocate of a great cause; and our lord jesus continues to be the ideal of the world's greatest teachers and benefactors. the basis of the american public school system "the bible, the basis of moral instruction in the public school," was the interesting theme of an address it was the privilege of the author to deliver at a teachers' institute forty years ago, when engaged in teaching in central pennsylvania. the conviction then became indelibly impressed, that the bible is really the basis of the american public school system. the fact is now noted with a good deal of interest, that the legislature of pennsylvania in , enacted a law, distinctly recognizing this fact, and providing that at least ten verses from the bible shall be read every school day, in the presence of the scholars in every public school within the bounds of the state. every teacher refusing to comply with this law is subject to dismissal. every state in the union should have a law of this kind. the bible is not merely the book of books, it is the only one that has correct ideals for young people. it awakens the desire for more knowledge and inspires the courage to do right. the valley of diamonds ruskin, in "the ethics of dust", referring to the valley of diamonds, remarks that "many people go to real places and never see them; and many people pass through this valley of diamonds and never see it." one great object to be attained in the education of the mind is to awaken an earnest desire for truth. all real life, whether it be in the school, shop or field, consists in using aright the true principles of life, that are found in the word of god. every human heart, that has been illuminated by this word of truth, finds that along the pathway that leads to god, there are hidden the gems and jewels of eternal truth, that prevail in every department of life. these gems are hidden only from the careless and indifferent. those that make a diligent search are sure to find them. this longing desire for truth is not only the mark of a good student, but the assurance also that such a one, if circumstances are favorable will continue to make progress after school days have ended. many pupils, during their youthful school days, fail to perceive the real mission of their education. they do not then fully appreciate the real gold of truth, that cultivates in them "those general charities of heart, sincerities of thought, and graces of habit, which are likely to lead them, throughout life to prefer frankness to affectation, reality to shadows, and beauty to corruption." this enlightenment is pretty sure to come to them later, if the bible has been their daily text book. the christian teacher the acceptance of the bible as the word of god should be regarded as essential, on the part of all teachers of children and youth. if the bible is the great fountain of saving truth and the highest authority on human conduct, and it is to be used as a daily text book, then, it naturally follows, the teacher should be "a workman approved unto god, apt to teach and rightly dividing the word of truth." persons who do not believe in the bible do not care to teach it, and when they are required to do so, they are pretty sure to vaunt their unbelief. the influence of such teachers tends to establish unbelief instead of awakening a longing desire for more truth. emerson in one of his essays, after pressing the fact that the soul is the receiver and revealer of truth, states an undeniable fact, when he says: "that which we are, we shall teach, not voluntarily but involuntarily. thoughts go out of our minds through avenues, which we never voluntarily opened. character teaches over our head. the infallible index of true progress is found in the tone the man takes. neither his age, nor his breeding, nor his company, nor books, nor actions, nor talents, nor all together can hinder him from being deferential to a higher spirit than his own. if he has not found his home in god, his manners, his form of speech, the turn of his sentences, the build, shall i say of all his opinions, will involuntarily confess it, let him brave it out how he will." the longings of the human heart are unsatisfied, until the soul finds its home in god, its creator and preserver. teachers that ignore this fact, lack one thing that is vitally important. our lord jesus, the great teacher, expressed its relative importance when he said: "seek ye first the kingdom of god, and his righteousness; and all these things will be added unto you." a railroad president james j. hill, a prominent railroad president recently made this important statement: "we are making a mistake to train our young people in various lines of knowledge for undertaking the big tasks of life, without making sure also that those fundamental principles of right and wrong as taught in the bible, have become a part of their equipment. there is a control of forces and motives, that is essential to the management of the vast affairs of our nation, which comes only through an educated conscience; and to fail to equip young men, who are to manage the great affairs of the future, with this control and direction, is a serious mistake of the age and bears with it a certain menace for the future." in a recent issue of the assembly herald there appeared the following very pertinent paragraphs on this subject, credited to the synod of tennessee: "in common with all good citizens, we rejoice in the progress of the cause of popular education in our land. the intelligence of our citizenship is a bulwark to the country. but unless the education of the future citizen is complete and symmetrical, the body politic becomes a body partly of iron and partly of potter's clay. the education of the head and the hand without the heart is not enough. "the popular education has no place for the heart in all of its splendid equipment. this is not a reflection on the fine system. it is merely the statement of a melancholy fact. the average state school, high or low, is absolutely colorless as to religion. even the morality that is taught is not the morality of the christian religion, but of philosophical ethics that differ but little from the ethics of the pagan. "our state schools have no place for the god of the bible, nor for the bible of the only living and true god. the poetry of homer and horace are sufficiently honored, but the finer poetry of moses, job and david are unknown in the courses of study of our schools, except now and then as specimens of oriental song. the wise sayings of plato and socrates are reckoned worthy of profound study, while the vastly greater sayings of our lord jesus and paul are unknown. cicero and demosthenes are commended as great models of public address, while isaiah and ezekiel are seldom mentioned in the four years of college life, or in the longer years of the secondary schools. "that education is incomplete and inadequate for life's best, which does not include the whole man, and put first things first. if the heart be not educated and the conscience be not enlightened, the best trained hand may strike in a wrong manner, and the best trained mind pronounce wrong judgments.... our citizenship must be christian if it is to promote a christian civilization." iv the american negro religious instinct.--loyal and patriotic.--the freedman.--homeless and illiterate when emancipated.--first schools during the civil war.--free negroes and college graduates.-- th anniversary. "all nations whom thou hast made shall come and worship before thee and glorify thy name." david. religious instinct in commendation of woman's loyalty and sense of obligation to our lord jesus, it has been said of her, "she was last at his cross and first at his grave, she staid longest there and was soonest here." in recognition of this fact when he rose from the dead he appeared first to one of them, mary magdalene. to the credit of men of african descent, it may be said, that one of them performed the last act of kindness to our lord jesus, and the first individual conversion, of which we have an account in the book of acts, relates to another one. simon, who assisted jesus to bear his cross to the place of crucifixion, was a native of cyrene in north africa. the eastern church canonized him as simon, the black one, because his was the high and holy honor of bearing for the weary christ, his cross of shame and pain. our lord jesus was not long in the black man's debt. a few hours later, he paid it back by bearing for him all his weary burdens, on the very cross the african had borne for him. that was a good start for the black man. philip, directed by an angel of the lord to go south and join himself to the chariot occupied by the eunuch, a man of great authority under the queen of ethiopia, found him reading the prophet isaiah. explaining the scriptures to him the eunuch confessed his faith in jesus, was baptized with water found at the roadside and resumed his journey, homeward from jerusalem, rejoicing. the record of this black man's conversion is the first one of an individual in the book of acts. the religious trait of the american negro has often been the subject of favorable comment. he has never, in all his history, been swayed by the false teachings of infidels, atheists or anarchists. dan crawford, a scotch missionary, the successor of livingstone in the central part of the dark continent, recently stated he had discovered the fact, that the most ignorant and degraded natives of central africa, have a religious instinct, that includes a belief in one god and the immortality of the soul. penetrating the jungles of the interior beyond the reach of a previous explorer, he found a tribe of nearly nude cannibals. he saw one of them eating human flesh. meeting ka la ma ta, their chief, the next day in the presence of several hundred of his tribe, he made special inquiry in regard to their knowledge of god. the result was an astounding surprise. kalamata, gave their name of god as vi de mu ku lu the great king. when further questioned he said: "we know there is a god for the same reason we know where the goats went on a wet night, when we see their deep foot-prints in the mud. we see the sun and the sun sees us. we see the wonderful mountains and the flowing streams, and both tell us there is a god. he is the one who sends the rain. no rain, nothing to eat; no god, no anything." concerning a future life he expressed the thought, the body is the cottage of the soul. the dead do not really die. when one dies they do not say, "he departed", but "he has arrived." the american negro, like his native ancestor, has always manifested this religious instinct. under the influence of a natural instinct the bee invariably builds its cell in the same form for the next brood and the storage of honey for it; the butterfly prepares the cradle and food for offspring it never sees, and the migratory birds follow the sun northward in the spring and southward on the approach of winter. all this is natural instinct. religious instinct is something very different from the natural instinct of any creature. it is a natural power possessed by man alone, and has its sphere in the human conscience. paul, writing to the romans in regard to the barbarians of his day, observed, "god is manifest in them, for the invisible things of god, even his eternal power and god-head, are clearly seen by the things that are made." loyal and patriotic the negro in america has always been loyal and patriotic. he has rendered a voluntary service in the army and navy of the united states that is worthy of special commendation. the records of the war department show that the number of colored soldiers, participating in the several wars of this country was as follows: revolutionary war, - , war of , civil war, - , in the war with spain in cuba in the first troops that were sent to the front were four regiments of colored soldiers, and the service they rendered was distinguished by bravery and courage. the freedman, homeless and illiterate in the number of negroes that were in a state of slavery was , , . in their number in the southern states had increased to , , ; and in the northern states to , , . the emancipation proclamation of president lincoln was issued january , , but it was preceded by a preliminary one on september , , that gave the public a notice of days of the coming event. the act of emancipation that severed the relation binding them to their masters, left them in a very forlorn and deplorable condition. they were homeless and penniless in a country, that had been rendered more or less desolate, by the ravages of war and bloodshed. no provision had ever been made for the spread of intelligence among them. it has been estimated that only about five per cent of them at that time could read and write. their homeless and illiterate condition rendered them comparatively helpless and dependent. in the number of voters enrolled among the freedmen was , , and of these as many as , , were then unable to read and write. these illiterate voters then represented the balance of power in eight southern states and one sixth of the national electoral vote. this was a matter of vital importance to the nation as well as the states. in the percentage of the freedmen that could read and write had been increased to . per cent and in to . per cent. at this latter date however only . per cent of their children, of a school age, were enrolled as attending school, which left more than one million yet to be provided for. first public school the first day school among the freedmen was established at fortress monroe, virginia, by the american missionary association on september , . this school became the foundation of hampton institute, to which the ragged urchin wended his way on foot and slept the first night under a wooden pavement, that has since been known as booker t. washington. in similar schools were established at portsmouth, norfolk, and newport news, virginia; newbern and roanoke island, north carolina, and port royal, south carolina. in december of that year gen. grant assigned col. john eaton the supervision of the freedmen in arkansas, with instruction to establish schools where practical. after the emancipation proclamation of january , , schools for the negroes began to be established in those parts of the south occupied by the federal armies, general banks establishing the first ones in louisiana. in the freedman's bureau was established, and it made the maintenance of schools one of its objects until , when it was discontinued. the work has since been left to the supervision of the several states, aided by the generosity of the friends of christian education through the missionary agencies of their respective churches. it is estimated that since the freedmen, who constitute nearly one half the population of the southern states have received for the support of their schools, only one eighth of the public funds appropriated for the maintenance of common schools. in the rural districts teachers only are furnished, and these are supplied on the condition the freedmen in the district build, furnish and maintain the school building, the same as they do their church buildings. the number of free negroes in the united states in was , . the states having the greatest number of them were pennsylvania, new york, ohio, maryland, virginia and north carolina. a few of these had become graduates of colleges before the war and were thus fitted for intelligent leadership. the beginning and increase in number of these colored college graduates has been as follows; in , ; in , ; in , ; in , ; in , ; in , , ; and in , , . about of them have graduated from our northern colleges the largest number having attended oberlin college at oberlin, ohio, and lincoln university at oxford, pennsylvania. in the whole number that had graduated was , . th anniversary the th anniversary of the emancipation proclamation was observed by a number of the states in september, . in pennsylvania it consisted of an exposition at the city of philadelphia, that lasted one month. the exhibit, showing the progress of the negroes from their infantile condition of years ago, was characterized as "wonderful", and the occasion, one for devout thanksgiving and encouragement on the part of those, who have labored patiently and faithfully for their civil, social, moral or religious development. the presbyterian was the only one of the white churches that attempted an exhibit of its work at this exposition. its exhibit consisted of photographs of churches and schools, and accounts of the results of the work. it included specimens of industrial work done in the schools by the sewers, cabinet workers and other artisans. it was under the direction of rev. john m. gaston, field secretary of the presbyterian board of missions for freedmen. v the problem of the freedman different standpoints.--representation in congress.-- th, th and th amendments.--negro senators and representatives.-- disfranchisements.--results contrary to expectation.--providential leading of joseph, israel, nehemiah and daniel suggestive.--a divine mission.--the freedman's friends.--friendly counsels.--the golden rule. "justice and judgment are the habitation of thy throne; mercy and truth shall go before thy face." "righteousness exalteth a nation but sin is a reproach to any people." the "problem of the negro" is an old and familiar phrase. it relates to the fact, that, however many and great have been the benefits derived from his labor and loyalty, the best management of him has been a troublesome problem to the statesmen of this country, ever since the declaration of independence, and especially the freedman, since his emancipation. like a prism or cube, this problem has several sides, but unlike these symbols, its various sides are unlike each other. the solution of it has always appeared to be different when viewed from different angles of vision. observers in one part of our country unite in saying, "this is the best way to solve this problem," while others in another section insist, they know a better way. the statesman views it from one point of view, the labor leader from another and the christian philanthropist from still another standpoint. the first part of this problem, the one relating to the fact of his freedom, has already been solved. the solution of this introductory part of the problem caused preliminary struggles in kansas and other places, including the civil war. it served to bring out that which was noblest and best in harriet beecher stowe, william lloyd garrison, frederic douglass, henry ward beecher, horace greeley, charles summer, abraham lincoln and others. the parts that remain to be solved relate to his uplift from ignorance, poverty and degradation, to the attainment of the ability to support himself, by a fair chance in the labor market, and the enjoyment of approved educational, religious and political privileges. he has been accorded the right to own property, and is enjoying that right to the full extent of his ability to acquire and hold it. he has been accorded limited educational and religious privileges, and has made a very commendable progress along both of these lines. it is at this point we reach the difficult and unsolved part of the problem. the intelligent and prosperous portion of them in the south, though native and loyal americans, are discriminated against, and denied rights and recognitions, that are accorded other nationalities, though illiterate. the popular reason assigned, for locally withholding from all of them certain privileges of citizenship, is the fact that a great number of them continue to be illiterate. in several of the states the freedman is denied the privilege of enjoying the instruction of competent white teachers in their state and public schools, and in all of them he is prohibited from attending white schools, as in pennsylvania and other northern states. the discriminations against them are so general, that it is almost impossible for any of them to acquire skill as workmen, or become fitted to serve their own people in the professions, except from those of their own number, or institutions of learning provided specially for them. representation in congress during the last forty years, the freedmen have been counted as a part of the population, in apportioning the districts for the election of representatives in the congress of the united states. this inclusion of their number, in the arrangement of the districts, has enabled the states to which they belong, to have a considerable number of additional congressmen, that they would not have had, if the districts had been arranged according to the white population, which alone has been permitted to vote. since the additional number of congressmen representing the suppressed vote of the freedmen, has been in a total of members. these additional representatives, based on the population representing the suppressed vote of the freedmen, have come from the different states as follows: alabama, ; arkansas, ; florida, ; georgia, ; louisiana, ; mississippi, ; north carolina, ; south carolina, ; texas, . total, . this is an unexpected and a rather anomalous condition. it places the freedmen in this country on a plane somewhat similar to that accorded the philippines and porto ricans, as regards the matter of government and participation therein. it also, however, suggests the goal towards which education, religion and consequent material prosperity are gradually uplifting the race. this goal is clearly expressed in the following amendments to the constitution of the united states. amendments to the constitution article xiii. section i. neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the united states, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.--(ratified dec. , .) article xiv. section i. all persons born or naturalized in the united states and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the united states, and of the state wherein they reside. no state shall make or enforce any law, which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the united states; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty or property, without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. section . representatives shall be apportioned among the several states according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each state, excluding indians not taxed. but when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for president and vice-president of the united states, representatives in congress, the executive and judicial officers of a state, or the members of the legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such state, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the united states, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion, which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such state.--(ratified july , .) article xv. section i. the right of citizens of the united states to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the united states or by any state on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. section . the congress shall have power to enforce this article (or these articles) by appropriate legislation.--(ratified march , .) negro senators and representatives as a result of these amendments two negroes, one free born, the other a freedman were elected to the united states senate, namely, hiram r. revels, - ; and blanche k. bruce, - , both from mississippi. twenty others have enjoyed the privilege of serving as representatives in congress, during the thirty-two years intervening between and . the first of these was jefferson long of georgia, who served alone in and . during the next four years to , there were four representatives, representing alabama, florida, mississippi and south carolina, the last having two colored representatives during this entire period. their number was then reduced to two representatives, and finally to none since , save that there were three during the terms commencing , and . their last representatives were george w. murray of south carolina, to ; and george h. white of north carolina, to . five of these twenty representatives were re-elected and served terms of four years; three served six years, and joseph h. rainey of south carolina enjoyed the unusual privilege of serving ten years, to . eight of them were from south carolina, four from north carolina, three from alabama and one from florida, georgia, louisiana, mississippi and virginia. disfranchisements during the seventies and eighties the freedmen were to a considerable extent disfranchised by means of "election devices, practices and intimidations." since , when mississippi took the lead, a number of the states have passed laws restricting the right of suffrage on their part to such tests as the payment of their annual taxes, previous to a certain date; ownership of a certain amount of land or personal property, the ability to read and write the constitution of the state or of the united states, and the "grandfather clause" which permits one unable to meet the educational or property tests to continue to vote, if he enjoyed that privilege, or is a lineal descendant of one that did so, previous to the date mentioned therein, usually . the following states have enacted laws containing the "grandfather clause:" south carolina, louisiana, alabama, virginia, north carolina, georgia and in , oklahoma. this part of the oklahoma statute reads as follows: "but no person who was on january , , or at any time prior thereto, entitled to vote under any form of government, or who at that time resided in some foreign nation, and no lineal descendant of such person shall be denied the right to register and vote because of his inability to so read and write such constitution." result contrary to expectation this historic record, of representation in the highest legislative council of the nation, is very suggestive. that the freedmen should have been accorded the largest number of representatives just after the dawn of freedom, when their general condition has always been described as extremely deplorable, that this number should have been gradually diminished with the spread of intelligence among them; and that finally they should have no representative during the last thirteen years, when their progress in education and material prosperity has been, at their fiftieth anniversary, declared to be "wonderful," certainly does not seem to be in accordance with what one intuitively would expect to be the natural order of things. it is quite natural the present order of things should awaken and develop a feeling of protest on the part of the freedmen, for they appreciate rights and privileges as well as other races and nations. their segregation, enforced on all alike in cities, public places and conveyances results also in many disappointing and humiliating experiences to those who are leaders among them. the existing order is, however, an expression of local public sentiment and of the wisest statesmanship of those, who claim to be the best friends of the freedman, because they live nearest to him and know better than others how to provide for his needs, including rights and privileges. he enjoys the privileges of public protection to life, property and the pursuit of happiness, but to a considerable extent is denied the privilege of representation in making laws and exercising the power of government. these historic facts relating to the gradual curtailment of the privilege of representation in legislation and government have been noted, not merely because they form an important part in a full statement of the negro problem, but as a prelude to the following facts, and suggestions to the freedmen. providential leading the history of the negro in america has been one of providential leading and apparently to enable him to work out his own destiny. from the time the dutch slave ship in landed the first importation, consisting of slaves, at jamestown, virginia, to the present time, every important event or change in his condition has come to him from others, who without aid or suggestion from him have been moved to act for him. the experience of joseph, in passing through the pit and the prison, on the way to his real mission, the experience of israel in egypt from the death of joseph until the time of their deliverance at the red sea, and the experience of nehemiah and daniel, captives at babylon, who were there providentially led and prepared for the most signal services of their lives, seem like historic parallels flashing from inspired bible story, their comforting and prophetic light on the servile and dark experiences of the negro in america. in all of these instances the persons were subject to the control of others, the way seemed dark, trying and utterly disappointing, and the opportunities, that prepared the way for important transitions, came unsought and in ways wholly unexpected. the things that proved of greatest importance in every instance were the intelligence, integrity, patience and piety of the individual. the god-fearing integrity of joseph was expressed when he resisted a great temptation by saying, "how can i do this great wickedness and sin against god?" israel in egypt submissively and obediently undertook to make the full tale of brick when unsympathetic taskmasters withheld the usual and necessary amount of straw. nehemiah, a captive cup-bearer of a heathen prince, won his confidence and when honorably permitted to return and rebuild the wall of jerusalem, nobly answered his idle opposers, "i am doing a great work i cannot come down to you." daniel, when a captive youth, "purposed in his heart not to defile himself with the king's meat or the wine which he drank," or be swerved from his fidelity to the living and true god by threats of the lion's den. when the lives of the wise men of babylon were in danger of being suddenly taken by royal command, he is introduced to king nebuchadnezzar with the significant words, "i have found a man of the captives of judah that will make known to the king the interpretation." he was a man whose power of vision enabled him to forecast the future correctly and possessed the courage to act prudently. though a captive and denied many privileges, he proved himself an intelligent and trustworthy man and, serving as a special counsellor of five successive heathen kings, achieved for himself the worthy reputation of being the greatest statesman of his age. all of these men discovered, that their imprisonment or captivity was a part of the divine plan, that providentially led and prepared them for their real mission, which in each instance proved to be one of prominent usefulness. all of them were true patriots, but none of them were "office seekers" or "corrupt politicians." they loved more than any other their own native land, because of its sacred literature and religious institutions, but they were loyal and true to those who ruled over them in a foreign land. if any of them had manifested a political ambition, the divine plan, in regard to their promotion and usefulness, would have been immediately frustrated, and the memory of their names would have perished with their generation. a divine mission may we not believe that god had a plan and purpose, in bringing the negro to the christian colonies, that established our government on the fundamental principles of civil and religious liberty. his condition during the period of servitude, which lasted years, was perhaps in many places but little worse than that of most of his kinsmen in africa, during this same period; while now, at the end of the first fifty years of freedom, the condition and prospects of the intelligent and prosperous ones among them, are declared to be better than those enjoyed by their kinsmen, any where on earth. the freedman's friends the freedman has hosts of friends, who are interested in his welfare. he has interested neighbors, amongst whom he lives, and also friends at a distance. both are trying to solve the problem of his true relation to american institutions and privileges. while both have been co-operating together to a considerable extent and in a very commendable manner for the betterment of his condition, it remains to note however that if one is considered by the other as moving too slowly, or too rapidly, one acts as a gentle spur or check to the other. this is the harmonizing process that is now going on among the friends of the freedman. he is scarcely regarded as a participating factor in this harmonizing process. there are times when to him every new event seems to be one moving him in the wrong direction. his natural impulse, on experiencing these apparently adverse movements, is to raise the voice of bitter complaint against one set of his friends. when this is done in a personal or partisan way it is offensive and always does more harm than good. this method of procedure should therefore never be approved or adopted. friendly counsels a respectful protest against a wrong and an appeal to have it removed, addressed to the person or body having the power to remove it, is an inherent right and a proper method of procedure whenever deemed advisable. "love thy neighbor as thyself" should be regarded as a fundamental principle by every freedman. when the herdmen of abraham and lot had a little trouble over cattle and pastures, abraham, who had received all the land by promise and lot was really a troublesome intruder, discovered the greatness of his soul and settled the difficulty by saying to lot, "let there be no strife, i pray thee, between me and thee, and between my herdmen and thy herdmen, for we be brethren. "is not the whole land before thee? separate thyself from me, if thou wilt take the left hand, then i will go to the right, or if thou depart to the right hand, then i will go to the left." do not become impatient. your friends at a distance, especially those in the churches, are generously endeavoring to help you to climb the ladder of progress, until a larger proportion of the race has been uplifted to the plane of an enlightened christian civilization. that the freedman, notwithstanding his wonderful progress during the last fifty years, is still in an infantile condition, is freely confessed. it was eighty years from the time the helpless babe was uplifted from the river, before moses was called to be the leader and deliverer of israel. the uplift from the river and training in his case came from the gentle hands of others. this fact is quite significant. the freedman who, avoiding the worthless and corrupt politician and over zealous office seeker, makes a good success of his farm and co-operates cordially with his friends and neighbors in effecting the educational and moral uplift of his race, will be happiest while he lives and do most to hasten the day, when political privileges, now temporarily withheld, will be restored to those who are found capable and worthy of their enjoyment. if you happen to live in a state where your neighbor does not wish you to be a politician and hold office, do not worry. there are thousands of citizens every year and in all parts of our land, who do not vote and merely because they do not care to do so. the voice of protest, against the useless and corrupt politician, is now heard in all parts of our land. in many of our cities, he has already been relegated to the junk heap, by the adoption of the commission form of government. two of the states, kansas and oklahoma, are now vying with each other, to see which shall be first to adopt the same system in the management of the public affairs of the state, and thus dispense with a lot of unnecessary public officials. "a public office is a public trust" and affords an opportunity to render a useful and honorable service, but holding public office is not essential to the happiness and prosperity of any of us. an over eager desire to hold public office often suggests nothing more, than an effort to find employment for the idle. the better way, as in the cases of saul and david, kings of israel, and of washington and grant, commanders-in-chief of our armies, is to let the office seek the man. the golden rule "as ye would that men should do to you, do ye also to them." the application of the golden rule to this part of this problem, suggests that every man is entitled to recognition according to his worth. "our country can fulfil its high mission among the nations of the earth, conferring lasting benefits on ourselves and all mankind, only by guaranteeing to its humblest citizen his just right to life, liberty, protection from injustice, the enjoyment of the fruits of his own labor and the pursuit of happiness in his own way, as long as he walks in the path of rectitude and duty and does not trespass upon the rights of others," declares ex-president roosevelt. "morality, and not expediency, is the thing that must guide us," is the emphatic declaration of president woodrow wilson. the false assumption that "the end justifies the means has come from self-centered men, who see in their own interests the interests of the country, and do not have vision enough to read it in wider terms, the universal terms of equity and justice." vi voices from the black belt "if any man hear my voice and open the door." in a discussion of the negro problem it is eminently appropriate the freedman and his neighbor be accorded the privilege of expressing their respective views. the thoughts expressed in this chapter have been gleaned principally from the columns of the afro-american, a colored weekly, published by the faculty of biddle university, charlotte, north carolina. the problem of the negro relates to his capacity for improvement and self-support. is the american negro, after centuries of slavery, that kept the race in an infantile condition, capable of development and self support? over this question the people of our country have expressed differing opinions, many insisting that the servant condition is the better one for the american negro. the presbyterian standard, published at charlotte, n. c., a section of country in which the latter sentiment still prevails, recently bore this testimony to their progress. "while it is true of them as a mass that they are an infantile race, it is not true of them in many individual cases. there are thousands of them, who have advanced wonderfully during the last fifty years. they have made progress in every line. they are owning more farms every year, and in our cities they are buying homes, which sometimes would do credit to a more enlightened people. their churches are not only built in better taste, but their preachers are becoming better educated, and are exerting a stronger moral influence than ever before." this frank statement fairly represents the sentiment of the thoughtful christian people of the south. some who have thought otherwise have been led to admit that, "while great advance has been made by a race only fifty years old, it is still in its infancy and therefore in the servant condition." nor is it any exception in this respect. through adversity and hard treatment, the irish people who first came to this country were largely in a servant condition. they accepted it. they became our domestics and built our railroads. but "pat" is not on the railroad now. he is found occupying the seat of the chief justice, or serving as private secretary of the president and filling many other positions of honor and influence throughout the country. what is thus true of the irishman, is also true of other europeans, who came to this country. it is an honor to them, that they truly appreciated their condition, accepted it and, through an honest and valiant struggle, rose above that condition to something better. the american negro is now making it evident, that he is no exception to this general law of progress, under favorable conditions. it is neither necessary nor prudent to blind their eyes in regard to their real condition and status. their best friends are those who encourage them to accept the situation in which they have been placed by an over ruling providence, and, through a noble endeavor, worthy of divine favor, rise to something better. their friends assist them best by aiding and encouraging them to make this noble endeavor, without which they cannot rise. the mass of the people must have native teachers and preachers to serve as leaders. this suggests the need of two kinds of educational facilities. a common industrial education, that will enable the mass of the people to achieve success in their daily avocations; and some special educational facilities of a higher grade, to prepare the needed supply of teachers, preachers and other leaders. the mass of the people need an education, the scope of which will reach their physical, mental and spiritual natures. their greatest need is instruction in the bible, that it may exert its saving power on their early lives and animate them with noble aspirations. the cry of the black belt "they shall cry unto the lord because of the oppressors and he shall send them a saviour and a great one and he shall deliver them."--isaiah. the following appeal in behalf of the freedmen, by rev. a. w. verner, d. d., president of scotia seminary, concord, north carolina, one of the five normal schools of the presbyterian board, especially intended for girls, is so well and forcibly expressed, we are sure it will be appreciated by every reader. "the urgent call from the black belt is the cry of souls in distress, the cry of humanity. fifty years of unprecedented progress, in every line of industrial and intellectual pursuits and religious development, on the part of a considerable number of the colored people, show clearly, that the negro is capable of receiving and using to good advantage the education and training of the christian school." "industrial education, that lacks genuine christian culture, does not provide leaders of the right character to redeem the race, and many of our friends in the south do not care to open to the negro the doors of opportunity, to develop and manifest the best that is in him. it is therefore to the christian church of the north and to individuals, who have come to recognize the bond of human brotherhood, to whom this infant race still makes its appeal." "the sad and degraded condition of great masses of the race in many localities of the south, ought to be an appeal, silent indeed but sufficiently strong, to awaken the sympathy of every one, capable of being touched by the cry of needy humanity. as a representative of the great presbyterian church, that has called me into a very important and necessary field of her work, i earnestly appeal to our people to do more for the establishment and fostering of christian schools among the great masses of the black belt." "the christian church and the christian school have something to give, that can be gotten nowhere else. the public school where established and industrial training where available are good and necessary. but the christian school is still needed and very greatly, to give moral and spiritual ballast to the individual. the leaven of gospel power and purity is needed, to give moral strength to the character and the highest degree of usefulness in life." christian education "christian education is not narrow, it takes in every phase of training that is essential to produce a well developed and useful life. it touches and tints industrial training with a brighter and richer glow. it quickens the faculties of the mind, adds keenness to the power of perception, forms permanent habits of industry and strengthens the will or purpose to do right. "christian education emphasizes the fact that it is not merely book learning--storing the mind with knowledge of facts or training the hands to work, but includes moral elevation, as well as intellectual development. it includes everything that tends to make the life purer, better and more useful. it begets and fosters a spirit of hopefulness. it develops that patience and perseverance that is needed for the best performance of every day's duties. "christian education emphasizes personal purity, purity of the family life and the sacredness of the marriage relation. its whole trend and effect is upward. its genius is moral, spiritual, industrial, domestic, social and individual elevation. it creates a hunger and thirst for higher and better things. it is the mountain summit from whose height one gets a broader vision, a clearer view of the possibilities and demands of life and a truer conception of all human relations. "this is the provision that must be made for our black brother. nothing less will meet his needs. a great responsibility rests with negro leaders who have attained a good degree of intelligence and refinement, but a greater responsibility still rests upon the people of richer blessing and greater power. "if the spirit of true democracy, which declares, 'opportunity for every one, according to his capacity and merit,' and the spirit of christianity, whose principle is, 'help for the weaker as the stronger is able to give it,' be exercised toward the negro, many of the difficulties will vanish, better conditions will prevail and more desirable results will be secured." this cry of humanity from the black belt of our land is very touching and suggestive. it suggests the negro's greatest and most urgent needs, the bible, the bible school and the christian teacher. it is the silent appeal of joseph while passing through the pit and the prison in the land of israel's enslavement. beyond these dark and unpleasant experiences there awaited for joseph a career of great usefulness in the land of his previous imprisonment. let us recognize the fact that god has a great use for the freedman in this our native land, because he has providentially brought him here and increased his number so greatly. a spirit of true patriotism, as well as the tie of christian brotherhood, prompts the lending of a helping hand and an encouraging word, while he solves the problem of his own destiny of great usefulness in the home, the school, the church, in the shop, on the farm and in the fields of professional opportunity and business activity. it may be truly said of the freedmen that they represent the poor of this world, of whom the lord jesus said, "ye have the poor always with you, me ye have not always. inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these, my brethren, ye have done it unto me." vii uplifting influences from darkness to light.--an historic comparison. "look unto the rock whence ye were hewn, and to the hole of the pit whence ye were digged."--isaiah : . from darkness to light the historic incidents, having an uplifting influence that occurred among the choctaw freedmen of indian territory, from the time of their first instruction in the bible to the establishment and present development of oak hill industrial academy, when briefly summarized, seem like a reproduction on a miniature scale of those greater events that occurred among the christian nations of europe and america preceding the adoption of their systems of public instruction. i. the choctaw freedmen rev. cyrus kingsbury, a generous hearted missionary to the indians, having charge of a church building at doaksville, encourages the slaves in the vicinity to meet in it occasionally on sabbath afternoons, for the purpose of receiving instruction in the bible and shorter catechism. this bible instruction does not result in the organization of a church at that place, but opportunity is given for the manifestation and development of the religious instinct of a number of persons, amongst whom there are two young men, who were destined later to become influential leaders among the enslaved people whom they represented. after their emancipation, one locates on the west bank of the kiamichi river and later becomes known as parson stewart, the organizer and circuit rider of a sufficient number of churches, at the time of his decease in , to form the presbytery of ki a mich i. the other, accompanied by several personal friends, migrates fifteen miles eastward and founds a home in the oak hill neighborhood. in the course of a short time he is visited by the parson and his home becomes a house of worship, where a church is organized and henry crittenden is ordained as its ruling elder. a sunday school for bible instruction follows the establishment of public worship, and two years later it is followed by the establishment of a week-day school, for the benefit of all the children and youth in the neighborhood. eight years later, when the trained missionary teacher arrives, the inspiration of a new life is infused into the church and sunday school, and the week-day school becomes an important industrial academy, where the bible is the basis of the moral and religious instruction. in they receive an allotment of lands that they may become independent owners of their own homes. in statehood brings the rural public school and in , an intelligent freedman is entrusted with the management of the industrial academy, church and farm. this sequence of events includes the dark period of slavery and illiteracy followed by instruction in the bible, the light of the world; the development of the native preacher of the gospel as a leader, the organization of the church, followed by the sunday school, the week-day school, the academy, normal, public school and finally a native superintendent of the academy and independent ownership of land. ii. the europeans and americans the dark ages the period from the th to the th centuries of the christian era has been classed by historians as the "dark ages" of the world, because of the general prevalence in europe of ignorance, superstition and barbarism. some of the leading events that occurred during this gloomy period, immediately following the decline and fall of the roman empire, tended almost wholly to check the spread of intelligence and the prosperity of the people, rather than to promote their welfare. the scriptures were neglected and the clergy as well as the people became worldly, ignorant, selfish and superstitious. the saracens and normans these unfavorable events included, at the beginning of this period, the invasion of palestine and southern europe including spain, its most western state, by the mohammedans of arabia, often called saracens and infidels, who were fanatically inflamed with a passion to destroy with the sword all the people of the world, who would not obey mohammed, their prophet. during the next century germany, britain, holland and france, then called gaul, were ruthlessly invaded by conquering hordes of the adventurous and barbarous normans, who came from norway, sweden and denmark, countries north of the baltic sea. the crusaders or cross-bearers these invasions were followed by the period of the crusaders, to , when as many as seven great armies or multitudes of people were assembled at the call of the popes, and wearing crosses on their shoulders, marched through the intervening countries to palestine. their object was to rescue the city of jerusalem and the holy sepulchre from the infidels. the first crusade was organized in france, and it enlisted an army of , . godfrey, duke of lorraine, was placed in command, and the multitude was arranged for the march in three divisions. peter, the hermit, a wrong-headed monk, was appointed leader of the first division and experienced an inglorious and irreparable defeat on the way. godfrey, after the siege and conquest of jerusalem in , was chosen king to rule over palestine and the holy city, as his kingdom. at the time of his coronation he made the noble remark, that, "he could not bear the thought of wearing a crown of gold in that city, where the king of kings had been crowned with thorns." the brave soldier and manly man, who gave expression to this noble sentiment, died the next year. under weak and unskilful chiefs the crusaders while on the way wandered about like undisciplined bands of robbers, plundering cities, committing the most abominable enormities, and spreading misery and desolation where-ever they passed. there was no kind of insolence, injustice and barbarity of which they were not guilty. the seven successive crusades drained the wealth of the fairest provinces and caused the loss of a prodigious number of people. those of the first crusade, that remained in palestine, were divided by sordid ambition and avarice, and in saladin, sultan of egypt and syria, the most valiant chief of the mohammedan warriors, recaptured jerusalem and subsequent crusaders were not able to regain it. first rays of light the first rays of light, that serve to dispel the darkness of prevailing night, may be briefly summarized in the following leading events. in =alfred the great=, king of england, founds a seminary at oxford to promote the study of sacred literature. later it becomes a university, the first one in europe, and it is still distinguished as one of the greatest institutions in the world for publishing the scriptures in a form suited for the use of preachers and christian teachers. two centuries later the second university is founded at cambridge, england. about =peter waldo= of lyons, france, committing to memory such portions of the scriptures as he could obtain, and taking for his favorite saying, the command of our lord to the rich youth, "if thou wilt be perfect, go and sell that thou hast, and give to the poor, and thou shalt have treasure in heaven, and come, follow me," commences to preach the gospel, as the apostles had done, in the homes of the people and in their market places. as he attracts followers, who also commit portions of the scriptures, he sends them out like the seventy, two and two, to preach the word of god. they are called waldenses, after the name of their leader, and oppose corrupt doctrines and practices with the plain truths of the word of god. they oppose the crusades, as fanatical expeditions on the part of those who were not jews, and therefore were unjust and unlawful. they insist the church consists not merely of the clergy or priests, but includes the whole family of believers. the advocacy of these principles and by laymen, causes them to be excommunicated, then anathematized and finally to be condemned by a council at rome in . peter waldo, their leader, flees from land to land, preaching as he goes and dies in bohemia in . in , king john of england, yielding to the insistent demand of the barons, issued the magna charta, (great charter) the first grant of english constitutional liberty, pledging the right of trial by jury and protection of life, liberty and property from unlawful deprivation. it is immediately denounced by the pope, innocent iii, who absolves the king from all obligation to keep the pledges therein expressed and solemnized by the royal oath. in =john wiclif=, a graduate of oxford and member of the english parliament, presents to that body indisputable reasons, why, without the approval of the parliament, not even the king of england could make their lands subject to a tax claimed by a foreign sovereign, representing the papacy. as a religious leader, he instructs his followers, called "poor priests," to pass from village to village and city to city, and to preach, admonish and instruct the people in "god's law." he accomplishes the translation of the latin vulgate into the english of his day, that his countrymen might have the scriptures in their own language. =charles v=, king of france, has the scriptures translated into the french language, for the enlightenment of his people. during this th century seventeen universities are founded and they include the one at geneva in switzerland, heidelberg in germany and prague in bohemia. the morning star in john huss of bohemia, the morning star or john baptist of the reformation, appears as "the voice of one crying in the wilderness." his mother, left a widow in early life, gave him to the service of the lord as he lay in the cradle, and later, like hannah of old, took him to the school at prague. [illustration: biddle university, charlotte, n. c.] [illustration: bethesda mission, wynnewood, okla.] [illustration: campus from north] [illustration: university houston library chapel] when he became a preacher he found the lord's vineyard a desert, the ministers of religion, the priests, ignorant, worldly and dissolute, and the popes of that period no better than the priests. the people, designedly chained to the basest superstitions and following the example of their leaders, have cast aside the restraints of chastity and morality. his heart touched with pity at the sight of the religious destitution of the people, his anger, like that of moses "waxed hot" against those, who should have given them the gospel of their salvation. encouraged by the example of wiclif to make known the truth, he affirms the supreme authority of the scriptures, proclaims against the abuse of the clergy and endeavors to regenerate the religious life of both priests and people. his glowing zeal for the honor of god and the church move the people in a way until then unknown; but the priests, unwilling to reform or longer endure his piercing protests, falsely accuse him of heresy. in , after fifteen years of self denying and heroic service, he is condemned at constance and suffers martyrdom at the stake. a century later luther, who imbibed his heroic spirit, said of him, "the gospel we now have was born out of the blood of john huss." the first printed bible the art of printing is invented and the vulgate, a latin bible, is the first book printed. it is issued in and is printed on a hand press at mentz, germany. previous to this event and date all books were in the form of costly manuscripts and their number could be increased, only one copy at a time, by penmen called copyists. the mariners compass is invented and in columbus discovers america, and thirty years later magellan sails around the world. during this th century the universities of glasgow and st. andrews are founded in scotland, mentz and eighteen others, on the continent. iii. the reformation martin luther "arise, shine, for thy light is come." in , martin luther, the apostle of the german nation, a man of learning and undaunted courage, whose equal had not been known since the days of paul, appears as the valiant and steadfast leader of the reformation in germany. in he becomes the founder of the evangelical lutheran church, and aided by melancthon, succeeds in translating and giving to the german people the bible in their own language, and in preparing the augsburg confession that has since served as a standard of faith and bond of union for the lutheran churches in europe and america. emotion and imaginative piety have become the hand-maids of superstition; and patriotism, lacking courage, has covered its face. he writes hymns and patriotic songs, that inspire the german heart with loyalty to the truth and devotion to their fatherland. john calvin in , john calvin, a man of great learning and glowing eloquence with burning zeal for the honor of his master, appears as the leader of the reformation in france, but nine years later, joins farrel, the successor of the zealous but fallen zwingli, in switzerland, and becomes head of the university at geneva. he secures the adoption of a constitution, that gave and also limited the authority of the church to spiritual, and of the state to temporal matters; and thus prepares the way for the separation anew of church and state, and the enjoyment of civil and religious liberty. educated for the priesthood, he is assigned a parish and there obtained a copy of the scriptures. when he discovered the erroneous teaching and practices of the church of rome, he resigns his charge and completes a course in law and another in theology in the university of paris. he becomes a man void of fear and is borne onward on the wings of a living faith. following the example of paul in his letters to the churches, and of augustine, bishop of hippo ( - ) in north africa, he undertakes to state in a systematic form the great facts and doctrines of the bible, as one of the best means of opposing and overcoming prevailing errors and corrupt practices in church and state. he feels the spirit of god moving him to blazon triumphantly, the thought of god's sovereignty and man's utter dependency, in order to dash in pieces the prevalent self righteousness. his writings, by emphasizing the supreme authority of the divine word, have tended to raise the moral standard of individuals and communities, and by emphasizing the moral law, to lessen the distinction between the "sins" of the bible and "crimes" of the civil law. their tendency has been to make the moral law the rule for states as well as persons. presbyterianism, or government of the church by ruling elders and presbyters as in the apostolic period, and republicanism, government by representatives, are advocated with transcendent ability, and success. after the death of luther in , calvin exerts a great influence over the thinking men of that notable period in switzerland, france, germany, holland, italy, england and scotland. the young preachers, sent out from the university at geneva, establish , reformed congregations in these countries, and in , the last year of his life, the confession of the reformed churches in france is officially recognized by the state. an ardent and effective friend of civil liberty, he makes the city of his adoption the nursery of a pure, noble civilization; and the little republic of geneva becomes the sun of the european world. animated by his example and principles, william, prince of orange, in , establishes the dutch republic in holland, and it becomes "the first free nation to put a girdle of empire around the world." bancroft, the historian, in summarizing the influences that contributed to american independence makes this creditable reference to calvinism. "we are proud of the free states that fringe the atlantic. the pilgrims of plymouth were calvinists, the best influences in south carolina came from the calvinists of france. william penn was a disciple of the huguenots; the ships from holland, that in brought the first colonists to manhattan (new york), were filled with calvinists. he that will not honor the memory and respect the influence of calvin, knows but little of the origin of american liberty." william tyndale in henry viii aided by william tyndale, the new translator of the new testament and pentateuch, and in edward vi, his successor, promote the establishment of the reformation in england. a change of rulers in leads to the martyrdom of archbishop cranmer, bishops, latimer and ridley, and of john rogers, the zealous reformer--four of the noblest men england ever produced. it was the noble-hearted, youthful tyndale who, when he came to perceive that the word of god was the gift of god to all mankind and all had a right to read it, that declared to one of the clergy opposing him, "if god spares my life, ere many years, i will cause a boy that driveth the plow to know more of the scriptures than you do." john knox in , john knox, a pupil of calvin, establishes the reformation in scotland and under his leadership the church of scotland from the first adopts the system of doctrines and the forms of worship and of government established at geneva. huguenots of france in , admiral coligny, taken prisoner at the battle of st. quentin, is confined at gaud in spain. securing a copy of the scriptures he reads it, and, after his release, becomes the enthusiastic leader of the hu gue nots of france. they represent the most moral, industrious and intelligent of the french people, but those who love the "mass", which involves no moral obligation, hate them on account of their chaste and devout lives. in , when a bloody persecution arises against them, they begin to emigrate to england, germany, netherlands, switzerland and the colonies of north america. it was fenelon, one of the preachers of the huguenots in france under the feudal system, about the year , that gave utterance to the patriotic sentiment, emphasized in this country since the rise of the great trusts, "that governments exist and have a right to exist, only for the good of the people, and that the many are not made for the use and enjoyment of one." the bible in the puritans protest against the act of uniformity passed by the english parliament, imposing uniformity in religious worship. the bible has now come to be regarded as of so much importance to the clergy and people, that as many as fifty-five learned men during this th century devote their time and attention to its exposition and illustration; and twenty-seven new universities are established. the reformation is an insurrection or revolution against ecclesiastical monarchy and absolute power in the church, or spiritual matters. it establishes freedom of inquiry and liberty of mind in europe. the bible and theology occupy the attention of the greatest minds, and every question, whether philosophical, political or historical is considered from the religious point of view. the inquisition in , pope gregory ix, establishes the inquisition, a cruel court of inquiry for the suppression of those who question the authority of the papacy to rule over them in the church. it becomes very active in italy, france, spain, portugal and ireland. it is not suppressed in france until , after a period of six centuries. in , ignatius loy o la, an illiterate spanish soldier and priest, with papal authority, organizes the society of the jesuits, to require christians to renounce whatever opinions may separate them, and, accepting the doctrines and worship of the roman catholic church to acknowledge the pope as christ's sole vicegerent on earth. the inquisition had previously proved a bloody court but this order is intended to make it more effective in suppressing freedom of thought and action in matters relating to education and religion. the events that occur during the period of the inquisition are harrowing to relate. the historians of that period have recorded, among others, the following executions and massacres. the duke of alva, a spanish general and persecutor who died in , condemned , of his countrymen to be executed. on the night of august , , the anniversary of st. bartholomew, charles ix, of france, by offering his sister in marriage to the prince of navarro, a huguenot, assembles at the nuptials in paris five hundred of the most prominent of the huguenots, including admiral coligny, their venerable leader, and, at a given signal an unparalleled scene of horror ensues. before the break of day, these noble leaders and , of their faithful followers, in paris that night, are ruthlessly slaughtered. the horrid carnage, against these defenceless friends of truth and right, is extended to lyons, orleans, rouen and other cities until , are massacred at this particular time. the total loss of france by the inquisition has been estimated at , persons. it is estimated that, during a period of seven years pope julius ii effected the massacre of , persons. the irish massacre at ulster in cost ireland the loss of more than , of her best citizenship. it is estimated that during a period of thirty years as many as , persons suffered martyrdom for the truth at the hands of the secret order of jesuits. during the entire period of persecution by the papacy, a vast multitude, numbering many millions in addition to these, were proscribed, banished, starved, suffocated, drowned, imprisoned for life, buried alive, burned at the stake or assassinated.[ ] these dark historic events illustrate the price that had to be paid for letting the light shine when darkness prevailed in the high places of the world. every martyr for the truth was a torch bearer, whose light was extinguished. the countries that suffered the greatest loss of their best citizenship received a check of more than a century's growth. the hand on the dial of progress was turned backward wherever the blighting inquisition was felt. its blighting effects may yet be seen in italy, spain, portugal, ireland and other countries where the papacy exerts a controlling influence. men, whose deeds are evil and they are unwilling to repent, hate the light and endeavor to suppress it, by killing the torch bearer, "lest their deeds should be reproved." a knowledge of these conditions that prevailed at the time is necessary to enable one to appreciate the importance and greatness of the work of the reformers and their faithful followers during the th century in giving the bible to the people at the risk of their lives. independent ownership of land in the pilgrim fathers, bringing with them the bible as a precious treasure, establish a colony at plymouth rock, massachusetts, where they hope to enjoy civil and religious liberty to a fuller extent than they were able to do elsewhere. other colonies are established along the atlantic coast, from new england to georgia, but no one of them exerts a moral influence, quite so potent as this one, in the events and councils that precede the laying of the foundations for this great government. they now enjoy individual or independent ownership of lands, a privilege they did not enjoy under the feudal system that had its rise in the th century and was continued until the french revolution in . under the feudal system the land was owned by dukes, earls and barons, who, as members of the house of lords, alone participated in the government. the orators of the pulpit, commonly called preachers of the gospel, aside from the academies, colleges and universities, are the principal teachers of the people, and for the purpose of instruction, they use but one book--the bible. in other colonies of puritans, under roger williams and thomas hooker settle rhode island and connecticut, respectively; and religious liberty is accorded rhode island by its charter in . westminster assembly in , the westminster assembly, convened by the long parliament five years previous, and composed of lords, commoners and clergymen, representing the churches in england, scotland and ireland, to prepare a statement of the doctrines of the bible, that might form the basis of religious liberty and a bond of union of the protestant churches, completes its work, by publishing a confession of faith, form of government, larger and shorter catechisms. this confession does not give rise to any new denominations nor result in any union; but it is received and adopted as the standard of faith by all the branches of the presbyterian church in england, scotland, ireland and america. this confession is a natural sequence of the authorized king james version of the bible in . in , the newspaper is established in america; and the first postoffice, in . rise of methodism in john and charles wesley, young preachers of the church of england, having spent three years as missionaries among the moravians in georgia, return to london, where, preaching the gospel as a proclamation of free forgiveness to sinners, and with it, repentance and faith in christ, they soon find the pulpits of that city closed against them. supported by lady huntington and aided at the first by george whitefield, the most gifted of their early associates and the first methodist to preach in the open air, they lay the foundations that soon develop into the methodist church, by establishing now congregations and organizing them into classes, each under a local leader, who by means of weekly testimonies, exhortations and corrections was to look after the moral conduct and promote the spiritual life of the members. sunday schools and missionary societies in when there are a sufficient number of printed bibles available for use, robert raikes of london makes the suggestion and sunday schools are established, that the people in every worshipping congregation may co-operate with their preachers in instructing the young and rising generation in the great truths contained in the bible. from to , the three great modern missionary societies of england are organized, and during the next ten years the first two are organized in this country. in , the british and foreign bible society, and in , the american bible society, are established in london and new york, to promote the multiplication and circulation of the bible. civil and religious liberty in the declaration of independence and american revolution develop brave and patriotic leaders like george washington, thomas jefferson, samuel adams, john adams, benjamin franklin, patrick henry, john witherspoon and others, who fight the battles and solve the problems of civil and religious liberty in america. liberty and independence become familiar watchwords. in when the constitution of the united states is adopted, civil and religious liberty is assured. protection is to be given to religion but there shall be no taxation for its support in church or school, and public education is left to the several states. those, who framed this remarkable constitution and thus prepared the way for america to become the land of "liberty enlightening the world," expressed their sentiments in regard to the urgent need of general instruction in the bible, in the ordinance for the government of the northwest--the country north of the ohio, as follows: "religion, morality and knowledge, being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged." in congress makes provision for grants of unoccupied lands in the states for the better support of the public schools and the establishment of state universities. in congress makes provision by further grants of unoccupied lands for the establishment of state agricultural colleges. about this same period normal schools are established in the states and they gradually take the place of many of the academies previously established by christian people. in abraham lincoln in order to maintain the union "one and inseparable," becomes the emancipator of , , slaves; and america becomes "the land of the free" as well as "the home of the brave." the boston news letter, the first american newspaper is established in , and the new england courant, the second one in . the first colonial post office is established in . in , when the stamp act was passed, there are forty newspapers published in america; and one of the most influential of these is the philadelphia gazette, by benjamin franklin, the man who "wrested the lightning from heaven and scepters from tyrants." the religious papers of the presbyterian church are established a half century later, and as follows: the herald and presbyter, at cincinnati in ; the presbyterian at philadelphia in ; and the interior, now continent, at chicago in . as a civilizing agency the press not only rivals but increases many fold the power of the pulpit. the public press, especially the religious newspaper, noting the progress of events relating to the extension of the redeemer's kingdom becomes a very potent factor in promoting an enlightened christian civilization. uplifting inventions during the th century civilization receives a general and wonderful uplift as a result of many important inventions, that, to a greater or less extent, are enjoyed by all the people. they include the steam engine, steamer, railway, telegraph, telephone, phonograph, cylinder printing press and folder, electric light and motor, gasoline and kerosene engines, cotton gin, spinning jenny, sewing machine, mower, reaper, steam thresher and separator, mammoth corn sheller, tractor, gang plow, typewriter, automobile, bicycle, aeroplane, vaccine, serum and wireless telegraph. the comparison. the intelligent american citizen of the present time is the product of all these forces, to the extent he has come under their uplifting influences. he is the product of centuries of enlightened struggle and successful effort. if the early roman was proud of his history and privileges as a citizen much more profoundly thankful may be the american of this twentieth century. the forces that have given him the uplift from the dark ages include the bible in his own language, the faithful preacher of the gospel, the evangelical reformer, the brave military leader, the god-fearing statesman, the church, sunday school, the public, high and normal school, the academy, christian college, agricultural college, university, ownership of land, civil and religious liberty. what these institutions have done for the intelligent american citizen they are now beginning to do for the freedman, as he is brought under their uplifting influence. they suggest both to him and his friends, the greatest or most important needs of the freedmen. [ ] see cottage bible on revelation xvii . viii the presbyterian church. it emphasizes the bible as fundamental in education.--a zealous missionary organization.--as catholic in spirit as the gospel. "walk about zion, tell the towers thereof; mark ye well her bulwarks, that ye may tell it to the generation following."--david. the presbyterian church has always stood for religion and education--religion as the basis of true education, and education as the promoter of positive practical religion. christian leaders. the presbyterian church wishes to see the young people of every generation provided with the best means for their intellectual and spiritual progress. it wishes to see them prepared, not merely for active and successful participation in the onward work of the world, but also in full and hearty sympathy with the great work of christ and his people, for the spiritual salvation of the nations. it knows there is no good reason, why a stirring leader of men should not be a christian; nor why a christian should not be eminently successful, in taking his place among men as a forceful factor in the life of the world. the presbyterian church believes in the system of state schools from the primary, public and high schools, to the university. these schools provide for general education. millions of children would never be in school, were it not for these state provisions and for compulsory public education. these schools are however not all perfect, since they do not provide for moral and religious training, the great underlying principles of reverence and righteousness, that must enter into every life in order to fit it for the performance of christian and patriotic duty. the presbyterian church takes a patriotic interest in our whole public school system, and believes that all the children should be trained in those that are under public direction, so that all the children and youth of the nation shall be a united, intelligent and patriotic body, fitted for good citizenship. at the same time it believes in special church institutions of higher learning, that shall be adapted to train our young people for intelligent leadership in the church, and enable them to become doubly useful in the home, social circle and in public life. our christian academies and colleges are valuable institutions. these furnish to the church and the world the greatest number of ministers, missionaries, college presidents and christian statesmen. parents everywhere, find these christian institutions furnish the best advantages, and that they are the safest and most economical. no institutions furnish higher or more profitable culture. they combine all that is best in real culture and education of the intelligent faculties, with a true religious conception of life; so that all who yield to their best influences go forth from them pure-hearted, stronger and better prepared to engage in life's duties successfully; for they take with them the personal assurance of the gracious presence and abiding blessing of our father in heaven. in a christian educational institution, the spirit of the instructor is one that regards the student, as of more value than the subject taught. its aim including the christian college, is not research, the work of a university, but to make men. the ordinary branches that are taught are regarded as instrumentalities, for making a well trained man of the student. the key to success in the battle of life, is found in the struggle, which insures control of one's self. this is the secret of a good education. in an important sense, all education must be self-education. professor huxley gave good emphasis to this thought when he wrote: "perhaps the most valuable result of all education, is the ability to make yourself do the thing you have to do, when it ought to be done, whether you like it or not; it is the first lesson which ought to be learned, and, however early a man's training begins, it is probably the last lesson he learns thoroughly." an eminent educator used to say to his class: "he, who will become a scholar, must learn to command his faculties." the presbyterian church honors god and exalts him to the throne of absolute supremacy over all his creatures. it honors him by using the instrumentalities he has appointed. it receives the bible, as the very word of god, and adopts it as the only rule of faith and practice. the presbyterian church from the beginning has been a zealous missionary organization. at the meeting of the first general assembly arrangements were made to send the gospel to "the regions beyond,"--the frontiers and the various tribes of american indians. the agencies, then organized as committees, have become the great boards of home and foreign missions, that now receive and distribute, each, more than a million dollars annually. a zealous missionary organization. it is gratifying to know that the colored people, although emotional and demonstrative, have nevertheless an intelligent appreciation of the views and methods of the presbyterian church. a prominent minister of a southern church is quoted as having said: "the presbyterian church can do for the colored people of the south what no other church can do." fable of persian tent. there is a persian fable that tells of a young prince who brought to his father a nutshell, which, when opened with a spring, contained a little tent of such ingenious construction, that when spread in the nursery the children could play under its folds; when opened in the council chamber the king and his counsellors could sit beneath its canopy; when placed in the court yard the family and all the servants could gather under its shade; when pitched upon the plain, where the soldiers were encamped, the entire army could gather within its enclosure. it possessed the qualities of boundless adaptability and expansiveness. this little tent is a good symbol of our presbyterian system. it is all contained within the nutshell of the gospel. open it in the nursery, and beneath its folds parents and children sit with delight; spread it in the court yard, and beneath its shadow the whole household assembles for morning and evening worship; open it in the village and it becomes a church, under whose canopy the whole town may worship. open it upon the plain, and a great sacramental army gathers under it. send it to the heathen world, and it becomes a great pavilion, that fills and covers the earth. the presbyterian church is as catholic as the gospel in its spirit of brotherly love, and readiness to co-operate with all who love our lord jesus christ. it recognizes the ordination of the episcopalian and the baptism of the baptist. it joins cordially with those who would place the crown upon the brow of jesus by singing only the psalms of david, and responds with an approving echo to the hearty "amen" of the methodists. it is capable of an expansion, that will include all shades of our common humanity, and is working valiantly to usher in the day, when the prayer of our lord jesus shall be fulfilled: "that they may be one; as thou, father art in me, and i in thee, that they also may be one in us; that the world may believe that thou hast sent me." "the presbyterian church stands," says rev. w. h. roberts, d. d., "as it has stood during its entire history, for the unconditional sovereignty of god, for the bible as the only infallible rule of faith and life, for simplicity of worship, representative government, a high standard of christian living, liberty of conscience, popular education, missionary activity and true christian catholicity." president benjamin harrison said of it: "the presbyterian church has been steadfast for liberty, and it has kept steadfast for education. it has stood as stiff as a steel beam for the faith delivered to our fathers, and it still stands with steadfastness for that essential doctrine--the inspired word. it is not an illiberal church. there is no body of christians in the world, that opens its arms wider to all who love the master. though it has made no boast or shout, it has yet been an aggressive missionary church from the beginning." lincoln university. lincoln university in chester county, pennsylvania, was established in under the leadership of rev. john m. dickey, d. d., pastor of the presbyterian church of oxford, for the classical and theological education of negroes. the extent and thoroughness of the courses of instruction at this institution have been amply justified by the success of its graduates; many in the ministry, and others, in founding similar institutions of a high grade in the south, as at columbia, s. c., salisbury, n. c., holly springs, miss., and a number of other places. its aim is to furnish trained professional leaders, and it is accomplishing this object in splendid form. established before the freedmen's board, it has continued to be maintained without its aid. ix the presbyterian board of missions for freedmen. organized in .--women enlisted in .--boarding schools.--trains christian leaders.--worthy of generous support and endowment. "the spirit of the lord is upon me, because he hath appointed me to preach the gospel to the poor; he hath sent me to heal the broken-hearted and preach deliverance to the captives."--luke. the emancipation of , , slaves, at the close of the civil war, was the sudden opening of a new and a vast field of opportunity and duty, before the christian churches of this land. the education and moral elevation of the freedmen became, in both church and state, a very serious and vital question. ever since the foundation of the government, the church, through the voluntary establishment of academies and colleges, has been co-operating with the civil government, in the effort to develop in all parts of our land an intelligent christian citizenship. the presbyterian board of missions for freedmen was organized as a committee in , the last year of the civil war. in this committee was made and incorporated as a board. its work then assumed a more permanent form and the contributions to its work began to be greatly increased. the contributions received that year were $ , . . in the amount received to be applied to this work was $ , . . the amount of property held by it and used for educational and church purposes is $ , , . . the office of the board is at pittsburgh, pennsylvania. [illustration: the late mrs. v. p. boggs secretary women's department, freedmen's board] [illustration: rev. e. p. cowen, d. d. secretary and treasurer] [illustration: rev. john gaston associate secretary presbyterian board of missions for freedmen] women enlisted in in the interest of the women of the presbyterian church was enlisted in behalf of the women and girls among the freedmen. the progress of the work of the women's missionary societies, in establishing and maintaining educational institutions, is worthy of special mention. during their first year they contributed $ , ; the second, $ , ; the third, $ , ; and in , $ , . . in raising this last amount sunday schools and young people's societies co-operated with women's societies. to the women, almost entirely, is due the establishment and maintenance of most of the boarding schools now supported by the board. the names of some of the most consecrated workers and liberal contributors have been commemorated in the names of most of these institutions. that this fact may be noted and as a matter of general information, the following list of twenty-four of them is given. list of boarding schools i. for males only biddle university, charlotte, north carolina. harbison agricultural college, irmo, south carolina. ii. seminaries for girls only scotia, concord n. c. mary allen, crockett, texas. ingleside, burkeville, va. mary holmes, west point, miss. barber memorial, anniston, ala. iii. co-educational allendale academy, allendale, s. c. albion academy, franklinton, n. c. alice lee elliott memorial, valliant, okla. arkadelphia academy, arkadelphia, ark. boggs academy, keyesville, ga. brainard institute, chester, s. c. emerson industrial institute, blackville, s. c. fee memorial institute, nelson, ky. gillespie normal, cordele, ga. haines industrial, augusta, ga. kendall institute, sumpter, s. c. mary potter memorial, oxford, n. c. monticello academy, monticello, ark. cotton plant academy, cotton plant, ark. coulter memorial academy, cheraw, n. c. redstone academy, lumberton, n. c. swift memorial college, rogersville, tenn. in addition to those in these boarding schools, teachers are employed in the maintenance of this same number of day schools. in his last annual report, april , , rev. e. p. cowan, d. d., secretary of the board submitted the following interesting summary of its work. "the freedmen's board has ever kept in mind the one great fact that its work is, first, last and all the time, missionary work. we have aimed from the very beginning to follow a course that would commend itself to every man's conscience in the sight of god. we have always sought the counsel and advice of good men on the field, at times nearer our work than ourselves, and better able to judge of its condition. we have endeavored to exert such an influence over the people among whom we have labored, so that no one could object to it except he were a heathen or an infidel. as a consequence, all the opposition we have met with in all these years has been as nothing, compared with the sympathy and encouragement we have received from good men. "we have this year issued our forty-eighth annual report. this annual report shows that we have now in connection with our church, four colored synods, composed of sixteen colored presbyteries, in which there are four hundred and four church organizations, with twenty-six thousand, one hundred and thirty-two communicants, two hundred and eighty-nine ordained ministers of the gospel, and thirteen hundred and seventeen ruling elders. "within these presbyteries, there are one hundred and thirty-six schools, and in these schools there are , pupils, taught by teachers, all of whom are professing christians, and by a rule of the board, members of the presbyterian church. "in all these schools, the word of god and the shorter catechism are regularly and daily taught. on the mind and heart of every living soul that passes in and out of our schools, there is impressed the fundamental and far-reaching truth, that the chief end of man is to glorify god and to enjoy him forever, and that the word of god, which is contained in the scriptures of the old and new testaments, is the only rule to direct us how we may glorify and enjoy him. "these churches and schools, and ministers and teachers-- workers in all--are housed in buildings, of which are church buildings, are manses, and are school buildings. the value of these buildings is estimated at $ , , . the cry comes up to us without ceasing for either more room, or better accommodations. should we answer these cries promptly, and without regard to the question as to where the money is to come from, we should be hopelessly overwhelmed with debt within one year." trains christian leaders the freedmen are naturally religious and hitherto their churches have been their principal social centers. under uneducated leadership, the only kind possible at first, their church life was characterized by a loose moral standard, poor business methods and boisterous worship. in many places it still lacks a realization of the real needs of the race. "the true standard bearers of better things have been the relatively few ministers and churches that have been noted for their educated ministry, restraint in worship, rigid morals and careful supervision." the wisdom of the policy of training capable christian leaders, was emphasized at the last general assembly at atlanta, by rev. h. a. johnson, d. d., in the following pertinent paragraph: "the vital need of the negro people is a trained christian leadership. their problem can never be solved by elementary education for the masses, or industrial training for those who enter the trades and till the farm. they must have thoroughly trained christian teachers and ministers of the gospel and should also have the other professions represented among their leaders. the men, who are conspicuous leaders among the negroes in industrial training are publicly saying that they expect such organizations as the presbyterian church to furnish the ministers and teachers for their people, while they furnish the farmers, the carpenters and other tradesmen. the task of furnishing this trained leadership is being bravely attempted by our board within the limitations of their available resources. every intelligent student of the problem must realize how supremely important is this phase of the work." worthy of generous support and endowment the board of missions for freedmen of the presbyterian church merits the intelligent sympathy and cordial co-operation not only of our whole church but of all the friends who favor christian education among the dependent colored people in the south part of our land. it educates ministers and teachers, and supports them in their work. it builds academies, seminaries and colleges, and aids in the erection of churches and manses. its boarding schools, having normal and industrial departments, are distributed so that there is one or more in every southern state. it now owns and controls school, church and manse properties that represent a value of one and a half million dollars. its permanent investments, that bring an annual income for the promotion of its work however, are yet only $ , . . in these days of big business, the evidence of unusual prosperity, it ought to have an endowment of one million dollars. education is the most costly of all philanthropic enterprises. the following reason recently expressed for a large endowment of the college board applies with equal force to the freedmen's board. "a million dollar corporation is now considerably more than twice as efficient, as an instrument to accomplish results than one of a half million. in this day of large things the men who are interested in education, prefer to employ as their agent, an organization whose resources are large enough to place its permanent and financial stability beyond question. a bank with a million dollars of capital has considerable advantage over one having only a quarter of a million. the law, 'to him that hath shall be given,' still prevails among the children of men." the members of the freedmen's board have been selected, because of their manifest interest in the educational and spiritual welfare of the colored people; and they are conscientiously striving, to the best of their ability, to promote the interests of the freedmen, in behalf of the great body of generous hearted christian people whom they represent. the work of the freedmen's board has hitherto by its charter been limited to the freedmen in southern states. at the next general assembly, an effort will be made to extend its work, so as to include the negroes in the northern states. x special benefactors. george peabody.--john f. slater.--daniel hand.--emiline cushing.--anna t. jeanes.--caroline phelps stokes.--john d. rockefeller.--negro philanthropists. "he loveth our nation and hath built us a synagogue." the educational needs of the freedman have called forth several large benefactions from individual contributors. george peabody of danvers, massachusetts, in and , established a fund of $ , , for the promotion of general education in the south. one half of this amount happened to prove unavailable. a large part of the remainder was used in the establishment and endowment of the peabody teachers college for whites at nashville, tennessee, leaving only a small part of it for use among the freedmen. in , john f. slater of norwich, connecticut, created a trust fund of $ , , , for the purpose of uplifting the emancipated population of the southern states and their posterity. the income of this fund, now increased to $ , , , is used to promote normal and industrial education. in daniel hand of guilford, connecticut, gave the american missionary association of the congregational church $ , , , and a residuary estate of $ , to aid in the education of the negro. in miss emiline cushing of boston left $ , for the same object. in miss anna t. jeanes of philadelphia, pa., left an endowment fund of $ , , to aid in maintaining elementary schools among the freedmen. booker t. washington was named as one of two trustees of this fund. its distribution contemplates a three fold plan. first, something additional is to be secured from the school authorities. second, the co-operative efforts of the people are essential. third, the effectiveness of the school is improved and its neighborhood influence widened by the introduction of industrial features. in , the income from this fund was so widely distributed as to reach the work in as many as counties in different states; and summer schools were aided in six of them. in miss caroline phelps stokes created a fund of $ , for the erection of tenement houses in new york city; and the education of negroes and indians, through industrial schools. from to , john d. rockefeller gave $ , , to establish a fund for the promotion of general education in the united states. the schools of the freedmen have received from this fund $ , . negro philanthropists the freedmen have fallen heir to the estates of some free negroes, that became wealthy. it is interesting to note the following ones. tommy lafon of new orleans, a dealer in dry goods and real estate, in , left for charitable purposes among his people, an estate appraised at $ , . mary e. shaw of new york city, left tuskeegee colored institute $ , . col. john mckee of philadelphia, at his death in , left about $ , , worth of property for education, including a provision for the establishment of a college to bear his name. anna marie fisher, of brooklyn, n. y., in , having an estate of $ , left $ , for educational institutions. the successful achievement of these four free negroes and their generous regard for the welfare of their kin-folks, suggest the possibilities of which they are capable, as financiers and philanthropists, when circumstances are favorable. part ii oak hill industrial academy "it is said that the athenians erected a statue to �sop, ( b. c.), who was born a slave; or as phaedrus phrases it: "they placed the slave upon an eternal pedestal," "sir, for what the enfranchised slaves did for the cause of constitutional liberty in this country, the american people should imitate the athenians and, by training the slave for usefulness, place him upon an eternal pedestal. their conduct has been beyond all praise. "they have been patient and docile; they have been loyal to their masters, to the country, and to those with whom they are associated; but, as i said before, no other people ever endured patiently such injustice and wrong. despotism makes nihilists; tyranny makes socialists and communists; and injustice is the great manufacturer of dynamite. the thief robs himself; the adulterer pollutes himself; and the murderer inflicts a deeper wound upon himself than that which slays his victim. "if my voice can reach this proscribed and unfortunate class, i appeal to them to continue, as they have begun, to endure to the end; and thus to commend themselves to the favorable judgment of mankind; and to rely for their safety upon the ultimate appeal to the conscience of the human race."--john j. ingalls, u. s. senate, . the native oak hill school - church organized june , .--sunday school in .--school house, .--old log house, .--appeal for academy. "the vineyard which thy right hand hath planted." "who hath despised the day of small things?" as the preaching of the gospel and the organization of a church preceded the establishment of the school, the following facts in regard to the church are first noted. the oak hill presbyterian church the oak hill presbyterian church was organized about june , , with six members, namely, henry crittenden, who was ordained an elder, teena crittenden, his wife, j. ross shoals and his wife hettie shoals, emily harris and reindeer clark. the services at first were held in the home and later in an arbor at the home of henry crittenden, one mile east of the present town of valliant, and now known as the home of james and johnson shoals. after a few years the place of meeting was transferred to an arbor about two miles southwest of crittenden's, and two years later, , to the oak hill schoolhouse, a frame building erected that year on the main east and west road north of red river. it was located on the southwest quarter of section , near the site on which valliant was located in . it is reported, that henry crittenden was the principal contributor towards the erection of this building. his cash income though meager was greater than others and he gave freely in order that a suitable place might be provided both for public worship and a day school for the neighborhood. parson charles w. stewart of doaksville, a representative of the last generation of those who were slaves to the indians, was the minister in charge from the time of organization until the spring of , when he retired from the ministry. he was succeeded at oak hill by rev. edward g. haymaker, the superintendent of the academy, who continued a period of eleven years. he was succeeded by rev. r. e. flickinger, whose pastorate of nearly eight years was eventfully ended at the dedication of the new colored presbyterian church at garvin, on october , . rev. william h. carroll, relinquishing his work on that same day as the first resident pastor of the garvin church became the immediate successor at oak hill. those who served as elders of the oak hill church and are now dead were henry crittenden, j. ross shoals, robert hall, jack a. thomas and samuel a. folsom. the elders in are james r. crabtree, matt brown and solomon h. buchanan. in a site for a new chapel, intended only for the uses of the local congregation, was purchased in a suburb on the west side of valliant. the trustees chosen at this time were mitchell s. stewart, formerly an elder, matt brown and james r. crabtree. they were duly authorized to incorporate and manage the erection of the new church building. the native oak hill school the negroes who were slaves of the indians, about the year were enrolled and adopted as citizens, by the tribes to which they respectively belonged, and they then became entitled to a small part of their public school funds. the amount accorded the choctaw freedmen was about one dollar a year for a pupil that was enrolled as attending school. this made possible the employment of a teacher for a short term of three months in the vicinity of a few villages, where a large enrollment could be secured, but left unsupplied the greater number living in the sparsely settled neighborhoods. our board of missions for freedmen, ever since its organization, has made it the duty of every negro minister commissioned by it, to maintain a school in their respective chapels several months each year, in order that the children of the community might have an opportunity to learn to read the bible. the first native teacher in the oak hill congregation was j. ross shoals, one of the elders of the church, who had a large family and principally of boys. his work was that of a bible reader or sunday school teacher. about the year he began to hold meetings in the south arbor on sabbath afternoons for the purpose of teaching both old and young to read the bible with him. nathan mattison succeeded him the next year at the same place as a sabbath school teacher. in , george m. dallas, a carpenter, was employed to build a small frame school house on the southwest quarter of section , and after its completion he taught that year the first term of week day school among the colored people of that section. others that succeeded dallas, as teachers in this frame school house, were mary rounds, henry williams and lee bibbs. old log house in , henry williams transferred the day school to the "old log house" on the northeast quarter of section , a mile and a half northwest of the school house. the motive for this change was the fact there was no supply of good water near the school house, while at the new location there was a good well and a large vacant building available for use. robin clark, its owner and last occupant was an active member of the oak hill church. after occupying this building one or two years he moved to another one near red river and generously tendered the free use of this one for the oak hill school. in henry friarson, another native teacher, taught the school in this same "old log house." all of these native teachers did the best they could, but deeply felt their insufficiency for the task laid on them, by the pressure of an urgent necessity. all had personal knowledge of the existence and unusual privileges afforded the children and youth of the choctaws at wheelock and spencer academies. it was also easy for them to see that as farmers they succeeded as well in securing good results from the cultivation of the soil as many of their choctaw neighbors, and this fact tended to increase their desire to have a "fair chance" and equal share in the matter of educational privileges for their children. the oak hill church and school happened to be near the center of the widely scattered group of a half dozen churches that formed the monthly circuit of parson charles w. stewart. all who were interested in securing a good mission school approved this location as the most convenient for all of them, and, heartily uniting in an appeal for one, pledged their united support of it, when it should be established. appeal for oak hill the appeal of the choctaw freedmen was presented to the presbyterian board of missions for freedmen by rev. alexander reid and rev. john edwards, the missionaries in charge of the indian work at spencer and wheelock academies, respectively. in the early days many of the old negroes were located near these educational institutions and they were sometimes sent by their masters to work for the missionaries. these men living in their midst had opportunity to witness their extreme poverty, utter ignorance and general degradation. they also heard their personal appeals for the light of knowledge and bible truth. their sympathetic interest was awakened and began to manifest itself towards them. they were occasionally accorded the privilege of attending religious services, and at doaksville, during the ministry of rev. cyrus kingsbury, were permitted to hold occasional sabbath afternoon meetings in the choctaw church. primers, catechisms and testaments were sometimes presented to them, and in this way a few of them learned to read the bible. the kindly interest of these missionaries won their esteem and confidence and awakened in many of them an abiding love and affection for the presbyterian church. it is related that when one of them was asked to unite with another church because it was "more free" he replied, "you are too free for me, i need a stricter church. i believe in staying by the old missionaries. they were our friends when we were slaves. they treated us well and did us good, and i mean to stay by their church as long as i live." slavery among indians the state of religion among all of the people, both indians and negroes, was low, "very low". one of the missionaries described that of the negroes as being like that of the samaritans. "they fear the lord and serve their own gods. as their fathers did, so do they. their condition is bad, morally and religiously." it could not easily have been otherwise. the tendency of slavery, under the most favorable conditions has always been in the direction of a low standard of morals and life. slavery to untutored indians, in a sparsely settled timber country, suggests the most deplorable condition imaginable. such a slave lacking the example of intelligence and uprightness, often common among white masters, was subjected to generations of training in every phase of depravity and had no incentive whatever to live a better life. when, however, these slaves of the indians were accorded their freedom and became entitled to a part of the public school fund of the choctaws, they manifested an earnest desire to have ministers and teachers sent them, that they might have churches and schools of their own. their great need was a boarding school where the boys and girls especially those in the remote and neglected rural districts, could be taken from their homes and trained under the personal supervision of christian teachers, to a higher standard of living, and, some at least, become fitted to serve as teachers of their own people. xii era of eliza hartford - . the heroic pioneer.--february , .--boarding school, april th, .--priscilla g. haymaker.--new school building in .--anna e. campbell. "i'll go where you want me to go." the story of oak hill as an industrial academy, begins with the work of miss eliza hartford of steubenville, ohio, the first white teacher in the "old log house". she was commissioned by the freedmen's board in january, , and was sent in response to the appeal of the colored people of the choctaw nation. the missionaries, reid and edwards, had commended as the most favorable location for such an educational institution the rural neighborhood occupied by the oak hill church, two miles east of clear creek in the valley of red river. they referred to this as a "pivotal location" for such a school, and wrote, "here we want to see a good school established that shall grow into a normal academy. the location is central and healthful. if in charge of white teachers, such a school will attract scholars from all the other settlements." heroic pioneer oak hill, like other schools of its kind, had its early period of heroic effort and self-sacrificing toil, before the usual comforts and conveniences of civilized life could be enjoyed. this was true of the entire period of service on the part of miss hartford, february to august . when she arrived at wheelock, where she met a friend, miss elder, engaged in teaching the indians, rev. john edwards served as an aid, in making a tour of inspection over the field, of which she was to be the missionary teacher and physician. this journey was made on horseback, which was the most speedy and comfortable mode of travel, over the rough and winding trails through the timber at that time. as a result of this survey and a call at the home of henry crittenden, an elder of the oak hill church and a "local trustee of the neighborhood, under the choctaw law," it was decided that the "old log house" was the best place to establish the school; and the best place for her to live was at the home of the colored elder, henry crittenden, three miles east. she was expected to make her daily journeys on horseback; and, in connection with the work of the school, to visit the people at their homes, furnish medicines for the sick and give instruction in regard to their care. in her description of the old log house miss hartford states, "the windows are without sash or glass and the roof full of holes. the chimneys are of hewn stone, strong and massive. the house is of hewed logs, two stories in height and stands high in the midst of a fine locust grove. the well of water near it seems as famous as jacob's well." at the request of mr. edwards the colored people in the vicinity, after repairing the roof and windows, cleaned, scrubbed and whitewashed the inside of this old log house, and thus prepared it for its new and noble era of usefulness. [illustration: eliza hartford.] [illustration: anna e. campbell.] [illustration: priscilla g. haymaker.] [illustration: rev. edward g. haymaker.] [illustration: the girls' hall, - .] [illustration: the old farm house. the pioneer home of a choctaw chief, leflore, and of the oak hill school.] february , on sabbath, february , , one week after the arrival of miss hartford, her first meeting was held and a sunday school was organized under her leadership. at its close a prayer-meeting was held in which she read the scriptures, the hymns and a sermon. on tuesday, february , , the school was opened with seven pupils. the opening exercises consisted in the reading of a chapter by the new teacher, the singing of a hymn and prayer by elder henry crittenden. the latter was profoundly impressed with the fact that, in the auspicious opening of the school that morning, the colored people of that section were realizing the answer to their oft repeated prayers, the fulfilment of their long delayed hopes. the new teacher had never heard such a prayer in any school she ever attended. he thanked our heavenly father, "that the prayers of his people were answered. in their bondage they had cried unto him and he had heard their cry. in their ignorance and darkness they had asked for light and the light had come." he prayed for the teacher that "god would give her wisdom and enable her to be faithful." he prayed for the children and their parents that, "they might be able to see and appreciate what god had done for them," and for the school, "that it might abide with them and become an uplifting power to them and their children." on the following monday the number of the pupils had increased to fourteen. the chills were prevalent and frequently half the pupils would be seen huddling around the log fire in the chimney fireplace, and making a chattering noise with their teeth. a boarding school on april , , miss hartford began to live at the school building and some of the pupils brought their corn-meal so they might live "wid de teacher," and oak hill became a boarding school with an enrollment of pupils. at a prayer meeting of the women held soon after this event, it was decided to build a kitchen at the west end of the log house so "de chillen might have a place to bake and eat their corn bread." while they were building this kitchen a man who saw them said to miss hartford, "it makes the men feel mighty mean to see the women doing that work." she repeated to him the following words from the third verse of the fourth chapter of paul's epistle to the philippians: "i entreat thee also, true yokefellow, help those women which labor with me in the gospel, whose names are in the book of life." the result was very gratifying. he got his team, hauled the rest of the materials and then helped them to complete it. this improvement increased the facilities and also the general interest in the school. in september pupils began to arrive from distant places and whilst some of them were retained in the building others were located among the friends in the neighborhood. in february following, all the available room in the log house was occupied and the work of the school proving too great for one teacher, another one was requested. the institution had now acquired the name, "oak hill industrial school." priscilla g. haymaker in april , miss priscilla g. haymaker, of newlonsburg, westmoreland county, pa., arrived to aid in the management of the school, and this event was the occasion for another thanksgiving on the part of the people. at a meeting then held they decided to build a house that could be used for a school house and chapel, using the materials in the oak hill school building of . the men agreed to donate all the work they could, and, with ox teams, delivered the lumber in the old building. the board gave $ . and rev. john edwards $ . towards the purchase of new lumber. it fell to the lot of miss hartford and elder henry crittenden to pay some of the balances due on this building, and their contributions were remarkably large ones for those early days. miss hartford, at the time this building was undertaken, was given special permission to solicit money to furnish the new school building, to fit up the "old log house" for a boarding house, and scholarships of $ . each. she went east and returning in august found the new building ready for the desks. miss haymaker solicited and received the promise of a large bell that had been used by her father on the old farm at newlonsburg, pa., that the people might rejoice over the possession not merely of a chapel and school building, but one "wid a bell." the time appointed for opening the fall term was now near at hand and yet the old log house was not ready for the boarders, that were expected soon to fill it, owing to the fact no workmen could be found to do the work. miss hartford and miss haymaker, with the help of a boy, made the bedsteads and tables with their own hands, the latter manifesting considerable skill in the use of the saw and hammer. on september st the boarders began to arrive and on the th, pupils were enrolled of whom were boarders. every boarder was expected to bring bushels of corn, and with scholarships of $ . each, there was no danger of starving. the girls were required to do the housework and the boys to provide the wood. miss haymaker was not used to roughing it and before the close of november she was compelled to return to her home, broken in health. anna e. campbell miss anna e. campbell of midway, pa., who had previously been sent for, arrived at oak hill two days after the departure of miss haymaker, and with her the long expected bell, from the old home of the latter. the following sabbath, the first one on which they were called together for worship by the clarion tones of the new bell, was another glad day for the people, and they extended to miss campbell a very cordial welcome, as the new assistant of miss hartford. she remained until the end of the term, june th, . miss campbell held temperance meetings every saturday and some objected to them, because "dey was teachin de risin generashun dat it was wrong to drink whiskey or use tobacco, while de bible said it was good for de stomik." during this second term six of the pupils, repeated the catechism and nine united with the church. during the summer of miss hartford remained alone to take care of the homeless children, and maintain the sunday school and prayer meeting. other parents began to call and plead for room for their children. believing the time had come when another and a larger building was necessary in order to receive them, she rode a long distance to confer with a carpenter, in regard to the erection and cost of a frame building for boarders. he arranged to call and make an estimate, but while she waited for him, her health began to fail. the exposures, burdens and privations proved too great for her, single handed and alone, and she felt constrained to return to her home. she was unable to return to oak hill and died at richmond, ohio, july , . miss campbell was also unable to return and the school was left without a teacher. xiii early reminiscences eliza hartford.--priscilla g. haymaker.--anna e. campbell.--the night school.--hardships at oak hill. "books are keys to wisdom's treasures; books are gates to lands of pleasure; books are paths that upward lead; books are friends. come let us read." the following reminiscences, gleaned from letters written by these three heroic young lady teachers, will be read with interest. they discover in their own language, their feelings of hopefulness and loyalty while coping with unexpected embarrassments and unusual privations. single handed and alone they penetrated the wilds of indian territory to a secluded spot, where they were a half day's ride from their nearest white friends, and thirty-five miles from the railway. holding aloft the bible, the true standard of the cross, they rallied the ignorant and uncivilized natives appreciatingly around it, more worthily and long before our famous explorers decorated the north pole with the american flag. the mail was carried once a week from clarksville to wheelock, ten miles east, the nearest post office. teaching elizabeth washing at the end of her first year, march , , when she was still working alone, having school, sunday school, preaching and boarding house all in the old log house, miss hartford wrote to a friend, as follows: "this ought to be a resting day for me, but i am always tired on saturday. this has been my wash day and i will give you my experience with a girl of fifteen, who is very ignorant about the simplest things relating to work. it is useless to tell elizabeth how to do any work, unless one goes with her and shows her every change. today i had her wash her own clothes by my side, while i washed mine, to show her how, and how speedily she ought to do her own work. the only way to succeed in having them work is to work with them." "these poor freedmen have a just claim on the church. they are far below their white brothers and sisters, but they are not to be blamed for it. slavery has made them so, and we must do something to lift them up. this however, will not be done by sending them to expensive schools, to make ladies and gentlemen of them, but where they will learn to work thoughtfully and be taught the pure religion of the bible. the worst ones among them are very religious in their way." a "feelin' meetin'" "on last sabbath we had an example of the way they like to do things. their old black preacher always preaches on the sunday school lesson. he comes early to hear what i say and then 'enlarges on de subject in de afternoon.' i cannot tell you how hard it is sometimes to sit still and listen to the old man's explanations. last sabbath he dwelt a long time 'on de fact rebecca was a shameful deceiver an dat jacob was another one.'" "in the afternoon, after two hours of preaching services he concluded, 'as it was still early in de day' they would sing a hymn and any who wished to jine de church could come 'for'ud and give us der hand.'" "as soon as they started to sing, a woman fell in some sort of spell. she was sitting near me on the same bench. instantly it occurred to me they were getting up one of their 'feelin' meetin's', as they call them, and i was frightened half out of my wits. fearing they would get to shouting and pounding each other, i ran out as fast as i could. there were about fifty of them packed in one little room sixteen feet square and i was up in front. it was one of the friendly tribe that shouted, and had i been wise, i would have known what was coming. my flight spoiled the meeting, but if you would appreciate my feelings just imagine you are alone in a small room with fifty darkies and fifteen or twenty of them commence shouting and breaking benches. i had a severe headache and have not felt well all week." "after i ran out the people laughed and the poor woman recovered quite suddenly. by the time i was safe in my own room the meeting was dismissed. i was nervous and discouraged. i called the old preacher to my room and gave him a lecture. he said he did not believe in shouting and had no idea of any one doing so. i am afraid some of the shouting ones will be offended but i could not help it. it was the first time i have felt afraid since i came here." "the school children think it was the 'best meetin' they were ever at.' they say 'miss hartford did look so funny when she got scared.' i tell them they may laugh at me but not at the poor woman who shouted. i tell them that shouting and falling in fits is not religion, that the poor woman was probably a good christian, but her shouting and spells do not make her one." "'mamma says,' said one of them, 'that she first took religion wid one of them spells and dey allus' come when she gits happy.'" "poor things! i tell you this to show you in what a sad state they are. they have had enough preaching to make them think they are religious, but have had no real bible teaching, and there are ten thousand of them in this nation. the board has concluded to send miss haymaker here and i am glad." bothersome "bredderin" the board talks about sending a new preacher here, i hope they will send a strong healthy consecrated white man. a sickly man has no business here. common sense and grit are needed more than learning. it will be no easy task for a white preacher to manage these black presbyterians. i suspect it will require more tact and will power to manage this set, than one of our city churches. a half dozen old fellows claiming to be elders tried to run 'de sunday school and de teacher' until i read to them a letter from dr. allen, secretary of the board. not one of them can read, but they take great pride in being elders. [illustration: mrs. m. e. crowe.] [illustration: carrie e. crowe.] [illustration: anna t. hunter.] [illustration: martha hunter.] [illustration: james mcguire and others, .] some were appointed elders in other churches and they think that makes them elders here. it will be a sad day to them when they learn they are not elders here, and i fear they will not then be willing to remain as members. i have written you a long letter and it is all about the darkies; but no doubt you are expecting that. hard work and miserable living "i am not so strong, in fact feel ten years older than one year ago. i fear i cannot stand the heat this summer. i said 'heat' but do not mean that exactly. this climate is rather pleasant, if we could only provide comforts. it is the constant hard work and miserable way of living that makes it so bad. "no white person could eat what these women prepare,--bread, always of corn, and fat pork, swimming in grease. give them flour, they stir in a lot of soda and serve you biscuit as green as grass. they have no idea of better cooking and will not take the pains to do better. we are going to teach them to cook, scrub and wash clothes. "write soon and tell me whether you called on mother, when you were in steubenville. "your friend, eliza hartford." six months later when she returned from a short visit to her mother she writes: "the weeds were so high i could scarcely see the house. i had to pay forty dollars from my own earnings on lumber hauled for the new school building, but which elder crittenden says, was taken by thieves. i paid it to save our credit and am glad i had it to give. "we have now nineteen boarders. i am almost worked to death and it takes all my patience to stand it." betsy bobbet a letter dated january , , bears the stamp, "oak hill industrial academy." a change in her assistants had taken place in november previous and she writes: "miss haymaker before leaving had miserable health and i have had a hard time since my return. i think miss campbell will do well. the attendance now ranges from to and i am not able to do anything except the school work. four of the children have had chills and fever, and i have had to rise at night to care for them. i have been trying to do the work of three people and not complain. still i'd like to grumble a little, if i could find the right one to talk to. i am beginning to feel a little like josiah allen's wife, when she said, 'betsy bobbet, you're a fool, or else me.' "still i had rather be regarded foolish, by working hard for the good of others, than take advantage of another. "pray for me for i need your prayers. "eliza hartford." miss haymaker's eventful journey. miss priscilla g. haymaker made her first journey to oak hill about the first of april, . she passed by way of st. louis to texarkana, arkansas, miles east of clarksville, over the iron mountain railway. this part of the journey was made during the night, and most of the time she was the only lady in the car. the crowd on the train was one of ruffians, who spent the time playing cards, drinking whiskey and showing their revolvers. the conductor said to her, "lady you have a rough crowd to ride with to night, but i will not leave you long." he was as good as his word. he sat in the seat with her when in the car and returned promptly when required to be absent. at clarksville she found the driver from wheelock awaiting her arrival at the hotel. as early as four o'clock the next morning everything was in readiness for making the trip to wheelock in a covered wagon. it soon began to rain and continued raining all day. it was o'clock at night when the team arrived at wheelock. the cordial welcome extended by rev. john edwards, superintendent, and his wife and the teachers at wheelock academy, was one not soon to be forgotten. it was greatly appreciated and enabled her to feel she had gotten back again to a place of civilization. miss haymaker, the first assistant of miss hartford, april to november , was a native of newlonsburg, pa., daughter of george r. and priscilla haymaker. on october , , she returned to oak hill and served as the principal teacher in the academy the next six years. in the fall of she was joined by her brother rev. e. g. haymaker, who then became superintendent. on october , , she became the wife of john blair of chambersburg, pa., and they still reside there. miss campbell's trip from clarksville. miss anna e. campbell, the successor of miss haymaker arrived at clarksville, the same day the latter passed through that place on her way home in november, . the proprietor of the hotel called her very early the next morning and informed her he had secured a mule team driven by a negro to take her to oak hill. when she was leaving the hotel he solicitously inquired, "do you carry a gun?" "no i haven't any weapon except a little pocket knife," she answered. he then said, "in going into indian territory you ought to have a gun, you may need it." mr. moore, the railway agent, a man from ohio, noticing by the check of her trunk, that she came from pennsylvania, was very courteous and gave his name. he charged the driver to protect the lady at the risk of his own life; all of which he solemnly promised to do, by promptly answering, "yes sah, dat i will." the bell and two barrels of clothing for oak hill were put on the wagon and they made the load a pretty good one for the team. after driving northward all day it began to grow dark and they had not yet reached the ferry across red river. the crossing was made however without accident. when the landing had been completed the driver remarked: "i don't reckon we will get dar, 'coz i doesn't know de way now." fortunately there were several houses not very far away on the bluff along the river, and after a few inquiries, a white family was found that very kindly gave miss campbell shelter for the night. the woman at once offered her a sniff of snuff as a token of good will. when the snuff was very politely declined, she laconically remarked: "well, some folks don't." miss campbell arrived at oak hill, ten miles distant from the ferry, the next day, after experiencing a "stuck fast" in the mud on the way. miss campbell was a native of midway, washington county. pa. she became the assistant of miss hartford in november, , two days after the departure of miss haymaker and remained until june , . at that time she expected to return about the first of october following. but when her trunk had been packed for that purpose circumstances arose at home that made it necessary for her to remain and take care of her parents, both of whom were aged and infirm. on march , , she became the wife of james h. mcclusky and now lives on a well cultivated productive farm near monongahela, pa. miss hartford's night school. on requesting alexander m. reid, d. d., of steubenville, ohio, the early home of eliza hartford to obtain and send a photo of her, he reported her death at richmond, ohio, july , ; and stating that a photo could not be found among her relatives, sent instead the following beautiful incident, growing out of her work as a teacher of night school in that place before she came to oak hill. matthew finding his opportunity rev. charles c. beatty, d. d., a former moderator of the general assembly who had become almost totally blind, at the close of a prayer meeting held in the second presbyterian church, said to miss hartford, "could you not name one of your boys here to lead me home?" she replied, "yes, here is matthew rutherford; he will lead you home." on the way home dr. beatty asked matthew, what he was doing: he replied, "i dig coal in the day time and go to the school of miss hartford at night." when near home dr. beatty inquired, "matthew, how would you like to go to school and get an education?" he said, "i would like it very much." dr. beatty then said, "matthew, you may quit digging coal and go through the school and high school. then if you have a good standing, i will send you to college. if the lord should then seem to be calling you to be a minister, i will enable you to pursue your studies at allegheny seminary." matthew, who was a native of england and exceedingly grateful for this recognition and counsel, quit the mines and entered school. he graduated from washington and jefferson college in , and from the theological seminary, three years later. since he has been the highly esteemed pastor of the third presbyterian church, washington, pa., and bible instructor in the college since . he received the degree of doctor of divinity in . this incident serves to illustrate the readiness of the friends of christian education to aid young people of limited means, who are trying to educate themselves; and the care they also take to know they are worthy. it also shows the importance of young people industriously and economically doing what they can to help themselves. that is their best recommendation. if young rutherford, while working in the mines, had indulged in spending his evenings at places merely of amusement or entertainment as many do, he would have missed the golden opportunity of his life. the unexpected and gracious offer came to him, while he was attending night school and the weekly prayer meeting. it was while he was taking advantage of these opportunities for intellectual and moral improvement, within his reach, that he found the true and faithful friend, whose assistance he most needed. hardships at oak hill. miss hartford, before coming to oak hill, spent several years as a teacher among the mormons at silver city, utah. this was a period when missionary work was difficult and dangerous. she resigned that work on account of the failing health of her aged mother. she patiently and hopefully endured many privations and hardships in faithfully and energetically carrying forward the work entrusted to her. these were greatest at oak hill than elsewhere. at oak hill she was unable to relieve the natural conditions that produce malarial troubles. she felt very deeply the loneliness of dwelling in the wilderness, where there was no white person in the neighborhood to render assistance in time of special need, or sympathetic friend to express a word of comfort and encouragement. then she could not avoid the incessant strain of continuous work and worry under surroundings and limitations, that could not be removed and tended to produce that nervous exhaustion, which results in complete prostration. this nervous strain was increased by every advancing step in the progress of the work. relief from this malady is not found in the use of medicines, but in a complete change of scenes, diet and employment. she and her two faithful helpers were compelled to seek this form of relief. xiv early times at forest. forest chapel.--lifting the collection.--primitive mid-week meetings. "i have considered the days of old, the years of ancient times." the following reminiscences of early times at forest church are narrated for their intrinsic as well as historic interest. the first one reveals an order of service, that is very general in the colored churches. it is one that affords the deacon, if he be a man so disposed, to spontaneously introduce considerable native wit and humor into the part of the service entrusted to him; and if he does, it very naturally prepares the way for unexpected shouts of joy and gladness on the part of those who are emotional or subject to the sudden impulse of ecstatic delight. forest chapel. forest chapel, as is suggested by its name, was located in the large and dense oak forest along red river eight miles south of wheelock. its post office has been successively, wheelock, fowlerville, parsons and since millerton. the forest church was organized by parson stewart about , and was served by him once a month the next seven years. in it became a remote part of the field of rev. william butler of eagletown, who also endeavored to visit it once a month. the chapel was a lonely, dingy and dilapidated building, inside as well as outside. it was about by feet and was built entirely of rough lumber. the side walls consisted of one thickness of wide inch boards, nailed at the top and bottom, and having a thin strip over the cracks on the outside. the roof was covered with long, split, oak clapboards, that invariably look black and rough at the end of a year. the pulpit consisted of a box-like arrangement that stood on a small platform at the center of one end. the seats consisted of a half dozen rough benches without backs, that could be arranged around the stove in cold weather, or in three fold groups for a picnic dinner, the middle one being used for a table on such occasions and the other two for seats around it. no paint or even white wash ever found a place on this building. it was the largest and best building in the neighborhood, and the popular resort for all of their social gatherings. the leading men of the congregation consisted of two elders, both venerable and devout survivors of the slavery period, neither of whom could read, and a deacon, who was one of the only two of the older people who could read a little. lifting the collection it was regarded as the duty of the deacon to "lift the collection" at the sabbath services. this gave him a very prominent part in the services, for the collection is not lifted by passing the hat or basket, but each contributor, after the general call brings their offering and lays it either on the pulpit or a little stand near it. however novel this arrangement may at first appear to those unaccustomed to it, it must be remembered that a method somewhat similar to this was in use in the temple in jerusalem, when our lord jesus, taking his seat opposite the treasury, saw the poor widow cast in her two mites and commended her very highly. it was not unusual for the deacon to announce before hand the amount needed and then, as the offerings are presented, to state the amount received from time to time, until finally the whole amount is obtained. this part of the service was always enlivened by singing some soul-stirring songs, that everybody could sing. occasionally it would take the form of a good natured rivalry, as to which could appear the most happy and joyous, the deacon, vociferously announcing from time to time as their offerings came in, the latest result of the collection, or, the people, whose merry singing would occasionally develop into a shout of ecstatic enjoyment, on the part of one or more of their number. primitive mid-week meetings the early preachers, having monthly appointments, were always very faithful in exhorting and encouraging the elders of their distant congregations to maintain regular sabbath services, for the study of the bible and catechism, and a mid-week meeting for praise and prayer. the people were encouraged to attend all these meetings and cordially co-operate with the elders in making them interesting and instructive. the older generation at forest was one that had a foretaste of slavery in their early days, but not a day of school privileges, except as the bible was read or taught at their meetings on the sabbath. the lack of school privileges in the neighborhood and its remote seclusion from the outside world, had the effect of leaving these colored people to continue their primitive ways and methods of doing things, to a later date than in many other more highly favored communities. the following narrative contains an account of the mid-week meetings held at forest about the year when miss bertha l. ahrens, a white missionary teacher of our freedmen's board opened a mission school in the chapel. it shows how the people, that lived in the gross darkness of utter ignorance, groped for the light and earnestly endeavored to extend it, when the gospel was first presented to them. the mid-week meetings are held regularly when not prevented by rain or cold weather. the people live in little shanties scattered through the timber near springs of water and are poorly clad. in good weather they "begin to gather" about : p.m. and continue to "gather" until : , when elder "b." taking his place at the left of the pulpit, "reckons that they's all here that's going to com." elder f. sits down beside him and neither of them can read. deacon l. who serves as chorister, occupies a shortseat in front of the pulpit. the wives of the elders, the lady missionary and other leading sisters occupy seats--a bench--at the right of the pulpit. the meetings are opened by the deacon, who reads two lines of a hymn and, winding out a tune, the people unite in singing them. two more lines continue to be read and sung until the hymn has been completed. when the deacon is not present elder "b." says: "will some of you select something to sing?" if no brother is present, who can read, a sister or the missionary, or perhaps one of her school boys, may "line out" a hymn and may even "raise it" but the tune must be one "the old folks can sing." if the one who "raises the tune" breaks down with it, any one may pick it up and go on with it to the end of the two lines that have been "lined out." the missionary's organ is in position ready for use, but it must be silent in the prayer meeting, and also at the preaching service. it is a new and troublesome innovation. it takes the prominence in the singing, that belongs to the officers of the church. the missionary cannot wind and slur the tunes on it, the way the old folks have learned to sing them, and it robs the singing of its old-time sweetness and power. the organ therefore remains silent. after the first hymn, elder "b." who never allows any one else, not even the preacher, to lead the prayer meeting, now calls on some one to "read us a lesson from the bible." this was an innovation introduced into the prayer meeting after the arrival of the lady missionary. it is at first merely tolerated, comments and explanations are strictly forbidden. these restrictions in regard to the bible in the meeting were due to the influence exerted by the wife of elder "b." who had been the first real leader of the church and was still regarded as a "mother in israel, whose opinions should be respected." she felt that god had taught her by visions and dreams, and believed he would teach others the same way. elder "f." however, is not satisfied till he and others have heard the "word of god" and permission to read it is given. "down to pray," is the next request of the leader, and the voice of every one present is expected to be heard in this part of the meeting. a sister, whose seat is near a window, begs the lord to "come this-a-way, just a little while, to lay his head in the window and hear his servant pray." a brother near the front door responds approvingly, "yes sir," and bids him, "walk in, and take a front seat." the prayer of a devout sister after one or two petitions, becomes an earnest exhortation to all the sinners to repent and be saved. some seemed to believe their prayers have to travel long journeys and are better long than short. some prayers are chanted with a pleasing variety of the voice, while others are agonized by using many repetitions. all are witnessed to by "amen" and similar words of attestation; for these are "live christians", and have no use for "dead meetings." elder "f." who sits beside the leader, sometimes insists on "making some remarks." if the leader whispers to him "make it short," and he does not give good heed, the starting of a familiar hymn is the method adopted to "bring him down." at a meeting held on the forenoon of christmas, elder "f." was feeling too happy and grateful to restrain himself. his theme was "our wonderful saviour," and he began to exhort sinners to open their hearts to him. he became so absorbed in the greatness and importance of his theme as not to heed the usual whisper of the leader or even the starting of the familiar hymn. the situation is one of embarrassment to the leader. the one that proves equal to it is elder "b.'s" wife. she walks over to him, grabs him by both arms and pushes him down on his seat, saying, "bud, you talks too much, sit down now and keep still." she laughs as she says this, the elder smiles as he sits down, and the meeting proceeds in good form. the usual way of closing the mid-week meeting was about as follows: elder "b." says, "well we's done about all we can do. let us sing something and go home." if elder "f." does not call for the new hymn, they have recently learned from the organ. "lord dismiss us with thy blessing," they stand and sing a familiar one. elder "b." then says: "amen!" and dismisses the congregation with a wave of his hand. in the sunday school the attitude of the people toward the bible, the organ and the lady missionary was altogether different. here she is the recognized leader, both in the singing and bible instruction. as they profit by her instruction, and listen a few times to some of their familiar hymns on the organ, the younger people manifest pleasure and delight and the early prejudices of the older ones are gradually forgotten. the first elders of forest church were simon folsom, charles bibbs and lee bibbs. charles bashears was soon afterward added to their number and died in . his wife exerted a leading influence in the earlier years of this church. the allotment of lands in made it necessary to move forest church to another location; and in , it was moved about two miles east in the valley of red river. xv era of james f. mcbride - girl's hall in .--additional school room.--mcbride dies jan. , --mrs. mcbride. "seest thou a man diligent in his business, he shall stand before kings, he shall not stand before mean men." era of supt. mcbride about october , mr. and mrs. james f. mcbride arrived to take charge of the work as superintendent and matron. their arrival was the occasion of another joyful meeting on the part of the colored people who came to see the "suptender, and express their great joy over the new start that was to be given the school." mrs. mcbride at a later date, referring to the appearance of things on the day of their arrival at this, their new home, wrote: "i can still see how the old log house looked as we drove up; so dilapidated. a broken down porch ran along the front of it, and we had to climb over an old rail fence to get to it. our first meal was corn bread made with water--without salt--and stewed dried peaches." when the school opened they were assisted by miss carrie peck, celestine hodges and mary grundy. a new era was now inaugurated in the management of the school. ownership as yet extended only to the farm buildings, which consisted of the old log house, and barn, purchased from robin clark, and the new school building. the first effort was now made to utilize two small fields of cleared land and the neighboring timber to raise stock and crops for the local support of the school. girls' hall in a commodious girls' hall was built having ample facilities for carrying and boarding a considerable number of students. the enjoyment of anything like ordinary home comforts on the part of the teachers began with the occupancy of this building. it became the home of the family of the superintendent, teachers and the girls; and the old log house was fitted up for occupancy by the boys. an additional room was also added to the school building. as the patronage of the school increased mr. mcbride felt there was need for a suitable boys' hall. he made the plans for it and, enlisting the interest of the women of indiana, they provided the money for it. on january , , after three and one half years of faithful service and before his hopes could be realized by merely starting the work on the new building, his death occurred and the progress of the improvement work was again arrested. mr. mcbride was educated at hanover, indiana, and had previously taught in several other schools. he was an active christian worker and had been ordained a ruling elder in the presbyterian church. he anticipated the future needs of the school by planting fruit trees, that, during these later years, have borne bountiful crops of fruit. the other assistants of mr. mcbride were mary coffland, principal in and assistant principal to ; miss priscilla g. haymaker, who returned to serve as principal in and continued until . other assistants were anna mcbride, bettie stewart, colored, and rilla fields who served from the fall of to the spring of . mrs. j. f. mcbride during the next eight months the management of the institution devolved upon mrs. mcbride; and she continued to serve as matron until the spring of , a period of eleven years. she gave to this institution many of her best years for service, and the best work of her life. she became specially interested in a number of young people at oak hill and aided them to attend other schools of our board. she is now living at coalgate, okla. xvi era of rev. edward g. haymaker - a term announcement.--boys' hall .--laundry and smokehouse, --mr. and mrs. haymaker.--mrs. mcbride.--other helpers.--anna and mattie hunter.--mrs. m. e. crowe.--praying for water.--appeal for hospital.--carrie e. crowe. "learning is wealth to the poor, an honor to the rich, an aid to the young, a support and comfort to the aged." era, - . on october , , rev. edward graham haymaker became superintendent and continued to serve in that capacity until the spring of . the following extracts, from a circular announcement, sent out in script form, for one of the early years of this period, are full of historic interest. "oak hill industrial school for colored children is situated miles north of red river and miles east of goodland, the nearest r. r. station. school opens oct. nd and will continue for a term of six months. it is important that all who attend be on hand at the opening. the sum of $ . for citizens and $ . for non-citizens will be charged which must be paid in advance, or assurance given for its payment. the price of tuition has been raised by the board as the choctaw fund seems to be cut off. it only amounts to cent a meal or cents a day for board and - / cents for lodging. cheap enough. the board pays the large part of the bill. "shoes must in all cases be provided by parents and guardians. girls will be provided with other articles of clothing as far as possible, but no such provision can be made for boys. books for all will be provided free, and all will be required to work certain hours each day. boys will not be allowed to use tobacco. "a course of study has been arranged and pupils completing the course will be given a diploma, which will admit to any of the higher schools under the board. "e. g. haymaker, superintendent." boys' hall during this period a boys' hall was erected in , a laundry and smokehouse in . in the school building was moved from the oak grove at the railway to its present position on the campus and the height of it increased. most of the pupils were boarders and most of them were girls. the girls were encouraged to learn to sew that at christmas they might be the wearers of a new calico dress made with their own hands. all were required to read the bible and encouraged to commit the shorter catechism, the world's briefest and best commentary on the bible. mr. and mrs. haymaker rev. e. g. haymaker was a native of newlonsburg, westmoreland county, pa. he graduated from washington and jefferson college in and from the western theological seminary at pittsburgh, in . in he was licensed by the presbytery of blairsville, and in was ordained by the presbytery of kittanning. after serving midway and union churches, cowansville, pa., two years, on oct. , , he became superintendent of oak hill and continued until the spring of , eleven and a half years. mrs. haymaker, who became matron of the boys hall in , was a native of pennsylvania and was educated in the public schools and wilson female college at chambersburg. she was a teacher at wheelock academy at the time of her marriage in . during the period of service on the part of these and all previous helpers the necessaries of life had to be hauled long distances. the daily supply of water had to be hauled one and a half miles. the nearest post office most of the time was at wheelock, ten miles east. previous to , when valliant was founded the nearest trading stations were paris and clarksville, texas, and from to goodland, twenty-eight miles west. all the surfaced lumber in the girls' and boys' halls, built in and had to be hauled from paris. travel over the rough crooked trails and unbridged streams in the timber, whilst not unhealthful in good weather, was always a slow, tedious experience, rather than a source of pleasure. to live at oak hill meant to enjoy a quiet secluded home, so far removed from the currents of the world's activity, as to be almost unaffected by them. mrs. mcbride continued to serve as matron until , a period of ten years. the school had then a history of years. on reviewing the signs of improvement and progress among the colored people that might be attributed to the good influence of the oak hill school, she wrote as follows: "the community has greatly changed since this school was established. when mr. mcbride and i went to the field murders were common in the neighborhood of oak hill, but they are rare now. the people are now improving their places, cultivating more land, planting orchards and building board houses, having several rooms. they have more stock than formerly and their outlook seems hopeful; but alas! their religious life is sadly neglected. one half the pupils are from presbyterian families, and those who come from other denominations learn to love our church, its doctrines and form of worship." parson stewart of doaksville, who had been the faithful pastor of the oak hill church from the time it was founded in , continued to serve it once a month until the spring of , a period of years. he was then at the age of honorably retired from the active ministry, and the superintendent of the academy, became his successor in the pastorate of the oak hill church. other helpers. the other assistants, during the period mr. haymaker was superintendent were as follows: principals: anna t. hunter, to ; sadie shaw, - ; carrie e. crowe, to ; verne gossard, to . assistant teachers: mattie hunter, to ; mrs. mary scott, - ; jessie fisher, to ; rilla fields, to ; howard mcbride, - . assistants in the cooking department: mary gordon, - ; fannie green (col.), josephine mcafee (col.), sadie shaw, , lou k. early, josie jones, lilly e. lee, mrs. martha folsom (col.), - , and mrs. emma burrows, - . matrons: mrs. m. e. crowe, - ; carrie craig, - . anna f. and mattie hunter of huntsville, ohio, were educated, mattie in indianapolis and state normal at terra haute, indiana, and anna in similar schools in ohio. anna taught at wheelock, i. t., from to , under the home mission board, and then three years under the freedmen's board at atoka. in she became a teacher at oak hill and, serving one year as an assistant, served four years as principal to , being absent in . mattie was an assistant at oak hill from to , having previously taught at wheelock two years, to . the work of these sisters at oak hill was greatly appreciated. a number of the views of the early days, that appear in this volume are due to their thoughtfulness, and skill in the use of a kodak. mrs. m. e. crowe. mrs. m. e. (rev. james b.) crowe in became the successor of mrs. mcbride as matron of the girls' hall and continued until the spring of . it seemed to her like the dawning of a new era in the life of a choctaw negro girl, when she entered a christian training school like oak hill. after an opportunity for observation she wrote as follows: "it gives us no small satisfaction to see the rapid improvement during the first year on the part of those who come to our school. it is very gratifying to witness the surprise of their parents, when they return after the lapse of a few months. this work may seem small when compared with the great south; but these choctaw negroes are ours now to mould as we will. the time is near when this country will be thrown open to white settlers; the hordes,--both white and black--will then pour into this section and our opportunity will be gone if we do not seize it now. we have had this year the clearest evidence of god's approval of this work. oak hill needs much in the way of facilities. we are thankful for every word of sympathy and the help received this year from societies and friends. i would like to speak of individual pupils; of the transformation we see going on in their characters, and also of their efforts to profit by the instruction given." rev. james b. crowe, in had charge of the presbyterian church of remington, indiana. in he was appointed by the freedmen's board to serve the colored people at caddo and atoka. anna and mattie hunter were then teaching at atoka, and mrs. crowe became a teacher at caddo. in her health failed and, returning to the north he died soon afterward. later mrs. crowe became matron at oak hill. she is now living at hartford, south dakota. praying for water "the lord is my shepherd, i shall not want." when oak hill became a boarding school and a heavy draft was made on the old well, that at the first had attracted the school there, it "went dry." after this unexpected occurrence it never furnished an adequate supply of water for the school and stock. during all of the 's great inconvenience was experienced in securing and keeping on hand an adequate supply during term time. when the supply was exhausted the work in the laundry and kitchen had to stop, until a new supply was obtained. the nearest sources of supply, during this "lack of water" period, were clear creek and a large spring near it, both one and a half miles distant. at first two barrels were used to haul water and the team had to make daily trips during term time. later a long water tank, that held a wagon load, was substituted for the barrels. hauling water in barrels kept two boys out of school a considerable part of their time. they did not seem to care, yet the feeling prevailed that it was not right. in the fall of when mrs. m. e. crowe became matron, the lack of water was so distressing it was made the subject of prayer. mrs. f. d. palmer, a secretary of the board visited the school at this period and after an address, the question was asked, "how many will join in prayer for water to be given oak hill?" quite a number responded and, at the ringing of the retiring bell, a circle of prayer would form in the girls' sitting room and sentence prayers were offered for that one object. about three weeks later, mrs. palmer met the women of the first presbyterian church, wilkinsburg, pa., and, among other needs of the schools visited, referred to the urgent need for water and a cook stove with a large oven at oak hill. at the close of her address an elderly lady, mrs. rebecca s. campbell, arose in the back part of the room and said, "my sister-in-law, anna e. campbell, taught in that school some years ago; and i will give one hundred dollars for a good well and wind wheel for it, that it may be a useful and worthy memorial of a dear son, frank campbell, who died at thirty in , and of annie's work in ." the endeavor society added fifty dollars for a large cook stove that would serve as an oven. in this reminiscence, the faithful teacher, the circle of prayer, the visit of the secretary, the address, and the presence at the meeting of a woman with a responsive heart and offering, seemed links in a chain of providential circumstances, that made those who were interested feel sure the school at oak hill was "precious in the sight of the lord." their prayer for water had been heard and the answer was assured. in this difficulty was overcome by placing an aeromoter over the well, sunk the previous year, to do the pumping for the stock. the stock then enjoyed the free range of the timber and consisted of considerable herds of cattle and hogs. appeal for hospital "ask and it shall be given you." in the early spring of , writes mrs. m. e. crowe, matron, one of the girls became ill and feared she was going to die. a special bed was made for her in my own sitting room. after her recovery mrs. crowe wrote mrs. mary o. becker, mexico, n. y., a personal stranger but previous contributor to the school, soliciting her aid to provide a hospital or separate room for the care of sick girls. a favorable response was received. a partition was removed to make a long room and provide for a stove. soon afterwards there was received from the women's missionary society represented by mrs. becker, three single beds, bedding, gowns, slippers, sponges, water-bottles and all the other articles necessary for the complete equipment of a sick room, including three changes of clothing for the sick. the promptness of this response and the generosity of the donation, awakened feelings of heartfelt gratitude, on the part of the recipients. a few years afterwards mrs. crowe related this incident to a group of ladies at mitchell, south dakota, standing in the recess of a bay window. the pastor of the church, now an evangelist, was busy in an adjoining room, separated only by a curtain. the reference to mrs. becker attracted his attention. at the close of her remarks he entered the room and stepping to the window, pointed to some pictures and said: "these pictures at your side are of mrs. becker's home and son. she helped me to get an education. that may not have meant much to others but it meant a great deal to me. it was a fulfilment of the promise. "i will guide thee with mine eye." mrs. crowe further states, "many that were under my care became christians and i know that many of them are now doing great good. "one, when leaving for home at the close of the term, remarked, all things are going to be different with me at home, but i'm goin' to try to live a christian." "they need to be taught how to live as well as to die; so many have died. they are not careful of their feet. "they are unable to get good books at reasonable prices, and the shoddy stuff they do read only tends to make them dreamy and careless." carrie e. crowe. carrie e. crowe, principal teacher at oak hill to , and again in , is one to be remembered as having devoted her best years and noblest gifts to the educational work among the freedmen. it was during the early 's and through the influence of her cousin mrs. r. h. allen, d. d., whose husband was then in the beginning of his work as secretary of the presbyterian board of missions for freedmen, she was led to consecrate herself to this greatly needed work. her first commission was as leading teacher in scotia seminary, concord, north carolina. during one of the vacations while here, she and miss d. j. barber developed a new school at hendersonville, north carolina that was continued a number of years under the care of our freedmen's board and the personal direction of sadia l. carson. during another vacation she developed a school at nebo, marion county, n. c. this school came to be known as the boston mission. while she was caring for it, her father, who was a colporteur of the american tract society, and her mother came and made their home with her. the maintenance of this school was not pleasing to all the people of that community; and when a total abstinence organization was effected and some regarded it as a menace to the local illicit manufacture of intoxicating liquors, the ill feeling was manifested by the complete destruction and loss of their home. her parents were so distressed over this destructive work of the "white caps" and the seriousness of the loss sustained that both died a few months later at durham, n. c. after the experience of these great trials that came in quick succession, she was requested to open a day and sunday school and visiting mission, among the operatives of the pearl cotton mills at durham. when failing health made it necessary to relinquish this work, it was extended to the other mills at that place and continued by the women of the southern presbyterian church, at whose request this work had been originally undertaken. on resuming work under our freedmen's board the first year was spent at nottoway, near burkeville, nottoway county, virginia. the next year, , the mary holmes seminary, destroyed by fire at jackson jan. , , was rebuilt and re-opened at west point, miss., by rev. henry n. payne, d. d. and she became the principal teacher in that institution. on march , , their principal building was again destroyed by fire. after three years of faithful service and another sad experience that tended to impair her health, she became in principal at oak hill academy, indian territory, but after two years, by special request, returned and resumed her former position as leading teacher at west point, taking with her two pupils from oak hill, lizzie watt and iserina folsom. in the fall of she returned to oak hill academy and remained until the month of february following, when she was called to the bedside of the late mary holmes at rockford, illinois. her work since that date has been limited to more healthful localities, namely gunnison, utah, and the spanish mission in los angeles, california. at both of these places she served under commissions issued by our board of home missions. she is now enjoying the rest of a quiet and frugal life in retirement at escanto, california, within easy distance of a brother and wife, whose kindness is constant, and having as a companion, a friend, who is as a sister in their modest home. her last teaching among the freedmen was at oak hill academy and she seemed to have a special interest in the young people of that section. this interest was awakened by the fact that during her first term of service at west point several girls were sent there from the vicinity of oak hill, which was then represented as a new country, without previous educational and good church privileges. she had the earnest desire to follow these girls when they returned to their home communities to see to what extent their christian training at west point would tend to elevate and ennoble their own lives and through them the lives of others. this is the desire of every friend of christian education. it cannot be given too great emphasis. pupils that give assurance they will "make good" find that there are friends somewhere, when their need is known, ready to "help them to help themselves." it ought to be a source of constant and life-long encouragement to every pupil, specially aided by friends in any of our christian educational institutions, to know that the personal interest of their teachers and friends follows them through life to see and know, that they have profited by their youthful christian training. they are expected to be teachers and leaders in thought and action in their respective communities. xvii buds of promise to . favored youthful choctaw freedmen. "and hannah took samuel to the temple of the lord and said to eli, the priest; i have lent him to the lord as long as he liveth." the object of this chapter is to note the names and careers of a number of the young people that during the early days, were sent or encouraged to attend other educational institutions. as early as , two years before miss hartford came to oak hill, rev. alexander reid, of atoka took the lead in arranging for two young men to go to biddle university, charlotte, north carolina, and five young ladies to scotia seminary, at concord, north carolina. later the teachers at oak hill aided and encouraged others to attend these and other christian institutions of learning established elsewhere by our freedmen's board. the present is an opportune time for noting the results, in the way of increased happiness and added usefulness to these young people by one or more years of special training in youth. in richard d. colbert of the beaver dam church was sent to the preparatory school at biddle university and remained till june . after his return he taught school eleven years. he was then licensed by the presbytery, and has been preaching the gospel ever since that time. in henry williams of doaksville, (fort towson) was sent to biddle university and remained three years. on his return he became a teacher of public school and in married annie ball. in celestine hodges a daughter of samuel and charlotte hodges, wheelock, was sent to scotia seminary and remained four years. on her return in , she became a teacher and has been teaching most of the time since, serving the first two years as an assistant at oak hill. she became custodian of the buildings, after the departure of miss hartford, and was teaching the oak hill school, when mr. mcbride arrived a month or so after its opening. two years later she founded a school and sunday school along sandy branch, that a few years later developed into the church, that bears that name. she is now located upon and improving her own farm southwest of antlers. in susan homer, daughter of wiley homer, grant, was sent to scotia seminary and remained two years. on her return she served as a teacher until she married albert brown. she is now a widow, occupying and improving her own farm, near grant. in marie jones and her sister fannie jones, daughters of the late caroline prince ( ), and virginia shoals, daughter of j. ross and harriet shoals, all from the oak hill church, were sent to scotia seminary. marie jones after spending some time at school engaged in teaching and later became the wife of mr. sands, a methodist minister, now located at kingston, new york. fannie jones remained at concord, going to school and working in the city until , when she located at st. louis, where she became the wife of mr. mcnair, and taught school a number of years. she is now occupying the old home near oak hill. virginia shoals, now mrs. perry, returned in . she has taught school several years and is now living on her own allotment of land near red river, where she has founded and is endeavoring to maintain a christian home. mary homer (b. ) a daughter of wiley homer, grant, after completing a course at oak hill attended a choctaw government school, to . she engaged in teaching until her marriage to martin shoals. she is now improving her own farm and educating her children at oak hill. hattie homer (b. ), a sister of mary, after attending a choctaw government school at grant to and completing a course at oak hill, taught school until she became the wife of nick colbert, an elder of the beaver dam church, after his decease she married bud lewis and is now occupying and improving her own farm. harriet stewart (b. ), and fidelia perkins, daughter and step-daughter of parson stewart, in were taken by mrs. emma f. mcbride, matron, to the mary allen seminary at crockett, texas. they remained until harriet was promoted to the senior and fidelia to the junior class. both of them engaged in teaching. harriet stewart after teaching a few years in became the wife of rev. pugh a. edwards, a minister of the a. m. e. church and is now occupying and improving her own farm near hugo. fidelia in married thomas h. murchison, and located at garvin, where she and her husband have taken a very active part in promoting the work of the presbyterian church. she served as one of the first superintendents of the sunday school and he as an elder. she is now serving her sixth year as teacher of the public school at millerton. she is a good penman, an acceptable teacher and is making a record of commendable usefulness. [illustration: rev. wiley homer.] [illustration: rev. william butler.] [illustration: rev. and harriet stewart edwards.] [illustration: rev. and maria jones sands.] [illustration: favored young choctaw freedman.] martha jones, a daughter of caroline prince, and nannie harris a daughter of charles b. harris, in , were sent to crockett, texas. nannie harris contracted consumption and died the next year after returning from the school, and martha jones going with one of her teachers, located at frankfort, kentucky. johnson shoals, son of j. ross and hattie, was an early pupil at oak hill, and an assistant teacher at that institution during the last term, - . he has enjoyed a four years' course of study at tuskeegee, and four years at the iowa state agricultural college, ames, iowa. during the last four years he has been working on the old home farm during the summer and teaching school during the winter, which is an ideal plan for the average young man to pursue in early life. malinda a. hall in , after completing the grammar course at oak hill academy, was sent by mrs. edward g. haymaker to ingleside seminary at burkeville, virginia, where she graduated in . she has taught public school one or more years. commencing in february she rendered five years of faithful and efficient service as teacher of domestic science and superintendent of the christian endeavor society at oak hill academy. in she became the wife of william stewart and they are now improving their own new farm home south of valliant. edward d. jones, a class mate of malinda hall and native of bluff, okla., after completing the grammar course in , graduated from jackson college, jackson, miss., five years later, and in from the medical school at raleigh, n. c. he has since been engaged in the practice of medicine in his native state and is now located at nowata, where he has acquired an extensive and lucrative patronage. in when carrie e. crowe returned to mary holmes seminary at west point, miss., she was instrumental in having lizzie watt and iserina folsom, both oak hill pupils, follow her to that institution. lizzie watt was from arkansas. going with her mistress to spend some time at winona lake, ind., she there met mrs. m. e. crowe, matron at oak hill. so great was the interest awakened she became a pupil at oak hill that fall, and remained until she was encouraged to go to the mary holmes seminary. when last heard from, through the head of that institution, she was teaching and doing well. iserina folsom, daughter of moses and martha folsom, after her return from west point in , married amos ward, a farmer, and lives at grant. samuel a. folsom of the forest church, and early pupil at oak hill, in - spent two years at biddle university. on his return he taught one year at oak hill academy, aided in the erection of the temporary boys' hall after the fire of nov. , ; and, serving as foreman of the carpenters, made it possible for the superintendent to erect elliott hall in , by employing only the labor of students and patrons of the academy. on becoming a member and elder of the oak hill church, he enjoyed the privilege of representing the presbytery in the general assembly at denver in may, . returning later in search of health he died there at , jan. , . george shoals, in - , spent two years at biddle university. since his return he married redonia grier and they are now improving their own farm near grant. george stewart, - spent two years at tuskegee. in he married ara brown, an oak hill student, and they are now industriously and successfully improving their own farm near the academy at valliant. in , when the pittsburgh mission at atoka was closed, mrs. o. d. spade, one of the teachers, took lucretia c. brown, a pupil of eight years, to her home at bellefontaine, ohio, and enabled her to graduate from the grammar and high schools of that city in . in , after rendering one year of earnest and faithful service as assistant matron at oak hill academy, she became the wife of everett richards, one of the older students at oak hill that year; and they are now improving and enjoying their own farm home near lukfata. when their home was gladdened by the birth of their first born on christmas night, , they named it, lucian elliott, in honor of mrs. spade, her youthful benefactress. samuel s. bibbs and henry d. prince in went to biddle university and remained one year. henry, after supporting his venerable mother until her decease in , is now industriously engaged in improving his own farm near the academy. s. s. bibbs in married fannie mcelvene, and is now located at broken bow, where he is making a good record in a new section of the country. on march , , james stewart and mary garland, two previously promising oak hill students, were married at the academy. they are now industriously and earnestly developing a comfortable home on their own farm. these incidents relating to the special education of the first young people among the choctaw freedmen are quite suggestive and interesting. these young people may be said to represent buds of promise found in the wilderness, where the wild flowers bloom that are cared for only by a heavenly father's eye. they are transplanted for a time, where they may receive bible instruction, industrial training and a foretaste of the privileges of an enlightened christian civilization. they are then returned to the wilderness with the bible in hand, like the huguenots and pilgrim fathers, when they first came to america, to become the standard bearers of truth, purity and industry, founders of prosperous christian homes, and intelligent promoters of the best interests of their people. their education and training was the first intelligent effort to provide a supply of competent native teachers and preachers for the colored people in the south part of the choctaw nation. however humble their station and limited their attainment, they represent the first generation of native teachers. it was also an effort to introduce into the homes of the people on their return, correct ideals of an intelligent christian civilization. it was the day of small things and of humble beginnings. it is encouraging to note that in all instances where they remained long enough in school to make sufficient progress, they became teachers and sunday school superintendents on their return to their own neighborhoods. some of them are still teaching and one after teaching eleven years has made a good record as a faithful minister of the gospel. [illustration: the presbytery of kiamichi, garvin, okla., april, .] [illustration: wiley homer, his people and chapel at grant, .] [illustration: rev. t. k. bridges.] [illustration: rev. w. j. starks.] [illustration: w. r. flournoy.] [illustration: doll beatty.] [illustration: rev. p. s. meadows.] [illustration: james r. crabtree.] those that have married have in most instances become the founders of prosperous christian homes, and the most influential leaders in their several communities. by their industry, frugality and piety, they are proving themselves, in a very commendable way, to be "the salt of the earth and the light of the world," among their own people. several of them died soon after their return from school. this is a disappointment that is more deeply felt in mission work than elsewhere. the proportion of short lives in this list is perhaps no greater than would be found in similar lists taken from other sections of the country. good health and the disposition to take good care of it are very important assets, on the part of those who are encouraged to take special courses of training in missionary educational institutions. these incidents were not without their influence on the mind of alexander reid in leading him to approve the plan of establishing a boarding school for the freedmen in indian territory and oak hill as the most needy and favorable location for it. the board was maintaining missions at muskogee and atoka, but those locations were not then attractive. one of his last acts in , his last year, was the purchase of the old log house from robin clark for the use of the school. the fact this emigration to distant schools continued, after the establishment of oak hill as a boarding school, awakens a little surprise. only a very limited number of them in later years, remained at oak hill to complete the grammar course. the good old rule of local prosperity "patronize home industries," or institutions, seemed to have been forgotten. the sentiment began to prevail that any school abroad was better than one at home. the general prevalence of this sentiment tended to put a slight check upon the successful development of the work at oak hill. it was bereft of the presence and co-operation of its older and best trained pupils, just when their example of self-control and habits of study were beginning to exert a good influence over the new ones. xviii closed in in the spring of , as there was no one available to manage it, the school was closed, and a student was entrusted with the care of the buildings, stock and crops. as this was the year the land in indian territory was allotted to the indians and their former slaves, individually, mr. haymaker remained until he secured the allotment of two tracts of forty acres each, on which the buildings of the academy were located, one to a graduate student and the other to a friendly full blood choctaw woman; with the understanding that, when the restrictions should be removed, the allottees or owners would sell them to the board of missions for freedmen, to be held and used as a permanent site for the institution. in august miss bertha l. ahrens of grant, a missionary teacher of the board, became the custodian of the buildings and other property belonging to the institution. a few days later, solomon buchanan, a former student from texas, returned and making his home there, began to take care of the stock and crops. his general efficiency, manifest interest and good staying quality enabled him to become ever since a very valuable helper, during term time. xix reopening and organization . two-fold organization of the workers.--new features--character building.--visit of mrs. v. p. boggs. "do all the good you can, by all the means you can, in all the ways you can, in all the places you can, at all the times you can, to all the people you can, as long as ever you can."--wesley. after two weeks of voluntary service in the vicinity of the academy, visiting churches, schools, institutes and towns, making the trips through the timber with a team of faithful but superannuated mules, and delivering addresses in as many as eight different places, during the month preceding, the academy was re-opened for a three months term in february, , under the management of rev. and mrs. r. e. flickinger of fonda, iowa. they had for their assistants, miss adelia m. eaton, fonda, iowa, matron, miss bertha l. ahrens, principal, miss malinda a. hall and henry c. shoals, assistants in the cooking and farming departments, and solomon buchanan, a volunteer student accompanist and general helper. two fold organization of the workers the moral and religious instruction was organized after the following manner. the bible was supplied and read by all as a daily text book in the school. the lady principal served as superintendent of the sunday school, and as organist and chorister at all the other meetings. the assistant superintendent took charge of the primary department of the sunday school, the matron, the bible class; the assistant matron, the intermediate class, and the general management of the work among the christian endeavorers, selecting and aiding the leaders in their preparation for and conduct of their meetings on sabbath evenings, in which all the students were required to participate. mr. buchanan served as organist for the sunday school and accompanist on the piano at the other meetings. the superintendent, in addition to attending and participating in the sabbath school and endeavor meetings, which were held on sabbath mornings and evenings, conducted the preaching service on sabbath morning, the bible memory meetings at : on sabbath afternoons and the mid-week service, which was held on friday evenings. voice culture. the training and development of their youthful voices, for efficient participation by song or story in religious meetings on their return home, was made a distinct aim and object at the friday evening meetings. this special vocal training was based on the fact, that in all the recorded instances of the manifestation of divine or spiritual power, it has been communicated through the use or instrumentality of the human voice. the annual results, of this training of their voices for a sacred use, were a very gratifying surprise to all the patrons of the school. the superintendent also conducted the family worship at which all of the students and teachers were present. it consisted in the daily reading of the scriptures and prayer immediately at the close of the morning and evening meals. twice a week the young people united in repeating a psalm or other appropriate selection and the lord's prayer. he also invariably attended and participated by a word of encouragement in the sunday school and endeavor meetings. character building it was the constant endeavor of the superintendent to make the hours spent together on sabbath afternoons and friday evenings, not only the most instructive and profitable of all the week to the students, in the matter of their character building, but also the most joyous and happy to all of them. all cares and troubles were forgotten, while repeating responsively and cheerily together many of the most thrilling and comforting passages of the bible, or singing merrily the beautiful hymns, plantation melodies, sacred anthems and patriotic glees, that enlisted mutual attention and interest. the joyous blending of their many happy, youthful voices, sometimes soft and low, then rising and swelling with all possible animation into full chorus, while singing together the "beautiful story" that "never grows old" and "must be told," "break forth into joy," "before jehovah's throne," "hail to the flag," "freedom's banner" and similar familiar selections, are sweet and blessed treasures of the memory, that are invariably recalled with pleasure and delight. new features in addition to the branches that had been previously taught, arrangements were now made for special instruction in voice culture and vocal music, one hour a week for all the pupils; and the young men in agriculture, horticulture, house-painting, carpentry and masonry. the aim of these new departments was to awaken an intelligent interest and make every one familiar with the principles that would enable them to make the farm, the garden, the orchard, the dairy, the cattle, the pigs and poultry, all a source of greatest profit to them as owners. an earnest effort was also made to check the stream of migration to distant schools, by bringing the work at oak hill to such a degree of efficiency as to meet the real needs of every young person in its vicinity. this was successfully accomplished by a voluntary and gratuitous establishment, on the part of the superintendent and principal, of normal and theological departments, that were maintained as long as there was any real need for them; the former until the fall of , the last year under territorial rule preceding the establishment of county normal institutes; and the latter in , when the last licentiate was ordained to the full work of the gospel ministry. visit of mrs. v. p. boggs, secretary the late mrs. v. p. boggs, secretary of the women's department of the freedmen's board was a welcome visitor in the fall of . her observations were afterwards summarized in a printed report as follows: "since the reopening of oak hill academy in february it has had an era of prosperity that promises permanency. many improvements have been made, new buildings for farm purposes have been erected, much of the land has been re-fenced and is gradually being brought under a higher state of cultivation, and there is a general improvement in the appearance of the entire premises, that reflects credit on the management, as well as upon the boys who do the work. the literary work progresses under well trained teachers, and a normal department has been added that teachers may be better fitted to supply the schools, which it is hoped will be maintained in the south part of the territory. the home department is managed, to the comfort and happiness of all by the wife of the superintendent, who 'looketh well to the ways of her household.' the matron's duties, which include the general management of all matters relating to the work in the girls' hall, including the sewing, laundry and kitchen departments, are performed with conscientiousness and enthusiasm. a former graduate student is rendering very efficient service in the cooking department." "the property of the board, farm and buildings, is the most attractive and prosperous in appearance in that region. the location is beautiful, the buildings good for that section are well painted, the ground well fenced and in good order. some good farm buildings have been erected by the students and they have painted other large buildings in a very workmanlike manner. considerable land has been redeemed from a state of wildness. thrift and order are apparent everywhere indoors and out."--v. p. boggs. secretary woman's department. succession of helpers. the succession of helpers during the eight years, to , inclusive, when rev. r. e. flickinger was superintendent, was as follows: assistant superintendent: mrs. mary a. flickinger, feb. , , to aug. , . principals: miss bertha l. ahrens, feb. , ,-feb. , , having been previously custodian of the premises from aug. , ; mrs. w. h. carroll, feb. , to may , ; rev. w. h. carroll, oct. , , to june , . matrons: adelia m. eaton, feb. , , to june , ; mrs. john claypool, - ; mary i. weimer, - ; jo lu wolcott, feb. to june , . assistant teachers: carrie e. crowe, oct. , to jan. , ; mrs. sarah l. wallace, feb. to mar. , ; mary a. donaldson, april to may , ; rev. w. h. carroll, oct. , , to may , , and oct. , , to apr. , ; samuel a. folsom, oct. , , to may , ; solomon h. buchanan, nov. , , to ; mrs. w. h. carroll, oct. , , to june , . assistants in the cooking department and sewing room: malinda a. hall, feb. , , to june , , and nov. , , to june , ; mrs. virginia wofford, ; ruby moore and ruby peete, to ; lucretia c. brown, to ; ora perry, . pianist and librarian: solomon h. buchanan, - , except . foremen, carpenters: samuel a. folsom and edward hollingsworth in . whilst the great need of the colored people in the south is the opportunity for intellectual, manual, moral and religious training, to all of which they are readily responsive and make encouraging improvement, it remains a fact, that the material development of the southern states depends in a great measure upon the general education and intelligence of the colored people; and that a manifestation of prejudice against their general education through public or mission schools is sinful, impolitic and unpatriotic. it is only a few years since the report was made that in florida . per cent, in south carolina, . , and in louisiana, . per cent of the children of school age were unprovided for with school privileges. under favorable conditions it is a delightful work to supply a need for which there is so great and urgent a demand, and such manifest appreciation, and, that means so much in promoting the intelligence and thereby increasing the happiness and prosperity of so many of the common people, whose general education tends to make our nation greater. [illustration: mrs. mary a. flickinger.] [illustration: mrs. john claypool.] [illustration: bertha l. ahrens.] [illustration: adelia m. eaton.] [illustration: robert elliott flickinger.] xx the prospectus in school and work periods.--farm work.--improvement work.--sawing wood a picnic. "art and science soon would fade and commerce dead would fall, if the farmer ceased to reap and sow for the farmer feeds them all." in the prospectus of the academy included the following announcements: free tuition and books are accorded neighborhood pupils under thirteen, that attend regularly after the time of their enrollment. those over fourteen are expected to pay fifty cents a month. the hope is expressed that every one living near the academy will see the propriety of making the same noble endeavor to enjoy its valuable privileges for improvement that is made by the many patrons who live at a distance. an opportunity will be afforded a limited number of both boys and girls over fourteen years to work out their term expenditures, with the exception of $ . which must be paid at the time of enrollment. this opportunity to work one's own way through school is given to two boys and two girls during the term at one time and to others during the vacation period. after spending six and one-half or seven hours at study in the class room, three hours, in the latter part of the afternoon of each day, are devoted to industrial training and work on the farm, in the shop, kitchen, laundry or sewing room. all work during this period, is required to be done by the rule, which is first stated at the time of assignment, and afterwards illustrated during the hours of work; and the student is required to work as silently, thoughtfully and earnestly as during the hours previously devoted to study. parents are requested to note that girls are not allowed to wear white waists, skirts or dresses, except at the time of commencement and that each student must supply their own toilet soap, combs and shoe polish. the bible is a required text book and every student is expected to commit an average of one verse and read one chapter each day during the term. the passages committed to memory are recited in concert to the superintendent at the bible memory service held every sabbath afternoon. the actual cost of carrying a boarding student through the term is about $ . . every student that pays $ . or does extra work to that amount enjoys a scholarship of equal amount contributed by the many friends who are supporting the institution. under this arrangement the student that does most to help himself receives most from the friends who are ready to co-operate with him. the doors of the academy are thus open to the penniless and homeless boy or girl, if they have a desire to be useful and are willing to work; but young people who lack funds and at the same time are unwilling to do extra work to cover the first half of their expenses, are not regarded as either promising or desirable. since one half the cost of carrying boarding students at the academy has to be provided for by the generous offerings of friends, who are interested in their temporal, moral and spiritual welfare, every student is expected to show his appreciation of this fact, by being always thoughtful and earnest, during all the hours set apart each day for study and work. only those who learn quickly how to be silent, thoughtful and earnest workers, make that improvement in study and work which forms the chief element in the reward of teachers and friends. the student that makes the most encouraging progress is the one that enters at the beginning of the term and continues to attend and work faithfully until the end of it. the annual report of the superintendent of indian territory for the year shows that at the indian orphan school at wheelock, eight miles east of oak hill, the cost of carrying each pupil a term of nine months was $ . , or an average of $ . a month. a comparison of these figures with the cost at that time at oak hill, $ . a term of seven months, or $ . a month, it is easy to see that the economy practiced in a mission school is much greater than in one under government control. school and work periods provision is made for eight hours of school work on the part of the teachers, the first five days of every week of the term, and one hour on saturday evening. these are daily enjoyed by all the smaller pupils. but all over fourteen years, after enjoying - / hours in the school room, are expected to work three hours each day in the latter part of the afternoon, and on saturdays until : p.m. the two leading objects that are attained by this arrangement are, the opportunity to give and receive practical instruction in the rules, or best methods of doing every part of the work in the home or on an improved farm; and enable those for whose benefit the institution has been established, to perform the work that is necessary to be done for the daily comfort of the students during term time, and the successful and economical management of the farm which now contains acres, of which acres are enclosed and are under cultivation. the wood supply the sawing and splitting of the wood at the two woodpiles, to meet the daily demands of the many and large stoves, that have to be kept constantly running, is the regular morning and evening chore of those of the boys, that are not otherwise employed at that time about the buildings or stock. the preparation of the fuel in the timber and again at the woodpiles is, to say the least, a long and rather monotonous employment. boys who do not manifest an interest in this part of their early training, by reason of its necessity and general healthfulness, are prone to regard it as a very wearisome employment, until they acquire skill in the matter of position and movement, and then their delight is manifested in efforts to outdo one another. the farm work in order that friends at a distance may know something of the regular methods of work during the three-hour work periods of each day and during the period of the term the following notes are added: during the first four or more weeks of the term, all the available student help is busily employed gathering in the crops of cowpeas, potatoes, corn and cotton. in order that their undivided attention may be given to this important work at this time, all the wood needed for fuel during this period has to be brought from the timber, before the end of the previous term. as soon as the crops have been gathered the long campaign for the year's supply of wood in the timber,--about cords,--has to be undertaken and continued from week to week, especially on saturdays until the end of the term. if the necessary materials are on hand, this is the golden time to start the older and best trained boys on the permanent improvement work outlined for the year, such as fence building, sprouting, clearing of new lands, the construction of conveniences for the school, home or farm, the repair of old, the erection and painting of new buildings and finally, the preparation of the ground and planting of the crops for the next year. the boys, however, are never taken to the timber or fields when the ground is damp or the weather is cold and unfavorable. when from these causes they cannot work to advantage, they continue their studies in the class room, all the day. the two winter months of january and february have been ordinarily unfavorable for student work in the timber or fields. the work is then, to a considerable extent, limited to the carpenter shop, cellar, or indoor work on new buildings. improvement work in order that the work performed by the students during the industrial hours of each week, may serve to promote the welfare of the institution as well as for training the individual, it devolves upon the superintendent and matron to have ready suitable work, and all the tools and materials necessary to execute it, when the students are ready for assignment. this work includes the chores morning and evening, the preparation of the fuel--about twenty-five cords annually, first in the timber and then at the woodpile--the cultivation of the farm and garden, the harvesting of the crops and the care of the stock, all of which may be termed necessary routine work. in addition thereto there may be permanent improvement work, such as the clearing of new lands for cultivation and enclosing them with good fences, the repair of old and the erection of new buildings and the manufacture of articles of furniture or comfort, for the better equipment of the many rooms in the buildings. a plain statement of these two kinds of work will indicate to nearly every one the prime importance of endeavoring to accomplish as much improvement work as possible each term. there is now more of this improvement work pressing for immediate attention than possibly may be done during the next three years, but it needs now to be contemplated, intelligently provided for, and then executed as speedily as possible. sawing wood, a picnic saturday forenoon has come to be recognized as the special fuel or timber day of each week. it is a busy and bustling day for all. for this day's work two dozen boys are organised and equipped with axes, a splitting outfit, four crosscut saws and the mule team. the axe men are divided into two squads, the axe men or stumpers who cut down trees, and the trimmers who trim the trunks and large branches. three boys are assigned to each crosscut, two of whom are expected to keep the saw running steadily, while the third one, who is supposed to be resting, carries a light lever and, with the weight of his body raises the log under the crosscut, so it will not bind the saw as it goes through it. by taking turns at the saw and lever, the hardness of this work is greatly relieved, and it sometimes is surprising to see the amount of work, done by the small boys, when they have "a mind to work." if the logs are large or the saw runs hard, it is not unusual for them to couple together and merrily make the running of the saw a four-handed affair. the superintendent, or one of the older boys acting as a foreman, goes before the saws and with an axe marks out the work for them, so they can work speedily, and so that every piece that may serve for posts, long or short, or for fence props or rails, is cut the proper length. the boys have worked faithfully and industriously in the timber on saturday forenoons. a rest of fifteen minutes has always been given, about the middle of the forenoon. when the signal is given, they assemble at some convenient place, where there are several logs suited for seats; for all are required to be seated as the best way to rest their weary limbs, during this period. a pail of fresh water and a paper sack filled with soda crackers is always provided for their enjoyment at this time. a smile of pleasure and delight is sure to light up the countenance of every boy, when, taking his turn, he thrusts his hand into the paper sack and draws therefrom his appointed number of crackers. at these periods of rest and lunch all usually seem as happy as if they were enjoying a regular social picnic dinner. amid the merriment and pleasantry of the occasion they seem to forget all consciousness of weariness, or thought that their work is hard, and resume it again with pleasure and delight. xxi obligation and pledges. obligation.--endeavor.--selp-help students.--temperance.--the intoxicating cup.--president lincoln.--president harrison. "thy vows are upon me o god. i will pay my vows unto the lord, in the presence of all his people."--david. i. the student's obligation on being received as a student of this institution, i do solemnly promise, god helping me, that i will be obedient to the rules of this institution and endeavor to prove myself an earnest student and thoughtful, faithful worker; that i will be prompt in responding to every call, pay the cost of repair to any furniture or glass broken, as a result of thoughtlessness or carelessness on my part; and that i will refrain from the use of profane or angry words to man or beast; and also from the use of tobacco, cigarettes, snuff, dice, gamblers cards, and intoxicating liquors as a beverage, while i enjoy the privileges of the academy. ii. christian endeavor pledge trusting in the lord jesus christ for strength, i promise him that i will strive to do whatever he would like to have me do; that i will pray to him and read the bible every day, and that, so far as i know how, throughout my whole life, i will endeavor to lead a christian life. iii. pledge of self-help students as long as i am accorded and enjoy the privilege of a home and of a student at oak hill academy, recognizing the fact that my time during the periods of work does not belong to me, but to the institution; i solemnly pledge my word and honor, god helping me, that i will refrain from making any engagement elsewhere, that might interfere with the faithful and constant performance of the duties devolving on me at oak hill; that i will conscientiously keep my word as to the time of my return, when absent from my home at the academy; that i will yield a prompt and cordial obedience to all the rules and regulations relating to the conduct of students at the academy, and that i will constantly endeavor to show myself worthy the confidence and esteem of the superintendent and his helpers; and not leave the institution until i have honorably met all of my obligations. iv. total abstinence pledge "abstain from all appearance of evil."--paul. "with malice toward none and charity for all, i the undersigned do pledge my word and honor, "god helping me "to abstain from all intoxicating liquors as a beverage and that i will, by all honorable means, encourage others to abstain." an acre of government land costs $ . , and a bottle of whiskey about $ . . how strange that so many people prefer the whiskey. [illustration: the intoxicating cup] the intoxicating cup within this glass destruction rides, and in its depths does ruin swim; around its foam perdition glides, and death is dancing on its brim. what they think about it a curse.--queen victoria. a scandal and a shame.--gladstone. it stupefies and besots.--bismark. the devil in solution.--sir wilfred lawson. the mother of want and the nurse of crime.--lord brougham. saloons are traps for workingmen.--earl cairnes. abraham lincoln the following is the pledge of abraham lincoln, the great emancipator. "whereas, the use of alcoholic liquors as a beverage is productive of pauperism, degradation and crime, and believing it is our duty to discourage that which produces more evil than good; we, therefore pledge ourselves to abstain from the use of intoxicating liquors as a beverage." when lincoln signed the pledge he was a tall awkward youth, and the only one that went forward at the meeting in the log school house to sign it that night. when he was president, "old uncle john," who induced him to sign it, called on him at the white house and lincoln said: "i owe more to you than to almost any one of whom i can think. if i had not signed the pledge in the days of my youthful temptation, i should probably have gone the way of a majority of my early companions, who lived drunkard's lives and are now filling drunkard's graves." after reconstruction, the next great question is the overthrow of the liquor traffic.--abraham lincoln. william henry harrison "gentlemen i have now twice refused your request to partake of the wine cup. that should be sufficient. i made a resolve when i started in life, that i would avoid strong drink: i have never broken that pledge. i am one of a class of seventeen young men who graduated; the other sixteen fill drunkard's graves, all due to the pernicious habit of wine drinking. i owe my health, happiness and prosperity to the fact i have never broken my pledge of total abstinence. i trust you will not again urge me to do so." this noble answer was given to friends who were dining with him at the old washington house in chester, pa., when he was a candidate for president. xxii bible study and memory work aims in bible study.--self-control.--training the memory and voice.--divine truth the need of all.--one book in the home.--committed to memory.--the bible only in sunday school.--a life-long golden treasure.--a fountain of blessing.--uplifting power in new hebrides. "hold fast the form of sound words; ... that ye may be able to give to every one that asketh, a reason of the hope that is in you."--paul. the development of the bible-memory work, that, during the later years of this period, moved forward very rapidly, was one of small beginnings and slow progress at first. the meetings were held at half past two o'clock on sabbath afternoons. the girls were formed into one class and their meeting was held in the sitting room of the girls' hall. the boys met immediately afterwards in the office of the superintendent in the boys' hall. the weekly lesson consisted in committing to memory five to seven verses in the more important chapters of the new testament and psalms, commencing with the ten commandments in exodus xx, - . the passages assigned were read and studied every week in the school under the direction of the principal, in order that all the younger pupils, as well as the older ones, might be able to repeat them on sabbath. at the meetings, which were conducted by the superintendent, the lesson assigned would have to be read over several times in concert before their voices would acquire the right movement and expression. the effort to train the memory, by committing scripture verses, was one from which many of them shrank as being too irksome, and the weekly lesson of one verse a day would have to be repeated a number of times, before most of them could continue to be heard to the end of the lesson. the previous lessons were then reviewed, to fasten them more firmly on the memory. the advance lesson was then read together that all might surely know its place and extent. aims in bible study "accurate bible knowledge" and "character building" were the keynotes of the instruction given at these meetings. a third object, that was constantly kept in view, was the training and development of their youthful voices for public address in religious meetings. this was accomplished by making a large use of the concert drill, both in reading and repeating the classic and beautiful passages of the bible. the tendency of the new pupils to speak and act badly from sudden impulse, was freely admitted at these meetings. as a means of enabling them to put a check on their impulsive dispositions and acquire the art of self-control, the following questions were prepared and asked of each, at the opening of the lesson hour. . during the week that has passed, have you refrained entirely from the use of profane or quarrelsome words and actions? . have you been uniformly respectful and obedient to all of your teachers? . are you using your spare moments each day for some good purpose, that will promote your best interests? the cordial and helpful co-operation of miss adelia eaton, our first matron, in connection with this bible memory work at the period when it was most difficult to awaken interest and enthusiasm in it, was very greatly appreciated. although her presence was not required, she voluntarily arranged to be present at every meeting. she seldom if ever participated in the meetings, but she invariably arranged the room in the most convenient form for the meeting and continued to patiently aid and encourage those of the girls, to whom this memory work was the hardest, until the last moment before the meeting. the increased attendance of later years, made it advisable to hold these bible meetings in the chapel, and there both classes met together. training the memory the memory, the natural power of retaining and recalling what has been learned, is the basis of all progress in study. it is the faculty that enriches the mind by preserving the treasures of labor and industry. the beauty and perfection of all the other mental faculties are dependent on it. without its aid there can be no advancement in knowledge, arts and sciences; and no improvement in virtue, morals and religion. those who cannot read acquire knowledge by hearing, and their vision is occupied principally with large rather than small objects. it was soon a matter of observation that the children of illiterate parents in whose homes there are no books, find it very difficult to learn to read, after they have passed fourteen years of age. that which is natural and easy in childhood, becomes more difficult the longer it is delayed. they form the habit and find it much easier to acquire knowledge like their parents by the ear, or "by air" as it is sometimes called, than by poring over the letters and words of a printed line in a book. many that are over fourteen before they are sent to school shrink from the mental discipline and labor of learning things so small as letters and words, and seek relief by looking elsewhere than on the printed page. by the aid of a memory that has been trained for service in childhood, one is able to learn easily and rapidly; and also to express their treasures of knowledge in such a way as to give life and animation to every word that is uttered. the memory is very responsive to training in childhood and youth. its retentive power may then be very greatly increased by judicious exercise and labor, which have that distinct end in view, just as the limbs gradually grow stronger by daily exercise. if it is accustomed to retain a moderate quantity of knowledge in childhood, it is strengthened and fitted for more rapid development in youth. that is the golden period to learn the "form of sound words," that shall exert a moulding influence upon the entire life. repeated acts form a habit, and habits of thought may be aided by a methodical system in the arrangement of intellectual possessions. frequent review, repetition, conscious delight in the things to be learned and association of the new with the known, are important aids to the memory, that may be profitably observed throughout the entire life. divine truth the need of all truth is the natural food for the mind and does for it what bread and meat do for the body. the mental faculties include the intellect, the power of thought; the memory, the conscience, the power that enables one to distinguish between right and wrong; and the judgment, the power of decision. there are no truths so well adapted for the best training and development of all these faculties, as the great and important ones that god has so attractively and plainly revealed in his holy word. the poetic parts of the old testament and the words of jesus in the new, are adapted alike for the comfort and instruction of childhood, manhood and old age. "man shall not live by bread alone, but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of god." "i am the living bread which came down from heaven; if any man eat of this bread he shall live forever." one book in the home one aim of the requirement to commit one verse a day in the bible presented to each pupil was, of course, to make even those, whose terms in school were the shortest, familiar with some of the most important parts of the one book, they were expected to take to their homes; but another distinct aim was to develop the memory of every pupil so as to make the mastery of other books easier and their progress in them more rapid. every pupil was encouraged to train their memory to be their ready and faithful servant, so that it would recall a line, a verse or a rule, when it had been carefully traced the third time, by the eye. the definitions and rules form the most important parts of most of the necessary text-books above the primary department. the future value of these studies, as well as the pupils advance in them while in school, depends on his ability to understand, apply and easily remember the rules. the thorough teacher will discard the use of those superficial authors, whose books lack these important parts, tersely and plainly stated. the sooner that a pupil learns to follow, obey and never to violate a rule, the sooner does he begin to advance rapidly and profitably in his studies. committed to memory the memory work of a term, according to the rule, one verse a day, would usually carry the student through the following passages: the oak hill endeavor benediction, numbers , - and rev. , - ; the ten commandments exodus , - ; words of comfort, confession and devotion, psalms st, th, th, d, th, th, st, th, d, part of the th, d and th; wise counsels, proverbs d and th; a new heart promised, ezekiel , - ; john baptist's message, matthew d; the beatitudes and sermon on the mount, matthew th; the divinity of christ, john st; his farewell address, john th; the bible inspired, timothy , - . also the first half of the westminster shorter catechism, with its ever memorable beginning, "man's chief end is to glorify god and enjoy him forever." every new pupil is encouraged to read the bible in course, an average of one chapter a day or seven each week, making report of progress at the bible hour each sabbath afternoon. by this plan many of them read, during their first term, the books of matthew, mark, luke, john, acts and romans. the bible only in the sunday school the inter-national lessons are always prepared for the sunday school hour, but always and only from the bible in the hand of each scholar. the teachers only are supplied with other helps, and even these are used only during the period of preparation. the bible, black board, map and charts only are used by the teacher and students during the sunday school session. this use of the bible only in the sunday school, served to create a demand for it on the part of every scholar and attendant, and to increase the familiarity of each with their own copy of it. it is a good plan for any teacher or sunday school, that wishes to promote reading and circulation of the scriptures in the homes of the people. a life-long golden treasure he has a rich treasure whose memory is well stored with words from the holy scriptures. such a treasure is "more to be desired than gold, yea, than much fine gold." it is a life-long treasure to those who secure it in youth. it cannot be taken away, but it may be imparted to others. whoever shares this treasure with others, sows the good seed of the kingdom of god and realizes in his own soul, that he "who sows bountifully shall also reap bountifully." committing the scriptures to memory was a delightful employment to the psalmist, who said: "thy word have i hid in my heart," and again, "let my heart be sound in thy statutes." "thy statutes have been my songs in the house of my pilgrimage." "i will never forget thy precepts; for with them thou hast quickened me and caused me to hate every false way." "thy word is a lamp unto my feet, and a light unto my path." "order my steps in thy word; for the entrance of thy words giveth light." a beautiful tribute the following beautiful tribute to the bible, printed by soper and son, detroit, was pasted on the inside of the front lid of every bible presented to the students. this book contains the mind of god, the state of man, the way of salvation, the doom of sinners, and the happiness of believers. its doctrines are holy, its precepts are binding, its histories are true, and its decisions are immutable. read it to be wise, believe it to be safe, and practise it to be holy. it contains light to direct you, food to support you, and comfort to cheer you. it is the traveler's map, the pilgrim's staff, the pilot's compass, the soldier's sword, and the christian's charter. here paradise is restored, heaven opened, and the gates of hell disclosed, christ is its grand subject, our good its design, and the glory of god its end. it should fill the memory, rule the heart, and guide the feet. read it slowly, frequently, prayerfully. it is a mine of wealth, a paradise of glory, and a river of pleasure. it is given you in life, will be opened in judgment, and be remembered forever. it involves the highest responsibility, rewards the greatest labor, and condemns all who trifle with its sacred contents. a fountain of blessings the bible is an infallible revelation from god in regard to his own character, will and works. one result of a practical faith in it is the development of an heroic missionary spirit. the noblest heroisms that mark the history of the human race have had their inspiration in implicit faith in the bible. "men in whom life was fresh and strong, and women, the embodiment of gentleness and delicacy, have met the martyrs death of fire, singing until the red-tongued flames licked up their breath." it is the fountain from which have come the principles of a pure morality and "all sweet charities." it has been the motive power that has effected the regeneration and reformation of millions of men. "it has comforted the humble, consoled the mourning, sustained the suffering and given trust and triumph to the dying." rational minds will ask for no higher proof, that the bible, as a revelation from god is reliable, than the nature and results of the faith that is based upon it. the results include the noblest phenomena of human experience, the richest fruitage of our christian civilization. the bible is the one great regenerative and redemptive agency in the world, and this soon becomes apparent, whenever it is read in the homes of the people. uplifting power in new hebrides' islands a very interesting illustration of this fact has been narrated by john inglis a scottish missionary to the new hebrides. on going there about the middle of the last century, he selected for his abode an island occupied by cannibals. among the things he took with him was a mason's hammer. when he began to dress and square the hard rocks of the neighborhood to build the chimney of his house, the novelty of the operation drew a crowd of the natives around him. they looked on in wonder, and were surprised to see the hammer break in pieces and bring into shape those hard stones, which no one had before attempted to break. missionaries, like philosophers sometimes find "sermons in stones," as well as "good in everything." on this occasion, he took the stones and the hammer as his text and gave them a short practical sermon as follows: "you see these stones and this hammer. you might strike these stones with a block of wood till you were tired and you would not break off a single chip; but when i strike with a hammer you see how easily they are broken, or cut into needful shapes. now god tells us that our hearts are like stones, and that his word is like a hammer. some white men came among you before the arrival of the missionaries, and you continued as much heathen as ever. but when the missionaries came and spoke to you, you gave up your heathenism, began to keep the sabbath day, to worship god and to live like christians. what caused this difference? the words of the missionaries were not any louder or stronger than those of the other white men. the difference was merely this--the other white men spoke their own words; they spoke the words of men; and that was like striking these stones with a piece of wood. but the missionaries instead of speaking to you their own words read to you the words of god; and that was like this hammer striking, breaking and bringing into shape your stony hearts." this illustration took hold on their imagination; the sermon on the stones and the hammer was not soon forgotten. many years afterwards, some of the older natives when leading in prayer in the church would offer the petition, "o lord, thy word is like a hammer, take it and with it break our stony hearts and shape them according to the rule of thy holy law." there were , natives on this island. through the influence of god's word, for no other means were employed save the human voice to make it known, all of them were led to abandon heathenism and place themselves under christian instruction. these people had no money but they could gather and prepare arrowroot. they were encouraged to bring this to the missionaries, in order to secure a supply of bibles for the island, with the result that in a few years they sent $ , to the british and foreign bible society, london, for copies of the new testament and psalms; and a few years later $ , to pay for the printing of the old testament in their own language. there is no instance on record of a like number of heathen people, so poor, being persuaded to contribute so much money to obtain any other book; and why not? it is because the bible alone is divine and this divine power has subdued human hearts. "is not my word like as a fire? saith the lord; and like a hammer that breaketh the rock in pieces?"--jer. . . the bible is the book of the lord, a "sure word of prophecy, whereunto we do well to take heed, as unto a light that shineth in a dark place." it challenges us to "prove all things and hold fast that which is good." xxiii decision days christmas.--washington's birthday. "how long halt ye between two opinions? if the lord be god follow him."--elijah. every new student at the time of his enrollment was requested to state whether or not he was a member of church. if a negative response was received, he was kindly informed it would be regarded as a serious disappointment, if he did not become an active christian worker, during the period he enjoyed the privileges of the academy. as a means of enabling every one to manifest their decision to live a christian life, decision days were held frequently during the term. the first one always occurred at least one week before christmas; and the others about the day of prayer for colleges, easter and memorial sabbaths. when advantage could not be taken of a voluntary visit on the part of a neighboring pastor the co-operation of one of them was always solicited. on the first occasion rev. william butler was present, feb. , , and took for his theme in the morning, the good shepherd, and in the evening, the new heart, his own heart was gladdened by seeing twenty-three young people come to the front in response to his appeal and pledge themselves to live a christian life. a month later the pastor's heart was gladdened anew by receiving fourteen of them into the membership of the church and administering baptism to ten of them. two years later, as the result of an evangelistic meeting held on the evening of the closing day of the farmers' institute, january , , mr. butler, who was one of the speakers at the institute, had the pleasure of seeing twenty-one other students manifest a decision to live a christian life. rev. wiley homer, t. k. bridges and samuel gladman, assisted and with encouraging results on other decision days. in , washington's birthday, thursday, was observed by a patriotic and evangelistic meeting at which impressive addresses were delivered by rev. w. j. willis of garvin and rev. a. b. johnson of mcalester. among those present were thirteen that had not previously manifested a decision. in response to the appeal of mr. willis, every one of these thirteen voluntarily arose, came forward and gave their pledge to live a christian life. the attainment of a voluntary pledge from every student in attendance at that time made this an eventful occasion. it was also deeply impressive. every one joined in the joyful congratulatory procession. as it was the last glad and happy decision day before the loss of the girls' hall, which occurred on the second sabbath following, it has been commemorated by an engraving from a photo, thoughtfully taken before hand by miss mary weimer, in which may be seen david michael, livingston brasco, and william shoals, who have just returned from the timber with vines and white flowers to decorate the chapel for this meeting. xxiv the self-help department foolish notions.--a promising girl.--thoughtless boys.--thoughtful young people.--vacation workers.--jamestown college.--support of self-supporting students.--how it works.--enlargement and permanent improvement.--self-support means independence.--park college. "if any would not work, neither should he eat."--paul. the unexpected disappointments experienced in establishing the self-help department are worthy of a brief mention. they serve to illustrate some foolish notions that prevailed among some of our first patrons, and prepare the way for a good suggestion. the aim of this department is to enlarge the scope of the training work of the institution by the employment of students, as far as possible, to do the necessary work during vacations as well as the chores during the school-terms; and by this means, reducing the number of hired helpers, afford lucrative employment to the greatest number of students, as a means of self help. in view of the needy and helpless condition of the people in their new homes, and the urgent prospective demand for more teachers, one would naturally suppose every family would be eager to take advantage of such an opportunity. the scheme however was a new one and it was regarded with suspicion and disfavor. the effort to have leading families, those that seemed to stand in the nearest relation to it by having previously enjoyed its privileges most freely, co-operate in the establishment of this plan, by permitting one of their children to remain at the academy during the vacation period or even do extra work a part of the day during the term, and thereby be able to continue and complete a course of study that would fit them for teaching, proved a complete disappointment. this disappointment was the occasion of two earnest appeals before two different meetings of the presbytery, but neither of them received more than a respectful hearing, no favorable response. some, whose children had been previously carried from year to year gratuitously, no doubt, regarded it as the innovation of a stranger, who was adroitly depriving them of their former rights and privileges; while others seemed to view it as a discovery to their neighbors, that they were not able to pay for the education of their children. some of the larger girls at the academy, when requested to arrange to do some extra work at the school declined, saying they had homes of their own and did not have to work for others away from home. a promising girl that this was not the sentiment, however, of all the larger girls appears in the following incident. a very promising girl of sixteen came to the school of her own accord. she was animated with the desire to become a christian teacher. about the middle of the term, a younger brother called with the request from her mother, that she return home. no reason was assigned and she knew of no good one. she sent her mother word that she desired to remain, and resumed her studies. two weeks later an older brother called with a pre-emptory demand that she return home with him. the reason assigned by her mother for this unexpected and arbitrary request was, "daughter can get along without school as well as her mother." it seems scarcely necessary to state that this promising and aspiring young lady was not permitted to return. thoughtless boys the first to acquiesce in the arrangement to pay a part of their term expense by working at the academy during the vacation were some boys, who had not learned to work; and it seemed impossible for them to conceal the fact that they did not want to work. they were not old enough or did not know enough to appreciate the privileges accorded to them; and as many as three of them ran away, when most needed. the work deserted by two of these boys was undertaken by a third one, not then a student. he was a willing worker and at the end of the summer found that his job at the academy was his best one during the season. he illustrated the difference between the worthy and the worthless. the worthy achieve success where the worthless make a miserable failure. thoughtful young people it was left for some thoughtful young people living at a distance to come, take advantage of the opportunities thus afforded and make this self-help or industrial department a real, visible and practical success. while deriving a life-long benefit for themselves, they have conferred a lasting benefit to the institution by remaining long enough to reach the higher grades. their efficient service in various lines of work has served to show that the varied and thorough training given during recent vacations has been very valuable to them. the vacation period has afforded the best opportunity for instruction and practice on the organ, for reading the many good books in the library and for special training in farming, carpentry and in the various kinds of work, like canning fruit or the manufacture of sorghum, that require attention only during the summer months. it has hitherto seemed to be the golden period of the year when the personal responsibility and general efficiency of the student has been most rapidly developed, a fact no doubt due to the freer daily association with the superintendent and teachers. the full course of training provided at the institution can be fully enjoyed only by those who remain during the summer months. vacation workers the vacation workers have always been regarded as members of the oak hill family and every personal want has been promptly supplied. the habit of reading or learning something every day, kept them prepared for doing their best work on the first as well as their last day of the term; while others would take a week or month, perhaps before they could settle down to good work in the school room. they were allowed a reasonable credit for every day they worked during the vacation and were not requested to do any extra work during the term, except in cases of emergency. the self-help students, who rendered extra service during the term, dropped one study, and they also received a reasonable allowance for all the extra work they performed. jamestown college effective christian work by students at home during the summer vacation was admirably illustrated by the young people attending the presbyterian college at jamestown, north dakota, during the summer of . every student at the close of the term had formed the decision to lead a christian life. under the inspiration of a resident lawyer, john knouff, a number of them became members of the mission band that had for its object the in gathering of new scholars into their own sabbath schools, and the college they were attending. the result was a very pleasant surprise and a source of great profit to all of them. they reported the organization of a score of new sunday schools in neglected communities, and an enrollment of new scholars through their instrumentality. an incidental result was a greatly increased enrollment of new students at the college they had so worthily represented. support of self-supporting students where does the money come from that is necessary to meet the monthly allowances placed to the credit of the self-help students? this is a very practical question and a few thoughts on it may be helpful. when a farmer employs a man to help him on his farm he expects to pay him from the annual cash income, when the products of the farm are sold. this would naturally be true of the boys who do the farm work at oak hill if there was a surplus to sell; but hitherto it has not been sufficient to meet the demands of the boarding department and stock. it would however not be true of the work of the boys who build fence, clear new land or erect and improve buildings. the product of the labor of these students is a permanent improvement, that increases the value of the land to the owner, and it cannot be sold annually for cash, like the products of the farm. but the superintendent has to pay cash for the groceries consumed by these students the same as for the others; and when their monthly allowance for labor is transferred to the enrollment or other account book, it represents an item for which some one must furnish him the cash. where will he get his money? who will furnish it to him? manifestly he must look to the owner of the property for it, and the owner in this instance is the board of missions for freedmen. by using tools and implements the student has been trained in their use and the results of his work have become a permanent possession of the board. in as much as most permanent improvements do not ordinarily bring any direct annual income to the board, but serve rather to increase the facilities of the school and provide additional opportunities for self-help, the question arises, "where does the board get the money for the support of the self-supporting students?" the answer to this inquiry is, the board has to solicit and receive it from the friends of christian education. this is a very important statement and it is often not very clearly understood. when the actual cost of carrying a student through a seven months term is found to be about $ . then that is the lowest amount that will enable the superintendent to carry a vacation worker, as a self-supporting student, through the period of an entire year. how it works there are some features of this problem that are quite interesting. the student that does the most for the permanent improvement of the institution that has educated him, commonly called his "alma mater," or fostering mother, finds at the time of completing his course, that by that means he has done most for himself, by advancing more rapidly than others in the course of training and study. he has also done something in the way of increasing the facilities for the education and uplift of his race. whilst his employment was creating a demand for a benevolent gift from some friend of christian education he was unconscious of that fact, and is happy in the consciousness, that he is earning his way through school like a man;--one, who wants to make most of himself. he goes forth to enter upon the duties of active life as a true or "good soldier" prepared to "endure hardness," if necessary, and ready to lend a helping hand to other worthy young people. enlargement and permanent improvement the zealous interest of the superintendent in this self-help industrial department appears in the broad foundation he had hoped to lay for it in the purchase of so many acres for the oak hill farm. there were other good motives that prompted the purchase of land, when the opportunity was afforded to do so at it which price in such as provision for future supplies of wood as a cheap fuel, about twenty-five cords a year being needed, and ample pastures for the herds of cattle and hogs, that are easily and profitably raised and greatly needed, but the most urgent motive was the earnest desire to provide an agricultural base large enough to enable the self-help department of the academy to become in time self-supporting. "enlargement" and "permanent improvement" became the watchwords while laying the foundation for this department. the manifest need of it had been deeply and indelibly impressed. the conviction also prevailed that, when properly organized and developed, so as to meet their most urgent needs, the self-help department in an educational institution works like a live magnet in attracting the patronage of many worthy young people. permanent improvement year after year by self-supporting students, seeking training is an arrangement that has in it the germ of expansion, that means enlargement and growth with passing years. this was the ideal towards which we were moving with might and main. we wanted to plant the live magnet, that would make oak hill an attractive and pre-eminently useful educational center for all the choctaw freedmen. there are no annual taxes on lands used for public or mission school purposes, and all the annual income tends to lessen to the board, the local expenses of the teachers and students. the net income from the farm is the surplus that remains after deducting the cost of management from the gross receipts. whenever this net income is more than sufficient to cover the local support of the teachers, it goes toward the support of the self-supporting students; whenever it is sufficient to cover all of their monthly allowances, this self-help department is self-supporting; and special remittances from the board will not then be needed for the worthy, industrious and ambitious young people, in that department. the attainment of this object is worthy of noble and constant endeavor. it is also worthy of note, that good agricultural lands, purchased at the government price in a new section of the country that is destined to be filled with new settlers, is always a good investment. the land rapidly increases in value where the incoming of new settlers causes a rapid increase in the population. [illustration: oak hill in .] [illustration: flower gatherers for decision day. february , .] [illustration: lou k. early.] [illustration: mary i. weimer.] [illustration: jo lu woolcott.] this annual increase in the value of new land is known as its "unearned increment." this unearned increment is now accruing to the board on every acre that has been purchased. those that were purchased first have already doubled in value. every acre of land added to the oak hill farm at its virgin price means now, by reason of its annual income and gradual increase in value, a live unit added to the permanent endowment of the institution and enlarges the scope of the self-help department. self-support means independence the negro needs to be taught to be "self-dependent, self-reliant and self-respecting." wherever public schools have been established and supplied with good teachers and text-books, they have rendered efficient service in improving the condition of the people. the lack of text-books has caused many of the rural schools to prove very inefficient, one textbook often having to serve as many as three pupils, then there are yet large sections of some of the southern states in which there are no public schools for the colored people. in proportion as the colored people attain a general christian education and become progressive, industrial workers, do they rise to their natural inheritance; an inheritance that brings to them what america now holds of freedom, justice, opportunity and benevolence to the oppressed of other lands, that are coming a million a year, to locate in this land of civil and religious freedom. among their essential needs to self-support are a fair industrial opportunity, distribution, education and equal protection of the laws. whenever too many unskilled workers, including women and children, crowd into towns and cities, the number that have to live in poverty-stricken hovels is greatly increased. their general health and good morals are also endangered. every youth will do well to adopt the thrilling watchwords of the early american patriots, "virtue, liberty, and independence." park college rev. john a. mcafee, the eminent founder of park college, parkville, near kansas city, missouri, realizing the need of hardy and energetic ministers during the pioneer days of missouri and kansas, manifested a commendable wisdom and foresight in the planting of that institution, by making special provision for the self-help of those, who were candidates for the ministry and those wishing to be missionary teachers. the self-help department then established has greatly promoted its growth, and increased its usefulness. the visitor now sees a beautiful campus of acres occupied by massive stone buildings erected largely by student labor. they include a fine administration building, chapel, library, observatory, boarding and professors houses, and a half dozen large dormitories. he will also find an attendance of students, and a farm of acres cultivated by them. its worthy representatives in the ministry may now be found in nearly every state of the union and many, as foreign missionaries and teachers, are doing a noble work in other lands. a large proportion of its most worthy representatives owe their present position and usefulness to the opportunity for self-help, provided in the agricultural and mechanical departments, while pursuing their studies at this classical institution. it was founded in and was named after col. george s. park, the friend and helper of rev. john a. mcafee. he donated the original college building and one hundred acres of land. at present the college owns acres, of which are in the college farm. both of its worthy founders died about the year , but the good work of the institution they planted is going forward with annually increasing usefulness. though established more recently than many others, it is now very highly prized as one of the most important of our presbyterian colleges, in maintaining the supply of well trained ministers and christian teachers. a suggestion to parents having stated the aims and advantages of the self-help department the following suggestion to parents seems appropriate. if you have a bright son or daughter that can be spared for a time at home, take your child, as hannah did samuel, while he is young enough to learn rapidly, to the superintendent of the academy, and, if the way be clear, enter into an agreement as hannah did, that he shall remain there, if needed, until he has completed the course of study provided at the institution, earning his expenses, as far as possible, by his own industry. regard your contract as a matter of honor and refrain from calling him away when his services have begun to be of some value to the institution, merely because you need some one to do a few day's work. encourage him to be true and faithful, that he may win and hold the esteem and confidence of his instructors. if a number of parents will pursue this policy, the academy will accomplish its mission and prove a boon and blessing to you as a people, one generation serving another. xxv industrial education a training period.--independent homes.--domestic training.--highland park college.--booker t. washington.--sam daly. "six days shalt thou labor and do all thy work." "what thy hand findeth to do, do it with thy might." public education is at present passing through a transition stage. the emphasis in the school courses of previous generations was upon the culture of the mind and the appeal was made for a high classical training, but now that the work on the farms as well as in the shops is largely done by costly machinery, the emphasis of school work is being rapidly transferred to the hand, and the appeal is for manual or vocational training and domestic science. its aim is to reach and train for a successful self-supporting career, the great majority of young people who cannot pursue their studies beyond the fifth to the eighth grades. our country has made wonderful progress in the arts and sciences including new inventions, during the last half century. the scope of the "natural philosophy" and "familiar science" of a few years ago has been very greatly enlarged. the country has been spanned and crossed in every direction by great systems of standard and interurban rail-ways. automobiles are in popular use on the highways and powerful tractors do the threshing, corn-shelling and plowing on the farm. oil engines and electric motors are in use on the farms and in the homes of the people. the last of the good agricultural lands have been opened for settlement and are now occupied. agriculture, animal husbandry, horticulture, dairying and even housekeeping have been reduced to a science, by the statement of essential principles, the same as in architecture and civil-engineering. success in them depends on a practical knowledge of the art, as well as a theoretical knowledge of the science. a few years ago the pressing demand was for teachers and normal instructors for their preparation. the demand for teachers in constantly increasing numbers continues, but it is now rivaled by the present demand for young people, who understand the principles of mechanical construction, whose hands have been trained to use costly and delicate machinery aright and properly care for it. success and self-support on the farm as well as elsewhere now require the trained hand as well as the intelligent mind. independent homes self-support is essential to the possession of a permanent and happy home. no home can be permanent while there is no assured means of support. while the father depends on uncertain day labor and the mother knows little or nothing of economy in the household and even less about the care, training and discipline of children, there can be but little progress made in the home or church life. dependent homes mean dependent churches, while prosperous homes mean self-supporting churches. in this fact is found a great motive for the church in her educational missionary work to make suitable provision for teaching the young the useful or necessary arts of life, and some knowledge of the sciences, while offering to them the bread and the water of life, through the establishment of christian educational institutions. domestic training a recent debate in the house of congress at washington developed a unanimous sentiment, that a good cook is more cultured than a pianist, and that girls should not be allowed piano lessons until they learn how to cook good biscuits. we have read of girls "whose heads were stuffed with useless knowledge, but not one in twenty knew the things that would be serviceable to her through life. they could not sew or cook." at oak hill it is different. every girl at ten begins to take her monthly turn in learning to cook, mend and sew. she is taught the art and the rules of these useful employments the same as those of reading, writing and arithmetic in the school room. the business of housekeeping is thus early introduced to the mind of the child, to awaken its thoughtfulness and develop efficiency in the future work of managing a home. this connects the teaching of the school with the life of the home. it makes the instruction a real and practical help instead of being merely theoretical. it affords pleasant and profitable employment to the pupils during spare moments that would otherwise be lost in idle loafing or play. the business of housekeeping is attracting the attention of schools of learning and of legislatures more and more every year. some states, like indiana, are making large investments to promote training in domestic science in the schools of the state. the great results achieved in recent years by health regulations, in checking and suppressing contagious diseases, have greatly increased the scope of this instruction. it now includes in the higher schools, the new applications of the principles of nutrition, the chemistry of cleaning and the laws of hygiene, or health. highland park college at highland park college, des moines, iowa, having an enrollment of , young people in the capital city of one of our most highly favored states in the valley of the mississippi, ninety-five per cent of them never go beyond the seventh and eighth grades and only two per cent go to higher institutions of learning. this eminently successful institution attracts young people from all parts of our land and this last year from twelve foreign countries. young men, one fifth of its enrollment are in shops. this institution is the embodiment of the genius and a splendid monument to the memory of its founder, dr. o. f. longwell, who for twenty-four years served as its president, having previously secured a remarkable development of the western normal college at shenandoah. booker t. washington the industrial scheme of booker t. washington at tuskeegee is an intelligent negro's idea of what the illiterate negro needs to help himself. it is undoubtedly the best scheme to enable him to attain self support. started as a private enterprise its patronage soon over-taxed its equipment of buildings and attracted public aid from the legislature of alabama, and later large gifts from many wealthy people in our larger northern cities, some of whom endeavor to visit it once a year to note its annual progress and needs. the remarkable success of this industrial institution and the immeasurable amount of good it has already done, during the lifetime of its founder, in bettering the temporal welfare of thousands of colored people in the south, have tended to make it the most prominent illustration of practical and successful industrial education among the colored people of this or any other land. sam daly sam daly of tuscaloosa, an illiterate janitor of the university of alabama, previous to , and died at atlanta, while attending the presbyterian general assembly in may , is a splendid illustration of what one may do for the good of his race. at the time of his death he left to be cared for by others a acre farm of his own, fourteen miles from town on which he was voluntarily caring for convicted and vice steeped colored boys from the cities of that state. he established an industrial school for boys on his own farm, to save convicted and bad boys from prison; received them from the police judges and conveyed them to the farm. they had become a nuisance and burden to the public, but he housed, fed and clothed this large family without receiving a dollar of public funds of jefferson county; and from the church, only forty dollars, for a sleeping room for them and the salary of a teacher. the rest of their support was obtained from their daily toil on the farm. at last the number of boys and the cost of keeping them became so great, he was compelled for their sakes to put a mortgage of eighteen hundred dollars on his farm. this impelled him to go to the assembly (south) to make an appeal for funds. unfortunately he suddenly became ill and died before he was able to make his appeal. his last words were: "take care--take good care ob mah little niggahs!" he had saved, by industrial occupation and farming, for good citizenship in alabama, three hundred boys convicted of crimes and misdemeanors. it was a sad disappointment to him that he was unable to present to the assembly an appeal on behalf of those still under his care. sam daly was a good janitor, but when he began to make good men of useless and bad boys, his value to the state of alabama was increased many fold. this brief record of his generous, energetic and heroic work is made that it may serve as an inspiration to devise other similar ways of being useful and helpful. xxvi permanent improvements. painting boys hall.--surface drainage.--orchard in .--hog houses.--sheds for hay and the stock hogs.--oak bridges.--temporary boys hall.--addition to the academy.--good fences around the campus.--garden, stock yard and cultivated fields.--elliott hall.--pulling stumps. "so built we the wall; for the people had a mind to work."--nehemiah. the improvements undertaken and completed by means of the student help began with the removal of old rubbish, the accumulation of years, and the impenetrable briar thickets near the buildings. during the latter part of the first spring term in the boys applied two good coats of lead and oil in cream and white to the boys' hall. the work was well done although it was the first work of the kind any of them had ever attempted. the appearance of the building was greatly improved, and every boy was delighted to find how quickly the painter's art could be learned. the black picket and crooked worm fences around the buildings were then removed and replaced with good board and wire fences. the extent of good and substantial fences, erected during this period, aggregate about rods of board and picket fences around the campus, garden and stock yards; large farm gates, all hung between tall posts with overhead tie; and rods of web and barb wire fence; all set with good bodark or locust posts, top down and reinforced with a strong oak stub in every panel, making a valuable permanent improvement. in march a young orchard was planted consisting of trees, that include a number of the best varieties of apples and peaches suited for that section. these were supplemented with a similar lot in . the purchase of lands, begun in , as soon as the restrictions were removed, was continued until when the aggregate included fifteen different purchases, making acres and costing $ . . twenty-five acres were cleared of previously ringed and dead trees and thirty more were enclosed and cleared of underbrush and useless trees. the surface drainage work begun in and completed in , included outlets to all the little ponds near the buildings, the deepening of the artificial pond north of the buildings, a deep drain with branches, through the meadow and another one through a large slough at the northwest corner of the farm. buildings the first building erected was a log house x feet with a good cistern in , and for the number of its conveniences it is an excellent model. a cut and description of it will be found in the latter part of this volume. a new shed was also built that year, on the east side of the commons, for the convenient, daily care of the growing herd in the pastures. in a belfry and farm bell were put on the comb of the roof of the first girls' hall. an axle was obtained and a wooden wheel and frame were made for the large old bell, and it was then mounted in the tower of the chapel. the new highway along the railroad to valliant was cleared of trees and the materials converted into posts and fuel. two substantial oak bridges, five and ten feet long respectively, were constructed over the streams on this road to make it passable for the loaded oak hill team during term time. a string of hay sheds, x feet, was constructed on the south side of the feed lot and two portable racks for feeding hay and fodder economically and conveniently from the sheds. in the enrollment having reached , the seating capacity of the academy was increased by lifting all the seats and adding an additional row of thirteen double seats to their number. the academy was then painted two coats inside and outside and the woodwork of the old desks was brightened and tinted to correspond with the new ones. these improvements made it look more beautiful and attractive than ever before. the porches on the south and west sides of the girls hall were repaired by the insertion of new joists where needed and the laying of new floors. temporary boys' hall in , the boys' hall having been lost a few days after the opening of the term, november , , a temporary boys' hall x feet was hastily constructed, its dedication taking place feb. , , after an address by rev. wiley homer of grant. this meeting was held on a beautiful sabbath afternoon and the speakers and singers occupied the wide platform on the west end of the building. this building was erected entirely by the student boys. the materials in it cost $ and it had apartments for an office, one teacher and twenty-five boys. it was intended as a place for the workmen while erecting a new hall for the boys, the material in it then to be used in lining the new building. the blistered condition of the front of the girls' hall and academy from the intense heat of the fire were then relieved by a thorough scraping, sandpapering and repainting. owing to the limited accommodations for the boys in this building, and for the large number of pupils in the primary department in the academy, an extension of twelve feet, with an upper room for special students, was added that fall to the academy. while this improvement was under construction, other boys built a new wood shed, obtained in the timber and prepared the supplies of fuel, and built rods of new fence. a considerable quantity of sand was also hauled for the foundation of the new hall for the boys. elliott hall in , the erection of elliott hall became a necessity after the disastrous fire which occurred on march th. this building is x feet, with an extension x feet, in front, and a two story addition x feet, for kitchen store and bath rooms, at the northwest corner over a large brick-walled cistern. this building absorbed the attention of all for more than a year, although it was opened for occupancy on november th. it was a great undertaking with the few workmen obtainable. the clearing away of the rubbish, the excavation for the cellar x feet and the construction of the foundation wall, and the same for the large cistern took a good deal more time than was expected, and all of it was heavy and hard work for every one that participated in it. it was the th of june when the cement wall around the main part of the foundation was completed by the superintendent, who placed the rock, cement and reinforcing materials in the walls with his own hands as a precaution against defects. the construction of the frame work was entrusted to samuel a. folsom, who, acting as foreman of the carpenters, succeeded in getting the building ready for occupancy at the end of five months, or november th. so great, however, was the amount of unfinished work in the halls and rooms upstairs and of cement lining needed for the excavation walls in the cellar that a considerable number of students were employed principally at this work during that and the following term. every part of the work on this building was very faithfully performed. it is a creditable monument to the memory of every one that wrought upon it. it is symmetrical and, though plain, is handsome in appearance and very convenient in its uses; as an administration building, girls dormitory and boarding house. the lumber was furnished and delivered by j. r. bowles of swink; david folsom made the window and door frames; solomon buchanan served as foreman of the painters, and he and george stewart built the walls of the cistern and the first story of the chimneys. edward hollingsworth, in addition to important work on other parts of the building, served as foreman of the construction of the stairways, belfry and porches. it represents an expenditure of $ , in cash and student labor. this does not include the services of the superintendent, who had previously prepared the plans for the building and personally superintended its construction. later improvements during and while some were putting the finishing touches on elliott hall, the last being the insertion of the fixtures in the two bath rooms and the construction of a closed room in the cellar for canned fruit and vegetables, the other boys removed the old oak stumps from the north field, drained a slough covering four acres of land, cleaned twenty acres of land for cultivation and built rods of good fence around it. they also built a pretty and very convenient semi-monitor hen house, with open front and two out-yards. pulling stumps during the month of march, when the ground was moist and favorable, a squad of the larger boys would sometimes be equipped and employed in pulling stumps. this was a new employment for all of them, but they soon learned to make a cheering success of it. the working outfit consisted of two levers, a very large and a smaller one, a log chain, sixty feet of inch rope, and for each of the workmen a shovel and an axe. the method of procedure was to assign them in teams of two each, to remove the earth from around a lot of stumps to the width and depth of about eighteen inches. the larger lever, having the middle fold of rope attached to its smaller end, was placed in a vertical position at the lower side of the stump and firmly fastened to its crown with a log chain, the latter passing over its top from the opposite side. the small lever was placed in position at the side opposite the larger one, for the use of the foreman. when all the boys, in two lines facing each other, had hold of the ends of the rope and the signal was given, "ready for a pull," something was sure to happen; usually the uprooting of the stump, but sometimes the breaking of the log chain, which was sure to result in making a good natured pile of the boys. the team did the pulling the first half day, but the boys did it afterwards, because they were more available and enjoyed it. wall of elliott hall the concrete wall under elliott hall, built by the superintendent and student boys in the spring of , was the first work of that kind in this section of the country. the sand was found and obtained without cost along a stream in the neighboring timber. the filler consisted of rock and broken brick from the chimneys of the three buildings that had been previously consumed by fire, and they were incorporated in the wall by hand. the iron used for reinforcing the concrete was all obtained from the scrap pile of the burned buildings. the processes, or methods of procedure, were new to all the workmen. as the work advanced it called forth expressions of distrust, rather than confidence and commendation. the mixing of materials had to be strictly forbidden save in the presence of the superintendent, whose hands afterwards placed them in position on the wall. after the lapse of four years this wall is solid as a rock in every respect. it has now the reputation of being not only the first, but also to this date one of the most perfect and substantial concrete walls in that section. working according to rule an expert carpenter has observed, "it takes the average apprentice about one year to discover, that he does not know how to drive a nail with the skill of an expert;" one who drives it through hard woods without bending and brittle, without splitting. this skill is however always more quickly acquired, when a rule like the following is given the apprentice at the beginning of his training. "gripping the hammer near the end of the handle and setting the nail slightly slanting from the edges toward the solid center, strike the top of it fairly with the center of the hammer, starting and finishing it with gentle taps." whenever a new tool or implement was put in the hand of a student, the rules governing its use were fully explained, and a constant effort was made to have the student do all work by rule; whether it was on the farm, in the kitchen, laundry or shop, as well as in the class room. the essential parts of the text books, that were reviewed most frequently, were the definitions and rules. a good position is the first essential in reading, writing, speaking, sawing, planing or plowing; and the second is to grasp and use aright the tool or implement, whether it be the pen, pencil, brush, axe, hammer or saw. the good effect of patiently taking the time to make every one familiar with the rules governing the tools and work, became noticeable very soon on the part of the older students, both in the better quality of the work and the larger amount of it performed. progress in studies and success in the shop or field depends largely on the ability to follow the rule, and the decision never to violate it. xxvii elliott hall the girls hall lost and replaced.--old log house--david elliott.--alice lee elliott. "be noble! and the nobleness that lies in other men, sleeping but never dead, will rise in majesty to meet thine own."--lowell. loss of the girls hall on sabbath afternoon, march , , as we left the chapel at the close of a very delightful and profitable bible memory service, a cloud of black smoke was seen moving rapidly around the buildings across the view before us and suggesting a fire in one of the buildings. it was a sad and sickening surprise. quickly the word was passed, "the girls' hall is on fire." rushing into this building to locate and if possible to suppress the conflagration, we found it had originated on the third floor, and that a tub of water had already been applied to it by attendants in the building, without any hope of checking it, as the flames were spreading rapidly over the dry roof, fanned by a strong breeze from the west. the roof was inaccessible both from the inside and the outside, and in a very few minutes both sides of it were covered with a fiery sheet of low, devouring flame similar to that occasionally seen, when fire sweeps rapidly over ground covered with dry underbrush. in a very little while the entire building was consumed, and with it the laundry, smokehouse, old log house, new woodhouse, stock tank, ten rods of the campus fence, fifteen cords of wood, the food supplies on hand and nearly all the furniture and equipment of the girls' hall, the home of the institution. a fair estimate of the loss sustained is as follows: girls' hall x , $ : contents, $ ; other buildings and contents, $ ; total $ . the girls rooming on the second story, obedient to instruction, hastened to their rooms and secured all their effects, but six that were rooming on the third story lost their trunks and extra clothing. it is impossible to describe how deeply was felt the loss of everything at this time, coming as it did so soon after the loss of the boys' hall in . it had been the comfortable home of the oak hill family since . to the superintendent it meant not merely the loss of the property, a kind of loss that is always more or less deeply felt, but a check of several years upon plans outlined for the permanent improvement of the work of the institution. this loss was a staggering blow to the superintendent until he learned the next day that the matron, miss weimer, with the co-operation of miss hall, was willing to practice the self denial needed to make a heroic effort to recover from it. when this information was received, twenty of the larger girls were constrained to remain, while the rest were sent home. some of these were provided for in the second story of an addition to the academy building, then nearly completed, and the school room under it served for a dining room and kitchen. the school work was resumed the next day, under miss hall with student assistants. the girls that remained proved helpful in executing the extra work then necessary, and the experience of self denial no doubt proved a profitable one to them. the old log farm house x feet, was the last of the four oak hill buildings to yield to the flames. it was built by the choctaw indians about the year , soon after they were transferred from mississippi. it was very substantially constructed and by skilled workmen, who no doubt came from fort towson. the girls' hall stood between it and the well, indicated by the aeromotor east of it. this building was the pioneer home of the academy. the stages of progress in its use were as follows. the native school was transferred to it in . eliza hartford began to occupy it in , first as a day school, and three months later as her home with a boarding school. in the fall of , a kitchen was added to the west end of it, and it was then used as a home for the teachers and girls, and the school was transferred to the new school building. two years later it became a dormitory for the boys. after it was used for storage, a smith and carpenter shop. the picture showing it on fire is from a photograph taken by miss weimer, after the roof had fallen and the girls' hall was entirely consumed. david elliott the erection of the fine building known as elliott hall, was made possible by the receipt of a gift of $ , from mr. david elliott, of lafayette, indiana, who expressed the desire that a school might be established among the freedmen that would be a memorial of alice lee elliott, deceased, his previously devoted wife. it was dedicated to her memory on june , . elliott hall is now the commodious and comfortable home of the oak hill family. it provides a convenient office for the superintendent, library and reception room, places for the boarding and laundry departments, rooms and bath rooms for the girls. it occupies a beautiful and commanding position on the gentle elevation known as oak hill. it stands on the very site previously occupied by the old log house, but parallel with the survey lines. it forms a center around which all other needed buildings can be conveniently and permanently located. elliott hall is the largest and finest of the buildings hitherto erected at the academy, and the first of the larger ones to be built by the local freedmen. this noteworthy achievement, occurring so soon after the reopening in , and the introduction of industrial training in the shop as well as on the farm, is suggestive of the real and substantial progress made by the young men. it is also an encouragement to every patron of this institution, for it practically illustrates the progress that may be made by every thoughtful and industrious youth. in view of the fact that there are few or no opportunities for the young freedmen to learn carpentry and painting elsewhere in its vicinity, this achievement becomes one in which every freedman may justly manifest a laudable pride and express devout thanksgiving. the memorial offering of mr. elliott, that made it possible, is the largest individual donation yet made to this institution. it came at a time of our saddest and greatest need. it is a gift to be very greatly appreciated. every freedman in the region of country benefited and blessed by this institution, may well be profoundly thankful for this manifestation of personal interest in your intellectual and material welfare. alice lee elliott mrs. alice lee elliott, in memory of whom elliott hall and the oak hill industrial academy were named in , was the faithful and devoted wife of david elliott, an elder of the spring grove presbyterian church near lafayette, indiana. she was the daughter of john and maria ritchey, who left ohio soon after their marriage to found a new home of their own on the frontier in indiana. she was born, january , , and was called to her rest in her sixty-first year, june , . she received a good education in her youth and her marriage occurred march , . three years later she became a member of the dayton presbyterian church, of which her husband was already a member, and at once became an earnest and zealous christian worker. when in later years mr. and mrs. elliott transferred their membership to spring grove presbyterian church, because their services were more greatly needed there, she became a very successful teacher in the sabbath school and an enthusiastic leader in their missionary work. she was amiable and winsome. although she lived amid the surroundings of wealth, she was the constant friend and helper of all classes. her home was always a delightful retreat for the ministers of the gospel and those who represented worthy causes of benevolence and charity. the bible, the favorite family church paper and the missionary magazine were always on the center table and read regularly. she was animated with the noble desire to be eminently useful and took advantage of every opportunity to benefit and bless others. others were captivated and enthused by her happy, hopeful spirit, and have accorded to her this beautiful tribute, "many daughters have done virtuously, but thou excellest them all." when her voice became silent and her eyelids closed in death it seemed to her surviving husband that she was worthy and the world would be made better by the erection of a living or useful, as well as granite memorial. accordingly when her last earthly resting place was duly marked with an appropriate granite memorial, he made a donation of $ to the presbyterian board of missions for freedmen, for the establishment of an educational institution for the benefit of the colored people of this land, that should bear her name. after the loss by fire of two of the main buildings at oak hill industrial academy in and , this fund was used for the erection of a main building--elliott hall--and the school has since been called the alice lee elliott memorial. the bible and shorter catechism are to be regularly and faithfully taught to all pupils, as fundamental in the development of a good moral character. the hope is indulged that the beautiful story of her unselfish and eminently useful life will prove an incentive to constant, noble endeavor on the part of every one that enjoys the privileges of the institution that now bears her honored name. endowment other friends who have it in mind to leave a legacy to this greatly needed institution, will do well to consider the propriety, if possible, of sending the funds to the freedmen's board while living, as mr. elliott did, and receive from the board, if desired, an endowment bond bearing interest payable annually to the donor, during the continuance of the donor's life. by this arrangement the gift becomes a profitable source of annual support to the donor, and an immediate benefit to the institution, without costs and discounts. xxviii unfavorable circumstances loss of helpers and buildings.--boll weevil.--statehood changes.--efficient service required.--inferences.--burdens and friends. "all these things are against me."--jacob. the new era, that had been so auspiciously continued for three years, and gave promise of rapid and substantial material development, was destined soon to be interrupted by the experience of three dark days that occurred, one soon after the other. on june , , one week after the end of the term and after three and one half years of faithful and efficient service as a matron, the death of miss adelia m. eaton occurred at the institution. on the th of november following the boys' hall, and most of its contents were consumed by fire. in the spring of mrs. flickinger experienced a serious injury by falling from the open conveyance while on the way to valliant, and, going home for treatment during the summer was unable to return in the fall and resume her former duties. on march , , the girls' hall, laundry, smokehouse, wood house and old log house, together with most of their contents, suddenly disappeared in smoke. nothing was then left of this cherished and promising institution, except the chapel, temporary hall for the boys, built the previous year, and a lot of ashes and burned rubbish, the sight of which suggested the loss of comforts and working outfit; hopes and plans indefinitely deferred if not completely blasted, and the expenditure of a vast amount of labor and time to replace and refurnish the buildings destroyed; and the utter impossibility of any immediate recovery from the oft-repeated and fatal checks imposed on the enrollment, ever since the loss of the boys' hall in . [illustration: boys' hall - ] two rays of light relieved the darkness of the gloom that followed the experience of these staggering losses. ( ). all of the lady helpers manifested the real spirit of missionary heroes. presuming they were greatly needed during the period of reconstruction, instead of running away when there seemed to be no suitable place for them, they discovered a readiness to suggest possible and acceptable arrangements for their comfort. ( ) there was also available for assistance, a clever squad of intelligent and trained student boys, one of whom, having served for a term as an assistant teacher, was believed to be capable of serving as a foreman of the carpenters; thus making it possible to erect buildings entirely by the aid of colored workmen and principally by student labor. the boll weevil in the mexican boll weevil in its northward migration from brownsville, texas, crossed red river and, during the next seven years, continued to deprive the farmers in the country north of that river of all profit on the cotton, their principal money crop; and greatly to injure the corn, their food crop. these long repeated ravages of the weevil came at a time when the colored people were by no means prepared to meet them. in and they had been allotted acres of unimproved timber lands appraised at $ . an acre, or $ . the allotment was the occasion of many changes in their location. they were really pioneer settlers, in their own native country and without funds to make needed improvements. they were happy in the possession of a home they could call their own, and entertained great hopes for the future. but this new and destructive pest, year after year for seven years, completely checked the prosperity they had so hopefully anticipated. the years came and went and they had nothing to sell worthy of mention to bring them money. in april , at the first meeting of the presbytery after the reopening, many of the colored people voluntarily and enthusiastically united in making pledges for the purchase of the land needed for the buildings and farm at oak hill. but of the many generous hearted friends, who united in pledging about $ . at this time, only ministers and teachers receiving aid from the board, and a couple of others ever became able to pay these pledges. parents bringing their children to school, with only a few or no dollars in hand, would make pledges of payment during the term. the amount proposed was $ . for boarding a pupil seven months, about one half the real cost. when they became convinced they had no money to send, some would send for their children during the term, while others would leave them at the end of the term without notice, and even make it necessary for the superintendent to pay their way home. these disappointing experiences had a two-fold effect on the school. they meant the loss, not merely of some expected income, but almost invariably of the pupil and patron, and the constant change of the student body prevents the development of the higher grades which must be reached by the students, if the school is to accomplish its mission, namely the training and development of christian teachers. the term reports of the last eight years will show that all the full term students that continued long enough to reach the higher grades, th and th, were self supporting ones, who were either sent to remain at the academy during the vacation periods until they completed their course, or were accorded the opportunity to work out a part of their expenses at the academy. the full term students whose boarding was entirely paid by their parents did not average a half dozen a term. inability to provide for their board, meant the loss of the brightest and most promising pupils of the earlier years, about the time they reached the fifth grade. but a good boarding school can be developed only where the conditions are favorable for the continuance of the pupils from year to year, until they reach the higher grades. the fact that the th and th grades were reached only during the last two years and then only by the self-supporting young people is quite suggestive, not merely of a past embarrassment, but of that which should be an important feature in the future management of the institution, namely, a constant endeavor to increase the opportunities for young people to support themselves by the employment furnished at the institution. statehood changes another embarrassment was experienced as a result of the changes incident to the establishment of statehood. the constitutional convention that met at guthrie, the old capital, jan. , , changed the map of indian territory. from the time the indians were located in it until that date the civil divisions consisted of the general allotments to the different tribes or nations and oak hill was near the center of the southern part of the choctaw nation. in when the boundaries of the counties were established oak hill was near the west line of mccurtain county. the first election of county officers occurred that fall and they entered upon their duties on jan. , . it was made the duty of the county superintendent to divide the county into school districts so as to meet the needs of the colored people as well as the whites and indians. on sabbath, jan. , , the first superintendent of mccurtain county called at the academy and left the papers showing the establishment of oak hill district no. , for the colored people of that neighborhood. the district included the northeast quarter of section , on which the academy is located and the southeast quarter of the section adjoining it on the north. the board of education for this oak hill district was organized on february th following, by the election of henry prince, chairman, rev. r. e. flickinger, secretary; and malinda a. hall, treasurer. all this was done at a time, when the county superintendent could not think otherwise, than that the teachers and work at the academy were in some way under his jurisdiction. a little later the oak hill district was quietly quashed and its honorable board of education went into "innocuous desuetude." this incident is narrated because it illustrates what was then taking place all over mccurtain county, and all the other counties of the new state. the law provided that a district and a school might be established wherever there were six pupils to attend the school and the people furnished a building for it. in a short time three schools for the colored people were established in the vicinity of the academy, and parents were made to believe that they must send their children to these schools or penalties would be imposed on them. a host of colored teachers from texas and other localities were attracted to the new state to meet the needs of the public schools, now for the first time established in the rural districts. the mission schools previously established for many years in the chapels of the churches of the presbytery of kiamichi became public schools and the pastors that continued to teach became public school teachers. parents were also for the first time in their lives, taxed for the support of their local school. will they be able and willing to pay their annual taxes and additional tuition or board at oak hill for the education of their children. these important changes, occurring both in the immediate neighborhood and also in distant ones that furnished the supply of students for oak hill, were destined to exert considerable influence on the work of that institution. what the effect of that influence would be, was a matter of great anxiety and constant watchfulness on the part of the superintendent. the previous missions of our freedmen's board at muskogee, atoka and caddo were abandoned as unnecessary as soon as the increasing population of those towns made adequate provision for the public education of their colored children. shall this be the outcome of the work at oak hill, now that the rural districts are supplied with public schools and teachers? efficient service required that these changes would temporarily affect the enrollment of oak hill, even under the most favorable circumstances was believed to be inevitable. this problem was all the more difficult to meet, while undergoing the experience of repeated checks, that made it necessary to send pupils home during term time on three different occasions and twice to check their incoming on account of "no room." the most efficient and faithful service possible, on the part of the superintendent and teachers, was believed to be the best means of meeting this crisis. parents and young people must also have a little time for observation, that they might see and be convinced of the greater value of the work at the academy. to visitors at the academy the difference was very quickly perceived. these were some of the things that attracted their special and favorable attention. the bible was in the hand of every pupil, and even the youngest were familiar with many of its most beautiful and instructive passages. every pupil had all the text books he needed from the day he entered the school. all that were old enough were required to spend an hour each evening, in quiet study under the helpful and encouraging eye of the principal, in addition to the forenoon and afternoon hours. all were forming the habit of using their spare moments to advantage, by reading some good books from the library, a church paper, or practicing on some useful musical instrument. their voices were being correctly and rapidly developed for intelligent use in song and public address. in the visible results of their work they witnessed their skill in the necessary arts of life, such as farming, stock raising, carpentry, painting, masonry, cooking, baking and sewing. and then it was very unusual for any pupil to return home at the end of the term, without having voluntarily become an active christian worker in the endeavor meeting and sunday school. during the spring term in only pupils were enrolled. during the next three years the increase was very encouraging, the enrollment reaching the full capacity of the buildings at , may , . the loss of buildings that began with the opening of the next term compelled a reduction in the enrollment. for and the subsequent years it was , , and in , . inferences it would seem from the foregoing facts, that, whatever demand there was for the oak hill mission as a school for local elementary instruction in the earlier years of its history, the conditions of the country, to which its work must now be adjusted, have experienced a very great change. so long as there are families living in sparsely settled districts, that are not provided with ample school privileges; or the interest of parents in the welfare of their children leads them to prefer the select boarding school, under well-known christian influences, to the rural school; elementary instruction will be needed at oak hill. but the greater need now is for the higher christian education that will best fit the young people to become intelligent and successful teachers, and for the industrial training that will fit them for the performance of the necessary duties of life. a comfortable home on a well-tilled farm, that is every year increasing in value, is the ideal and happiest place for ambitions young people. such a home affords healthful employment, the greatest freedom and is usually a very profitable investment. the young farmer needs not only a knowledge of soils, their drainage and how to use them to best advantage, but also a practical knowledge of carpentry and painting, to enable him to erect good buildings economically and to take proper care of them afterwards. the teacher needs this knowledge and training, that he may create a constant demand for his services during the long summer days when he is not teaching. [illustration: rev. w. h. carroll.] [illustration: sadie b. mcniell.] [illustration: mrs. w. h. carroll.] [illustration: lucretia c. brown.] [illustration: everett richard.] [illustration: malinda a. hall.] [illustration: solomon h. buchanan.] [illustration: samuel a. folsom.] [illustration: closing day, . rev. dr. baird at left on the porch.] the young minister needs this knowledge more than many others, and a great deal more than is generally appreciated, to enable him to give intelligent counsel to his people, when they have need to make repairs or build new churches and parsonages. as these higher and special lines of industrial instruction are perfected and emphasized, and the facilities for self-help both during term time and vacation are gradually increased, the efficiency and patronage of the academy will continue to increase with the progress of the years. burdens and friends the deficit in the running expenses on june , , the last day included in the annual report of that year was $ , . . this was the largest deficit at the end of any previous month, and was a big one with which to commence the improvement work of our last year. it was due to the fact that the completion of elliott hall with good materials and workmanship, including furniture, cost nearly $ , more than was expected, and the appropriation made for it. we were called upon to experience some serious losses and bear, for considerable periods of time unusually great and heavy burdens. the burden twice became so great, indeed, as to awaken the fear that another straw would break the camel's back. happily the needed relief came in time to avert that unhappy experience, or check the aggressive onward progress of the improvement work. when the burden became large and a matter of personal anxiety, it also became the measure of the valuable and loyal co-operation of the new friends who came to our assistance, in addition to our board of missions for freedmen; which is the first and final resort for the resources that are necessary to successfully administer, and gradually develop the work of this institution. we deem it appropriate to gratefully record the names of those who have most signally aided us in the management of the finances, so as to keep them locally on a cash basis, namely, the security state bank of rockwell city, ia.; st national bank of valliant; and in succession the following dealers in valliant: o'bannon & son; a. j. whitfield and planters trading co. hon. t. p. gore, united states senator from oklahoma, (blind), has favored this institution by sending for its library more than a dozen valuable volumes, among which are year books of the department of agriculture; handbooks,--i & ii,--of the american indians; report of the commissioner on education for , in two volumes; report on industrial education; manual of the united states senate; directory of congress, and several other smaller volumes. special addresses during our last term the institution was favored with encouraging and instructive addresses from the following distinguished visitors: rev. duncan mcruer of pauls valley, moderator of the synod of oklahoma; rev. e. b. teis of anadarko, pastoral evangelist for the presbytery of el reno; rev. phil c. baird d. d., pastor of the first presbyterian church of oklahoma city; and by rev. wiley homer, rev. william butler, rev. w. j. starks and rev. t. k. bridges, pastors of local churches, and rev. m. l. bethel, oklahoma city. xxix building the temple an exercise for children's day, illustrated by a temple and an arch. "i have no greater joy than to hear that my children walk in the truth."--john "giving all diligence add to your faith, virtue; and to virtue, knowledge; and to knowledge, temperance; and to temperance, patience; and to patience, godliness; and to godliness, brotherly kindness; and to brotherly kindness, charity. he that lacketh these things is blind."--peter. it was the good fortune of the author to be called to serve as chorister and superintendent of rural sunday schools, and leader of the choir of the church, in his early youth. at the beginning of his ministry, he discovered the relative importance of this work among the young, by reading the observation of the sainted samuel miller to the effect; if he could repeat the period of his ministry, he would give ten times more time and attention to the work among the children. this importance was very acceptably emphasized during the eighties, by the enthusiasm of rev. james a. wooden, d. d., of our sunday school board, and the appointment of a sabbath in june, to be annually observed as children's day. one of the most prominent features of our ministry has been, a persistently active participation in the work among the children and young people. other engagements have not been permitted to interfere with attendance at sunday school and endeavor meetings, or an appointment to meet the children at any of the regular times of rehearsal of songs and exercises for easter, christmas, children's day and other anniversaries. all the young people were encouraged to participate in the effort to make these rallying days, occasions of special instruction and delight. a number of pretty, and sometimes elaborate, designs were devised to add their illuminating effect to the exercises. two of these designs, a temple and an arch, both having for their object, a visible representation of the divinely appointed elements of a good character, according to the apostle peter, and animating power of the indwelling spirit, manifested by a conscientious observance of the command to remember the sabbath, have been deemed worthy of an illustration in this volume, that those who participated in them, and others, may be able to reproduce them for the instruction and delight of others. exercises, that consist of passages from the scriptures, are more valuable than others to the children, when committed to memory, and they learn them very readily, when an immediate use is to be made of them at a public service. the passages suggested for use in these exercises include many of the most important ones in the bible, and as they practice, in the presence of each other, all become more or less familiar with every one of them. the superintendent or leader is expected to arrange the length and number of the exercises, to suit the number and ages of those available to participate in them. a single verse may be best for the child: but a glance over the additional passages may be very helpful to the pastor or other person, delivering a short address at the close of the children's exercises. a very pleasing feature of these designs is the fact, they are constructed by the children as one after the other, or two together, carry their part to the platform and render their exercise. one or two are appointed to serve as master-builders to receive the stones or tablets, when delivered, and place them in their proper position. a good character is an enduring monument. a good name is rather to be chosen than great riches. walking in the truth [illustration: ] an enduring temple.--a temple for time and eternity, showing the divinely appointed elements of a good character ( peter : - ), their sure foundations; the person and work of our lord jesus and the inspired word of god; and their crowning bond, the sabbath. an exercise for children's day (the two master builders standing together) master builder. dear friends: the bible tells us that all are builders. that some are wise and others are foolish. that some are building on the sand, without any protection against the storms and floods, that will surely cause their fall. that some are building with wood, hay or stubble; or with gold, silver and precious stones, without any protection against the day, when the fire will consume these perishable materials. that others, however are building safely and securely, with divinely appointed materials, on the rock of ages and the unchanging, impregnable word of god. that the indwelling spirit, commonly called the comforter, is the occupant, strength and life of their temple; and their conscientious observance of the sabbath, is to them the pledge of divine favor and the visible sign of their sure protection. assistant builder. all of you no doubt are familiar with the words of the poet, longfellow: "all are architects of fate building on the walls of time; some with massive deeds and great, others with the ornaments of rhyme. for the structures that we raise god's word is with materials filled; and our todays and yesterdays reveal the materials with which we build." "we have planned today to build a temple--on earth, a heaven; a temple on rocks so solid, and with materials divinely given, that all who hear the master's call to service and an endless life, may of this be sure, whatever befall they have builded for time aright." life is what we make it out of what god puts within our reach, and every act is a foundation stone for the next one. walking in the truth, adding to our faith and building a temple all mean advancing one step or stone at a time. master builder. the white stone referred to in revelation was an emblem of pardon and a badge of friendship. the stone ordinarily is an emblem of solidity and enduring strength. in this sense it is an emblem of an eternal truth, or principle. when peter confessed, "thou art the christ," jesus said in regard to his confession, "thou art peter, and on this rock" or fundamental truth, "i am christ," "i will build my church; and the gates of hell (hades) shall not prevail against it." david tells us "the lord set his feet upon a rock." he calls the lord a rock, a fortress and a high tower; and entreats the lord to "lead him to the rock that is higher than i." peter speaks of jesus as a living stone, and of believers as lively stones that form a spiritual house, an holy priesthood. we are now ready for the foundation. "and as we build, let each one pray, that we may build aright; that all we do on earth may be well pleasing in god's sight." chorus. "we're building up the temple, building up the temple building up the temple of the lord." bearer: we bring the corner stone on which our temple rests. master builder: this stone represents our lord jesus, the sure foundation. let us hear of this stone, the rock of ages, what the bible may tell. bearer: "behold i lay in zion a chief corner stone, elect, precious; and he that believeth on him shall not be confounded. unto you therefore which believe, he is precious; but unto them which be disobedient, the stone which the builders rejected, the same is made the head of the corner. other foundation can no man lay than that is laid, which is jesus christ." he said of himself, i am the light of the world. i am the resurrection and the life: he that believeth in me though he were dead, yet shall he live. and whosoever liveth and believeth in me shall never die. without me ye can do nothing. my grace is sufficient for thee. paul said of him, "we preach christ crucified, unto the jews a stumbling-block and unto the greeks foolishness; but unto them which are called, both jews and greeks, christ the power of god and the wisdom of god." asst. bearer: peter said: "be it known unto you all, and to all the people of israel, that by the name of jesus christ of nazareth, whom ye crucified, whom god raised from the dead, even by him doth this man stand before you whole. this is the stone which was set at nought by you builders--the jews--which is become the head of the corner. neither is there salvation in any other; for there is none other name under heaven, given among men whereby we must be saved." bearer: "we bring another stone for the foundation." m. b. "this stone represents the word of god that endureth forever. let us hear of this stone what the bible may tell." bearer: "thou hast known the holy scriptures, which are able to make thee wise unto salvation through faith, which is in christ jesus. "all scripture is given by inspiration of god and is profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness: that the man of god may be perfect; thoroughly furnished unto all good works. "the law of the lord is perfect; converting the soul; the testimony of the lord is sure, making wise the simple. the statutes of the lord are right, rejoicing the heart; the commandment of the lord is pure, enlightening the eyes. the fear of the lord is clean, enduring forever; the judgments of the lord are true and righteous altogether." asst. bearer. "heaven and earth shall pass away, but my words shall not pass away." "whosoever shall be ashamed of me and my words, of him shall the son of man be ashamed when he shall come in his own glory, and in the glory of the father and of the holy angels." "ye are built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets, jesus christ himself being the chief corner stone; in whom all the building fitly framed together groweth unto a holy temple in the lord, for a habitation of god through the spirit." see john . , . m. b. the two fold foundation of our glorious temple has now been laid. it consists of the rock of ages and the word of god that endureth forever. we are now ready for those good materials for the walls of the temple that are better than wood, hay or stubble, gold, silver or precious stones. faith. bearer: we bring the stone that represents faith. master builder: faith is a goodly stone, and it fits right well. let us hear of faith what the bible may tell. (adjust and repeat for the other stones.) bearer: by grace are ye saved through faith; and that not of yourselves; it is the gift of god. god so loved the world that he gave his only begotten son, that whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but have everlasting life. he that believeth on the son hath everlasting life; and he that believeth not the son shall not see life. asst. bearer: abraham believed god, and it was accounted to him for righteousness. know ye therefore that they which are of faith, the same are the children of abraham. they which be of faith are blessed with faithful abraham. he that is faithful in that which is least is faithful. be thou faithful unto death and i will give thee a crown of life. see also rom. : - . virtue--courage. b: whatsoever things are true, whatsoever things are honest, whatsoever things are just; whatsoever things are pure, whatsoever things are lovely, whatsoever things are of good report; if there be any virtue, and if there be any praise, think on these things. thou therefore my son, timothy, be strong in the grace that is in christ jesus and endure hardness, as a good soldier of jesus christ. asst. b: the lord said unto joshua, "be strong and of a good courage: that thou mayest observe to do according to all the law, which moses, my servant commanded thee; that thou mayest prosper whithersoever thou goest. this book of the law shall not depart out of thy mouth; but thou shalt meditate therein day and night, that thou mayest observe to do according to all that is written therein; for then thou shalt make thy way prosperous, and then thou shalt have good success." see also eph. : - . knowledge. b: the fear of the lord is the beginning of knowledge. this is life eternal, that they might know thee, the only true god, and jesus christ, whom thou hast sent. know ye not that ye are the temple of god and that the spirit of god dwelleth in you? if any man defile the temple of god, him shall god destroy: for the temple of god is holy, which temple ye are. see prov. : - ; : - temperance. abstain from all appearance of evil. if meat make my brother to offend i will eat no meat while the world standeth. the fruit of the spirit is love, joy, peace, long suffering, gentleness, goodness, faith, meekness, temperance; against such there is no law. and pet. : - . patience. in your patience possess ye your souls. let us run with patience the race that is set before us; looking unto jesus, the author and finisher of our faith; who for the joy that was set before him endured the cross, despising the shame, and is set down at the right hand of the throne of god. godliness. "great is the mystery of godliness: god manifest in the flesh, believed on in the world and received up into glory. godliness with contentment is great gain. godliness is profitable unto all things, having promise of the life that now is and of that which is to come. fear god and keep his commandments: for this is the whole duty of man." kindness. "be ye kind one to another, tender hearted, forgiving one another, even as god for christ's sake hath forgiven you. love ye your enemies, and do good; lend hoping for nothing again; and your reward shall be great, and ye shall be the children of the highest: for he is kind unto the unthankful and to the evil." charity. "though i bestow all my goods to feed the poor, and though i give my body to be burned and have not charity, it profiteth me nothing. charity suffereth long and is kind. charity envieth not; beareth all things, believeth all things, endureth all things. and now abideth faith, hope and charity, these three, but the greatest of these is charity." luke : . i john : . all repeat pet. : - , and review the foundations. the sabbath. "the sabbath was made for man and not man for the sabbath: therefore the son of man is lord also of the sabbath, and the apostle john calls it the lord's day." "from the beginning of the world to the resurrection of christ, god appointed the seventh day of the week to be the weekly sabbath; and the first day of the week ever since to continue to the end of the world, which is the christian sabbath." "and the lord spake unto moses saying, verily my sabbaths ye shall keep, for it is a sign between me and you throughout your generations; that ye may know that i am the lord that doth sanctify you. it is a sign between me and the children of israel for ever." isaiah refers to the sabbath as a pledge of divine favor. "if thou call the sabbath a delight, the holy of the lord and shalt honor it, not doing thine own ways; i will cause thee to ride upon the high places of the earth and feed thee with the heritage of jacob thy father." ezekiel, a prophet of the captivity, older than daniel and faithful even unto death, refers four times to the pollution of the sabbath as one of the principal causes of the captivity. "the word of the lord came unto me, saying, i gave them my sabbaths to be a sign between me and them, that they might know that i am the lord that sanctify them. but the house of israel walked not in my statutes, and my sabbaths they greatly profaned. then i said i would greatly pour out my fury upon them to consume them and scatter them among the heathen." abraham lincoln very truly observed, "as we keep or break the sabbath day, we nobly save or meanly lose the last best hope by which man rises." washington and lincoln, apart from what they did, were great men. the divine element of a god given character belonged to each. goodness is the basis of greatness, and greatness is character; the ability and willingness to serve. all unite in repeating the fourth commandment. the design. it can be ornamented with a gilt cross and decorated with evergreen festoons pendant over the ends. bouquets of the same color can be laid at the corresponding angles. the cross. "god forbid that i should glory, save in the cross of our lord jesus christ, by whom the world is crucified unto me, and i unto the world."--paul. the children bringing bouquets can be supplied with short exercises like the following. i bring these flowers: solomon in all his glory was not arrayed like one of these. these beautiful flowers i bring, a grateful offering to my king. i bring these pretty flowers, a fragrant relic of eden's bowers. i bring these roses fair to him who hears my evening prayer. i bring to him this pretty rose, who died and from the dead arose, to save us all from all our foes. these flowers i bring to him of whom it was said, "i am the rose of sharon and the lily of the valleys." "by their fruits ye shall know them." this is the present test of character; of men, their teachings and institutions. fruit, fruit, more fruit. every branch that beareth not fruit he taketh away; every branch that beareth fruit he purgeth it, that it may bring forth more fruit "in the beauty of the lilies christ was born across the sea. with a glory in his bosom that transfigures you and me; as he died to make men holy, let us die to make men free, while god is marching on." see also math. : ; john : - , , . repeat in unison the call of jesus for the children: "suffer little children to come unto me and forbid them not for of such is the kingdom of heaven." opportunity for decision daniel in his youth, purposed in his heart, not to defile himself by eating the king's meat or the wine which he drank. joshua expressed his decision to all israel, saying, "as for me and my house, we will serve the lord." choose ye this day whom ye will serve? while the congregation is standing and singing an appropriate, familiar hymn, encourage every undecided person present, to accept jesus as their savior; and to indicate with the uplifted hand, their decision to live a christian life. provide testaments or bibles for those needing them. building day by day "we are building in sorrow and building in joy a temple the world cannot see. but we know it will stand, if we found it on a rock, through the ages of eternity. cho. we are building day by day as the moments glide away, our temple which the world may not see. every victory won by grace will be sure to find a place in our building for eternity. "every deed forms a part in this building of ours, that is done in the name of the lord; for the love that we show and the kindness we bestow he has promised us a bright reward. then be watchful and wise let the temple we rear be one that no tempest can shock; for the master has said and he taught us in his word we must build upon the solid rock." --h. e. blair growing up for jesus "growing up for jesus, we are truly blest, in his smile is welcome, in his arms our rest, in his truth our treasure, in his word our rule, growing up for jesus, in our sunday school. growing up for jesus, till in him complete, growing up for jesus, oh! his work is sweet; in his truth our treasure, in his word our rule, growing up for jesus, in our sunday school. "not too young to love him, little hearts beat true, not too young to serve him, as the dew drops do. not too young to praise him, singing as we come, not too young to answer, when he calls us home. growing up for jesus, learning day by day, how to follow onward in the narrow way; seeking holy treasure, finding precious truth, growing up for jesus in our happy youth." --pres. board publication. our happy land a favorite children's chorus. land of children, birds and flowers, what a happy land is ours! here the gladdest bells are rung, here the sweetest songs are sung. with thy banner o'er us, join we all in chorus, land of children, birds and flowers what a happy land is ours. let us keep it so we pray, drive the clouds of sin away; father by thy love divine make us, keep us ever thine. with thy banner o'er us, etc. keep us lord from day to day in the straight and narrow way. may it be our chief delight, to walk upright in thy sight; with thy banner o'er us, etc. what a happy land what a happy land is ours, here the gladdest bells are rung, here the sweetest songs are sung; freedom's banner o'er us, join we all in chorus, land of children, birds and flowers, what a happy land is ours. the arch the arch, which appears on another page, illustrates in a very striking manner the mutual dependence of all the stones, representing the divinely appointed elements of character, on their crown, the keystone, which represents the sabbath or fourth commandment, the connecting link between the first and second tables of the law and the visible bond of every man and nation to his creator. when the keystone has been placed in position the arch will sustain considerable weight, but if it be removed nearly all of the other stones tumble to the floor in a confused heap. those who do not remember the sabbath to keep it holy unto the lord, may manifest some of these divinely appointed elements of character, but every one who conscientiously observes the sabbath as a day for public worship, reading and teaching the word of god, endeavors to develop all of them. the indwelling spirit is dependent on an intelligent knowledge of the word, and the strengthening influence of the sabbath is usually according to the good use that is made of it. explanatory a couple of cracker boxes inverted serve for the two foundation stones. the parts of the temple consist of frames made of thin strips, about five inches wide. each stone is about three inches shorter and one and one-half inches narrower than the one below it, and it rests on supporting strips inserted in the top of the lower one. all can be set aside in the lower one when they are inverted. all are covered with white printing paper and the letters are fastened with little tacks. the large letters are - / x - / and the small ones - / x - inches. a bright red color is essential in order to produce the nicest effect. they can be cut very speedily and uniformly if the cardboard is first ruled with a pen, into squares the size of the letters, and then ruled with a pencil one-fourth of an inch distant from the ink rulings. the arch is four feet wide at the base. the inner circle is described with a radius of two and the outer one of three feet. the curved edges of each are cut with a scroll saw. strips of orange boxes or sheets of card board, one foot long, are used to nail on their straight edges. all are covered with cheese cloth or muslin and the letters are placed on a curved line. the arch and temple can both be built on a smaller scale with box board. the lifting of the keystone of the arch, when first inserted is a very interesting performance. references temple: cor. : - ; math. : - ; luke : - ; cor. : - ; james : - ; rev. : ; ps. : ; : - ; : ; : ; : ; : . jesus. isa. : ; peter : ; math. : - ; john : - - ; dan. : - ; cor. : ; math : - ; acts : - ; peter : - . word. tim. : - ; peter : - ; ps. : , ; heb. : ; ps. : , ; isa. : ; math. : ; mark : ; luke : ; eph. : - . faith. john : , ; heb. : - ; eph. : - ; acts : ; heb. : - ; mark : - ; gal. : - ; luke : . virtue. phil. : ; josh. : - ; tim : - ; john : - . knowledge. john : ; cor. : - ; prov. : ; isa. : - , , ; prov. : - ; : - . temperance. gal. : - ; cor. : ; peter : - ; gen. : - ; dan. : ; thess. : . patience. luke : ; james : ; heb. : - ; : - . godliness. tim. : ; : - ; : ; ec. : - . kindness. eph. : ; luke : ; ps. : - . charity. cor. : - ; : - ; peter : - . sabbath. ex. : - ; mark : - ; ex. : - ; isa. : - ; ezek. : , , , ; luke : : ; rev. : . xxx maxims and suggestions relating to the development of a good character and the achievement of good success--nuggets from short talks to the students on friday evenings. "precept upon precept, line upon line, here a little and there a little." proverbs. unstable as water thou shalt not excel. jacob. be gentle in manner, firm in principle, always conciliatory. go forward; and if difficulties increase, go forward more earnestly. in essentials, unity; in non-essentials, liberty; in all things, charity. augustine. find a way or make one, is excellent; but sometimes it needs to read, find employment or make it. whatever cannot be avoided must be endured. endure hard things bravely. patience and perseverance will perform great wonders. early to bed and early to rise will make a man healthy, wealthy and wise. ben franklin. whoever wins man's highest stature here below must grow, and never cease to grow--for when growth ceases, death begins. alice carey. "there is so much bad in the best of us, and so much good in the worst of us; it is hardly fair for any of us, to speak ill of the rest of us." if thou wouldst know the secret of a happy life, rise in the morn, with armor clasped about thee, for the day's long strife. "thy duty do." the very angels then will stoop, when the night brings rest, to cradle thee in heavenly arms because thou didst thy best. jennings. bear and forbear are two good bears to have in every home, in order to keep peace in the family. grin and bear it, is another good one. impatience, scolding and fault-finding are three black bears, that make every one feel badly and look ugly. don't harbor them. bible precepts. faithful is the bible word for success. he that is faithful, is faithful in that which is least. owe no man anything. render to all their dues. be not wise in your own conceits. a wise son maketh a glad father; but a foolish son is the heaviness of his mother. seek ye first the kingdom of god and all these things shall be added unto you. wisdom is the principal thing, therefore get wisdom. her ways are ways of pleasantness and all her paths are peace. honor the lord with thy substance and with the first-fruits of all thine increase; so shall thy barns be filled with plenty. so teach us to number our days, that we may apply our hearts unto wisdom. let the beauty of the lord our god be upon us, and establish thou the work of our hands. moses. the hand of the diligent maketh rich. the hand of the diligent shall bear rule. be not slothful in business. a man diligent in his business shall stand before kings; he shall not stand before mean men. anger resteth in the bosom of fools. make no friendship with an angry man, lest thou learn his ways: let not the sun go down upon thy wrath. be patient; and not a brawler or striker. spiritual power. bring ye all the tithes into the storehouse, that there may be meat in mine house, and prove me now herewith, saith the lord of hosts, if i will not open the windows of heaven, and pour you out a blessing, that there shall not be room enough to receive it. how some men achieved greatness abraham believed god and was promptly obedient to his divine call. "the lord made abraham rich" and the "father of the faithful." "the lord was with joseph," the innocent slave in prison. he led him from the prison to a throne and made him a successful ruler in egypt. daniel the youthful, god-fearing captive at babylon, "sought the lord by prayer, supplication and fasting." "the lord prospered him," gave him favor with princes and made him the greatest statesman of his age. job was a "perfect and upright man, one that feared god." satan said of him, "doth job fear god for nought?" satan then deprived him of his family, property and health. job still maintained his integrity, saying, "the lord gave and the lord hath taken away." the lord then gave job twice as much as he had before; so that the latter end of job was more blessed than his beginning. when the lord said to moses, "come now, i will send thee unto pharaoh, that thou mayest bring forth my people out of egypt;" he hesitated, saying, "who am i?" "they will not believe me;" and "i am not eloquent." but when he obeyed the call and went, the lord went with him, the people believed, the army of pharaoh was overthrown; and moses became the first emancipator, a great leader of men and the greatest lawgiver in the history of the world. oak hill be's be honorable. never do that which will cause you afterwards to feel ashamed. be honest. never deceive or take that which belongs to another. be true. stand firmly for the truth and be faithful, though you stand or work alone. be pure. shun the impure and abhor whatever will corrupt good morals. be polite. help the weak and never by word or act offend another. be prompt. if you have done badly, hasten with your apology before you are called to account. be thoughtful. learn how to exercise that forethought that anticipates every future need at the beginning of an undertaking. self control. self control means self discipline. self discipline means that i must be willing to: be, what i know i ought to be; say, what i know i ought to say; do, what i know i ought to do; go, where i know i ought to go; do, with my might what my hands find to do; and be firmly decided, not to do anything i know i ought not to do. it is the ability to control one's thoughts and energies by rule, so as to act prudently, and never impulsively or impatiently. all make mistakes, some more than others. "to err is human." he succeeds best who makes the fewest mistakes; and most quickly corrects them, when discovered. "i am not bound to win, but i am bound to be true. "i am not bound to succeed, but i am bound to live up to what light i have. "i must stand with anybody who stands right; stand with him while he is right, and part with him when he goes wrong." lincoln. freedom. true freedom is the freedom to do right, and for it good men contend. the liberty to do what one may wish to do, is not freedom, for that may be wrong. tact. tact is the ability to please rather than offend, by saying or doing the right thing in a pleasant way at the right time, ignoring petty slights and insults and leading disagreeable people to become your friends. blessed is the teacher who expects much from his pupils, he is thereby likely to receive it; that has common sense in framing regulations, and backbone to enforce them; whose vocabulary contains more "do's" than "don'ts." lucy a. baker. the little birds, like the busy bees, are cheery and valuable helpers. encourage their presence and aid, by planting trees for their songs and building little houses for their young. the domestic animals are our servants and profit-makers, or mortgage lifters. always treat them kindly. never permit anyone to strike, or stone them. even the pig of your neighbor, when he becomes a mischievous intruder in your field, if you give him a friendly chase, will conduct you to a hole in the fence that ought to be closed. "kind words can never die, cherished and blest; god knows how deep they lie, stored in each breast." character. character is a word derived from another one that means to impress or engrave. it marks our individuality. it is the result of the principles and habits, that have impressed themselves on our nature and the abilities that have been developed. solomon calls it a good name, which suggests reputation. it is tested and strengthened by overcoming difficulties. a good character is within the reach of all while greatness is possible only to a few. "when wealth is lost, nothing is lost; when health is lost, something is lost; when character is lost, all is lost." character. "character is not what we think, feel or know; but what we are. character is being; and it is infinitely nobler to be than to have, or know, or do. the rank, value and dignity of character cannot be overestimated. the confidence of the whole world on which trade, empires, homes and real happiness are built is confidence in character. character is the great end; moral and spiritual education is the greatest means to attain that end."--martin. character is personal power, the poor boy's best capital and the success, that makes him greater than his occupation. the weak wait for opportunities, but the strong seize them and make even common occasions great. the world honors success. god honors faithfulness. the world commends worldly achievements, but god rewards character. every student should endeavor to build up the community in which he lives commercially, socially and religiously. beware of strangers that come to you full of smooth talk and clad in fine clothing. the tree, book, land and other agents sometimes prove helpful. but you will be happier and more prosperous, if you will send for a catalog and get just what you need, and at cost. you will thereby avoid the expensiveness and uncertainty of doing business through a nicely dressed, but irresponsible stranger. the upright exert a blessed influence long after their departure from the earth. they are remembered in the home, the social circle and the church. "that man exists, but never lives, who much receives but nothing gives; but he who marks his busy way, by generous acts from day to day, treads the same path his savior trod, the path to glory and to god." education. everything from a pin to an engine has its cost and someone must pay the price. in education the material is human and the product is a new and living worker for the world's work. the material and moral progress of the world has been principally due to the work of educated men and women. education has its cost, but the profit of a good christian education is vastly greater than its cost. it pays to educate young people who are christians, that they may become leaders in thought and action. "a good education enables one to manifest goodness and not badness. drawing out all the good qualities of head and heart, it magnifies them and suppresses the bad ones. if this seems hard, it should be remembered that all things of value are obtained only by effort." "for every evil under the sun there's a remedy, or there's none, if there is one, try and find it; if there is none, never mind it." "a clear and legible handwriting is one of the best means of giving a stranger an impression of force of character, self-control and capacity for skilled work. it wins favor by making the reading of it easy and a source of pleasure. it is one of the crowning attainments of a well cultured life."--spencer. "success follows those who see and know how to take advantage of their opportunity." the lord loves to use "the weak things" and "things that are despised." he loves to put the treasure of his grace into the feeble, that the world may be compelled to ask, "whence hath this man power?" rev. j. h. jowett. self education is accomplished by reading good books, with the aid of a dictionary. get a bible dictionary for the bible, and a webster or academic dictionary for other books. do all things by rule. a good rule tells the right way to do things. if you do not know the rule ask for it. never violate a known rule. it never pays to do so; the confidence of someone is sure to be forfeited. keep busy. keep busy and you will keep happy. read good books when you cannot work. if you call on a friend and he is busy, do not become an idler or make him one. either help him or read his best books. idleness. idleness is a sin against god. "six days shalt thou labor and do all thy work." "in the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread." "if any man will not work, neither let him eat." it is also a sin against our nature; causing a slow movement, which is a serious disappointment; tardiness, which is like a dead fly in precious ointment; and, that loathsome disease, laziness. like drunkenness it is an inexcusable shame, that dooms one to poverty and clothes him with rags. shun idleness as you do the sting of a hornet, or the bite of a rattler. "we are not here to play, to dream, to drift, we have our work to do, and loads to lift. shun not the struggle; face it. 'tis god's gift." "they are slaves who fear to speak, for the fallen and the weak. they are slaves who will not choose hatred, scoffing and abuse, rather than in silence shrink from the truth they needs must think; they are slaves, who dare not be in the right with two or three." lowell. do your best. put your best efforts in your work, no matter how simple or difficult the task. "i am passing through this world but once. i will therefore do my best every day, and do all the good to all the people i can." "i do the very best i know how--the very best i can; and i mean to keep doing so until the end. if the end brings me out all right, what is said against me won't amount to anything. if the end brings me out wrong, ten angels swearing i was right would make no difference." abraham lincoln. efficiency. efficiency is the ability to perform work in the shortest and quickest way, by omitting every useless movement. faith. faith rests on facts and realities. it is the basis of home and business. "it swings the rainbow across the dark clouds, makes heroes in life's battles, extracts the poison from satan's arrows and links us to god and the good in heaven." let us have faith that right makes might, and in that faith let us to the end dare to do our duty, as we understand it. with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as god gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish, the work we are in. abraham lincoln at gettysburg. gladness. gladness is sown for the upright. the joy of the lord is your strength. manifest your joy and gladness by wearing the smile of contentment and love. it includes a sparkle in the eye, a little ripple on the cheek and the kind word that "never dies." "smile and the world smiles with you, laugh and the world will roar, growl and the world will leave you, and never come back any more. all of us could not be handsome, nor all of us wear good clothes, but a smile is not expensive, and covers a world of woes." energy. energy is power in action. stagnant water lacks power, but water in action produces steam, the power that moves the world's machinery and traffic. knowledge in action means power on the farm, in the home and in the church. "god bless the man who sows the wheat, produces milk and fruit and meat; his purse be heavy, his heart be light, his corn and cattle all go right, god bless the seed his hand lets fall, the farmer produces the food for all." knowledge. knowledge is power, when it is wisely assorted, assimilated and immediately employed; as is the water of a river, when it is used to produce electric power. the knowledge that leads to sovereign power, includes self-knowledge, self-respect and self-control. the man who does well whatsoever he undertakes, cannot be kept down, except by his own indiscretions. a good character is essential to the soul winner. it is a false notion that one must meet the world on its own level--drink to win a drinker, smoke to win a smoker, and play the world's games in order to win it to christ. richard hobbs. thrift. thrift consists in increasing the value of our possessions every year, by making good investments of our time and money, and by earning more than is spent for living expenses. "a penny saved is two pence earned." our father in heaven sends no man into this world without a work, and a capacity to perform that work. "live for those that love you, for those you know are true; for the cause that lacks assistance, for the wrong that needs resistance; for the future in the distance: and the good that you can do." "a fool with a gun or an axe can destroy in five minutes, what it took nature years to perfect and perpetuate." a little house well filled, a little field well tilled, a good wife well willed, are great riches. leaders. be a leader. a leader does his thinking before hand and endeavors to provide for every need. he must be well informed and know how to arouse interest and stimulate activity. he must discover and adopt only the best methods. the rewards of leadership are a continually increasing power to lead others and the ability to conduct your own life most usefully and happily. "a good farmer's tools are under shelter; but pete tumbledown's lie helter-skelter; and when he wants his tools again he finds them rusty from the rain." "divide and conquer," was joshua's rule of strategy in the conquest of canaan. "separate for the march, unite for the attack," was a maxim of napoleon. both are good rules for the people in all our churches, in their constant conflict with vice and iniquity. the noblest man does not always uphold his rights, but waives them for his own good and the good of others. a keen sense of honor, that condemns dishonorable conduct, is one of the finest results of a good education. education is expected to do for the mind, what sculpture does to a block of marble. "a merry farmer's girl am i, my songs are gay and blithe; for in my humble country home i lead a free, glad life. through fertile fields and gardens mine, i love at will to roam, and as i wander gayly sing, this is my own, free home, my own free home." genius. there is no genius like a love for hard work. hard work develops strength, increases usefulness, and tends to length of days. six days shalt thou labor and do all thy work. in the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread. labor conquers all things. "he lives the best who never does complain, whether the passing days be filled with sun or rain. who patiently toils on though feet be sore, whose home stands by the road with open door; who smiles though down he sits to feast or crust, his faith in man sincere, in god his trust." a. f. caldwell. seek employment by the month or year, rather than by the day; and render unswerving loyalty to those of your own home, school and church; and those who favor you with employment. a man's work is the expression of his worth. it should make a man of him, and give him great pleasure and delight. when a man knows his work and does it with the enthusiasm of nehemiah, it gives him joy and enables him to exert a good influence. "that man is blest who does his best and leaves the rest." the world owes no man a living, but every man owes the world an honest effort to make at least his own living. save the boy; save the girl! save them from bad habits and evil associations. save them for useful careers, happy homes and a glorious inheritance. "if a blessing you have known, 'twas not given for you alone, pass it on. let it travel down the years, let it dry another's tears, till in heaven the deed appears, pass it on." greatness: goodness is the basis of that service that leads to greatness. the keynote of that service is found in the words: "the son of man came not to be ministered unto, but to minister; and to give his life for many." the cross is the symbol of a service that is faithful, even unto death. "so live that every thought and deed may hold within itself the seed of future good and future need." undertake great things for god and his glory and expect great things from him. "never trouble trouble until trouble troubles you." prudent, hopeful and enthusiastic are those who make the "desert to rejoice and blossom as the rose." habits: a habit is a cable; we spin a thread of it every day, and at last we cannot break it. thoughts leave an ineffaceable trace on the brain or memory. "sow a thought and you reap an act, sow an act and you reap a habit, sow a habit and you reap a character, sow a character and you reap a destiny." a pretty oak tree is a beautiful emblem of the strength, beauty and eminent usefulness of an intelligent and noble man. train the head, the heart and hand, and thus develop that strength and beauty of character, that fits one for the most eminent usefulness. a single aim means undivided attention and interest. concentrate your faculties on the particular work of each day, that later you may be able to give your undivided attention to your chosen employment. all great achievements have been won by those who have had a single aim. "consider the postage stamp, my son; its usefulness consists in sticking to one thing, until it gets there."--josh billings. concentrate your energies and be master of your work. the world crowns him who knows one thing and does it better than others. i will. always say, "i will" or "i'll try," when work or a duty is proposed, that can and ought to be done. never say, "i can't" or "i won't", except to resist a temptation to do wrong. while the "i can'ts" fail in everything, and the "i won'ts" oppose everything, the "i will's" do the world's work. god has a plan for every life. he made you for use and for his own use. he gives power to those whom he uses. let him use you. your happiness depends on the consciousness you are fulfilling your divinely appointed mission; and your success, on your will being in harmony with your work. only the tuned violin can make music; and only the life in harmony with god can "please him" or "win souls" to him. spiritual power is necessary for spiritual work. investments. invest only where your investment will be under your own personal supervision, or that of a known and trusted friend. invest only in those kinds of properties, the successful and profitable management of which, you best understand. investments in young stock and good real estate increase in value; but investments in rolling stock always decrease in value. buy low from those who have to sell, and sell to those who want to buy. seek counsel only of those who are achieving success, and never trust a stranger. home. a home is one of the best investments for every one of moderate means. it provides a shelter for the individual and for the family, no matter what may happen. a regular income must be assured in order to retain a place to sleep in a rented house. the early desire to own a home makes steady employment a source of pleasure. it is not what we eat, but what we digest, that makes us strong. it is not what we read, but what we remember, that makes us learned. it is not what we earn, but what we save, that makes us rich. home. a christian home is a precious heritage. it is the divinely appointed educator of mankind. its seclusion, shelter and culture are invaluable. there the mother whose hand rocks the cradle, moves the world, teaching the lessons of obedience, self-control, faith and trust. use only a mellow and sweet tone of voice in the home. a kind and gentle voice is a pearl of great price that, like the cheery song of the lark, increases the joy and happiness of the home with passing years. "the farmer's trade is one of worth, he is partner with the earth and sky; he is partner with the sun and rain, and no man loses by his gain. and men may rise and men may fall; the farmer, he must feed them all." "man's chief end is to glorify god and enjoy him forever." knowledge. "other things may be seized by might or purchased with money; but knowledge is to be gained only by study."--johnson. "he that studies only men, will get the body of knowledge, without the soul; and he that studies only books, the soul without the body. he that to what he sees adds observation, and to what he reads, reflection, is in the right road to knowledge, provided that in scrutinizing the hearts of others he neglects not his own."--cotton. co-operation. "all real progress of the individual, or of society, comes through the joining of hands and working together in a spirit of helpfulness for the common good." a brother in need is a brother indeed. "whoso hath this world's goods and seeth his brother in need and shutteth up his bowels of compassion from him, how dwelleth the love of god in him?" never go security for any one who cannot give you a mortgage or whose word is not as good as his bond. "he that is surety for a stranger, shall smart for it; and he that hateth suretyship is sure." eloquence. eloquence is the expression of a moral conviction. it is overpowering when the moral conviction is tremendously felt. this was the secret of the eloquence of lincoln, beecher and garrison, when they spoke of the wrong of slavery; and of john b. gough, neal dow and frances willard, when they plead for an uprising against the curse of strong drink. marriage. marriage is a divine ordinance, instituted by our heavenly father in the time of man's innocency. it is not a sacrament, but a social institution, intended to promote the comfort and happiness of mankind, through the establishment of the family relationship, and a responsible home, where the children may be trained for the service of god and the work of their generation. the gospel hallows all the relations of life and sanctions the innocent enjoyment of all the good gifts of god. it purifies the hearts of those who walk in the way of obedience and induces the peace that passeth understanding. "life is real, life is earnest and the grave is not its goal, dust thou art to dust returnest, was not written of the soul. let us then be up and doing, with a heart for any fate; still achieving still pursuing, learn to labor and to wait."--longfellow. robbers. idleness, tardiness and "late nights," are three bold bad robbers, that must be strenuously resisted and overcome. be watchful or they may rob you of the best that is in you. spare moments. it is better to be a busy silent reader in the home or school and learn something useful, than to be an idle, noisy talker, disturbing others and causing the loss or forfeiture of valuable privileges. have a book for spare moments in the home. read only good books, the bible and catechism first; then those on history, biography, travel, and progress in the arts and sciences, including one on your own occupation. do not read worthless story books. they will rob you of your time, and the taste for the bible and other good books. time wasted in idleness or reading worthless books means bad companions, bad habits, and the loss of opportunity, energy and vitality. learn to abhor idleness as nature does a vacuum. say no. have the courage to say "no" to every solicitation to violate rule or known duty. "the companion of fools shall be destroyed." "though hand join in hand the guilty shall not go unpunished." "this is fabricius, the man whom it is more difficult to turn from his integrity, than the sun from his course."--pyrrhus. writing. train the hand and inform the mind so you can write the english language, "plain to the eye and gracefully combined." "the pen engraves for every art and indites for every press. it is the preservative of language, the business man's security, the poor boy's patron and the ready servant of mind."--spencer. train: the hand to be graceful, steady, strong; the eye to be alert and observing; the memory to be accurate and retentive; the heart to be tender, true and sympathetic. promptness. promptness takes the drudgery out of an occupation. the decision of a moment often determines the destiny of years. every moment lost affords an opportunity for misfortune. punctuality is the soul of business, the mother of confidence and credit. only those, who keep their time, can be trusted to keep their word. tardiness is a disappointment and an interruption; a kind of falsehood and theft of time. vices. the four great vices of this age are sabbath-breaking, gambling, intemperance and licentiousness. these must be fought all the time, like the great plagues that attack the body, tuberculosis, leprosy and small pox. the gospel will save any one from all of them; and some day it will sweep them from the earth, as they are now kept from heaven. "a sabbath well spent brings a week of content, and strength for the toils of the morrow; but a sabbath profaned, whatso'er may be gained, is a certain forerunner of sorrow." to be a leader is a praiseworthy ambition. a leader is one who wins the confidence of the people so that they are willing to follow. our lord jesus gave the secret of leadership, when he said: "whosoever would be first among you, shall be servant of all;" and again, "the son of man came not be ministered unto, but to minister, and to give his life a ransom for many." america. america is a land of opportunity, where the poor boy secures a home and later may participate in the government. most of those, who are managing the world's work to day, were poor boys yesterday. if you are in the school of adversity today, do not be discouraged, "thank god and take courage;" for you are merely on the same level with those, who by their energy and thrift, are making sure of success tomorrow. when lord beaconsfield became a member of parliament, and the other members did not care to listen to his youthful speeches, he said to himself, "i am not a slave nor a captive; and by energy i can overcome great obstacles. the time will come when you will hear me." books. "the first time i read an excellent book," said goldsmith, "it is to me as if i had gained a new friend." "books are the pillars of progress, the inspiration of mankind. they exert a wonderful influence and a mighty power, though silent," says john knox in ready money, "in lifting up humanity and making progress possible." they enable the reader to converge and associate with the noblest and best minds. in them we have the thoughts and deeds, the experience and inspiration of all the great ones of earth. [illustration: fruits approved at oak hill in , for the home orchard in southern oklahoma. _peaches:_ . mamie ross; . waddell; . alton; . capt. ede; . carman; . _early elberta_; . illinois; . elberta queen; . belle of georgia; . champion; . late crawford; . late elberta. _apples:_ . duchess; . maiden blush; . wilson red june; . delicious; . jonathon; . wolf river; . king david; . stayman wine sap; . ben davis; . mammoth grimes golden; . black ben; . champion; and, missouri pippin.] [illustration: the flames consuming the old farm house, looking northeast.] [illustration: the bridge of life. the bible elements of a good character: their two-fold foundation, and bond--the sabbath.] good books, that breathe the best thoughts and experiences of others, are trusted friends, that bring instruction, entertainment and contentment to the home. as companions and counselors they supply a real want, that makes the home more than merely a place for food and raiment. "writing makes an exact man, talking makes a ready man, but reading makes him a full man,"--that is a man of intelligence. a man is known by the books he reads and the company he keeps. let some of the world's best books find an inviting and permanent place in your home. books and voices make a glorious combination. no one can tell what good books and good voices may not do. the word of god and the gospel of our lord jesus, have come to us in the form of a book, and we call it by way of pre-eminence, "the bible," or scriptures of the old and new testaments. our attention has been directed to them by the living voice. let your tongues proclaim the glad message of divine truth and redeeming love. the holy spirit will record the results in the lamb's book of life. read and preserve the books. wit and humor "laugh, and grow fat." "a merry heart doeth good like a medicine." aunt dinah: "how long hab you dis set of dishes?" mother hubbard: "let me see; i've had 'em--four girls and a half." mike: "do ye believe in the recall of judges, pat?" pat: "that i do not. the last time i was up before his honor he sez: 'i recall that face.--sixty days.' i'm agin the recall of judges." life. bishop: "well, mr. jones, how do you like your preacher?" deacon jones: "he's de best i eber seed, to take de bible apart; but he dun' no how to put it to gedder agen." a swede, that had not yet had time to learn our language was accused of throwing a stone through a plate glass window. when the lawyers failed to enable him to describe it's size the judge asked: "was it as big as my fist?" "it ben bigger," the swede replied. "was it as big as my two fists?" "it ben bigger." "was it as big as my head?" "it ben about as long, but not so thick," the swede replied, amid the laughter of the court. * * * * * the german's trouble with the english language. visitor: "those are two fine dogs you have." cobbler: "yes und de funny part of it iss, dat de biggest dog is de leettlest one." cobbler's wife: "you must mine husband egscuse; he shpeaks not very good english. he means de oldest dog is de youngest one." xxxi rules, mottoes and course of study wall mottoes i. oak hill motto time is precious time is money-- do not stand idle, waiting, do not keep others waiting, do something useful. be a busy, silent worker, shun the idle, noisy shirker. ii. rule of order order is the first law of heaven, and it is the first rule in every well regulated home, school and church. it requires that everyone: be in the right place at the right time, do the right thing in the right way, do the same things the same way, keep everything in the right place; and complete whatever has been undertaken. endeavor benediction "the lord bless thee and keep thee: "the lord make his face shine upon thee and be gracious unto thee: "the lord lift up his countenance upon thee, and give thee peace. "and unto him that loved us, and washed us from our sins in his own blood and hath made us kings and priests unto god and his father; to him be glory and dominion forever and ever. amen." iii. essentials to success an unwavering aim, unswerving integrity, intelligent industry, neverfailing promptness, indomitable perseverance, unbounded enthusiasm, willing and strict economy, in the employment of time, talents, money and expenses. iv. busy day this is our busy day. do not intrude here to day. come some other day. loafers are worse than useless. their presence here is strictly forbidden. =key words:= the key words that open or close doors of opportunity, and contrast the characteristics of the good and bad student, are as follows: good student =poet:= politeness, obedience, economy and earnestness, thoughtfulness. bad pupil =died:= disorderly conduct, idleness, extravagance, deceit. good workman =steam:= steam is a good key word, to enable one to remember how the good workman works efficiently and profitably. he works: steadily, thoughtfully, enthusiastically, alone, methodically. rules and regulations i. students =the superintendent and teachers= wish all the students to be gladdened and strengthened by the joy of successful achievement. to effect this each student must learn to do promptly and thoroughly everything he knows he ought to do, and refrain absolutely from doing anything he knows he ought not to do. "the joy of the lord is your strength." =order.= good order must be maintained in all the buildings and premises. it requires that there be a place for everything and everything be kept in its place; that each student know his place and be in it at the right nick of time. =silence.= all are expected to be silent, thoughtful, earnest workers so as to make perfect recitations. the discipline of absolute silence is necessary to the attainment of complete self control, and the achievement of the best results, both as a student and workman. silence must be observed in the academy at all times, and only a low tone of voice is appropriate in the other buildings at any time. =obedience.= all are expected to yield a prompt and cheerful obedience to all the rules and regulations, and never indulge in any disputes with your teachers. students render themselves liable to suspension or expulsion by persistent disobedience, quarreling, disorderly conduct, profane or unchaste language, truancy, or general disregard for the rules of the school. no student known to be affected with a contagious disease, or coming from a family where such diseases exist, shall be received or continued in the school. pupils must procure drinks and make all other necessary preparation for school at playtime, and keep their places after the bell rings. pupils shall not ask questions, walk across or leave the room while classes are reciting, nor at any other time without permission. pupils must observe the common forms of politeness and at all times treat their teachers and one another with courtesy and respect. no pupil shall be permitted to leave or be absent from the school during school hours, except in case of illness without an excuse from the superintendent or parent. =rooms.= the rooms occupied by the students are merely sleeping apartments; and for this purpose the pure cold air in them is conducive to the enjoyment of the most rugged health. they must not be used for study or amusement, especially at night; and drafts of air from the windows must be avoided. each student on rising, when no other provision is made is expected to air the bed and room, to empty the slop pail and put it on its shelf in the sun, to make the bed and sweep the room; and after breakfast to report for duty, the boys at the office, and the girls to the matron. they will report in the same way at : p.m., and the children at : p.m. all are expected to refrain from returning to the sleeping rooms during the day, from entering the rooms of others in the evening and from receiving visitors without permission. the doors must be kept closed. =illness.= the first duty of everyone who becomes ill is to report that fact to the superintendent, or matron. he expects everyone to perform every duty assigned in a faithful and responsible manner, until notice of illness has been received. all are required, even when feeling indisposed and lacking an appetite, to come to the table for warm drinks at the regular meal time. all requests for meals to be brought to the rooms, shall be sent to the matron or superintendent at or before meal time. =sitting rooms.= the small boys, when needing the comfort of a warm room, must occupy their own sitting room, and the larger boys and girls the rooms provided for them, respectively; each endeavoring to make a good use of their spare moments, while occupying these places, and observe the rule requiring quiet and good order in the buildings. =chapel bell.= the chapel bell shall be rung at : and : a.m.; at : and : p.m.; at : p.m. and at : and : p.m. every student is expected to be in his place and be ready for work on his studies, before the tap bell is heard at : a.m., : p.m. and : p.m. =farm bell.= the signal for the janitors or fire makers shall be rung at : a.m., the call to rise, at : a.m.; for dinner at : a.m.; supper at : p.m.; retiring at : and : p.m., when all lights in the rooms must be put out. the dining room bell will ring for breakfast, at : a.m.; dinner, at : a.m.; supper, at : p.m. all matters for the mail must be delivered at the office before : p.m. ii. meetings and chores =genius.= all are encouraged to learn how to work hard and constantly, and to use every spare moment for some good purpose. there is no genius like that for hard work. enthusiastic interest in one's work is essential to success. idleness is a sin, a waste of life, and cannot be endured at oak hill, which is intended to be a hive of industry. =carefulness.= all must learn to use rightly and carefully the books, slates, tools, and furniture entrusted to them. all injuries to books, furniture or buildings must be paid for by those guilty of injuring them. =services.= all, unless specially excused, are required to attend all the religious services on the sabbath, including the bible memory class. the =endeavor= meeting is the student's special training service; all are expected to participate in it, by at least reading or repeating a verse of scripture; and in the bible memory class by committing an average of one verse a day. all are encouraged to covet the best gifts, especially the power of complete self-control, and the ability to say things forcibly, and do things thoroughly. =speakers.= those speak with authority, who, instead of telling what they think, or making an apology, tell what the bible, the law of the lord, says. all should endeavor to instruct, animate and encourage; none should ever indulge in fault-finding, or allude to any personal grievance. =leaders.= leaders of meetings are expected to be fully prepared before hand, to stand when they speak; to speak sufficiently loud and distinct as to be easily heard by the most distant listener; to repeat the numbers of the hymns; to request the audience to stand during prayer; to afford an opportunity for volunteer prayers or remarks; and to close the meeting as soon as the interest in it has ended. =immorality.= no one guilty of persistent immoral conduct, will either be admitted, or be permitted to remain at the academy. =chores.= the domestic work in all the buildings, the care of the stock, and the preparation of the fuel, are apportioned among the students, and all are required to do their part. =janitors.= the janitors must see that the kindling has been provided in the evening; rise promptly at the call of the janitor's signal; and have the fires in the sitting rooms and chapel burning in good shape, before the ringing of the rising bell. these fires are to be maintained during the day by those specially appointed to perform that duty. all are expected, to exercise good judgment and practice economy in the use of both the kindling and wood. the ashes from all the stoves must be carried to the heap every morning. only old vessels may be used for this purpose and these, when emptied, must be returned to their proper places. =care of stock.= those assigned the care of the stock are required to be prompt and faithful in caring for it; in the morning, at noon and evening day by day, according to instructions, without having to be prompted. this work must not be left undone or entrusted to others, without first notifying the superintendent. =other chores.= this rule, requiring faithfulness, applies also to those, who have been assigned the chore work about the buildings, kindling fires, sweeping halls, cleaning lamps, carrying water and wood. =hall lamps.= the hall lamps, water pails and other fixtures, that are intended to serve all, must never be removed from their places, to render service to an individual. iii. work and things forbidden =work period.= all over years of age are expected to render three full hours of faithful and efficient work each day, and on saturday until : p.m. time lost by tardiness, or unnecessary absence during the working period, must be made up before the end of the term. =object.= the aim of your teachers, during these work-periods, is to give you a practical knowledge of the simple arts of life; that you may be intelligent, capable and efficient workmen; be enabled to make your own homes more comfortable, and create a demand for your services. =tool rules.= each workman, at the close of the work period, must return all tools used to their proper place. if they have been transferred, then the last one using them must return them. none are permitted to use any tools, or touch any musical instrument, until they have been taught the rules relating to them; and have been shown how to use them, and do the work in a skillful and workmanlike manner. tools must never be taken to any of the rooms to do any repair work. =non-interference.= when students are working under the direction of anyone, they must not be interfered with by others, nor leave the work assigned them, without the knowledge and approval of the one, under whose direction they are working at the time. =irregularity.= irregularity greatly interferes with a student's progress and the work of his class and teacher. leave of absence during the term cannot therefore be granted, except for the most urgent reasons. those, that from any cause, miss one or more lessons, should endeavor to master them when they return. =caution.= all are kindly advised never to be guilty of any word or act, that will be likely to cause you to forfeit the esteem and confidence of the superintendent, or your teachers. a good student endeavors to aid and cheer, but never disobeys or annoys a teacher. =things forbidden.= never permit yourself to indulge in any dispute with your teacher in the school room, shop or field. don't tease, ridicule or despise others; be polite and courteous to each other. don't indulge in the use of profane or obscene language, or in any acts of deceit, falsehood or theft. don't use or have in your possession, any intoxicating liquors, tobacco or snuff in any form; gamblers' or obscene cards or pictures; concealed weapons; or soil the floors with spittle or wash water. don't indulge in singing, whistling, unnecessary talking or foolish laughter while working with others; or play ball while others are working, or choring. all communications between boys and girls, and all association or interference on the play grounds are strictly forbidden. at the close of all meetings, especially those in the evening, the girls are required to go directly and quietly to their hall. don't be extravagant or foppish in your dress, or borrow or lend, either clothing or money. don't send home for eatables or other unnecessary things. new clothing, especially shoes, should not be sent from home, without having the measure taken. it is better to send the money. every article of clothing needing to be washed must have the owner's name. don't tamper with the street lamp, or the plugs in the water trough; nor change the pins, tubs or tube at the well; nor roughly jerk the pump handles at the well and cisterns. use everything in the way and for the purpose for which it was intended, never otherwise. don't leave your seat in the school room, or go out of it during school hours, without permission from your teacher. never sit on the tops of the desks. =teachers.= each teacher is expected to keep in an orderly form on the teacher's desk, for use in conducting recitations, a complete set of the text books used by the classes; and to prepare before hand all lessons or parts thereof that may not be familiar. the power of suspension or exclusion is vested only in the superintendent. this power must never be exercised by any of his helpers without his previous knowledge and approval. all matters relating to the repair of the buildings and their equipment should be promptly reported to the superintendent. the aim of the primary teacher, at the time of recitation, should be to have all the pupils reproduce the entire lesson one or more times in concert and then individually to accomplish this with as few words as possible. the aim of every teacher should be to make oak hill, to all the young people pursuing their studies here, a fountain of inspiration, a sanctuary where fellowship with the redeemer of the world and a new discovery of the glory of god shall be among the blessings bestowed. =book marks.= the teachers are required to furnish every new pupil one complete set of approved, folded marginal book marks; one for each text book, and for both the sunday school and memory lessons in the bible. by example and precept, they are expected to require them to keep them in their proper places, and if carelessly lost, to replace them with new ones of their own making. among the objects to be attained by the enforcement of this rule are the habit of carefulness in little things, to save the books from other injurious methods of marking and to save the time of the teacher, class and pupil. fire precautions the rooms occupied by the students must be carefully inspected by the matrons or their special monitors every time the students leave them for the school or chapel; to see that the buildings have not been endangered by any acts of carelessness or thoughtlessness. the ladders must be kept where they may be easily and quickly obtained. on the first friday of each term the students shall be organized into a fire department, the superintendent serving as chief and the matrons and teachers as his special aids. the fire-fighters shall include the pumpers and a bucket brigade; the life and property savers shall include the ladder squad; and the strenuous work of all shall continue until the building or the last possible piece of property has been saved. the fire drills shall consist of quick orderly marches, at an unexpected signal, from all the buildings occupied, and the report of each squad for duty to their respective foremen. to parents these suggestions to parents or guardians appear on the monthly report cards. this report is sent you in the hope it will give you that information you naturally desire to receive in regard to the work and standing of the pupils you have sent to the academy. in your communications to your children encourage them to be prompt and punctual in meeting every engagement, to remember the sabbath day, to improve their spare moments by reading the bible or some good book, to do their best during the hours of study and work each day, and to refrain from association with the idle or worthless. ( ) salute to the flag ( ) we give our heads ( ) and our hearts ( ) to our country. ( ) one country, one language ( ) one flag. . all rise and extend right arm toward the flag. touch forehead with tips of the fingers. . right palm over the heart. . both hands extended upward. . lean forward, hands at sides. . with emphasis, right hand pointing to the flag. sing america. "the red is for love that will dare and do the blue is the sign of the brave and true. the white with all evil and wrong shall cope, and the silver stars are the stars of hope." the students goodbye good bye, oak hill; good bye; we're off to the fields and the open sky; but we shall return in the fall, you know, as glad to return as we are now to go. good bye, oak hill; good bye, the course of study the following is the course of study pursued at the academy, the high school course being added june , . i. primary department first grade: first reader, reading chart, primer, printing, numbers and tables. books of bible, memory work. second grade: second reader, doubs speller, printing, writing, tables, primary arithmetic. also the bible, shorter catechism and vocal music in this and the subsequent grades. ii. intermediate department third grade: third reader, doubs speller, (smith's) primary arithmetic, principles of penmanship, (spencer or eaton), introductory language work, primary geography. fourth grade: fourth reader, doubs speller, primary arithmetic, writing, (thompson's) principles of drawing, primary geography, (krohn's) first book in physiology. leslie's music chart and ideal class book; and thwing's voice culture, are used weekly for instruction in the principles, and general drills in gesture, note reading and voice culture. iii. grammar department fifth grade: fifth reader, u. s. history, doubs speller, primary arithmetic, reed & kellogg's graded lessons in english, or burt's grammar, physiology, writing, nature study chart. sixth grade: fifth reader, history of united states or oklahoma, doubs speller, (smith's) practical arithmetic, writing, geography, drawing, burt's grammar or reed & kellogg's graded lessons in english, agriculture. seventh grade: the bible, literary readings, doubs speller, arithmetic, grammar, agriculture, civics, writing, geography completed. eighth grade: the bible or literary readings, doubs speller, grammar, composition, (carson's handbook), arithmetic, (evans & bunn's) civics, constitution of oklahoma and united states, writing, bookkeeping (stephenson's), thompson's drawing for rural schools. wentworth's mental arithmetic is commended for use in the sixth to eighth grades. frequent reviews of the rules and definitions are essential to the attainment of a thorough knowledge of any textbook and the most rapid advancement in it. didactic electives: page's theory and practice in teaching; holbrook on the teacher's methods; wickersham on school government; trumbull, the teacher teaching; or similar works. this outline of grades and studies is intended to be suggestive and helpful to the teachers in the academy in grading and promoting the pupils. the pupils should be arranged in classes according to their several abilities, rather than according to this outline in an arbitrary manner, in order that the classes at the time of recitation may be as large as possible rather than small. their grade is ascertained by the majority of their studies, and their standing or rank by their percentage in each. this course has been arranged in harmony with the outline course prepared in for the public and city schools of oklahoma, and is intended to prepare pupils for entering the high school course consisting of the ninth to twelfth grades, or a normal course consisting of didactics, methods in teaching and school government. a suitable certificate is issued to all pupils that complete, in a creditable manner, all the studies in this preparatory course ending with the eighth grade. the industrial work and training required of all the boarding pupils is intended to include a practical knowledge of agriculture, animal husbandry, apiculture, poultry raising, carpentry, cobbling, concrete, gardening, domestic science, sewing and laundry work, as the opportunity is afforded and the pupils discover fitness for these arts. iv. high school department ninth grade: grammar, arithmetic, composition, civics, elementary algebra, bookkeeping. tenth grade: algebra, hill's etymology, physical geography, general history, rhetoric. eleventh grade: algebra, rhetoric, ancient history, american literature (abernathy), composition, botany, plane geometry. twelfth grade: solid geometry, (hessler & smith's) chemistry, newcomber's english literature, political economy. electives: astronomy, geology, zoology, trigonometry; surveying, stenography, typewriting, telegraphy. in january , when p. k. faison, first superintendent of the public schools of mccurtain county, made his first visit to oak hill, he stated that wheelock and oak hill academies were the only graded schools in mccurtain county at that time. teaching in sunday school as a help to young sunday school teachers in the preparation of the lesson and its management before the class miss saxe's method of five points of analysis and five points of application are given. analysis . what is the principal subject? . what the leading lessons? . which the best verse? . who are the principal persons? . what teaching about christ? application . what example to follow? . what to avoid? . what duty to perform? . what promise to proclaim? . what prayer to echo? xxxii savings and investments "gather up the fragments that nothing be lost."--jesus. savings or wages it is a matter of great importance to every one to learn early in life the difference between monthly or yearly savings and wages; and also the difference between personal expenses and profitable investments. when a boy works on the railroad and has to supply all his daily wants, he knows what his wages are and answers the question quickly, stating what he receives by the day when he makes a full day's work. but when he is asked, "what are your monthly savings?" he is bothered and frankly confesses he cannot tell. before the end of the second month the wages of his first month have slowly passed through his hands for personal expenses and little or nothing has been saved for profitable investment. when a boy works for a farmer, who receives him into his home, providing for him a furnished room, fuel, light, boarding and washing, he does not seem to receive more than half what the other boy receives who works for the railroad. when he is asked the same question, "what are your monthly wages and what your monthly savings?" he makes reply by stating the balance in the farmer's hand as his savings, and that is correct; but he cannot tell what his wages are, by way of comparison with the other boy. the first boy at the end of the month has received wages the other boy his savings, save for his clothing. the latter at the end of the year has ordinarily saved more than the former, though all the time he may have imagined he was not receiving sufficient wages, merely because the monthly allowance of the farmer is commonly called "wages," instead of by the right name, "monthly savings." that which the farmer does for his boy, in providing him a home and helping him to save his earnings, this industrial academy is now doing for every boy, that is received into the membership of the oak hill family and makes his home there during the summer season. at the academy he not only finds steady employment, but is removed from the places that call for worse than useless daily expenditures; and the monthly allowance, made by the superintendent, represents not his wages but his monthly savings, in the deposit bank of the institution. when a parent or boy makes the discovery, that the boys who remain at the academy during the summer months have more funds to their credit in the bank of the institution in the fall of the year, than many of those who receive a higher daily wage elsewhere, and that they also make the most rapid progress in their studies, they begin to see the difference between working for savings and working for wages; and how much better off is the boy, who takes the training and grows up under the stimulating and elevating influence of a good educational institution. investments a personal expense is an expenditure of money for some article that may indeed be necessary, as a pair of shoes, but it begins to depreciate in value as soon as the expenditure has been made. a profitable investment is an expenditure of money, time or talents, that is expected to increase in value or yield an income. if a lamb is purchased it will grow into a sheep and its value is doubled. if an acre of good land is purchased it is sure to increase in value according to its quality and location. the ability to avoid personal expenses and to make profitable investments is one of the things that determines our good or ill success in life. the education of a thoughtful, earnest boy or girl is ordinarily a good and profitable investment, for their value or usefulness may be increased many times more than that of the lamb or the acre of land. if they are gratefully responsive to their training no better investment can be made, than that which has for its object the intellectual, moral and religious training of our boys and girls. a christian educational institution is an investment for producing manhood and character, things that money will not buy. one may invest in bonds or stocks, and make or lose money; but he who aids in the production of christian men and women, trained for service, increases their usefulness and continues to live through their consecrated lives and achievements. this institution makes its appeal to the friends who have money and who would make a profitable investment; and also to the thoughtful boys and girls, who would greatly increase their value to society, the church and the world, by obtaining a good education in their youth. [illustration: going to school] [illustration: the orchestra-- ] [illustration: youthful sweepers holding and using the broom aright] [illustration: oak hill--weimer photos] xxxiii summer normals and chautauqua "apt to teach, patient."--paul the summer normals were established at the academy in october, , and were continued during the next two years. their object was to prepare candidates for the ministry, under the care of the presbytery, to serve also at that time as teachers in the mission, and later in the public schools; and to afford ambitious young people the opportunity to prepare for the same work. they were conducted by the superintendent and bertha l. ahrens, the latter serving as instructor in the class room. at the time they were held, they afforded the only opportunity in the south part of the choctaw nation, for the freedmen to receive this training. when the mccurtain county normal was established at idabel in , they were no longer needed and were discontinued. those that attended the normals were as follows: in , mary a. donaldson of paris, texas. in , mary a. donaldson and lilly b. simms, paris, texas; mrs. w. h. carroll and fidelia murchison, garvin, mary e. shoals, grant, and james g. shoals, valliant. in , zolo o. lawson, shawneetown, mary e. shoals, grant; delia clark, lehigh; virginia wofford and solomon h. buchanan, valliant. when the first summer normal was held at the academy in , a request for some lectures or an instructor a part of the time addressed to hon. j. blair shoenfelt, indian agent, muskogee, brought the following response from john d. benedict, superintendent of schools. "the colored citizens of the choctaw nation have not been allowed to participate in the benefit of the school fund of that nation; hence we have not been able to establish any schools for colored children in the choctaw and chickasaw nations, until this year. we have now a few colored schools in both of these nations. there has never been any demand for normals or summer institutes for colored teachers in these two nations. they will enjoy an appropriation of $ , for the ensuing year, but there are no funds available for normal schools among them this year." john d. benedict, superintendent. this letter indicates the lapse of provision for the general education of the choctaw freedmen and its renewal during the last years of the territorial government. licentiates those that pursued the course of study, provided during these years, for those that were preparing specially for the ministry, were noah alverson, griffin, and john richards, lukfata. mr. richards died at in and mr. alverson was ordained in . candidates for the ministry in april , riley flournoy, sylvester s. bibbs, fred mcfarland and clarence peete expressed the desire to become ministers of the gospel and were received under the care of the presbytery at eagletown, as candidates. all were members of the oak hill church and school. the first chautauqua in , the last year under territorial government, arrangements were made for a patriotic celebration, in the form of a chautauqua at the academy. the following account of it is from the columns of the garvin graphic: the fourth of july meeting by the freedmen at oak hill academy, near valliant, was a real patriotic chautauqua, the first meeting of the kind ever held in this part of the territory, and well worthy of more than a mere passing note. the preparations for the occasion, which included a comfortable seat for everyone, were fully completed before hand. the speakers' stand and the academy buildings were tastefully decorated with our beautiful national colors, one large flag suspended between two of them, being twelve feet long. "the exercises included three series of addresses, interspersed with soul-stirring patriotic music by the oak hill glee club, and the speakers included several of the most eloquent orators in the south part of the territory. the occasion afforded ample opportunity for the free and full discussion of those questions, relating to the administration of our public affairs, that are now engaging the attention of the people; and this fact was greatly appreciated both by the speakers and the people. "at the forenoon session james r. crabtree presided with commendable grace and dignity. the declaration of independence was read in a very entertaining and impressive manner by miss malinda hall, who has been an efficient helper in the work of the academy, since its reopening two years ago. the principal address at this session was delivered by rev. wiley homer, of grant, a large, well built man with a strong voice, who for many years has been a capable and trusted leader among the freedmen of this section. others that participated were johnson shoals, of valliant, who has been pursuing a course of study at the iowa state agricultural college, ames, iowa, and w. j. wehunt, one of the prominent business men of valliant. "at the afternoon session isaac johnson, a natural born orator, presided and, both in his address and happy manner of introducing the speakers, enlivened the occasion with unexpected sallies of natural mother wit and eloquence. rev. w. h. carroll, of garvin, one of the instructors of the academy, discussed in an able manner a number of questions relating to the educational and church work among the negroes; and he was followed by prof. p. a. parish, of idabel, the well-known "kansas negro," but of full-blood african descent, who seemed at his best in the discussion of current and local public questions. "rev. wiley homer presided at the evening session and the address was delivered by rev. chas. c. weith, of ardmore. this address, delivered in the cool of the evening, marked the climax of interest. in an eloquent and forceful manner he recalled the events that led to the first declaration of independence, which was for the freedom of the soul by luther in germany in ; traced the growth of this sentiment in other countries until it found its expression in the declaration of independence for the citizen, by our forefathers in ; and pressed the urgent need of godliness on the part of every american citizen, in order to have the highest type of patriot and to insure the permanency of our civil and religious liberty. this address was a rare treat for the people of this section. "patriotic solos were rendered by miss bertha l. ahrens, organist, rev. w. h. carroll, s. h. buchanan, mrs. j. a. thomas and miss hall. "the barbecue was prepared during the night previous by charles bibbs. "rev. r. e. flickinger, the superintendent of the academy, at the close of the day's sessions, received hearty congratulations for the excellent character of the arrangements for the day and was encouraged to provide for similar patriotic celebrations in the future." xxxiv graces and prayers "in all things, give thanks, pray without ceasing."--paul. the following forms of grace and prayer are intended to be suggestive helps to young people, who have the desire to be ready always to lead in prayer and conduct family worship, with interest and profit to others. bible reading and private prayer prepare for public prayer; but the latter is rendered much easier, when it is remembered, that it should consist of expressions of thanksgiving, confession, petition and intercession. those that lead should speak loud enough to be easily heard by everyone, and with an earnestness, that suggests sincerity. grace at meals breakfast. we thank thee, our father, for sweet rest and refreshment in sleep, thy bountiful supply of our wants and the right use of our faculties. give us wisdom this day in the discharge of duty and in the employment of our time and talents for jesus' sake. amen. dinner. we thank thee, our father, that thou dost give to us health and strength to perform our labors and hast surrounded us with the blessings and comforts of life. feed our souls with the bread of life and enable us to serve thee acceptably for jesus' sake. amen. supper. we thank thee, our father, that thou hast enabled us to perform the labors of the day and graciously supplied our wants. establish the work of our hands and forgive our sins for jesus' sake. amen. helpful forms of prayer "now i lay me down to sleep, i pray thee, lord, my soul to keep; if i should die before i wake, i pray thee, lord, my soul to take; and this i ask for jesus' sake." we thank thee, o lord, for strength of arm to win our daily bread; for enough on which to live and some to give to those that are unfed. we thank thee for shelter from the cold and storm, a place that may be shared with a friend forlorn. we thank thee for thy wonderful love on us bestowed, that we should now be called the children of god. may thy gracious presence go with us this day. put good thoughts into our minds and good words into our mouths. make us strong to do that which is pleasing in thy sight, by making thy word the guide of our lives. bless our friends that are near and dear unto us. may their lives be found precious in thy sight. command thy blessing to rest upon our neighbors and all with whom we associate. may thy richest spiritual blessing rest upon thy servant, our pastor, and all the people to whom be ministers; so that the work of the lord may prosper in our hands. bless our children and youth by writing their names in the book of life and inclining them to walk in thy commands. forgive our sins, comfort our hearts, strengthen our faith and enable us to serve thee acceptably; we ask it for jesus' sake. amen. another one we thank thee our father, for the bible, thine own blessed word, that teaches us, what we are to believe concerning thee, and what duties thou requirest of us. help us to read it with the understanding heart, that it may prove a lamp to our feet and a light to our path. we thank thee for the voice of conscience, prompting us to do right. enable us by thy grace to do promptly, that which we know to be right. help us to remember the sabbath, to keep it holy unto the lord. help us to set our affection on the "house of the lord;" and when we worship thee, may the beauty of the lord our god be upon us. bless our friends and neighbors; all who seek an interest in our prayers. forgive our sins and enable us to serve thee acceptably, for jesus' sake. amen. a prayer for the aged ever blessed and gracious god, our father, i humbly pray that thou wilt not cast me off in the time of old age, when my strength faileth. preserve unto me the right use of my faculties for my soul trusteth in thee. comfort and strengthen my soul in the day of weakness that i may attest thy faithfulness in fulfilling all thy gracious promises. thou hast taught me to know mine end and the measure of my days, that i might apply my heart unto wisdom; and desire to dwell in thy presence, where there is fulness of joy; and at thy right hand, where there are pleasures for evermore. when the time comes for my inexperienced soul to leave its earthly temple, send the blessed angels to carry it to the mansions, thou hast prepared for the redeemed, who put their trust in thee; and accord unto me an abundant entrance into the kingdom of our lord and savior, jesus christ. to whom be praise, dominion and glory, now and forever. amen. "how beautiful to be with god! to lay aside this toil-worn dress, to wear a crown of righteousness, and robes of purest white possess; and sing the sweet redemption song." --frances willard. xxxv presbyterial meetings and picnics oak hill in .--not a bucket.--going to presbytery.--entertainment for everybody. on august , , the presbytery of kiamichi met at oak hill, at a time when an attack of malaria at his summer home at fonda, iowa, prevented the return of the superintendent. the attendance of visitors was unusually large. it fell to the lot of miss eaton, matron, and miss ahrens to provide for their entertainment. they were ably assisted by miss m. a. hall and mitchell s. stewart. they had sixty for dinner on friday and saturday and one hundred and twenty-five on sabbath. on this occasion three new members were added to the roll, jack a. thomas was elected and ordained an elder, and samuel harris, a deacon. the meetings of the presbytery, which are always evangelistic, have now come to be the most attractive, interesting and profitable meetings held in their respective communities. as the available churches are few in number, the meetings are held in each every two or three years. the coming of the presbytery is anticipated with a great deal of interest, and a "big crowd" is the delight of the congregation, receiving and entertaining it. this is a fact worthy of special note. not an oak hill bucket in the territorial days, or, rather previous to the allotment of lands to them individually in , the most attractive meeting, in their various neighborhoods, was the annual old-time picnic, made interesting by the presence of a "merry go round" that relieved them of their nickels, and a platform, where promiscuous dancing was sure to be continued through most of the night, and be accompanied with considerable dissipation and immorality. when the superintendent discovered the nature of these gatherings, he did not hesitate to declare their dissipating and demoralizing tendency. he also stated the attitude of the institution in regard to them by giving utterance to the following sentiment: "whilst everything at the academy is available for the betterment of the colored people, there is not an oak hill bucket available for use, at a dissipating and demoralizing dance in the timber." this sentiment sounded a little harsh and cruel at first, but it now commands the approval of all the good students and of those, who are doing most to promote the happiness and welfare of the young and rising generation. since the young people have come to participate, to a greater extent, in the frequent meetings of the presbytery and in an annual sunday school convention, the old time "dance in the timber", has become a "thing of the past." everybody goes to presbytery the meetings of the presbytery are sure to be attended by everyone, living in the vicinity of the meeting, and by as many others as can manage to "get there." it is unusual for any colored minister and his elder to be absent from any meeting, no matter how great may be the difficulties, that have to be overcome in getting there. if the place of meeting can be easily reached, additional delegates are chosen to represent the sunday school, the aid, endeavor and women's missionary societies. if these additional delegates get to the meeting, they are duly enrolled and later are accorded all the time they wish in making their oral reports of the work they represent. all seem to enjoy making reports and addresses at presbytery. many are animated with the earnest desire to aid in giving their race an uplift, and the address in presbytery seems to be one of the nicest opportunities to do this. this is especially true of some of those among the older people who cannot read, survivors of the slavery period who inherited good memories and good voices. several of the most eloquent and deeply impressive appeals, it was the privilege of the author to hear at the academy or presbytery, were delivered by those, whose condition of slavery in youth and isolated location afterward prevented attendance at school. by frequent participation in religious meetings, where they endeavored to repeat and enforce bible truths, to which they had given an attentive ear, caused them, like some of the famous philosophers in the days of socrates and aristotle, to be held in high esteem as persons of intelligence and influence in their respective communities. henry crittenden, elijah butler, mrs. charles bashears, and simon folsom were all good examples of unlettered, but natural orators, who found their widest sphere of usefulness in the activities of the church. going to presbytery those, attending the meetings of the presbytery, often experienced serious disappointments on the way and some little inconveniences, when they got there. previous to the organization of the church at garvin in , there were only two churches, oak hill and beaver dam at grant, that were located near the railroad. all the other churches were located in rural neighborhoods, to miles distant from the nearest station. the roads to them were merely winding trails through the timber, that crossed the streams where it was possible to ford them, without any grading of the banks. that which we witnessed and partially experienced, in making our first trip through the timber to a meeting of the presbytery at frogville, about fifteen miles from the station, was characteristic of three other meetings we attended, at a distance from the railroad. the delegation, that arrived at the station, consisted of nearly two dozen and about half of them were women. we arrived at the place the wagons were to meet us, after walking across the railroad bridge over the kiamichi river, a short distance west of the station. when we arrived there, we found only one wagon of the three, that were expected. that was a serious but not a stunning disappointment. the luggage was crowded into the bed of that wagon and it carried also a few of the older women. the rest of us set out on a good long walk, indulging the hope other teams would surely meet and relieve us somewhere on the road. as the hour of noon was approaching, we anticipated our needs on the way, by having a box of crackers and a slice of cheese put on the wagon. when we reached a half way place, where there was also a spring of good water, this lunch was greatly enjoyed. we managed to ride the remainder of the distance, and at the end of the journey we heard no one complain the "road am hard to travel." entertainment for everybody the problem of entertainment, always seemed before-hand a rather serious one for the few families, living near the church in a rural neighborhood. their generous hospitality, however, never seemed to be over taxed, but to have an elasticity, that included a cordial welcome to every one, and as much of comfort during the night as it was possible to extend. many of the younger people on saturday and sabbath evenings, when their number would be greatest, would be grateful when they were accorded a pillow and blanket for a bed on the floor, or a bench. the happy, hopeful spirit, manifested by both hosts and guests, in meeting the responsibilities and unexpected disappointments, that are sometimes experienced while attending meetings of the presbytery in the rural neighborhoods, reminds one of the happy remark of a little six year old boy, in regard to a sunny visitor, whom he knew had experienced many trials and had just left their home: "yes, i like her; she goes over the bumps as though her heart had rubber tires." xxxvi farmers institutes - forest church.--oak hill.--short course in .--isaac johnson.--emancipation day. "agriculture is the most healthful, most useful and most noble employment of man."--george washington. the first meeting, conducted by the choctaw freedmen, it was the privilege of the author to attend was their annual farmers institute, held in forest presbyterian church on monday, jan. , . others had been held in other places during previous years but this was the second annual meeting in the forest church, and it was called the county institute of fort towson county. it was their own original method of endeavoring to make a pleasant and profitable observance of emancipation day. on this the first historic occasion the meeting was conducted by johnson w. shoals, president, in a very dignified manner. an interesting annual report was read by the secretary, james g. shoals, fidelia murchison read an essay on gardening and elsie shoals-arnold, one on making and marketing butter. the author indulged in a short address and other addresses were delivered by simon folsom, lee v. bibbs, charles bashears and mitchell stewart. the principal address however, was by isaac johnson, one of their number living along the north bank of red river, who had learned the teacher's and speaker's art in texas. he seemed to be at his best and discussed good morals, agriculture and the destiny of the choctaw freedmen, with so much native wit and humor, we felt well repaid for the long, wearisome journey to the place of meeting. the meeting consisted of one long session, called a forenoon meeting, and at its close, it fell to our lot to accept an unexpected invitation to enjoy an old-time picnic dinner, which was soon spread on the backless benches in the church. isaac johnson was chosen as the new president and he has continued to serve in that capacity. the meeting the next year was held in this same place and commencing jan. , , they began to be held at oak hill academy. the meeting held at oak hill on jan. , , had some features worthy of special mention. it was the first occasion, when the meeting included the sessions of two days, or any effort was made to have an exhibit of the products of the garden and field. mccurtain county, though not yet organized had been established, and the officers took more pains than usual, to invite the farmers in all parts of the new county to participate in its discussions. it was the first time, that an effort was made to have a special lecturer from the agricultural college and the young people at oak hill, trained to supply the needs of the occasion with vocal and instrumental music. it was very gratifying to note the increased attendance and interest. for this occasion, miss eaton prepared an artistic design, with grains of corn of different colors, for the center of the decoration over the speaker's stand, that attracted the attention and called forth the admiration of all. it consisted of a large tablet having a representation of a large broadly branching oak tree on the summit of a little hill, having a canopy of bright stars over it and the words "oak hill" in the form of an arch near its lower branches. over the tablet was the word "welcome" and over the ends of it "happy new year." the entire program had been previously arranged, so that all the addresses and discussions might form a part of the course of instruction, in agriculture and animal husbandry to the students. all the proceedings proved interesting and instructive to them. in furnishing the vocal and instrumental music, which formed a very pleasing feature of each session, they were enabled to participate in a way that was very profitable to them, and entertaining to others. among those who participated by addresses, on topics previously assigned, were isaac johnson, james g. shoals, rev. w. h. carroll of garvin, rev. r. e. flickinger, adelia eaton, malinda a. hall, bertha l. ahrens, who also served as organist, solomon buchanan, who also served as pianist, john richards of lukfata, noah alverson of lehigh, whose lectures on raising corn and cotton were worthy of special commendation, rev. samuel gladman of parsons, martha folsom of grant, r. h. butler of bokchito and charles bibbs. illness prevented the attendance of w. s. english, director of the state college. one of the resolutions adopted was as follows: "that we note with great pleasure the manifest increase of interest in this session of the farmer's institute, on the part of the superintendent, teachers and students of oak hill academy and of the people generally, there being a good local attendance and a larger representation than ever before of interested farmers and speakers from other parts of the surrounding country." at this meeting it was decided the annual membership fee shall be for men, twenty-five cents; and for women, ten cents. second oak hill institute the closing day of the second observance of emancipation day by a two-day farmer's institute at oak hill academy occurred january , . among the new speakers were rev. wiley homer of grant, rev. william butler of eagletown and jack a. thomas. isaac johnson and james g. shoals served as president and secretary and were again re-elected. prof. c. a. mcnabb of guthrie, secretary of the state board of agriculture, promised two addresses, but failed to arrive. the resolutions included a memorial to congress for the establishment of postal savings banks and a parcels post, both of which were established a few years ( ) later. they also included the following one in regard to the mexican boll-weevil that during the previous four years had nearly ruined the cotton crop. "in order that we may do something practical in the way of checking the ravages of the boll-weevil, we encourage every one raising cotton in this section, to plow up and burn as early as possible each fall, all the old cotton stalks, which principally furnish their fall and spring food supply; and as far as possible to avoid planting cotton in the same ground two years in succession." the record of these two farmer's institutes at oak hill academy, and of three preceding ones at forest church, by the choctaw freedmen during the period of the territorial government, is of historic interest, since these annual institutes preceded any similar meetings, by the other folks, in that section of the country. this observation is true also of the three summer normals held at the academy, during the months of october in , and ; and of the first oak hill chautauqua, held july , . short course in for the institute was held on the last half day of a three day short course in agriculture and animal husbandry conducted by prof. e. a. porter and mr. r. l. scott, expert farmers at hugo; assisted by prof. j. w. reynolds of muskogee, the superintendent and rev. w. h. carroll. in , when the first opportunity was afforded ministers in california to attend a short course in agriculture, lasting one week, at the state university farm, it was attended by five hundred pastors of churches, representing twenty denominations. this fact, as an expression of the trend of public sentiment, is noted with a good deal of interest. isaac johnson isaac johnson, (b. ) organizer and president of the farmer's institute, to , is a native of hopkins county, texas, and in located near clarksville. in he married anna wilson of the choctaw nation, who died in . he then went to school in texas and, receiving a certificate in , taught school there four years. in , ' and ' he taught successively at forest, lukfata and eagletown, i. t. in he married winnie durant and again located along red river, south of valliant, where he is widely known as one of the leading farmers and stock raisers. the people of the community in which he lives, under his leadership, on january , , began to observe emancipation day by holding a farmer's institute, a kind of social meeting, that afforded an opportunity for a number of them to make short addresses, on any topic of public or general interest, and all to participate in the enjoyment of a picnic dinner. he enjoys the distinction of having served as president of this organization a number of years before any similar organization was effected in mccurtain county. emancipation day the reasons for the general observance of new year's day as a legal holiday seem eminently appropriate, for the attention of the people is seldom directed to them. there are several good reasons worthy to be remembered. it was on january , , that president lincoln issued the memorable proclamation, that emancipated the slaves in all the states, then at war against the general government. the number of the persons accorded freedom was about four millions. this event, considered from the standpoint of the number of people affected, was even greater than the declaration of independence, for the latter resulted in the freedom of only a part of the people, and their number was one million less than the number set free in . in , when the first census was taken, fourteen years after the declaration, the entire population was not quite four millions and of that number , were left in a state of slavery. that "all men are created free and equal," is a fundamental principle of the declaration, but, for more than four-score years, it was regarded as true of only a part of the people. it was not realized by the other part of the people, that was gradually increasing from one to four millions. for them there was but one law and it was, "servants obey your masters." this was the only rule of conduct for the negro. under it he became socially "a curiosity." he had no laws or ceremonies regulating marriage; and if such ties were formed, they were liable to be broken at any time, by their sale to other and different owners. this rule did not regulate his moral, economic or political life, for he was not recognized as a person or citizen, possessing these faculties and functions. it did not prevent him from worshipping his creator, but this was done in an ignorant way, that served more for entertainment and amusement, than the development of morality and piety. after the lapse of a half century, he has not yet been wholly emancipated from these illiterate and low social conditions; but he is approving and pursuing the better way, as he learns from the bible, "what man is to believe concerning god and what duty god requires of man." the emancipation proclamation thus affected the destiny of more persons than the declaration of independence, and it marks the beginning of the era of universal freedom; when all the people could unite in saying, america is the "land of the free," as well as the "home of the brave." it also effected national unity, by completely removing the one great cause of previous political dissension. it prepared the way for america to be the home of a happy and united people, knowing no north or south, east or west. in these great facts of national importance there are found good reasons for the annual observance of emancipation day, as a legal holiday, as well as the anniversary of the declaration of independence. xxxvii the apiary "go to the ant, thou sluggard; which gathereth her food in the harvest; consider her ways and be wise."--solomon. the oak hill apiary consists of twenty or more colonies, and their annual yield of comb honey ranges from to pounds. it was started with two colonies in the summer of . these were obtained by the superintendent and h. c. shoals, from two hollow trees in the timber near red river, and were what are known as "wild bees." they and their comb were placed in movable comb langstroth hives, and the native queens were soon afterwards replaced by two pretty yellow italian queens, obtained by mail from little rock. by this means the two colonies of wild bees, in the fall of the year, had become golden italians. a double swarm on a pretty warm day in march, , when the locust trees in the campus were in full bloom, two swarms of bees left their hives about the same time, and both clustered on the low, branching limbs of a small plum tree. after taking a photo of this unusual sight, miss weimer and clarence peete, who is standing behind the tree, each using a tin cup, gently lifted the bees from the limbs of the tree and placed them in a hive so arranged, that instead of destroying one of the queens, the bees naturally separated into two clusters around their respective queens. on the following morning, the swarm intended for clarence was lifted out by him and put in a separate hive. the operations of hiving and separating the swarms were very successfully performed, without either of them receiving a single sting, and in the fall both colonies had a good supply of surplus honey. as an inducement to the young people to learn to manage bees profitably, a colony was presented to those who undertook the responsibility of caring for them at the academy. [illustration: the apiary orchard and swarm-sack at left] [illustration: stanchions for calves ora feeding them with pleasure and profit] [illustration: the hen house; open front, semi-monitor roof] [illustration: pig pen; many conveniences] the first frost in the fall of the year indicates the time to remove the surplus honey from the hives; and to cut a bee-tree merely for its supply of honey and wax. april and may however, are the months to transfer colonies from boxes and hollow trees to movable comb hives, so as to save the "bee." a model hog house the following description of the hog house is given for the benefit of students and patrons. it was intended to be a model in the arrangement of every part and it is yet unsurpassed in the number of its conveniences. it was built in and is by feet. an entry, four feet wide, extends through the length of the building and the pens, with outlots, are arranged on each side. the drip boards of the troughs are arranged along each side of this entry making them easy to fill without wetting the stock or pen. the floors intended for litter are further protected from dampness, by being elevated one inch from the rear to a line parallel with the trough, and about two feet from it. the litter is held on this elevated part of the floor by a guard, x inches, around its edge. hanging partitions separate the entry from the pens. fat hogs are easily and quickly loaded, by merely lifting the partitions and driving them through the entry into the open end of a wagon box, placed at the rear end of the entry. it has a floor over head for receiving the corn from the field; husking and sorting it. on this loft there is a bin for storing the good corn intended for meal, and mouse-proof boxes for preserving seed corn on the ear until planting time. there are two hatches, one on each side at the rear for passing the husks for litter to the pens below. at the right near the front, there is a shute that conveys the corn for the pigs to a crib at the right in the first apartment below, from which it is taken at feeding time, by raising a self-closing lid near the floor. in the corner of this open apartment there is a large box covered with a hinged lid for ground feed, and a set of steps to the loft. under the stairs, there is an elevator and purifying pump, that brings up pure and cool water from a brick walled cistern, underneath the floor of the building, and it has never gone dry, when used only for the hogs. old log house the old log house, which remained until and in which the school was founded, was for a half century the largest and best building occupied by the choctaws in the south eastern part of their large reservation. during the period previous to , when it was occupied by bazeel leflore, chief of the choctaw nation, its halls and spacious porches were the favorite places of meetings for the administration of tribal affairs, social and religious gatherings. an indian graveyard was located a few rods from its southeast corner. a neat little marble monument still marks the grave of narcissa leflore, wife of the chief bazeel. she died at forty in . small marble tomb-stones, bearing the names of leflore and wilson, mark a half dozen other graves. one long, unnamed grave is marked by a broad wall of common rock, three feet high, covered with one large flag stone. chief leflore, about the year , located at goodland, where he spent the remainder of his days. he left the log house to be occupied by john wilson his nephew. about twenty years later wilson left it to his son-in-law, frank locke, its last choctaw occupant. he soon afterwards left it to robin clark, the choctaw freedman, from whom it was obtained in , for the use of the school. painting the pretty and attractive appearance of the premises at oak hill was due to a considerable extent to the good work of the boys that learned to use the brush in painting and white washing. the following facts are noted as an aid to them and others. all the school buildings were painted cream and white. the materials used were white lead and flaxseed oil, mixed in the proportion of to pounds of lead to a gallon of oil. a gallon of the mixture is expected to cover square feet of surface with two coats. the cream tint, a warm color, was obtained by mixing a little chrome yellow (and burnt sienna) with a pint or more of oil and adding as much of this mixture as was needed to produce the desired tint. the red paint, used on the farm buildings and large gates, consisted of venetian red, a dry paint, and oil, five to eight pounds of paint to the gallon of oil. a white trimmer was used on the face boards of the roof, doors and windows. the white wash used on the board and pale fences consisted of quick lime slacked under water and gently stirred during this process. it should be allowed to stand a day or two before it is used. a pound of salt to the gallon of quicklime, the salt being first dissolved in water, improves its wearing quality. a little boiled rice flour improves its adhesiveness for indoor use. skimmed sweet milk, used the day it is mixed, is an inexpensive substitute for oil in applying venetian red to old gates. one coat will make them look right well for one or more seasons. milk however should never be used except to brighten up some old work for one or two years, and each gallon should contain three pounds of portland cement, frequently stirred. seed corn improved large yields of corn are secured only by planting seed that has vitality sufficient to produce a good ear as well as a stock. careful and successful farmers raise and endeavor to improve their seed from year to year. this may be done on a small scale as follows: select ten good sized, straight rowed, deep-grained ears. remove the tips and butts. shell each ear separately and plant in separate rows, marked and numbered from one to ten. as soon as the corn in these rows begins to tassel go through them every few days and remove the tassel from every stalk that is not forming an ear; so that the pollen or tassel dust of the barren stalk may not fall on the silks of the corn-bearing stalks. at husking time husk and weigh the yield from each row or ear of seed separately. missing hills and barren stocks indicate a low vitality in the seed-ear and also in the crop. select the seed for the next year from the rows that yield the largest crop. the yield of the cotton crop can be increased two fold by gathering the seed at picking time from only the best fruited stocks. health hints. health means a sound mind in a sound body. "know thyself", and remember, that "self-preservation is the first law of nature." an open window, day and night, is better than an open grave. "warm sleeping rooms have killed more people, than ever froze to death." "a good iron pump, over a well protected well, costs less than a case of typhoid." "wire screens in the windows may keep crape from the door." "a fly in the milk often means a member of the family in the grave." work when you work and rest outstretched, when you rest. [illustration: planting sweet potatoes carriers, droppers, and trowelers] [illustration: ready for a pull] [illustration: double swarm of bees] [illustration: oak hill , looking northwest] [illustration: oak hill, , looking north m. s. stewart at left, mary stewart at right of supt.] avoid all sins of the flesh. overeating and eating injurious foods or drinks are responsible for many ills of body and mind. he who said, "i am the bread of life," said also, "he that eateth me shall live by me." cherish a cheerful, hopeful spirit by reading at least one promise from the bible, for meditation, every day. learn how to look pleasant, even when you may be feeling otherwise. fix the mind on the virtue to be cultivated rather than on the vice to be overcome. if the heart action is sometimes weak, avoid all acts of over-exertion and sleep on the right side. avoid snoring, by breathing through the nose. sleep is "nature's sweet restorer." pure air, pure water and proper exercise are nature's healthful invigorators. use them freely. headache. headaches are due to three causes, namely, eye-strain, indigestion, and exposures to dampness and cold. to avoid eye-strain, bathe the eyes frequently with cool water, and avoid using them intently too long, when the light is not good, especially in the twilight after sun set. to avoid the sick headache eat slowly and temperately; and drink water frequently both at and between meals. the ache in the back of the head, caused by exposure to drafts of air, cold and dampness to the feet, may be relieved by the application of hot damp cloths to the parts affected, and warming the feet and limbs until the perspiration is started. never use dopes or preparations for headache, pure sparkling water is always much better. hot water, sipped frequently, tends to relieve a cough, difficult breathing and a weak heart action. pure air, inhaled by frequent daily deep breathings, and out-door exercise do more for weak lungs than medicines. chills. a chill is the protest of the liver or lungs after an exposure one or more days previous, that was not followed by a proper warming of the feet, especially in the evening. sulphate of quinine, a tonic for the stomach, is a standard remedy for malarial troubles but its use should always be preceded or accompanied with a tonic for the liver. smallpox. a mixture consisting of one ounce of cream of tartar, and two ounces of sulphur flour, should be in every home, to be taken a little occasionally as an antidote, and kept as an approved remedy for smallpox. xxxviii the oak hill aid society and other contributing societies and individuals. the oak hill aid society on oct. , , during the period of vacancy, ten persons interested in its continuance met in the academy and organized an aid society, to aid the freedmen's board in maintaining it. solomon buchanan and samuel harris took the lead in calling the meeting. james r. crabtree served as chairman and bertha l. ahrens as secretary. the others present were mitchell s. stewart, wilson clark, s. s. bibbs, charles b. harris and mrs. j. a. thomas. the organization was effected by the election of m. s. stewart, president; j. a. thomas, (absent) secretary; b. l. ahrens, treasurer; and samuel harris, field secretary: may , , george shoals was elected president and s. s. bibbs, secretary. on june th, a constitution was adopted, in which its object was stated as follows: "the aims and object of this society shall be: to help the presbyterian board of missions for freedmen; to raise the funds required to pay for the land on which the buildings are located; to devise ways and means by which the academy may be directly aided with supplies of food, live stock and other things, when money cannot be given; and, to do what we can, to enlarge its course of study and provide new departments of industry." "it is understood, that all money raised shall be sent to the aforesaid mission board and be applied by it to the general needs of this institution, when no specific object has been named by this society. it is also understood, that this society shall not hinder the aforesaid board, in its absolute control of the academy and farm." the annual membership fee is twenty-five cents, other offerings being entirely voluntary, each giving, "as the lord hath prospered him." the first week in october was designated, as the time for an annual public meeting, to give emphasis to the work of the society and solicit free-will offerings from everybody. other congregations were requested to form similar organizations, to create a visible bond of union in the support of the academy. the first visible result of this lowly organization, founded as a forlorn hope, appeared on the th of april , when at the close of the eloquent appeal of samuel harris, its field secretary, before the presbytery at grant, rev. f. w. hawley, the synodical missionary of indian territory, challenged all present to unite with him in making a pledge of support toward the purchase of the land. heading the list with a pledge of $ . , all were surprised to find it increased, in a few minutes, to $ . . two weeks later mr. harris made a similar appeal at oak hill, and $ . more were pledged. he visited forest church and received pledges to the amount of $ . . george shoals visited bethany church at parsons, and $ . more were pledged, making the amount pledged, $ . . sam harris, in the fall of , voluntarily went to atoka and had forty-five acres of land allotted to his wife and four of his children, in order that they might later be added to the oak hill farm; and the education of his children be provided for, at that institution. his death occurred the next year, and in , the last of these lands were added to the oak hill farm. his children are now enjoying the privileges of the institution. he belonged to a generation that could neither read nor write, and that which he accomplished for oak hill and his needy children during the short period of his co-operation with the superintendent, is but another beautiful illustration of what may be done for a needy and worthy cause, by one, however unlearned, whose sincere and burning interest leads him to lend a helping hand and to use the power of his voice in its behalf. he had come to appreciate and, before the presbytery, emphasized the importance of these three vital facts: . the need of a good christian education for all the members of his own rapidly growing family. . the great value of the educational and religious privileges, and the facilities for industrial training, afforded the young people of the colored race at oak hill academy, located in the very midst of them. . the great meaning of the changes, that were taking place in the country around them since the building of the railroad, the transition to statehood, the allotment of the lands to them individually, and the incoming of large numbers of white folks from arkansas, texas and other sections; who were founding and building towns, leasing and occupying the farm lands, gaining control of the business interests of the community; and thus making it ten fold more necessary for the young people of the colored race to have sufficient intelligence to enable them to do their own thinking and manage successfully their own business interests, in order to avoid the impending doom, of being soon crowded out of their present homes and possessions. his burning desire as he often expressed it, was to bring it to pass, that their children and the generations to come might rise up and be able to say, "our fathers, in grateful acknowledgement of the inestimable value of the educational, moral and religious privileges, that the presbyterian board of missions had established and so long maintained, for the benefit of the colored people of that section, had contributed the funds, paid for and donated the lands occupied by the buildings of oak hill industrial academy." the members of his family, in whose names the allotments for oak hill were secured, were catherine, his wife; roland (died nov. , ), john, margie and ellen. land funds contributed the following is a brief summary of the funds contributed for the purchase of the land at oak hill. rev. f. w. hawley, sam harris, bertha l. ahrens, adelia m. eaton, wiley homer, william butler, r. d. colbert, malinda a. hall, noah s. alverson, r. e. flickinger and jo lu wolcott, each $ . ; samuel gladman, w. j. starks, s. h. buchanan, john richards and finley union sunday school, lehigh, per isabella monroe, each $ . ; virginia williams, and matt brown, each $ . ; simon folsom and alonza lewis, $ . ; specials from churches in oklahoma, as follows: anadarko, bartlesville, perry and vinita, each $ . ; chelsea, $ . ; muskogee and wagoner, each $ . ; oklahoma first, $ . ; oak hill $ . ; and alva $ . . the oak hill aid society in gave $ . ; in $ . ; in , $ . and in to , $ . ; making for it $ . , and altogether $ . . this amount covers the cost of the forty acre allotment of samuel a. folsom, on which the academy and boy's hall are located. this was the first tract purchased, and it was obtained august , , a few days after the choctaw freedmen were legally authorized to execute warranty deeds. these facts are worthy of note, since to that extent they indicate the achievement of that object, for which sam harris plead so earnestly and effectively at presbytery. a lady at san jose, california, gave $ in , for an annuity bond to cover tract no. , on the oak hill plat, containing twenty acres and allotted to caroline prince. bertha l. ahrens in purchased the three fourths inheritance of three of the heirs of william shoals, in tract no. , containing thirty acres, that in course of time, it might be included; and in and , r. e. flickinger donated tract number , containing twenty acres north of the buildings. these three specials include and cover the acres on section , north of the public road, north of the buildings. the oak hill women's missionary society was organized in october , and at the end of its first year contributed to home missions, gunnison, utah, $ . ; and to the board of freedmen, $ . . locality of donors the following exhibit shows the location of the generous contributors, who united in furnishing the general expense funds for the support of the students and furnishing the temporary boy's hall, as it appeared in the report for july , . expense furnishing fund boy's hall total california $ . $ . $ . illinois . . iowa . . . kansas . . . ohio . . oklahoma . . . new york . . pennsylvania . . . total $ . $ . $ . donors to the general support a record has already been made of those who contributed toward the purchase of the farm in response to the appeal through the oak hill aid society. a grateful mention of the women's and young people's societies and individual donors, who contributed to the support and extension of the general work of the institution, seems eminently appropriate. they include the following list: alabama: the negro in business by booker t. washington, tuskeegee. california: alhambra, dinuba, rev. h. j. frothingham, elsinore; eureka, lampoc, long beach, mrs. o. l. mason; los gatos, los angeles, first; mrs. margaret daniels, mrs. archibald; central, mrs. hiram leithead; highland park, mrs. kate c. moody m. d.; third, mary a. clark, boyle heights, hollywood, immanuel, spanish mission, carrie e. crowe, westminster; nordhoff, margaret daniels; north ontario, new monterey, monte cito, oakland, mattie hunter; orange, red bluff, san diego first, mrs. a. w. crawford; san jose first and second, mrs. frances palmer, mrs. g. h. start, mrs. mary langdon; lebanon of san francisco, san martin, santa barbara, santa clara, santa cruz, santa paula, san louis obispo; upland ventura, watsonville. colorado: fort morgan, gunnison, timnath. connecticut: miss a. c. benedict, waterbury. illinois: cairo; chicago, bethany, j. h. jones, leslie music company; fairbury, mrs. j. j. pence; mason city, springfield second. indiana: william elliot, lafayette $ , for elliott hall; greensburg, winona lake. iowa: alta, lucy m. haywood; boone, burlington first, clarinda, corning, corning presbytery, crawfordsville, creston, des moines central, fonda, m. e. church, mrs. a. s. wood, adele curkeet, adelia m. eaton, mrs. r. e. flickinger, geo. sanborn, mrs. j. b. weaver, mrs. john e. jordan, clark perry; fort dodge, gilmore city, mrs. bert c. mcginnis, clarence m. patterson; grimes, hamburg, knoxville, lenox, malvern, manchester, nodaway, princeton, red oak, rockwell city, ella t. smith, elmer e. johnson, john h. mattison; sanborn, sigourney, shenandoah, state center, storm lake, washington, bethel, winfield, walnut. kansas: auburn, burlington, clay center, derby, edgerton, herrington, halstead, highland, humboldt, junction city, kansas city, first, grand view park, western highland; lincoln center, lawrence, lyons, manhattan, morganville, mulberry creek, neodesha, oakland, osawatomie, oswego, phillipsburg, roxbury, stanley, sterling, syracuse, topeka, first, second, third and westminster, m. b. true; waverly, wichita, first. massachusetts: marblehead, mrs. j. j. gregory. michigan: coldwater, harrington. missouri: kansas city, montgomery ward & co., maryville, prof, j. c. speckerman; st. louis, majestic range co. nebraska: beatrice. new york: mexico, mrs. mary o. becker, mrs. mamie g. richardson; plattsburg, mrs. m. d. edwards; honoye, anna m. bowerman; new york, am. bible society, oliver swet marden. ohio: bellefontaine, mrs. d. o. spade; columbiana, mrs. mattie c. flickinger; dayton lorenz music co.; denison, college hill, miss h. m. wilson; east liverpool first, mansfield, springfield first, wellsville first. oklahoma: alva, mrs. h. e. mason, anadarko, atoka, annie osborne, ardmore, rev. charles c. weith, bartlesville, blackwell; mrs. emma f. mcbride, coalgate; cement, central, cimmaron presbyterial; chickasha, edmond, elk city, el reno, mrs. f. r. farrand, enid, eagletown, kiamichi presbyterial; garvin, rev. and mrs. w. h. and emma a. carroll; hobart, mrs. geo. d. willingham; frederick, griffin, charity glover; granite, grant, susan seats, kaw, kingfisher, macalester, millerton, rance cherry, joseph garner; muskogee first, mulhall, norman, prof. geo. n. gould; oklahoma first, phil c. baird d. d., mrs. w. a. knott; okmulgee, perry, ponca, shawnee, stroud, tulsa, tonkawa, oak hill, valliant, solomon h. buchanan, dining table and chairs, samuel folsom, front door of elliot hall, lucretia c. brown communion service, bertha l. ahrens, adelia m. eaton, john claypool, malinda a. hall, r. e. and mary a. flickinger; vinita, wagoner, watonga. north dakota: fillmore, mary i. weimer. pennsylvania: armagh, bakerstown, black lick, blairsville first, blairsville presbyterial, braddock, first and calvary; buelah, coatesville, e. lilley; cresson, congruity, derry, doe run, easton, college hill, brainard and south side; east liberty, ebensburg, greensburg, first and westminster; anna b. hazleton, irwin, jeanette, latrobe, ligonier, johnstown, first, second and laurel avenue; lewistown, manor, mcginnis, murraysville, philadelphia, lena d. fieber and prof, h. w. flickinger; pittsburgh, first and second, ellen m. watson, mary r. scott; port royal, parnassus, pleasant grove, poke run, plum creek, new alexandria, new kensington, south danville, mrs. w. a. reagel; turtle creek, westmont chapel, wilkinsburg, martha graham, mrs. j. j. campbell, williamsburg, windber and windsor. south dakota: volga, hartford, mrs. m. e. crowe. texas: bushy creek, mary a. pierson, crockett, mrs. john b. smith. xxxix tributes to the workers ahrens.--eaton.--claypool.--weimer.--wolcott.--hall.--donaldson.--buchanan. "our lives are songs, god writes the words, and we set them to music at pleasure; and the song grows glad, sweet, or sad as we choose to fashion the measure." mary a. flickinger mrs. flickinger is gratefully remembered for five years of untiring service as assistant superintendent. the sphere of her observation and suggestion included all the women's work in the buildings, occupied by the students, and the special care of the garden and boy's hall. in connection with this daily oversight, there was always manifested a feeling of personal responsibility, to carry to completion at the end of the day, any unfinished work, that would otherwise prevent some of the larger girls from enjoying the privileges of the school, during the evening study hour. trained in her youth to execute speedily all the kinds of work, usually required on a well arranged farm, and also as a sewer and nurse, one proved a very valuable helper. she became the home physician, administering the medicines and caring for the sick. her method of treatment included the prevention of some of the milder, but common forms of disease, by the regular administration of some inexpensive antidotes. these two principles were frequently expressed: "self-preservation is the first law of nature," and "prevention is better than cure." the young people were also encouraged to learn, how to keep and intelligently use, a few simple remedies in the home. she and her husband are both natives of port royal, juniata county, pa., and their marriage occurred there, june , . they have filled pastorates at doe run, pa., walnut, and fonda, iowa. they raised the funds and secured the erection of churches at marne, fonda, pomeroy and varina, iowa; and a commodious parsonage at fonda. he has served as a trustee of corning academy, buena vista college and of the presbytery of fort dodge; stated clerk and treasurer of the latter twelve and a half years, and as moderator of the synod of iowa, at washington in ; and by special request, as author of the pioneer history of pocahontas county, iowa, in . mrs. flickinger in her youth became a teacher in the sunday school, and during all the years that have followed, has been an efficient and aggressive solicitor and teacher of the children, in that important department of the work of the church. she has ever manifested an unusual degree of energy, always preferring to do all her own home work, rather than have it done by others. one who enjoyed the privilege of witnessing her unflagging energy and enthusiastic devotion to her work, rising early and working late, at a time when she was supposed to be unable to do more than take care of herself, paid to her this friendly compliment: "you work with the untiring industry of a bee, the patient perseverance of a beaver, the overcoming strength of a lion, and the double quickness of a deer." her liberal responses to the calls of the needy have been limited only by her ability to work, save and give. bertha louise ahrens "i'll praise my maker with my breath; and when my voice is lost in death, praise shall employ my nobler powers." --the psalmist. bertha louise ahrens (b. feb. , ), missionary teacher among the choctaw freedmen of indian territory since , and principal teacher at oak hill academy, - , is a native of berlin, prussia. her parents, otto and augusta ahrens, in , when she was , and a brother otto , came to america and located on a farm near sigourney, iowa, after one year at bellville, ill.; and four, at harper, iowa. the schools and churches first attended used the german language. her first studies in english were in the graded schools at sigourney and here at seventeen, she became a member of the presbyterian church under the pastorate of rev. s. g. hair. he loaned her some missionary literature to read and it awakened a desire on her part to become a missionary. this desire was expressed to the women's missionary society of the church and she was encouraged to attend the western female seminary, now college, at oxford, ohio. after a course of study at this institution she enjoyed a year's training in the bible school connected with moody's chicago avenue church, chicago. during the next year, after hearing in her home town an appeal in behalf of a negro school in the south, she was led to offer her services to the presbyterian board of missions for freedmen. in december , she received a commission with request to locate among the choctaw freedmen at lukfata, in the southeast part of indian territory. the route at that early date was quite circuitous. going south through kansas city over the m. k. t. ry., to denison, texas, she passed eastward by rail to bells, through paris to clarksville, texas; and thence northward forty miles to wheelock and lukfata. clarksville, south of red river continued to be the nearest town and station during the next ten years. she has now completed twenty-eight years of continuous and faithful service as a missionary teacher among the freedmen. during these years she has served the following communities and churches. lukfata, mount gilead years - . fowlerville, forest years - . goodland, hebron year - . grant, beaver dam years - . valliant, oak hill academy - / years - . beaver dam year - . wynnewood, bethesda mission years - . she is now serving as principal teacher in the bethesda home and school, located three miles northeast of wynnewood in the chickasaw nation. this school was opened nov. , . it was founded by carrie and clara boles and others; and its object is to provide a home and christian education to the orphan and homeless youth of the colored people. miss ahrens has been a life long and conscientious christian worker, among the freedmen of the choctaw nation. her name is a household word to all of them. she found it necessary from the first to locate as a lonely teacher among them in territorial days, and share with them the unusual privations, incident to a life of such seclusion and unselfish devotion. during the first fifteen years, she had to live alone in little, rudely constructed huts in a sparsely settled timber country, where quarrels and murders, among both the indians and colored people, were events of common and almost annual occurrence; yet she never thought of leaving her work or forsaking her mission on account of personal danger. the following is an accurate description of the little hut she occupied three years while at forest church. it was built of saplings, eight feet square and chinked with mud. it had a fire place, an opening eighteen inches square for light, and another one for entrance, that was about three inches lower than her height. the chimney was built of mud, so small and crooked that only a part of the smoke could be induced to go up it, on a windy day. the blind for closing the window opening was so open, it merely broke the force of the wind, it could not keep it out, nor the lamp from blowing out. the little door left similar openings above and below it. on windy days the smoke found its way out through these and other openings overhead. these conditions after a while were relieved, by the insertion of a window in the opening, and covering the walls of the room with sheets. the floor space was fully occupied, when it was supplied with a bed, trunk, sewing machine, book case, table and one chair. it lacked room for the organ, which had to be kept in the chapel. there was no porch, and into this little room the children on sabbath afternoons would crowd to sing, standing until they grew weary, and then sitting on the floor. this rude and lonely hut was located about one fourth of a mile from the church. near it was another and larger one-room cabin, having a porch, that was occupied by a good elder of the church, his wife and a family of six children. the school rooms, that she had to occupy, in order to fulfil her mission, though the best the colored people could afford, were also of the rudest sort. it was a difficult task, to make them look within like tidy temples of knowledge. her work was also very elementary. as the pupils would advance and their work become interesting, they would drop out of school. yet it never occurred to her the work was wearisome, because it was monotonous and often disappointing. if experiences were disappointing, or the day, gloomy, there remained to her the bible, with its precious and unchanging promises; and the organ, responsive as ever to the touch of her hand. these were home comforts, that enabled her to forget the trials and burdens of each day, before its close. her work as a teacher has been increasingly attractive. the secret of this unflagging and ever increasing interest, is found in the large place, given the bible in all her teaching work. it has been a daily text book in the school room. on the sabbath, her opportunity to read and explain it to all the people of the community, as superintendent of the sunday school, has been even greater than that of some of the ministers in charge, when the latter was only a monthly visitor, while she served faithfully every sabbath. the world is needing the light of bible truth. it is life giving. "go teach," is as urgent as the commission, "go preach." the opportunity to supply the world's great need, with the life giving word of god, is an inspiration to the consecrated christian teacher. she has felt this inspiration, and has become a very capable interpreter and practical expositor of the bible. she has been well equipped to lead the people in song, and has received many evidences of the highest appreciation of her work, as a bible instructor. though not possessing what might be termed a rugged constitution, she has never lost a week, at any one time, from the school room on account of illness. she has been free to express the desire to continue to labor, as a faithful and efficient teacher, among the freedmen as long as her strength will permit. ruth expressed her sentiments, when she said to naomi: "entreat me not to leave thee; where thou lodgest i will lodge; thy people shall be my people and thy god my god." she has been a true missionary hero. she has been willing to work in one of the most solitary places, for the lowliest of people, without the ordinary comforts of home and friends. whilst her bible work has been continued through the entire years, with but two exceptions, her income--a mere pittance--has been limited to the terms of school. this has made necessary very close economy in personal expenses, but has not prevented liberal offerings to promote the work of the church. her seclusion, privations and dangers, during the first fifteen years, were as great as of many of those, who have gone to the remote parts of the earth. the heroic spirit of martin luther, translator of the german bible she learned to read in youth, has always proved a source of great inspiration, to be faithful and courageous. when he was warned of the danger of martyrdom at worms, where he had been summoned for trial for declaring the plain words of the bible, he bravely said, "were they to make a fire that would extend from worms to wittemberg, and reach even to the sky, i would walk across it, in the name of the lord, i would appear before them and confess the lord jesus christ." and a little later, "were there as many devils (cardinals) in worms, as there are tiles upon the roofs, i would enter," for the elector had promised him a safe conduct. when he arrived at worms and stood before his accusers, he finally said: "here i am, i neither can, nor will retract anything. i cannot do otherwise; god help me." these noble and courageous words of luther are well adapted, to prove an inspiration to every one that reads them. her courage has led and kept her in the place of privilege and duty. her faithfulness and devotion have enabled her to win the confidence and esteem of all who have come within the sphere of her acquaintance and friendship. she continues to pursue her chosen and loved employment, of serving as a missionary teacher among the freedmen of indian territory, now oklahoma, in the spirit of the psalmist. "my days of praise shall ne'er be past, while life, and thought, and being last, or immortality endures." adelia m. eaton the superintendent, teachers, students and friends of oak hill were called upon to sustain a great loss and experience a deep sorrow, as the sun was setting, on june , , when adelia m. eaton, our highly esteemed matron, after three and one half years of unusually efficient service, and a brief illness of one week after the end of the term, peacefully and trustfully passed from the scene of her faithful missionary labors, to the enjoyment of her eternal reward. her illness, which terminated with heart failure, seemed to be the outcome of a weariness that ensued after rendering some voluntary but needed services for the comfort of others. she was the second daughter of harvey eaton, one of the hardy, prosperous pioneer farmers of pocahontas county, iowa, she grew to womanhood on the farm, where she learned to be industrious and earnest. she early became identified with the work in the presbyterian church and sunday school at fonda where she received her first training in christian work. after enjoying a four years' course at buena vista college, storm lake, associated with her elder sister, she spent four years in mercantile pursuits in sioux city and fonda. all of these previous employments and experiences seemed to be parts of a varied training, to fit her most fully, for the position she filled as a missionary teacher at the academy. in the management of the affairs of this institution, her responsibilities and duties made her the executive helper of the superintendent. here she found responsibilities and opportunities, that called forth all her noblest powers, and enabled her to make it the most highly useful and crowning period of her life. she naturally possessed an attractive personality. she was tall, slender and erect in form, very prompt, dignified and graceful in movement. her countenance indicated intelligence, energy and culture. she had a good voice for public address, possessed rare executive ability and was so gentle in manner that obedience to her commands was accorded with pleasure and delight. though never unmindful of her resources, she never manifested any pride, save that which every truly noble soul manifests in the quality of its work, by putting forth a constant effort to perform every duty in the most thorough and efficient manner. she was a happy, willing worker. the key note of her work as a teacher seemed to be the one expressed in the words: "my meat is to do the will of him that sent me and to finish his work." john , . although she had many other important duties on that day, she was always present at the services on the sabbath. the memory of the living will not soon forget the personal interest she manifested in the spiritual welfare of every member of her large class of older students in the sunday school, her tender and affectionate appeals to the young people at the endeavor meetings, her interesting and instructive addresses at institutes and conventions, and how she voluntarily lingered to extend friendly greetings at the close of the church services. the call, to engage in this educational work among the freedmen in indian territory, came to her at an unexpected, but opportune time. when the need for her services and desire for her co-operation were stated, she immediately gave her assent to make a trial of the work for a term of three months. as the work progressed her interest in it increased, and she became more firmly attached to it. her affections, interest and ambitions seemed to be transferred to the people and work at the academy. her attachment and devotion to this work was as remarkable as it was unexpected. this was the secret of the unusual merit of the service rendered. in this new sphere of usefulness, she found a field of opportunity that afforded full scope for the exercise of all her intellectual, moral and spiritual powers, and, engaging in this work with all the enthusiasm of her noble nature, she rendered a continuous service so faithful and efficient, as to call forth heartfelt appreciation and words of highest commendation. mrs. john claypool mrs. john claypool, matron - , the successor of adelia eaton, came from membership in the class of mrs. a. w. crawford of the first presbyterian church of san diego, california. her work is gratefully remembered for its uniform faithfulness and efficiency, and the sweet beneficent influence exerted by the noble womanhood and manhood of herself and husband, previously employed in a bank, who also came and remained with her at the institution. through the aid of the latter, the profit on the poultry was greater that year, than in any other. the garden that year was greatly enlarged and surrounded with a new fence. he nailed the pales on the panels and they remain as a memento of his interest and handiwork. the fact that she represented one of the churches giving most loyal and liberal support to the academy, and was thus a living link connecting the work of the institution with the many friends, supporting it on the pacific coast, gave to her work an additional charm that was greatly appreciated. they are now living in texas. mary i. weimer mary i. weimer, who served as matron to , a native of port royal, pa., came to oak hill from knox, in the devils lake region of north dakota; where, after a course of preparation at the state teachers college at fargo, she achieved an unusual degree of success, both as a teacher and manager of affairs on the farm. these interests prevented her from coming the previous year when first solicited. at the academy she rendered a service so efficient and faithful as to merit the gratitude of all. after the loss of the girls' hall, which occurred during her first year, when all of its occupants were deprived of comfortable quarters, the fear was entertained she would want to be excused from further service. instead of pursuing this course she became one of our best counselors and helpers in the effort to provide for the comfort of herself and the girls, and keep the latter from returning home at that critical period. the superintendent will never cease to be grateful for her favorable decision at this trying hour, and the self-denial she voluntarily proposed to undergo, in order to make it possible, to continue the work of the institution. it was the period when mrs. flickinger was a helpless invalid at fonda, patiently awaiting the return of her husband, with daily anxiety. he could not leave, however, until the cellar excavation and concrete walls of the building had been completed. this done, samuel folsom was ready to serve as foreman of the carpenters, in the erection of the new building, and it fell to the lot of miss weimer, to serve as general manager, in the absence of the superintendent. the situation was one, that required unusual courage, as well as prudence and self-control. her heroism was equal to the call to duty. loyalty and faithfulness were her constant watchwords. at the end of the next term in , she found it necessary to give her personal attention anew to the interests of her own home and farm. she enjoys the distinction of having served as matron, the last year in the girls' hall and the first one in elliott hall. she is gratefully remembered by all, who became the subjects of her daily care and domestic training. miss jo lu wolcott miss jo lu wolcott, matron, february to june, , was a daughter of the late dr. wolcott of chandler, okla. she has had considerable experience as a teacher in the public schools of kansas and oklahoma, and in the government school for the indians at navajo falls, colorado. she is now serving as a teacher in an indian school in south dakota. malinda a. hall malinda a. hall rendered six years of faithful and efficient service as assistant matron, and teacher. having completed the grammar course at oak hill in , and then a four years course at ingleside seminary in virginia, she was well prepared for the work at the academy, and proved a very reliable and valuable helper. she was capable and always willing, when requested, to supply any vacancy occurring among the other helpers. she enjoyed good health, and never lost a day from illness. her strength and energy enabled her to execute promptly and efficiently, every work entrusted to her. her work throughout was characterized by a never failing promptness, faithfulness and energy. she was familiar with the needs and traits of her people, was thoroughly devoted to the promotion of their best interests, and her suggestions were always gratefully received. the ability and enthusiasm of her work, as the teacher of a large class in the sunday school and leader of the young people in their endeavor meetings, will never be forgotten by those, who came within the sphere of her voice and influence. since her marriage in to william stewart she has been devoting her time and attention to the improvement of their home on the farm near valliant. she is needed on the farm, but the thought lingers, that there continues to be a great need for her services in the educational work among her people. miss hall's exploits, as a sharpshooter with her own gun, during her first year as a teacher at oak hill, indicate her responsiveness to the spirit of chivalry, that prevailed among the people during the period of her youth. one day in the spring of the year, while hunting eggs in the second story of the old log house, she discovered a large snake on one of the rafters over her head. hastening quietly to her own room for a gun, she brought the snake to the floor with the first shot. it measured over four feet in length, was dark in color and was of the kind, that eats eggs and chicks, commonly called a chicken snake. she also, at the request of mrs. flickinger, stunned a small beef, that they together butchered, at a time the superintendent was absent. mary a donaldson when carrie e. crowe was called away in january , the place was rather reluctantly assumed but very acceptably filled by mrs. sarah l. wallace of fairhope, alabama. after two months she also was called away. the place was then filled by mary a. donaldson of paris, texas. she had been an attendant at the first oak hill normal, in , and then became a missionary teacher at grant. attendance at the normal led to her recognition, both at grant and oak hill. after teaching several years she pursued another course of training at new orleans and has become a professional nurse. solomon h. buchanan "he that is faithful in that which is least, is faithful." solomon h. buchanan is a native of glen rose, somervell co., texas. at the age of eight he was bereft of both of his parents, and those, into whose care he drifted, were not willing he should learn a letter. by some means he attracted the favorable notice of miss mary a. pearson, a missionary of our home mission board. furnishing him the funds for the trip, she sent him at the age of in , to oak hill academy with request to become an earnest christian teacher. at the academy mrs. mary r. scott of pittsburgh became his teacher. she taught him his letters and first lessons in spelling and reading, giving him considerable time and attention, while the other boys were playing. perceiving his special fondness for music, she taught him the chords on the piano, and thus gave him a start on that noble instrument, which has ever since been his favorite. he has always found the study of books a rather difficult task, owing to the lack of early training in them; but he has proved a good student and a very valuable helper at the academy. the longing desire to become a capable and successful teacher, has kept him there, amid all the changes that have occurred since his arrival in . he has now acquired an unusual degree of skill as a performer on the piano and his enthusiastic accompaniments on that noble instrument contributed greatly to the pleasure and delight of the work at the academy. he has become an earnest worker in the sunday school and endeavor meetings. he has a strong voice for song or public address, and has become an excellent leader of religious meetings. he served one year as an assistant teacher at the academy. he has proved himself a very efficient and valuable helper at the academy, always looking after the entertainment of visitors. in he was ordained an elder of the oak hill church and in may of that year was sent as one of the commissioners of the presbytery of kiamichi, to the general assembly at louisville, ky. through the courtesy of rev. e. g. haymaker, he spent the summer of at winona lake, ind. he is now serving, as superintendent of the farm work and musical instructor, at the bethesda home and school at wynnewood, okla. the boy who wins is, "not the one who says, 'i can't'; nor the one who says, 'don't care;' not the boy who shirks his work, nor the one who plays unfair. but the one who says, i can', and the one who says, 'i will;' he shall be the noble man, he the place of trust will fill." student workers these tributes to worthy workers seem incomplete, without some reference to the faithful co-operation of some of the young people, who, making rapid progress in their studies and industrial training, during the later years of this period, and serving efficiently as workers, foremen and occasional teachers, made possible the large amount of improvement work necessary to overcome the losses sustained. the memory recalls the names of the following students, whose responsible and efficient co-operation was thus worthy of grateful mention. occasional teachers and leaders: paul thornton, vina jones, delia clark[*], isabella monroe, ruby moore[*], virginia wofford, sarah milton, celestine seats, solomon buchanan, riley flournoy, clarence and herbert peete. carpenters and cement workers: david folsom [*], solomon burris, louis and alvin pitchlin, isaiah nelson, clarence peete, noah alverson, riley flournoy, fred and percy mcfarland, thomas wilson, george hollingsworth, frank dickson, ashley and alonza mclellan and brown gaffony.[*] painters: solomon buchanan, frank dickson, john black, eugene perry, wesley lewis, herbert peete and cornell smith. farmers and trustworthy teamsters: james stewart, james burris. james richards, dee mcfarland, robert johnson, robert maxie, s. s. bibbs, and everett richards. [*] deceased. xl closing day, elliott hall dedicated.--concert.--resolutions.--students affection.--farewell note. the following account, of the closing day of our last term of school, is taken from the last issue of the oak hill freedman's friend, a news-letter, intended to promote the interests of the academy, and sent to its patrons and friends as a quarterly at first, but later as an annual, from february , to september . closing day, june , , was a day of unusual interest. it was the last day of the last term of school, under the management of the superintendent, and the contemplation of this fact frequently suggested a thought of sadness, since it meant the last meeting with many friends and co-workers. it was also the second day set for the dedication of elliott hall, and the third day announced for a visit and address by rev. phil c. baird, d. d., pastor of the first presbyterian church of oklahoma city. his leading and unusually happy participation in the events of the day, made his visit and services on this occasion thrice welcome and valuable. at : p.m. dr. baird delivered the principal address to a large and very appreciative audience in the academy. he chose for his theme, the essentials of success; and emphasized these three, namely "labor, purpose and perseverance." elliott hall dedicated at the close of the address of dr. baird, the meeting was transferred to the cozy and spacious front porch of elliott hall. the story of the hall as a grateful and permanently useful memorial of the late alice lee elliott, and the generous gift of $ , . on the part of her surviving husband, david elliott of lafayette, indiana, now at minneapolis, minn., was briefly related by the superintendent. rev. w. h. carroll reported that voluntary offerings to the amount of $ . had that day been donated toward the expense of furnishing the two bath rooms. the prayer of dedication was offered by rev. wiley homer of grant, who has been a faithful annual visitor and constant guardian of the good name and welfare of the institution ever since it was founded in . the benediction was pronounced by rev. p. s. meadows of shawneetown, moderator of the presbytery of kiamichi. closing concert the program provided for the evening consisted of a vocal and instrumental concert by the students, such as had been given, with one exception, at the close of each term. several of the selections, rendered as full choruses, were from leslie's ideal class, the music book most frequently used by the superintendent in the training work of note reading and vocal culture. they included the anthems, "break forth into joy," "i was glad," by i. b. woodbury, "before jehovah's throne," and patriotic glees, "hail to the flag," "now a mighty nation," and "unfurl the sail." when the time arrived to announce the closing chorus, the superintendent, after expressing appreciation of the fact there were present so many ministers of the presbytery, patrons and friends; and gratitude for their constant co-operation, then made known to them, for the first time, the fact that several months previous he had tendered his resignation to the board of missions for freedmen, and that in due season, rev. w. h. carroll, the principal, would be promoted to fill the vacancy, when it occurred. after hearing these announcements, every minister present manifested a desire to participate in the meeting, by bearing voluntary testimony to the good work that had been done at the academy under the leadership of the superintendent. rev. dr. baird was the first speaker, and he acted as a leader or chairman during this temporary interruption of the program. he bore testimony to his previous knowledge of the faithfulness and administrative ability of the superintendent, and his pleasant surprise at the results achieved at this institution. grateful tributes to the efficiency of his work, as superintendent of the academy, were then expressed by rev. wiley homer of grant, rev. t. k. bridges of lukfata, rev. p. s. meadows and rev. w. h. carroll. rev. w. j. starks of frogville read and presented for adoption the appreciative resolutions that follow: their unanimous adoption by a rising vote was immediately followed by a general waving of handkerchiefs, a touching expression of good wishes and parting cheer. resolutions whereas the rev. r. e. flickinger, our beloved superintendent and friend, has announced his resignation as superintendent of oak hill industrial academy, now alice lee elliott school; and whereas such resignation has come to us at a very unexpected time; we, citizens of the neighborhood, patrons, students and teachers of the academy, and members present of the presbytery of kiamichi, do hereby unite in adopting the following resolutions: first. that the announcement of his resignation brings to us profound grief and disappointment, as it takes from among us a friend and brother bound to us by many unusual and lasting ties. second. that we lose in rev. r. e. flickinger, the founder of the new and the real oak hill industrial institution, through the accomplishment of the following achievements, during his administration: when he re-opened the doors of this academy seven and a half years ago, it had been closed for the year, and for months there seemed to be but little prospect it would be opened again. the evidences of neglect, decay and desertion were manifest on every hand. under his magic hand the school was re-opened, only a few students were enrolled the first term, but the piles of rubbish in every corner, and underbrush began to disappear, and one of the buildings was neatly painted by the boys. at this time the board did not own the land on which the buildings were located. after the removal of the restrictions in , the title to one small tract was promptly secured by purchase. a dozen other adjoining little tracts have since been added to this first one, as their purchase became possible and at their virgin price; so that now there belongs to this school, as a means of promoting its local support, the magnificent domain of acres of beautiful and valuable tillable lands of which about one-third is now cleared, enclosed and under cultivation. "enlargement and permanent improvement," became the watchwords of progress, when the title to the second tract was secured. upon this stable material basis there has been systematically organized and developed an important industrial institution, where boys and girls are trained not only in the great fundamentals of the best intellectual and moral culture, but also in the essential industrial arts of life. the accomplishment of these results has cost the superintendent an indescribable amount of toil and labor. his great staying powers and ingenuity were taxed to their utmost, when, in quick succession, the two largest buildings were suddenly destroyed by unexpected fires, that left nothing but ashes and discouraged friends. the testimony that he has proved himself capable of overcoming these staggering losses appears in the temporary boys hall, an addition to the academy building after the first fire in , and in the large and commodious new building, bearing the name "elliott hall" of which he enjoys the honor of having been its architect and builder, through the labors of the students and the teachers of the academy; and, in this creditable student body of well trained young people. third. in grateful recognition of his unusual patience and perseverance, his unceasing toil and never failing interest, his self denying generosity and for his noble, manly exemplary christian life, we tender to him our heartfelt lasting gratitude; and, enrolling his name among the worthy founders of oak hill industrial academy, shall enshrine it as one to be given to children's children, as the educator and organizer, who infused new life into this institution and greatly enlarged the scope of its work. fourth. that a copy of these resolutions be sent to the board of freedmen, to the interior, the valliant tribune and the times, fonda, iowa. phil. c. baird, chairman of meeting. a token of affection and regard from the students dear superintendent: i have been requested by the boys of this institution, to offer you a slight token of our affection and regard. i cannot tell you how delighted i am to be the means of conveying to you this expression of our united love. what we offer you is a poor symbol of our feelings, but we know you will receive it kindly as a simple indication of the attachment, which each one of us cherishes for you in our hearts. you have made our days and months pleasant to us. we know that we have often tried your patience and forbearance, but you have dealt gently with us in all our waywardness; teaching us by example as well as precept, the advantages of magnanimity and self control. we will never forget you. we shall look back to this institution in after life; and, whenever memory recalls our school days, our hearts will warm toward you as they do today. i have been requested by my school mates, not to address you formally, but as a beloved and respected friend. in that light, dear superintendent, we will regard you. please accept our good wishes. may you always be as happy as you have endeavored to make your pupils; and may they--nothing better could be wished them--be always as faithful to their duties to others, as you have been in your duties to them. very truly yours, w. riley flournoy. in behalf of the boys of oak hill academy. an expression of gratitude from simon folsom, an elder of the forest church, who gave us very cordial co-operation, and whose voice, ringing with pleading eloquence and words of glad encouragement to the students, was frequently heard at the endeavor meetings or morning services, by the young people during term time: dear sir: i want to thank you for your interest, help and work among my people. i feel that you have done us a great service here. it is my prayer that god will reward you in time for all your services in labor, thought and interest. this is the plea of one whom you have been serving. july , . a friend, simon folsom. fruit bulletin the superintendent continued to have charge of the improvement and other work of the academy and farm, until the first of october; publishing in the mean time the last issue of the freedman's friend in september; and, remaining during the month of october, prepared and published a bulletin entitled, "approved fruits for southern oklahoma." the aim of the author, in preparing and publishing this fruit bulletin, was to furnish a short and reliable text book on horticulture, for use in the academy; and to supply the patrons of the institution, the information they were needing, to enable them to secure, when making their first investments, profitable early, medium and late, fruit-bearing varieties of trees for a small home orchard on their respective allotments. farewell the farewell words of the superintendent, briefly summarized, appeared as follows in the last issue of the freedman's friend: with the sending forth of this issue of the oak hill freedman's friend, rev. r. e. flickinger lays aside the mantle of service, as superintendent of the academy and farm, and cordially commends rev. w. h. carroll, his successor, to the confidence and esteem of all the patrons and friends of the institution. the opportunity afforded here during the last eight years, to engage in the educational work among the colored people of our beloved land, has been the realization of an earnest desire awakened in the early part of our ministry, but not expressed until the opening occurred at this place. the silent but deeply impressive cry of need, the golden opportunity to lay the foundation for the organization and development of an important industrial educational institution in this new section of country, and the cordial co-operation of local ministers, teachers, patrons and friends, have combined to make this work throughout, intensely interesting. it has enlisted our noblest and best powers of mind, heart and hand. the constant probability that our term of service would at best be brief, and the desire to accomplish the greatest possible results, have proved an incentive to incessant industry. when difficulties increased, they served as a signal to go forward more earnestly. we have done what we could to add our mite, most, effectively, to the great educational work needed in this south land. that which has been done, has been due to the constant and cordial co-operation of our board of missions for freedmen, and of the immediate patrons and friends of the institution. it remains, that we express to you all our lasting gratitude, for your cordial co-operation, and for the present, say, farewell! "god bless you, till we meet again." very truly, r. e. flickinger. part iii history ... of the ... presbytery of kiamichi ... and the ... synod of canadian "my church is the place, where the word of god is preached, the power of god is felt, the spirit of god is manifested and the unity of god is perceived." "there, i am to meet my saviour, to meditate on his redemption, to listen to his commands, to bow in reverence before him, to pray for his guidance, to sing his praise, to ask for his help, and to sit quietly in his house." "it is the home of my soul, the altar of my devotion, the hearth of my faith, the center of my affections and the foretaste of heaven." "i have united with it in solemn covenant, pledging myself to attend its services, to pray for its members, to give to its support, to obey its laws, to protect its name, to reverence its building, to honor its officers and to maintain its permanence." "it claims the principal place in my activities, and its unity, peace and progress, concern my life in this world and that which is to come."--f. hyatt smith. xli the presbytery of kiamichi constituted in .--organized at grant.--boundary enlarged in .--report in .--growth, to .--dearth of ministers.--favorite sons.--new era. "neglect not the gift which was given thee, with the laying on of the hands of the presbytery."--paul. the ministers and group of churches, that first formed the presbytery of kiamichi, belonged originally to the presbytery of choctaw; which included the territory allotted in to the choctaw nation, comprising the southeast one-fourth of indian territory, after the establishment of oklahoma territory in . constituted by synod the synod of indian territory, at the meeting held at south mcalester, oct. - , , in response to an overture for division from the presbytery of choctaw, established the new presbytery by the adoption of the following resolutions: st. that the choctaw presbytery be divided into two presbyteries, according to the following geographical boundaries: first, beginning at durant on the m. k. & t. railroad, east on the th parallel to the arkansas line, thence south to the texas line, thence west with the texas line (red river) to the m. k. & t. railroad, thence north with the m. k. & t. railroad to durant, the starting point; this presbytery to be known as the presbytery of tuskaloosa, and to embrace the following churches now within its bounds: st. paul, oak hill, bethany, forest, beaver dam, hebron, sandy branch, new hope, oak grove and mt. gilead-- ; and to embrace the following ministers, now members of the presbytery of choctaw: rev. e. g. haymaker, (white) rev. e. b. evans, (white) rev. wiley homer, rev. j. h. sleeper, and rev. samuel gladman-- . nd. that the presbytery of tuskaloosa meet at beaver dam (grant) on the saturday before the third sabbath in november, , at o'clock a.m. and be opened with a sermon by rev. e. g. haymaker, or in his absence, by the oldest minister present, who shall preside until a new moderator is elected. organized at grant the first meeting of this new presbytery was held at grant, in the beaver dam church of which rev. wiley homer was pastor, nov. - , , seven months after the death of parson stewart, who had organized and developed all these churches. the meeting was opened with a sermon by rev. edward g. haymaker, superintendent of oak hill academy, clear creek; and he was chosen to serve as the first stated clerk. the first annual report, april , , showed an enrollment of ministers, churches and communicant members. the name of the choctaw church at wheelock, garvin, p. o. was included in this report, and richard d. colbert was enrolled as a licentiate and appointed stated supply of new hope and sandy branch churches. the name given this new presbytery, which was the name of a county and county seat town in alabama, was not entirely satisfactory to those, who were included in it; and in making their first report to synod in the fall of , they requested the name be changed to mountain fork, the name of a branch of little river, that flows from the east end of kiamichi mountain. while this matter was under discussion at synod the name of the principal river flowing through the bounds of the presbytery, "kiamichi," (ki a mish ee) signifying "where you going," was suggested by rev. wiley homer; and it was approved both by the synod and presbytery. the roll of the presbytery, at the time of its first report in the spring of , included two choctaw churches, namely, oak grove at grant, and wheelock, having and members respectively. during this year oak grove was disbanded and dropped; and wheelock, becoming vacant, was transferred to the presbytery of choctaw; rev. evan b. evans, its last pastor, having gone to mulhall, in the presbytery of oklahoma. bethany, a colored church previously reported as having members was also dropped. these changes reduced the presbytery to one consisting entirely of colored churches and of colored ministers, with the single exception of rev. e. g. haymaker, superintendent of oak hill academy, who was engaged in the educational work among them. the annual report for , the first one under the new name, "kiamichi" that included only colored churches, shows that the presbytery then consisted of ministers, e. g. haymaker, wiley homer, john h. sleeper and samuel gladman; licentiates, william butler and r. d. colbert; and churches, oak hill, ; mount gilead, ; saint paul, ; beaver dam, ; hebron, ; new hope, ; sandy branch, ; and forest, ; having members and sunday school members. boundary enlarged in may , when the general assembly at columbus, ohio, united and rearranged the synods and presbyteries of the presbyterian and cumberland churches, after the union of their assemblies at des moines the previous year, the boundary of the presbytery of kiamichi was defined as follows: the presbytery of kiamichi shall consist of all ministers and churches of the negro race in that part of the synod of oklahoma, lying south of the south canadian river, and south of the arkansas river, below the point of confluence of these two rivers.--min. g. a., , . the north half of oklahoma was included in the presbytery of rendall, then established and two men rev. burr williams and rev. david j. wallace, who had been members of kiamichi, since were transferred to it. in the colored presbyterian ministers and churches in east texas were added to the presbytery of kiamichi. these included rev. j. a. loving, m. d., and the mount zion church, at jacksonville, texas; and rev. j. m. mckellar and the mount olivet church at rusk, texas. annual report in in , the presbytery included ministers and churches as follows: s. m s. i o s f m m s f s e e e i e u l m m o r s p d b b n i e p minister address church e e e a n l o r r r r g f r s s s y s t wiley homer, h. r. grant, okla. robert e. flickinger, h. r. rockwell city, iowa [ ]samuel gladman, ev. eufaula, okla. thomas k. bridges lukfata, okla. mt. gilead $ $ william butler eagletown, okla. st. paul millerton, okla. forest lukfata, okla. pleasant valley richard d. colbert grant, okla. hebron william j. starks garvin, okla. garvin william h. carroll valliant, okla. oak hill noah s. alverson griffin, okla. ebenezer plant s. meadows shawneetown, okla. mt. pleasant millerton, okla. bethany samuel j. onque grant, okla. beaver dam julius w. mallard frogville, okla. new hope frogville, okla. sandy branch pleasant hill, v j. a. loving jacksonville, texas mt. zion j. m. kckeller-- rusk, texas mt. olivet-- --------------------- $ $ these churches now represent elders; members, and sunday school members. they contributed $ . to our missionary boards and $ . , towards self-support. at the next meeting of the synod in the fall of , the two ministers and churches in texas were transferred to the presbytery of white river, arkansas. other ministers and churches, that have been enrolled as members or a part of this presbytery, and their names have not yet been mentioned, were as follows: rev. thomas c. ogburn, who in and served beaver dam, new hope and hebron. rev. william g. ogburn, who in , served saint paul and mount gilead. rev. burr williams, who from to served conwell chapel at springvale, and from to , served mount zion at monger, o. t. rev. david j. wallace, langston, in , and in at okmulgee, ok. ter. rev. hugh l. harry, new hope at frogville in and . succession of stated clerks edward g. haymaker, clear creek, nov. , - . john h. sleeper, frogville, - . thompson k. bridges, lukfata, - . samuel gladman, millerton - . william j. starks, garvin, - . exhibit of growth, to the following exhibit shows the comparative growth of the work among the colored people of the choctaw nation in indian territory, the summaries commencing with the results of the work as left by parson charles w. stewart, when he was honorably retired from further active service among the churches, on account of the infirmities of age, in , from beaver dam, new hope, hebron, st. paul, and mount gilead, and in , from oak hill and forest. the report for is the first one of the new presbytery of kiamichi to include only colored churches. church address stewart date of members in began organi- services zation beaver dam grant hebron messer new hope frogville st. paul eagletown mt. gilead lukfata oak hill valliant forest millerton sandy branch sawyer ebenezer griffin bethany millerton garvin garvin pleasant valley lukfata mount pleasant shawneetown pleasant hill ------------------------ total in oklahoma ( ) mount zion jacksonville, texas mount olivet rusk, texas ---- total in presbytery dearth of ministers this exhibit shows that the membership of the churches, when relinquished by parson stewart in and , numbered , and in , when the presbytery under the name "kiamichi" made its first report, including only colored churches, the number was ; suggesting a gain of members by his successors in years. if, however, the members at sandy branch be taken from the column, it shows the churches served by stewart, gained only members during all those eight years. this lack of growth, during this important period, was in great measure due to the fact most of the churches were left vacant, during a considerable part of that period. thirty years had passed since the people had been accorded their freedom, but so great had been the lack of educational facilities, a sufficient number of acceptable men, that could read and expound the scriptures profitably to others, could not be found. other communities throughout the south were experiencing the same need, and had no young men to spare for these needy fields. favorite sons become ministers it devolved upon each community to solve this problem, relating to the supply of ministers, by encouraging their own brightest and best boys to train for the ministry. that was the way this problem had to be solved by the choctaw freedmen in the south part of indian territory. while the native young men were under training, and the churches were vacant, the services had to be maintained by the elders and most capable women; and they deserve great credit for their faithfulness and efficiency in maintaining them from year to year. the church, that during this period made the greatest gain-- members--was beaver dam, the one that was first to furnish from its own membership, an acceptable and capable minister for its own pulpit, by commending wiley homer for licensure in , when he was appointed the stated supply for that church and hebron. in the same church presented richard d. colbert, another of its sons for licensure that he might take charge of the church at frogville and sandy branch. eagletown presented william butler, as their favorite son, for licensure; and beginning then, he is still serving that church and forest. in , ebenezer church at griffin presented noah s. alverson for licensure, and beginning then, he is still faithfully serving that field. in , mount gilead church at lukfata presented for licensure john richards, a youth of considerable promise, who died at , in june , while pursuing his studies under the superintendent of oak hill academy. under the ministry of these native youth, aided by several others who have joined them, the membership of the presbytery was increased from to ; or, nearly doubled, during the period from to , and five new churches have been organized. parson stewart, serving all his seven churches life-long periods, and these favorite sons, following loyally and faithfully in his footsteps, have greatly honored the permanent pastorate, though none of them have ever been installed. in this matter of long pastorates, these ministers and people have made a record, worthy of the emulation of the church at large; especially those congregations that seem to take pride in having "itching ears" and the consequent doom of standing vacant and idle half the time, and those perambulating ministers, who remind one of the proverb of the "rolling stone that gathers no moss." new era requires that preachers be teachers on the other hand it is proper to note, that, commencing with parson stewart all of these worthy men were licensed and ordained to the full work of the gospel ministry, after taking a very "short course" of educational training. this was due to the fact they were needed to meet an emergency, an unexpected and unusual condition, that called for immediate action. the extraordinary call, these men were encouraged to accept, came to them during the territorial days, when there was no adequate provision for public education. they were then abreast of their times, and the very best their several communities could furnish. now the times are different. the change came with the allotment of lands in and , followed by statehood in and the establishment of a public school system immediately afterwards. public schools are now found in every community, where there are a sufficient number of pupils to justify the employment of a teacher. the demand for good teachers is now greater than the supply, and with passing years the call will be for better ones. there are many reasons now, why every candidate for licensure should first prove himself to be an acceptable and successful teacher, as well as a good speaker. teaching is now, and for many years will continue to be, the secondary employment of the colored minister in the rural districts. recognizing that fact, every future candidate for the ministry should be animated with the noble ambition, to stand at the front in the teacher's profession, in order that there may be a constant demand for his services as a teacher, in the community he serves as a preacher. more ministers are needed, and promising young men, in every community, should be encouraged to train for that sacred office. the church is standing ready to co-operate with them, in their effort to secure a good and thorough education, as a fitting preparation for their future work. "go and teach" is a divine call to a noble work, but "go and preach," is recognized as a divine call to a still nobler and greater work, as the bible and its mission are greater than that of any other book. a greater work suggests the need of greater preparation. the extraordinary incidents of the past were not intended to be regarded as precedents, or as a rule for the future. the time is now at hand when all, who present themselves to the presbytery, before they have graduated from the grammar department, or th grade of a well accredited school, should be enrolled and held merely as "candidates for the ministry," until they have completed their studies to that extent, before "licensure to preach" is accorded to them. ordination should ordinarily be deferred, until the licentiate has completed the theological course prescribed for all in the standards of the church. young men are frequently impatient to enter upon their ministerial life work. they do not always know, that expert or thorough training in youth, doubles their value in the activities of life; and that this is especially true of the teacher and preacher. [ ] died, eufaula, january , , at . xlii histories of churches "i was glad when they said unto me, let us go into the house of the lord."--david. "there's a church in the valley by the wildwood no lovelier spot in the dale; no place is so dear to my childhood, as the little brown church in the vale." beaver dam church the early history of the beaver dam presbyterian church at grant carries us back to the year , when wiley homer, one of the enterprising young men of the community, built an arbor in the timber, and held the first religious meetings among the colored people of that neighborhood. parson c. w. stewart, of doaksville, the next year held occasional services in the arbor, and in secured the erection of the first house of worship. it was built of saplings, and at the place previously occupied by the arbor. wiley homer continued to serve as leader of the regular sabbath meetings, when the parson was not present. in the church was organized with the following persons as original members: wiley homer, laney homer, his wife, louisa roebuck, martha folsom, amy walton, adaline shoals, rhoda larkins.-- . wiley homer was the only elder ordained at that time. a year or two later, richard roebuck, and in richard d. colbert and wellington bolden (died ) were ordained. wiley homer and richard d. colbert continued to serve as elders until they were ordained to the full work of the gospel ministry in and , respectively. the elders in are as follows: william goff, ordained aaron green, ordained wiley brown, ordained walter mcculloch, ordained others that served as elders were: nick colbert, to peter nolan to moses folsom till death, the succession of pastors has been as follows: parson c. w. stewart, doaksville to , years thomas c. ogburn, goodland to years wiley homer, grant to years samuel j. onque, grant to date the comfortable and spacious chapel, now occupied by the congregation, was built in during the pastorate of wiley homer, the god-fearing cowboy, who years before had built the arbor in the timber. new hope church at frogville the new hope presbyterian church at frogville, choctaw county, was organized about by parson charles w. stewart, who had conducted occasional services in this neighborhood for some time previous. the first elders were elias radford, who died in after years of faithful service, and james pratt, who, after years of faithful official service, is still living ( ) in his own cozy cottage home near the church. in the interest of the church, which is located in the oak forest, along red river southeast of hugo, and still fifteen miles from railway, he has from the first been the principal host, to receive and entertain the frogville circuit-riders, as in the days of stewart and homer; and provided rooms in his own home for the resident ministers as in the days of sleeper, harry and starks. when the presbytery meets at frogville, he generously plans to entertain about one half the people that are present from a distance. the good he has already accomplished, by his faithful, life-long service in the church and sunday school, make him worthy to be long and gratefully remembered, as one of the noblest and most generous benefactors in the community in which he lives. others that have been ordained and are still serving as ruling elders in this church are willis buffington, ordained sept. , ; and garfield pratt, son of james, april , . the succession of pastors of the new hope church has been as follows: charles w. stewart, doaksville -- . thomas c. ogburn, goodland -- . wiley homer, grant -- . samuel gladman, atoka -- . richard d. colbert, grant -- . john h. sleeper, frogville -- . hugh l. harry, frogville -- . william j. starks, frogville -- . julius w. mallard, frogville since jan. , . wiley homer, an elder and catechist in the beaver dam church at grant, as an aid to parson stewart conducted most of the services during his last two years, to . this church in reports members and in the sunday school. in all probability it was the second church organized by parson stewart. st. paul church, eagletown in , parson charles w. stewart of doaksville began to hold occasional religious services in the colored settlement at eagletown, and saint paul presbyterian church was organized in . rev. charles copling, a missionary to the choctaws also conducted an occasional service among the colored people, during the year preceding the organization of the church. the elders ordained at the time of organization were elijah butler, primas richards and solomon pitchlyn. in william butler was ordained to supply the vacancy, occasioned by the removal of elijah butler, and primas richards to lukfata, where they became that year two of the first elders of the mount gilead church. william butler continued to serve as an elder until , when, as a licentiate of the presbytery, he became the stated supply of st. paul and forest presbyterian churches. shepherd riley served a number of years as an elder of this church. those serving as elders in are calvin burris, monroe lewis, george burris and adam lewis. the ministers serving saint paul have been: parson charles w. stewart to . william g. ogburn to . john h. sleeper to . william butler to date, . william butler, a favorite son and elder of this church, continuing to serve it acceptably in the pastorate ever since he was made a licentiate in connection with forest has made a very noble record. he is a pastor who has acquired the art of emphasizing in a very pleasant way the word "come." "oh, come to the church in the wildwood, to the trees where the wild flowers bloom; where the parting hymn will be chanted, we will weep by the side of the tomb. "from the church in the valley by the wildwood, when day fades away into night; i would fain from this spot of my childhood, wing my way to the mansions of light. "come to the church in the wildwood, oh, come to the church in the vale, no spot is so dear to my childhood as the little brown church in the vale." mount gilead church, lukfata the mount gilead church at lukfata was organized july , , by a committee of the presbytery of choctaw, consisting of rev. john edwards, superintendent of wheelock academy, and elder charley morris, a choctaw. the members enrolled on this date were: elijah butler and amanda butler, his wife; elisha butler and vina butler, his wife; easter butler, francis butler, jane butler, francis burris, daniel burris, kate burris, primas richards, rhoda butler, nelson butler and adaline butler.-- . elijah butler and elisha butler, his son, and primas richards were elected and ordained as the first elders. on jan. , , matthew richards was ordained an elder. this church was called "mount gilead," the home of the prophet elijah, in honor of elijah butler, one of the first elders, who, having served a few years as one of the first elders of saint paul church, conducted the first religious meetings among the colored people, that led to the organization of this presbyterian church at lukfata. parson charles w. stewart held occasional services in the neighborhood of lukfata, two or three years before the church was organized in , and then continued to be its monthly supply during the next five years. in it was grouped with st. paul church at eagletown and supplied by rev. william g. ogburn from that place. from to it was supplied by rev. john h. sleeper, who then moved to frogville. from to it was served by rev. samuel gladman, who then took charge of bethany near wheelock. rev. thompson k. bridges, after serving and organizing ebenezer church at lehigh the previous year, located at lukfata in the fall of , and has been the local teacher and regular supply of the church, since that date, a period of eleven years. xliii parson charles w. stewart doaksville, - . "a soldier of the cross, a follower of the lamb, who did not fear to own his cause, or blush to speak his name." this pioneer circuit rider of the choctaw freedmen came forth from a period of slavery, to the choctaw indians in the wilds of indian territory, that covered the first years of his life. his home was afterwards located near the kiamichi river, seven miles west of doaksville. he grew to manhood and always lived in an unimproved, sparsely settled timber country in an obscure and inaccessible corner of the world. taking john the baptist, as his ideal of a good christian worker, he became the leading herald of the gospel message to his people, first in the valley of the kiamichi, and then going forth in every direction in the larger valley of red river, he established a monthly circuit of preaching stations, that included the most thickly settled neighborhoods of the colored people in the territory, now included in choctaw and mccurtain counties. like john, he seems never to have sat before a camera long enough to leave the world his portrait, and, though serving faithfully as a minister more than years he never enjoyed the privilege and pleasure of attending a meeting of the general assembly. judging him, however, by the results of his work, the circle of churches established and acceptably served for an unusually long period of years, and the number of talented young men, whom he discovered, in the communities visited, and enthused with the longing desire and ambition to become leaders of their race especially useful and efficient teachers and preachers of the gospel, he proved himself worthy to be rated as one of the most aggressive and successful of the early leaders of his race. "a man he was to all the country dear, remote from towns he ran his godly race, nor ever changed, nor wished to change his place." period of slavery, - charles w. stewart was a native of alabama, and, at the age of ten in , was transported with the choctaws, to whom as a slave he belonged, to the southeastern part of indian territory. john homer was then his master, and he located about three miles northeast of the present town of grant, his first marriage occurred, while he was serving homer. the wedding of one of homer's daughters occurred a few years later, and his wife was assigned to serve in the home of the newly married daughter. she located in a distant part of the reservation, and he was thus deprived of his first wife, charlotte homer. charles stewart, a white man, keeping store at doaksville, soon afterwards became his owner, and his previous name, "homer" was then changed to "stewart", after the name of his new master. about the year , samson folsom, a choctaw who lived eight miles southeast of old goodland, became his new and last owner. period of freedom, - he began to hold religious meetings as early as , when he belonged to stewart, and lived at doaksville. mrs. stewart, who had been a missionary teacher, encouraged him to learn to read and furnished him with books for that purpose. rev. cyrus kingsbury, pastor of the choctaw church, gave him the instruction in the bible, that fitted him for the work of the ministry, and accorded to him the privilege of holding meetings in the church, for his people, on occasional sabbath afternoons. he was accorded ordination by the presbytery of indian (southern) in the fall of , and was then officially assigned the pastoral care of the congregations he had previously developed at doaksville and its vicinity, and at wheelock, or oak hill. he greatly appreciated the recognitions accorded to him by the presbytery, which had previously given him a license to preach; and he endeavored to magnify his office, as an evangelist, by going to the "regions beyond," as fast as the door of opportunity opened for him. during the early sixties he gathered new congregations for worship at his home on the folsom farm and in the horse prairie neighborhood. the oak hill appointment was established soon after he was accorded his freedom. during the year , the evangelistic work among the freedmen in indian territory, was voluntarily transferred by the southern to the northern presbyterian church, with the conviction the latter was better prepared to successfully prosecute it. at the time of this transfer charles w. stewart was enrolled as an ordained minister and designated as the stated supply of the following organized churches: beaver dam, hebron, new hope, oak hill and st. paul. during the next two years three more of his appointments, mt. gilead, forest and horse prairie were enrolled, as the fruit of his labors, and added to his circuit. at this early date he had also a preaching station at caddo near durant, and the distance across his circuit of appointments, from caddo eastward to st. paul at eagletown, was miles. in when the synod of indian territory was formed by the union of three presbyteries having ministers, his circuit included of the churches that were then enrolled. he continued to serve all of these churches four more years. previous to this latter date, , he was the first and only presbyterian minister that preached the gospel to the colored people of indian territory. during that period, he laid the foundation for most of the churches, that are now enrolled in the presbytery of kiamichi and give employment to a half dozen ministers. he was now advanced in years and beginning to feel the infirmities of age. he relinquished, in favor of two new men from a distance, all of his circuit of churches, except oak hill and forest, which he continued to serve three more years, or until . he was then at the age of honorably retired by the presbytery, after a long and remarkably successful career in the gospel ministry. circuit of churches the following exhibit of the churches he established and served is as nearly correct as it is possible at this date to make it. post office church services church work members years began organ- dropped of ized by service stewart doaksville pine ridge caddo horse prairie ? wheelock oak hill goodland hebron frogville new hope ? ? ? grant beaver dam eagletown st. paul lukfata mt. gilead wheelock forest ---- about , he moved to a home near forest church, and died there at , april , ; after an aggressive ministry of more than twenty-five years after his licensure, which had been preceded by nearly ten years of earnest volunteer service for the betterment of his people. he was buried in the crittenden grave yard. he left three children, the offspring of his marriage to catherine perry, namely, thomas, betty married to benjamin roebuck, and harriet, married to rev. pugh a. edwards. in , after the death of catherine, he married the widow of jeffers perkins, and she died at in , survived by seven of twelve children by her first marriage, namely, charles and louis perkins, mrs. r. d. arnold, fredonia allen, virginia williams (d. ), fidelia murchison and jane parrish. characteristics as a preacher charles w. stewart was a man of medium height and rather stout build. the rugged features of his face suggested a man, possessing strong and sturdy elements of character. he grew to manhood under circumstances and changes that made an early education impossible. his education, which was very limited was acquired by the private study of a primer, catechism, bible and other books, furnished him by mrs. stewart, his real owner, and, rev. cyrus kingsbury (d. ). parson stewart was a faithful christian worker, who did not become weary in well doing. he made his long journeys on horseback. he endeavored to arrive at his monthly appointments the previous day so as to have time for the discipline or reinstatement of wayward members, or hold an evangelistic meeting. he manifested so much of hopeful enthusiasm in his work that he seemed unmindful of the loneliness and wearisomeness of the long journeys in the wilderness and regarded it merely as a passing incident, when he had to spend a day or even a night in the timber, waiting for the overflow of flooded streams to subside, so he could safely ford them. he was an aggressive christian worker. he strived to preach the gospel, "not where christ was named, lest he should build upon another man's foundation," but, as it is written, "to whom he was not spoken of they shall see, and they that have not heard shall understand." he was on the alert to hear the cry of macedonia, "come over and help us," and he was always ready to enter and hold a new field while his strength lasted. when he was licensed, all the land of the choctaw nation seemed to be spread out before him, as his field of effort, as the land of canaan was before joshua, when the lord encouraged him to be "strong, very courageous and possess it," for his people. he knew he had the "book of the law," that his people needed and his whole nature seemed to be enthused with the promise, "every place that the sole of your foot shall tread upon, that have i given unto you." his ambition, to carry the message of gospel light and liberty into new settlements of his people, was limited by the necessity laid upon him, to continue to serve those he had already acquired. he was an enthusiastic presbyterian. he frequently delighted, as well as instructed the people, by explaining to them the bible, by repeating familiar portions of the shorter catechism and confession of faith. these were his most familiar and best commentaries on the bible. he encouraged the elders, to become leaders of meetings, and teachers of the people, by maintaining regular sabbath services, for the study of the bible and catechism, to promote their spiritual welfare. he was a forceful and acceptable preacher. in his later years he was sometimes slow in finding the hymn, scripture lesson and text. but when he found the hymn, it was always one the people could sing, and in leading them with his own powerful voice, he needed neither tuning fork or organ accompaniment. he read the scripture with such a variety of emphasis, as to awaken the desire to catch every word. in the delivery of his message he manifested so much sincerity and earnestness, that every one felt he was speaking to them "direct from the shoulder." he grew in favor with the people. he held, to the end of his life-long ministry, the love and affection of the people, whom he served. he saw their need of teachers and preachers, and encouraged the young people in every neighborhood, to prepare themselves to supply that need. as a direct result of his personal influence and encouragement, wiley homer, richard d. colbert, william butler, elisha butler, simon folsom and others came to be recognized, as efficient bible teachers and religious leaders, in their respective settlements. acceptable and permanent preachers could not be found, for the group of churches from which stewart retired in , until homer, colbert and butler were licensed, and two churches assigned to each of them. the worthy veteran lived long enough to see wiley homer licensed in and become his successor at beaver dam and hebron, the other two were licensed in , the year after he "entered into the joy of his lord." it was not until this year, when, john h. sleeper continuing to serve mt. gilead, william butler became his successor at st. paul and forest, and r. d. colbert was assigned new hope and sandy branch, that all of the churches in the circuit of stewart had regular supplies. he was a real pioneer "circuit rider," who has left the good impression of his personal work, upon the colored people of a large section of country and of him it may well be said: "this man never preached for money, if he did he never got it; he had some faults, but more virtues: he was conscientious and devoted, persevering and determined; long his name will be remembered." "he was a faithful circuit rider--though a slave in his youth; his artless earnest sermons were the simple tale of truth, how the son of god who loved us, left a scepter, crown and throne, all the joys of highest heaven, to go, seek and save his own." "soldier of christ, well done! praise be your new employ, and while eternal ages run rest in the saviour's joy." the opportunity to prepare the foregoing tribute to the memory of charles w. stewart, and give it an historic setting in this volume, has been greatly appreciated by the author. rising above the limitations of his condition as a slave, during the first half of his natural life, he consecrated himself to the betterment of his race and thus, under the most unfavorable circumstances, prepared himself for the wider field and greater opportunities, that came to him with the dawn of freedom. this story of noble achievement by one of their own number, is well worthy of long and careful preservation; that it may thrill to noble endeavor, the present and future generations of the choctaw freedmen. "let us labor for the master, from the dawn till setting sun; let us talk of all his wondrous love and care, then, when all of life is over, and our work on earth is done, and the roll is called up yonder, we'll be there." xliv rev. wiley homer "patience and perseverance will perform great wonders." it has been said, "some men are born great, some have greatness thrust upon them, while others achieve greatness." many, however, who have inherited a great name, wealth or power have failed to meet the expectation of their parents and friends. when, therefore, any one, reared in the home of poverty and educated in the school of "hard knocks," rises above the unfavorable limitations of his surroundings and achieves a noble career of eminent usefulness in church or state, he merits commendation. the subject of this sketch is a good illustration of the self-made man. he inherited good lungs, a strong voice and a splendid physique. he is really a physical giant, his stalwart frame towering upward six feet, and tipping the beam at pounds. his erect and dignified movements have made him a commanding figure among his people. his constant endeavor to promote their best interests has made him a popular leader among them. a slave by birth and denied the privilege of books and papers, lest he should learn to read, his eager desire for knowledge led him to devise ways and means of self-education, to enable him to rise above the fetters that bound him in youth. his successful career as a minister of the gospel, serving the same people amongst whom he was born and raised during the entire period of his active ministerial life, was as unusual and worthy of special commendation, as it was long and useful. wiley homer was born march , , in the south part of the choctaw nation, known as the red river valley. his parents were isam mccoy and adaline shoals, who lived about three miles northeast of the present town of grant. as his parents were called after the family name of their masters, in accordance with the usual custom in slavery times, he was called "homer" after the name of his master, john homer, a full-blood choctaw. learning the alphabet his self-education began, when at fourteen, he was employed as a cowboy, to herd cattle on the little prairies and hunt them, when scattered through the timber. the timber was a general pasture for the cattle of everybody, and their ownership was told by the brand which consisted of the initial letters of the owner's names, burned on the hip, or back of each. it became necessary for him, to learn how to distinguish these brands, one from another, for he was sometimes asked to hunt the cattle of other people. to do this he began by drawing the outline of familiar brands in the dust or sand, where the ground was smooth, and then on slips of paper. in a short time, the list on the paper slips included the brand of every owner in the settlement, and nearly all the letters of the alphabet. a man once called on his employer, samson loring, to see if he could hunt his cattle. when asked if he could identify the new brand, "a. b.", he took a stick and, stooping down before them, drew the outline of these letters, in the loose sand of the road. on seeing this performance one remarked to the other, "that boy will make a smart nigger." that remark was a source of considerable encouragement to him, and awakened the desire, to take advantage of every opportunity to gain knowledge. learning to read when, at in , he was accorded his freedom he obtained a primer and first reader, and undertook to master these by private study. about four years later, a testament and shorter catechism were given him. he now had what was regarded as a good library for a young man and he applied himself to the reading and study of these books, in the evenings and other periods of spare time. the testament was frequently taken to the field when plowing, in order that he might learn to read a verse or two, while the team was resting, or get a neighbor, passing on the road, to read it for him. the reading of the testament soon awakened a desire to be a teacher and preacher, and this greatly increased his interest in the study of that book. he learned to sing from his mother, who greatly enjoyed whiling away spare hours on the sabbath, singing the songs they used to sing in slavery times. the only help of a teacher, that he enjoyed was a period of three months, to enable him to read the bible aloud correctly. this instruction was given only on sabbath afternoons, and for it he had to cut and split for the teacher oak rails. the man who built the arbor the story of the incidents, that prepared the way and providentially led him into the ministry, is as novel and interesting as the one relating to his method of learning the alphabet. when he had learned to read portions of the testament and catechism there were no meetings held in his neighborhood on the sabbath, for the religious instruction of the colored people. he had a good voice and loved to sing. he had experienced as much joy and delight in learning to read the bible, as many do, when they learn to play a musical instrument. he longed for an opportunity to read the bible for others. this yearning first took the form of a prayer, that god would provide for them a church or place for meeting. when this prayer had been offered a few times, at the foot of an oak tree in the timber he told others of his earnest desire for a church; and proposed to some friends, that they unite with him in building an arbor in the timber for a meeting place. this proposal was not taken very seriously, and yet none of his friends cared to oppose it. a day was finally appointed and all, who were interested, were requested to meet at the place selected for the arbor, and help to build it. on the morning of that day, he went alone to the appointed place, which was near the oak tree at the foot of which he had before knelt in prayer, and by noon he had cut and erected the frame. another friend arrived in the afternoon and assisted to cover it with branches of trees and supply it with seats. on the day following, which was the sabbath, the colored people of the neighborhood assembled to see the new arbor and enjoy a meeting. now it happened that no one present had ever led a meeting, and the first question to be settled was, "who should lead the meeting?" every one, that was asked to lead it, insisted, "the man who built the arbor" must serve as leader of the meeting. young homer accepted the situation and led the meeting in the best manner possible. the exercises consisted of a prayer, the reading of a familiar passage from the bible, some remarks by the leader and others, and the singing from memory of a few plantation melodies, such as "kentucky home," "swanee river", and "the angels are coming to carry me home." at the second meeting, which was held on the following sabbath, the people were formed into a class for instruction in the bible and catechism, and homer was chosen to be the leader. this was the organization of the sunday school for that neighborhood. at this meeting homer offered prayer the first time in the presence of others; and it happened in this way. when he called on the friend, who led in prayer at the first meeting to do so again, he politely declined, saying: "homer you lead in prayer, yourself." a teacher, elder and preacher this arbor, which was the tiny beginning of the beaver dam church, was built in , the year after he became of age. the next year this place was visited by rev. charles w. stewart, and it then became one of his regular monthly appointments. homer was again appointed bible teacher and leader of the meetings, on the other sabbaths. in a church house or meeting place was built of saplings, near the old arbor, that continued to be used for many years. in he was elected as the first elder of the church, and in was appointed a catechist. encouraged by these recognitions and duties he secured a good library of religious books including a bible dictionary and a webster. he read many of them with great profit, and was soon recognized as an intelligent and valuable instructor of the people. the bible and the shorter catechism, the one containing all of bible truth and the other, a brief compend of bible doctrine, were the two books that were studied most and proved most helpful. in he was licensed to preach by the presbytery of choctaw and assigned the pastoral care of beaver dam and hebron churches. on sept. , , by the same presbytery, meeting at oak hill academy, now known as the alice lee memorial, he was ordained to the full work of the gospel ministry. he continued to serve beaver dam, his old home church, until oct. , , when, after a pastorate of twenty years, he was honorably retired from the active work of the gospel ministry. in he secured the erection of a commodious chapel at grant that, during the next five years, served also as the most convenient place for holding the neighborhood school. after serving hebron about ten years on alternate sabbaths, in connection with beaver dam, he relinquished that field and served sandy branch and horse prairie, each a short period. when the presbytery of kiamichi met in the new chapel at grant, in april , he conducted the bible lesson for the entire sunday school, as had been his custom ever since the early days. the writer was pleasantly surprised and profoundly impressed, by his scholarly and highly instructive management of it, and the many useful, practical lessons he endeavored to impress. the power of the bible wiley homer is a good practical illustration of what the bible is intended to do for all men. if he were asked, what book, in the process of his self-education, had proved most valuable to him, he would unhesitatingly reply, "the bible." his prayer in regard to it has been that of david in the th psalm, "let my heart be sound in thy statutes," and his testimony, that of david in the th psalm, "the law of the lord is perfect, converting the soul; the testimony of the lord is sure making wise the simple. the statutes of the lord are right, rejoicing the heart, the commandment of the lord is pure, enlightening the eyes." if he were to name the next most helpful book, it would be, the shorter catechism, with the statement on its first page, that, "the chief end of man is to glorify god, and to enjoy him forever." the private study of the bible and catechism prepared him for life-long usefulness as a teacher, discovered to him and his people his divine call to the ministry and enabled him to do the most important work of his life. he has been a faithful and efficient teacher of these two books, but of these only, to all the people and, as a result, he has become recognized as their spiritual leader. the habit of private study, formed while learning to read the bible, fitted him to search for knowledge in other fields of literature, and he has thus become one of the most intelligent, highly respected and successful citizens of the community in which he lives. he has been an ardent friend and promoter of education among his people. when in , it was decided to make the school at oak hill an industrial institution, he donated two head of cattle to start the herd. he has ever since taken a personal interest in the welfare of that institution. during recent years, he has made one or two visits each year, for the purpose of delivering special lectures and sermons to the young people gathered there. he thus brought to them the encouragement of his own word and example, in solving the problems of their education and life-work. a commissioner to the general assembly, six times he has enjoyed the unusual distinction of having been chosen a commissioner and to have represented his presbytery in the general assembly, five times during the last fourteen years as a minister, and once before as a ruling elder, making six times in years. the times and places of these meetings were as follows: in , new york; in , minneapolis; in , philadelphia; in , los angeles; in , winona lake, ind.; in , atlanta, georgia. in attending these great meetings he has passed over the entire length and breadth of this land. to appreciate the unusual character of this privilege and honor it is merely necessary to state the fact, that the eminent man, who was chosen moderator of the assembly at atlanta in , rev. john timothy stone, d. d. of chicago, was attending the assembly on that occasion, the first time as a commissioner; and rev. charles w. stewart, the worthy founder of presbyterianism among the choctaw freedmen, never so much as got there once. these frequent voluntary recognitions, on the part of his brethren in the presbytery, suggest the power of leadership he has modestly, but always exercised among them. his brethren have found him a wise and prudent counselor, and an unselfish helper; and he has always been held in the highest esteem by them. a life-long leader of the church he founded he has been a man of strong and positive convictions and a persevering worker for the moral and spiritual uplift of his people. he learned from his own early experience as a slave, the trials and urgent needs of his people and, as the way became clear before him, he consecrated himself unreservedly to the promotion of their welfare. as a preacher he has emphasized the necessity of repentance and forgiveness of sins, willing obedience to all the commands of christ, and the joyous rewards of faithful service. as he surveys the progress of recent years, he sees the fulfilment of isaiah's prediction, "the people, that walked in darkness, have seen a great light, they that dwelt in the land of the shadow of death, upon them hath the light shined." thirty years have now passed, since he began to hold the ever memorable meetings, in the little arbor in the timber. ever since that date he has been the faithful bible instructor of all the people, during the lesson hour of the sunday school, and the resident pastor of the presbyterian church for twenty years. the cozy chapel, and the good congregation of happy christian people, that regularly meet there for worship and bible study, are visible reminders of his consecrated genius and unselfish devotion to the best interests of his people. "dare to do right, dare to be true, you have a work that no other can do." "since god is god and right is right, right the day shall win; to doubt would be disloyalty, to falter would be sin." wiley homer and laney colbert were married in and their family consisted of ten children, of whom five died in childhood and youth. those that are living are susan, mary shoals, hattie lewis, sarah williams and lincoln. in , after the death of laney, he married rhody tutt; and in , after her decease, lizzie homer. in october , he was granted by the presbytery, an honorable retirement from the performance of the public duties required of the active ministry. as the sunset of life approaches, and the shadows lengthen toward the closing day, he enjoys the consciousness of a well spent life, as a source of comfort and consolation to sustain and strengthen, until the recording angel shall proclaim, the gracious benediction, "well done good and faithful servant, enter thou into the joy of thy lord." haystack meeting the use of the shadow of the oak tree, and later of the arbor near it, as a place for prayer and worship, reminds one of the historic prayer meeting that was held near williamstown, in , when samuel j. mills, and four other students of williams college, newell, nott, hall and judson, met in the shadow of a haystack and united in prayer, that god would fit them and prepare the way for them to carry the gospel into heathen lands. after making two tours to the southwest as far as new orleans, distributing and selling bibles and organizing bible societies, mills made the suggestion, that led to the organization of the american bible society in new york, may , ; and to the synod of new york, the plan of educating negroes to carry the gospel to africa. in he was sent as a missionary to western africa, including sierra leone. he died on the homeward voyage and like his friend adoniram judson, who went to farther india and translated the bible for the burmese, was buried in the sea. xlv tributes to other ministers and elders butler.--colbert.--gladman.--bridges.--starks.--meadows.--and elders crittenden.--shoals.--folsom.--butler. "walk about zion and go round about her; tell the towers thereof. mark ye well her bulwarks, consider her palaces; that ye may tell it to the generation following."--david. rev. william butler "the kindly word, how far it goes along life's way! the kindly smile, how it lights up a sad, gray day; the kindly deed, how it repays the doer." --mary d. brine. rev. william butler (b. ), pastor of st. paul presbyterian church at eagletown, and of forest church near red river south of millerton, is a native of the community in which he still lives. his parents, abraham and nellie butler, were the slaves of pitchlyn and howell, choctaws; and william was about seven, when freedom was accorded the family in . his home and work as a minister until recently have been in localities remote from the railway and good schools. the short period of one and a half months was all the time he ever went to school. he learned to read by a regular attendance at sabbath school, and by private study at the fireside. the bible and the shorter catechism were the books that occupied his spare time and attention. as a natural result, he became a christian and united with the church at an early age. in , at the age of twenty-six, he was ordained an elder in the st. paul presbyterian church. he then began to read the bible to the congregation and to hold religious meetings. while preparing himself for the work then in hand, he was led to see the great need of more teachers and preachers for the colored people, and, believing he could render efficient service as a minister, he undertook a special course of reading and instruction under rev. john sleeper, his pastor, and later of rev. e. g. haymaker, superintendent of oak hill academy, instructors who lived and miles distant, respectively. in he was enrolled as a candidate for the ministry under the presbytery of choctaw, three years later he was licensed by the presbytery of kiamichi and appointed the stated supply of st. paul and forest churches. he has continued to serve these two congregations, faithfully and acceptably ever since that date, a period now of sixteen years. his ordination occurred in . other fields, that he developed and served for short periods are, bethany, two years; mount gilead, one year; and mount pleasant, one year. a winner of souls mr. butler is a man, who experienced a hard struggle in early life, in the effort to train himself for his life's work, as a minister and farmer. he has overcome many of these difficulties in a manner, that is very praiseworthy and commendable. he is a man, who carries with him a happy, hopeful spirit, and a countenance full of good cheer. seeing the need of a religious leader among the people of his home community, he decided to fit himself to supply that need, and has done so hitherto in an efficient and admirable manner. to win souls to christ and instruct them aright from the word of god, have been his aims during his ministry. he has been to the people an example in righteousness, and has labored with faith and zeal in the vineyard of the lord. his annual visits to oak hill academy during term time, were always anticipated with considerable interest. they were made the occasion for special evangelistic services, followed with an opportunity for decisions; and many times his heart was gladdened at the close of the sermon, by seeing more than a dozen of the young people manifest their decision to live a christian life. the people, whom he serves regularly, have shown their appreciation of his efficient and long continued work among them, by according to him a loyal and constant support. he has always lived in the wilderness far removed from the railway, notwithstanding the fact the frisco railway in passed through the country, lying between eagletown on the north and forest church on the south. he has always had a pony circuit, of two or more rural churches, widely separated. the faithful and acceptable service rendered these widely distant churches, makes him a good representative of the itinerant work of parson stewart, his pioneer predecessor. the following lines by hastings, are an appropriate prayer for all, who like bro. butler faithfully and patiently minister to those, who dwell in the wilderness. "o thou, who in the wilderness the sheep, without a shepherd, didst bless, oh, bless thy servants, who proclaim in every place thy wondrous name. "may voices in the wilderness, still with glad news the nations bless; and, as of old, in deserts cry, 'repent', god's kingdom draweth nigh." rev. richard d. colbert rev. richard d. colbert of grant, is one of the young men, enlisted in the work of the church, by parson stewart. he attended biddle university from october to june , three years, when he returned home, on account of impaired health. regaining his health after a few months, he became a teacher and taught school eleven years during the territorial period. in the spring of , he became a licentiate of the presbytery of kiamichi, and two years later was assigned the pastoral oversight of new hope and sandy branch churches. he was ordained in . most of his ministerial labors have been devoted to sandy branch and hebron churches, serving the latter until . as a result of accidents that happened in making the journey to the hebron church in , he experienced the loss of an eye and other injuries that resulted in total blindness in . he endeavored to make a good record as a teacher and preacher, and has served his generation faithfully. rev. samuel gladman rev. samuel gladman, who died jan. , , at eufaula, okla., was a native of westchester, chester county, pa. during the early seventies he went to western texas and engaged in teaching. sometime afterwards he was licensed and ordained to the work of the gospel ministry. in , when the presbytery of kiamichi was organized, he was enrolled as one of its charter members. he was then living at atoka. during the next year he served new hope and sandy branch churches, but continued to reside in atoka until , when he located at lukfata. three years later he took charge of bethany, near wheelock, and in , effected the organization of the church in the new town of garvin. in , he voluntarily resigned the work at bethany and the office of stated clerk of the presbytery, and located at eufaula. as a minister and life-long teacher, he rendered a very helpful service to the various communities, in which he lived and labored. rev. thompson k. bridges rev. thompson k. bridges, (b. dec. , ), lukfata, is a native of ellisville, jones county, miss. he grew to manhood and received his early education at claiborne, jasper county. later he attended the city school at meridian, and then took a course in theology at biddle university. he began to teach public school at the age of in , and taught fourteen years in mississippi. in , he located in indian territory, and has now taught sixteen years in oklahoma. in he was licensed to preach by the presbytery of catawba and in april was ordained by the same presbytery. his first ministerial labors were at griffin, indian territory, where in he effected the organization of the ebenezer church. the next year he continued to serve ebenezer, but located at lukfata, where he has since continued to serve as the stated supply of the mount gilead church, and teacher of the local school. he served two years, and , as stated clerk of the presbytery of kiamichi. mr. bridges has been a progressive teacher and minister. in his youth, he formed the habit of having a good book or paper always at hand to occupy his attention profitably, whenever he had a spare moment. that habit of private study in spare moments has enabled him to keep abreast of the times, and the changes that have taken place in recent years, by the addition of new branches of study to the public school course. ever since he began to render service to his people as a teacher, he has made a highly creditable record for efficiency and faithfulness. as he looks forward to the future it is full of hope and bright prospects. he has never ceased to be grateful, for the benevolent aid, generously furnished him by the presbyterian church and sunday school at purcell, okla., while he was pursuing his theological studies at biddle university. the persons, whose names are most associated with these grateful memories, are those of the pastor, rev. s. g. fisher, and two of the elders, mr. lotting and will blanchard. this generous aid, which made possible an education for the gospel ministry, has led the recipient ever since to feel, that he is under a special but very delightful obligation, to render to the church a faithful and efficient service, as long as he lives. rev. william j. starks the lord jesus, who brought to the world the glad tidings of the gospel often finds his messengers in strange or unexpected places; and leads them, in remarkable ways to the accomplishment of his purposes. no one can tell, what is going on in the mind of a young man, brought under the influence of the divine spirit; nor how deep the impressions, that may have been made upon the heart of those, who naturally seem most unlikely to become heralds of the gospel. william j. starks (born march , ), garvin, is a native of chambersburg, pennsylvania. after completing the grammar course in the public school of that place, he prepared for college under special teachers. the falling spring presbyterian church of that city, maintained a mission, that was attended by white and black. mr. j. m. mcdowell, a white lawyer, was the superintendent of this mission. his special interest was awakened in young starks, by the fact he committed the entire list of questions and answers in the shorter catechism, in one week after a copy was placed in his hands. the superintendent proposed, he undertake special studies under him as his teacher. in , he entered the college at lincoln university and graduated from it in , and from the theological department in . after one year spent in mission work at mercersburg, pa., he became in the stated supply of the new hope church at frogville, and in , also of sandy branch. on november , , he became the successor of rev. w. h. carroll at garvin. during his residence of seven years at frogville, he maintained a six months term of school every year in the chapel, serving the first five years as a mission teacher under our freedmen's board, and the last two as a teacher of public school. in september, , he was elected stated clerk of the presbytery of kiamichi, and is still serving in that capacity. in october, , he served as moderator of the synod of canadian at little rock, ark. rev. plant senior meadows plant senior meadows, (born feb. , ) shawneetown, is a native of lewis county, mo. at in , he was sold by the administrator of the cecil home, and a sugar planter at st. mary's parish, la., became his master. here he was employed at various kinds of mechanical work, until he was accorded his freedom, at in . mrs. cecil taught him to read, and during this early period, he made the best possible use of his spare moments, by reading all the good books that were available. as soon as he was free, he became a teacher and in connection with ministerial duties taught twenty-two years in texas, and since , in shawneetown, okla. on nov. , , he was licensed and in , ordained to the full work of the gospel ministry, by the a. m. e. church of texas. after years of faithful service in that church, which included a term as presiding elder, in he located within the presbytery of kiamichi, okla., and, becoming a member of it, was placed in charge of the presbyterian church at shawneetown. bethany and pleasant hill have since been added to his field. he has made a good record and is still doing splendid work at . oak hill pioneers henry crittenden, - . teena crittenden - . john ross shoals - . hattie crittenden shoals, - . henry crittenden and teena crittenden his wife, john ross shoals, his son-in-law and hattie c. shoals, his wife, all of whom were buried in the crittenden burying ground near the old crittenden pioneer home east of valliant, were four of the six original members of the oak hill church in . during the last years of the slavery period, they lived in the neighborhood of doaksville, and there enjoyed the occasional privilege of attending sabbath afternoon meetings for the colored people, in the choctaw presbyterian church. these meetings were at first conducted, by rev. cyrus kingsbury and mrs. charles stewart, wife of the storekeeper, and later by parson stewart. the instruction, given by the parson, consisted principally in reading selections from the bible and shorter catechism. the rest of the time was spent in singing familiar hymns and giving testimonies. they became presbyterians and formed a part of parson stewart's first congregation at that place. when they were accorded their freedom about the year , they chose their permanent location in the oak hill neighborhood, about fifteen miles eastward. parson stewart followed them, and began to hold occasional services at the home of henry crittenden. he became the first elder of the oak hill church, when it was organized in , and during the remaining years of his life rendered a zealous and faithful service. henry crittenden enjoyed the reputation of being a "master mechanic." during the slavery period, he was trained as a blacksmith, tinsmith and carpenter, and later acquired the art of repairing jewelry. soon after he located on the crittenden land, he built a shop. his intelligence and skill as a workman enabled him to attract customers from long distances. he was industrious and economical, and accumulated savings more rapidly than any of his neighbors. he was a firm believer in the bible and a regular attendant at church. he encouraged the establishment of the oak hill sunday school, of which j. ross shoals, his son-in-law in , became the first teacher. he furnished most of the materials for the first frame school house in the oak hill district in , and in , when it was used in the erection of a larger building near the "old log house" and since known as oak hill academy, he covered the deficit on the building estimated at $ . . [illustration: henry crittenden] [illustration: simon folsom] [illustration: elijah butler] [illustration: mrs. perkins stewart] [illustration: rev. c. l. perkins] [illustration: mrs. r. d. arnold] [illustration: johnson w. shoals] [illustration: james g. shoals] [illustration: isaac johnson] [illustration: matt and mrs. brown] [illustration: the teachers, photo by mottle hunter] he and parson stewart were the most influential of the choctaw freedmen, in securing the establishment of oak hill academy, as a training school for teachers. he manifested his joy, not only on the day of its lowly establishment by miss hartford in february , but at every successive enlargement of its work, while he lived. he knew better, than many of his fellow freedmen, the value of youthful training, and was enthusiastic in his zeal, to have every family far and near take advantage of its open door. an early teacher, who frequently heard him, writes: "he was a dear, good old man, a remarkable man in many ways. his ability to read was quite limited, but his voice was splendid for service in meetings." teena crittenden, his amiable wife, was as industrious and frugal in the home, as her husband, in the shop and on the farm. she was a devout christian, one that loved the bible and enjoyed the privilege of having a place at the meeting for prayer. she died at in , having outlived her husband four years. john ross shoals, in addition to the sabbath afternoon meetings at doaksville, took some additional night work, that fitted him to become the first sunday school teacher in the oak hill neighborhood in , and an efficient elder in the church. he died at in , leaving to hattie, his wife, the responsibility of raising and educating a family of nine children. hattie crittenden shoals inherited the industrious and religious traits of her parents, in or near whose home she always lived. she surpassed many of her people, in the intelligent forethought she manifested in all her plans, and in the ability to exercise a correct judgment of men and conditions. "i mean to have my children begin life, at a higher step than i did." this was an ambition oft expressed in the presence of her children. she succeeded in giving all of them a good education, by sending them first to oak hill and then to other institutions, including biddle university, scotia seminary, tuskeegee and the iowa state agricultural college. simon folsom simon folsom, one of the first elders of the forest presbyterian church is now one of the oldest living representatives of the slavery period. nancy brashears, his third and present wife, enjoys the distinction of having been the most influential of the early leaders in effecting the organization of that church. he became an elder in . after twenty-six years of faithful service under very unfavorable circumstances, he is still trying "to hold up for the faith." in he enjoyed the privilege of being one of the commissioners of the presbytery of kiamichi, and attended the meeting of the general assembly in philadelphia. many of the good things heard and fine impressions received on that occasion, have never been forgotten, and they have furnished him interesting themes, for many subsequent addresses. though unable to read, he quotes the bible as one very familiar with that sacred book. he inherited a good memory, that serves him well in public address, and he is always happy and ready when it comes his turn to "speak in meeting." his messages are always notes of joy and gladness, and the ebb and flow of his voice in prayer often seem like the chanting of a sacred melody. he was an ardent supporter of the oak hill school and two of his sons, samuel and david, both now deceased, were among the brightest and most promising, that have attended that institution. he has been for many years the coffin maker, for the people of his community, and both of these boys became skilled carpenters. samuel, after completing the grammar course at oak hill, spent two years - at biddle university and served one year as a teacher at oak hill. his skill as a workman and ability to serve as a foreman of the carpenters, made it possible for the superintendent in , to erect elliott hall by the labor of the students and patrons of the academy. both worked faithfully on this building and died soon after its completion, during the early months of . both were members and samuel an elder of the oak hill church.[ ] elijah butler elijah butler, lukfata, was an uncle of rev. william butler. he was one of the early leaders in christian work in what is now the northeast part of mccurtain county. in , when st. paul church was organized at eagletown, he was ordained as one of its first elders, and became an active christian worker. a few years later he moved to lukfata, and when the presbyterian church of that locality was organized, july , , he and his son, elisha butler, were chosen as two of the first elders of that church. elijah butler, like apollos of old, was a man, "fervent in spirit," and was teaching others of the people, what he knew of god and the bible, when parson stewart first visited the lukfata neighborhood. his zeal and faithfulness, in magnifying the call of god to him to be a christian leader among his people, suggested to them the propriety of naming their church, at the time of its organization "mount gilead," the home of the prophet, elijah, in his honor. as an elder and christian worker, he "kept the faith" and "finished his course with joy." [ ] simon died may , . xlvi the synod of canadian first meeting at oklahoma.--second at oak hill.--at garvin in .--an unintentional injustice.--grateful recognition.--women's synodical missionary society.--dependent condition of the churches.--unsympathetic isolation.--educational institutions.--popular meetings. "christ loved the church and gave himself for it; that he might sanctify and cleanse it with the washing of water by the word. that he might present it unto himself a glorious church."--paul. constituted in the following is the enabling act of the general assembly at columbus, ohio, may , , establishing the synod of canadian, to consist of the colored presbyterian ministers and churches in the states of arkansas and oklahoma. it is hereby enacted by the general assembly "that the synod of canadian is hereby erected and constituted, to consist of the presbyteries of white river, kiamichi and rendall; and the synod of canadian, as thus constituted, shall meet in the meeting place of the first colored presbyterian congregation in oklahoma city, on tuesday, the th day of october, , at : o'clock p.m.; that the rev. w. l. bethel shall preside until the election of a moderator, that the rev. w. d. feaster preach the opening sermon and that elder j. h. a. brazleton act as temporary clerk, until the election of a stated and permanent clerk." the assembly at this time enlarged the boundary of the presbytery of kiamichi so as to include the south half of the state of oklahoma and established the presbytery of kendall to include the north half of it, the canadian river, and below its mouth the arkansas river, forming the boundary line between them. it also enlarged the boundary of white river presbytery to include all the colored presbyterian ministers and churches in the synod, or state, of arkansas. first meeting at oklahoma the first meeting of the synod of canadian, was held in the colored methodist church of oklahoma city. the presbytery of kiamichi was represented by ministers and one elder, namely, rev. r. e. flickinger, and elder jack a. thomas, representing oak hill church at valliant, rev. w. h. carroll, garvin, and rev. t. k. bridges, lukfata. the presbytery of rendall was represented by rev. w. l. bethel of oklahoma, who served as moderator, john s. may of watonga; william t. wilson, reevesville; oscar a. williams, m. d. okmulgee; samuel j. grier, guthrie; and elder j. h. a. brazleton of oklahoma, who served as temporary clerk. the presbytery of white river was not represented by any ministers or elders. the oak hill church was also represented by miss malinda a. hall, representing the women's missionary and christian endeavor societies, and by solomon h. buchanan, representing the sunday school and oak hill aid society. at the first meeting, held on tuesday evening, oct. th, a special address was delivered by rev. william a. provine, d. d., representing the board of publication of the cumberland presbyterian church at nashville, tennessee. another visitor, who was present with him at this first meeting, also delivered a short address in behalf of the cause he represented. inasmuch as white river presbytery was not represented by a minister or elder, the sentiment prevailed, that those present did not form a quorum, and nothing further was done save to adjourn until the next morning. at the meetings held on wednesday morning and afternoon considerable indisposition to organize was manifested by most of those participating in the discussions, because the colored people had not been previously consulted as to their wishes, before the synod of canadian was established by the general assembly. as nothing further was accomplished the meeting was adjourned a third time. on wednesday evening oct. th, after a sermon by rev. r. e. flickinger, the synod of canadian was organized. kev. william l. bethel was elected moderator and elder j. h. a. brazleton, clerk. the principal business transacted was the enrollment of delegates, the arrangement of the standing committees and the appointment of a special committee, to prepare a set of standing rules to be submitted at the next meeting. second meeting at oak hill the second meeting of the synod of canadian was held at oak hill academy oct. - , . the presbytery of kendall was represented by rev. w. l. bethel, who delivered the opening sermon, and elder j. h. a. brazleton of oklahoma. the presbytery of white river was represented only by rev. w. a. byrd, ph.d., of cotton plant, ark., and he was elected moderator. rev. william h. carroll of garvin was elected stated clerk, after the adoption of the standing rules presented by rev. r. e. flickinger. the meetings, which included one in behalf of the women's work, were continued over sabbath. in the synod met at okmulgee, oklahoma. in it met at little rock, arkansas, and rev. w. j. starks of frogville served as moderator. at this meeting a resolution was adopted establishing a synodical women's missionary society by the appointment of mrs. c. s. mebane of hot springs, president, and miss cassie hollingsworth of little rock, ark., secretary. the next meeting of synod was held at hot springs, ark., oct. , , and the foregoing resolution was re-approved. at garvin in on oct. , , the synod of canadian met in the new presbyterian church at garvin, okla., and the opening sermon was delivered by rev. c. s. mebane, d. d., of hot springs, in the absence of the moderator, rev. a. m. caldwell. rev. virgil mcpherson of camden, ark., was elected moderator and rev. m. l. bethel of oklahoma, temporary clerk. the representation and attendance at this meeting, the sixth one, was greater than at any previous one. it consisted of ministers and elders as follows: c. s. mebane, a. e. rankin and virgil mcpherson from the presbytery of white river. martin l. bethel, the synodical sunday school missionary, and j. s. may from the presbytery of kendall. wiley homer, t. k. bridges, r. e. flickinger, william butler, r. d. colbert, w. j. starks, w. h. carroll, the stated clerk, n. s. alverson, p. s. meadows, j. a. loving, and elders, calvin burris, st. paul, solomon h. buchanan, oak hill; lee v. bibbs, forest; t. h. murchison, garvin, and william harris, hebron; from the presbytery of kiamichi. at this meeting rev. r. e. flickinger presented his fifth and last report on the work of the board of missions for freedmen. he had performed a leading part in effecting the organization of the synod, at a time when it lacked a legal quorum, because of the previous order of the general assembly establishing it. the general assembly at its next meeting approved the organization and made it effective. grateful recognition the following words of grateful recognition have been taken from the minutes of the synod of , the first year they have been printed. rev. r. e. flickinger, superintendent of alice lee elliott school, in a lengthy and very pathetic address, made known to synod his intention of giving up his charge and returning to his home in iowa. the period of eight years which he spent in our midst was ended with many deep regrets on the part of all with and for whom he labored. "his work as superintendent of oak hill academy, now called alice lee elliott school, will be long remembered, for he secured and permanently established the oak hill farm, and developed industrial features in the school far beyond what was even expected. we cherish for him the feelings of gratitude and appreciation, that belong to the unselfish worker he was." women's synodical missionary society the women's missionary meeting at synod in garvin in was the first one at which a complete organization was effected. it is therefore of historic interest. the meeting was opened by mrs. c. s. mebane of hot springs, convener, and she was later elected president. mrs. w. h. carroll was elected secretary, mrs. w. j. stark, treasurer, mrs. emma p. white president of the young people's work, and miss bertha l. ahrens, corresponding secretary. others who were present and enrolled as members were mrs. m. l. bethel, mrs. martha folsom, mrs. l. walker, mrs. nellie milton, sarah milton, ledocia milton, mrs. fidelia murchison, mrs. garfield lewis, mrs. ed. thomas, mrs. violet shelton, emma beams, and emma l. carroll. the address at their popular meeting in the evening was delivered by rev. a. e. rankin of crockett, texas; and a paper from mrs. d. j. wallace of okmulgee was read by mrs. m. l. bethel. muskogee was chosen as the place for the synodical meeting in . dependent condition of the churches the synod in the sixth year after its organization, represents three presbyteries, that include all our colored ministers and churches in the states of arkansas and oklahoma, and, since , those also that are in the east half of texas. its roll includes ministers and churches, whose membership of contributed to all local purposes, such as maintenance of buildings and pastoral support, the sum of $ , . . this is an average of less than $ . for each church in the synod and less than $ . each, for the churches in oklahoma and east texas. this statement indicates, that the ministers serving these churches are almost wholly dependent for their income, on what they receive from other sources, than the dependent congregations they serve, and, that only by the practice of the most rigid economy, in personal expenses, is it possible for them to make ends meet and maintain a good name in their respective communities. popular evening meetings the evening meetings of synod and a part of the afternoon sessions may be made very profitable to the local congregation, by arranging before hand for special addresses on the part of representatives of the boards, or members of the synod. there are some causes, such as education, evangelism, the freedmen and women's work that are of popular interest, and a stirring address on these subjects is always appreciated. such addresses are a means of instruction and serve to awaken popular enthusiasm. some synods have adopted the plan of holding an annual sunday school convention during the evening and day preceding the meeting of the synod. these endeavor to bring before the young sunday school workers, the very best speakers available, on the subjects to be discussed. the arrangements for the popular addresses should be made several weeks in advance, so the speakers may be prepared and the people be duly notified. benediction "may the god of peace that brought again from the dead our lord jesus, the great shepherd of the sheep, through the blood of the everlasting covenant, make you perfect in every good work to do his will, working in you, that which is well pleasing in his sight through jesus christ; to whom be dominion and glory for ever and ever. amen." [illustration: rev. r. d. colbert] [illustration: rev. m. l. bethel] [illustration: the sweet potato field. looking north from the frisco railway: the boys' temporary hall at the right.] [illustration: two sets of portable roofs for sweet potato pits . a set of roofs set aside on their edges for the summer. . a set as they appear when set over a pit. the ends are closed during winter. looking northwest toward the rear of elliot hall.] part iv the bible in the public school and nation the two following chapters, relating to the supreme importance of reading the bible daily in every public school of the land, are a supplement to the brief discussion of this subject, that appears in the introductory part of this volume. "truth crushed to earth shall rise again,-- the eternal years of god are hers; but error, wounded, writhes in pain, and dies among his worshippers." "truth forever on the scaffold; wrong forever on the throne; yet that scaffold sways the future; and behind the dim unknown, standeth god, within the shadow, keeping watch above his own." queen victoria said to the king of siam: "england owes her greatness to this book--the open bible." the bible, and the public school to make known to all the children its moral principles and religious truths, have brought liberty, greatness and enlargement to the united states of america and great britain. these two instrumentalities--the open bible and public school--will bring the needed blessings of intelligence, happiness and prosperity to the people of the united states of mexico, of central and south america, when they are accorded a fair chance. xlvii the public school an outgrowth of the reformation.--porto rico.--mission schools.--colonial schools.--massachusetts and connecticut.--new york and pennsylvania.--the bible, the standard of morality.--rise and fall of intolerance.--daniel webster.--the bible, the freedman's best book.--the church, sunday school, public school.--encouraging movements. "education is the cheap defense of a nation."--garfield. "wisdom is the principal thing, therefore get wisdom. the fear of the lord is the beginning of wisdom."--solomon. the public school is the general and permanent agency for the education and uplift of the colored people. religious and independent schools may do a splendid work in their several localities, but the public school is intended to be state-wide. it alone reaches the masses of colored children, and it should receive its due share of the public funds. the fact that they have not received any thing like a fair share of the public funds, for their equipment and support, has already been stated. this, to a great extent, is an act of injustice. conditions however are gradually improving. they are made better as a good use is made of present educational facilities, and earnest appeal is made for more and better ones. a vast amount of self-sacrificing work, on the part of teachers and parents, is needed to bring the schools of the freedmen up to their proper standard, and to secure them, where they are still needed both in city and rural district. the freedman alone cannot do all that is needed, to provide adequate educational facilities for all his people; but there is so much that may be done, in the way of awakening local interest, supplying local deficiencies, and appealing for more and better equipment, as to enlist the united and persistent co-operation of all intelligent, public spirited freedmen. an outgrowth of the reformation the public school system, in the united states, is an outgrowth, or by-product of the protestant reformation of the sixteenth century in europe. harvard college was established at cambridge, near boston, in , less than twenty years after the first arrival of the pilgrim fathers. its object was to provide a supply of trained ministers and christian teachers, to meet the rapidly growing needs of the colony. the society for the propagation of the gospel in foreign parts, organized in london, england, in , aided the colonists in the establishment of free schools, by sending them donations and supplies of bibles and testaments. christian teachers were employed in these free schools and two of the text books used were the bible and the new england primer. this primer was illustrated with bible pictures and contained the shorter catechism. these colonial free schools of new england were gradually extended to the other colonies, but not without calling forth some opposition in some of them, especially where there was opposition to the use of the bible. this fact has been rendered quite memorable, by the rather unenviable remark of governor berkeley of virginia in , to the effect, "i thank god, there are no free schools in virginia." the scattered condition of the population rendered difficult and greatly retarded the progress of free schools in the south. planters were often widely separated, and many of them preferred to send their children away to school, or employ a private tutor for them. they did not care to provide schools for the negroes. when, by the adoption of the constitution the colonies became states, the protection of religion and encouragement of education were left as they had been, as matters to be considered by the legislatures of the several states. as one state after another has been admitted to the union, extending it over a vast extent of country, a system of public education has been adopted in each, ranging from the rural school to the state university. the system in every state is quite complete and more or less efficient to accomplish its objects. the entire system is due to the presence of the bible in our land, and especially during the formative period of our government. the states have deemed it necessary to train the young and rising generation in the interest of good government and progress. as the church of the reformation in europe, and of our forefathers in new england, found it necessary to establish academies, colleges and theological seminaries, in order to train a constantly increasing supply of christian teachers, statesmen and ministers, the states have realized that it is their duty to maintain public and high schools, in order to have an intelligent and prosperous citizenship; and to maintain normal schools and universities, in order to provide a sufficient number of professional teachers, legislators, jurists and efficient captains of industry. the system of public education in all the states is one, of which every citizen of the land may well be proud, and endeavor to take every possible advantage of it as teachers, patrons and pupils. porto rico - a splendid illustration of its inestimable value has just been received from porto rico. in when the united states received the transfer of porto rico from spain, it had been for centuries under the control of romanism. there was then only one building on the island, specially erected for school purposes, and more than eighty per cent of the population could neither read nor write; and only , children had been enrolled as attending school. so rapid has been the progress toward enlightenment and a better civilization under protestant american rule, that at the end of fifteen years there are school buildings and , children are enrolled as attending school; and the number of the illiterate has been reduced from to per cent. the bible and christian teachers one is now ready to inquire, "wherein does our splendid system of public education differ from that provided by the various protestant denominations, in their mission schools, academies, colleges and universities?" both are essential to the well-being of the state. they are two strong pillars that, supplementing and standing near each other, support the power and promote the material prosperity of the state. their mutual relation is aptly expressed, by the sentiment of the two brothers on the shield of kentucky, "united we stand, divided we fall." they look so nearly alike in buildings and equipment, the passing observer sees little or no difference in their outward appearance. nevertheless there is often a difference in their objects and products, which has already been noted, and in the means employed to accomplish these objects. this difference is fundamental. it is found in the law of their establishment. in the admirable system of public education in the state of iowa, which is second to none in the land for the goodness and greatness of its beneficent results, there is found the following statute, and it is a fair illustration of similar statutes in other states. "the bible shall not be excluded from any public school or institution in this state, nor shall any pupil be required to read it contrary to the wishes of his parents or guardian." sec. . this statute takes it for granted the bible is in the schools, and that is excellent; it has also a concession and the latter often prevails. many jews read only the old testament, and many catholics out of regard for the pope, a foreign potentate, think they ought not to read any part of the bible. the state is a secular power and the result, of this concession to religious freedom, is, that the bible and the christian teacher, in many localities, are not regarded as essential features of its educational work. this leaves the moral character and relative value of our public schools, to a considerable extent, to the caprice of those who are in the majority or authority, as directors and teachers in any particular community. in christian communities they are invariably found exerting a christian influence. the bible and the christian teacher are essential for the accomplishment of the greatest good. these are seldom separated, and when they are found together in the public school, it becomes a fountain of elevating christian influences. this privilege is enjoyed by many of our communities, where the supply of christian teachers is equal to the demand. this discussion of the public school has been included here, for the general knowledge of christian families among the colored people. since the enactment of laws, limiting the teachers in the public schools of the colored people, to those of the "colored persuasion," there is now and will continue to be, an ever increasing demand for capable christian teachers. christian teachers come from christian homes and christian schools. colonial schools the historic facts, showing that the open bible has been the corner-stone of the american public school system, have been so interesting and suggestive to the author, as to lead him to take the initiative, in effecting and maintaining a local bible society in fonda, and to make the distribution of the scriptures among the people, a special feature of his ministry there, and later at oak hill academy. the hope is indulged, that the following facts, relating to the place accorded the bible in the schools of the colonies, will prove of interest to every reader, especially among the freedmen. our fore fathers and the stalwart statesmen of their day, were not led astray by the "higher" or more properly called destructive criticism and infidelity, that is now permeating much of the literature of our day to the great injury of all who are influenced by it. indebted to the scriptures for their ideas of "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness," and, prizing them as the foundation of their civil and ecclesiastical privileges, they manifested both their sense of obligation to them and dependence upon them, by making them the corner stone of every institution they established. the word of god in their hand, like a pillar of cloud by day and of fire by night, led them to locate in this land, awakened in them the spirit of heroism amid all their privations and sufferings, and served as their common guide and comforter, in all their struggles and progress. if there are any who have the right to judge and to have their judgment respected, as to the nature of the education needed in this republic, surely those men of sagacity, patriotism, piety and comprehensive statesmanship, who founded both the system of education and the republic, are among the number. during the colonial period the towns were little republics, with the bible for their foundation, and their schools were established for general instruction in that book. the exclusion of the bible from those early schools would have been repugnant to their founders. they regarded the bible not merely as an authoritative book in all matters of conscience, but as the charter of their liberty and their guide to the independent ownership of land. massachusetts the colony of massachusetts bay, as early as , less than twenty years from the date of their first charter, made provision by law, for the support of schools at the public expense; for instruction in reading and writing in every town containing fifty families, and grammar schools in those containing one hundred families. this noble foundation suggests the religious foresight that laid it. the preamble to this school law contained the following motives: "it being one chief object of satan to keep men from the knowledge of the scriptures, as in former times keeping them in unknown tongues, therefore, that learning may not be buried in the graves of our fore fathers, the lord assisting our endeavors, it is ordered," etc. horace mann, secretary of the massachusetts board of education, has left on record this noble testimony for all the teachers of our country. "as educators, as friends and sustainers of the common school system, our great duty is to impart to the children of the commonwealth the greatest practicable amount of useful knowledge; to cultivate in them a sacred regard for truth, to keep them unspotted from the world; to train them to love god and also their fellow men; to make the perfect example of jesus christ lovely in their eyes; to give to all so much religious instruction, as is compatible with the rights of others and the gains of our government, so that, when they arrive at the years of maturity, they may intelligently enjoy the inviolable prerogatives of private judgment and self-direction, the acknowledged birthright of every human being." rufus choate, the eminent statesman and jurist in one of his orations very emphatically exclaimed: "banish the bible from our public schools? never! so long as a piece of plymouth rock remains big enough to make a gun-flint." this is an expression of true patriotism on the part of one, who knew well the history and cost of american freedom. "he is the freeman, whom the truth makes free." connecticut in the colony of connecticut as early as , explicit laws were added to the general law by which the schools were first established, and constables were required to take care, "that all their children and apprentices, as they grow capable, may through god's blessing attain at least so much as to be able to read the scriptures, and other good books in the english tongue." "the schools of this state" says the state school journal, "were founded and supported chiefly for the purpose of perpetuating civil and religious knowledge and liberty, as the early laws of the colony explicitly declare. those laws, published in the first number of this journal declare, that the chief means to be used to attain these objects, was the reading of the holy scriptures." this enlightened policy of the puritans, in regard to the establishment of free schools, for the general dissemination of a knowledge of the bible and the development of a pure morality among the young, was a great step in advance of all the countries in the old world. the results have wonderfully justified their wisdom and forethought. the schools they established, having the bible as a universal text book and basis of moral instruction, became nurseries of piety and knowledge. the very thought of excluding the bible from schools, they had established with great sacrifice for its special study, would have been received with a shudder of horror. "the interests of education," says chancellor kent, chief justice of new york, "had engaged the attention of the new england colonists, from the earliest settlement of the country, and the system of common and grammar schools, and of academical and collegiate instruction, was interwoven with the primitive views of the puritans. everything in their genius and disposition was favorable to the growth of freedom and learning. they were a grave, thinking people, having a lofty and determined purpose. the first emigrants had studied the oracles of truth as a text book, and they were profoundly affected by the plain commands, awful sanctions, sublime views, hopes and consolations, that accompanied the revelation of life and immortality. the avowed object, of their emigration to new england, was to enjoy and propagate the reformed faith, in the purity of its discipline and worship. they intended to found republics on the basis of christianity, and to secure religious liberty, under the auspices of a commonwealth. with this primary view, they were early led to make strict provision for common school education, and the religious instruction of the people. the word of god was at that time almost the sole object of their solicitude and studies, and the principal design, in emigrating to the banks of the connecticut, was to preserve the liberty and purity of the gospel. we meet with the system of common schools, in the earliest of the colonial records. provision was made for the support of schools in each town, and a grammar school in each county. this system of free schools, sustained by law, has been attended with momentous results; and it has communicated to the people, the blessings of order and security, to an extent never before surpassed in the annals of mankind." state of new york george clinton, the first governor, in presenting the matter of public education to the first legislature of new york, used the following language: "neglect of the education of youth is one of the evils consequent upon the evils of war. there is scarcely anything more worthy your attention, than the revival and encouragement of seminaries of learning; and nothing by which we can more satisfactorily express our gratitude to the supreme being for his past favors, since piety and virtue are generally the offspring of an enlightened understanding." later, when the phrase "common schools" had come into use, he emphasized morals and religion as their fore-most objects. "the advantage to morals, religion, liberty and good government, arising from the general diffusion of knowledge, being universally admitted, permit me to recommend this subject to your deliberate attention." in , his successor, governor lewis, emphasized the necessity of establishing common schools in the following words: "in a government resting on public opinion, and deriving its chief support from the affections of the people, religion and morality cannot be too sedulously inculcated. common schools, under the guidance of respectable teachers, should be established in every village and the poor be educated at the public expense." in , his successor, governor tompkins, brought the matter anew to the attention of the legislature. "i cannot omit inviting your attention to the means of instruction for the rising generation. to enable them to perceive and duly estimate their rights, to inculcate correct principles, and habits of morality and religion, and to render them useful citizens, a competent provision for their education is all essential." in , in response to these successive appeals, the legislature of new york appointed five commissioners, to report a system for the organization and establishment of common schools to carry forward the educational work, that had been previously maintained by the voluntary contributions of christian people in their various communities. these commissioners, in their report, recommending the establishment of common schools for the state of new york, expressed their own sentiments and those of the people they represented, as follows: "the people must possess both intelligence and virtue; intelligence to perceive what is right, and virtue to do what is right. our republic may justly be said to be founded on the intelligence and virtue of the people, and to maintain it, 'the whole force of education is required.' the establishment of common schools appears to be the best plan, that can be devised, to disseminate religion, morality and learning, throughout a whole country." in referring to the branches to be taught there is added in this report, as follows: "reading, writing, arithmetic and the principles of morality (bible) are essential to every person, however humble, his situation in life. morality and religion are the foundation of all that is truly great and good and are consequently of primary importance." after calling attention to the "absolute necessity of suitable qualifications on the part of the master," the report continues in regard to the bible, as one of the books to be used: "connected with the introduction of suitable books, the commissioners take the liberty of suggesting that some observations and advice, touching the reading of the bible in the schools, might be salutary. in order to render the sacred volume productive of the greatest advantage, it should be held in a very different light, from that of a common school book. it should be regarded not merely as a book for literary improvement, but as inculcating great and indispensable moral truths. with these impressions, the commissioners are induced to recommend the practice, introduced into the new york free school, of having select chapters read at the opening of the school in the morning and the like at the close in the afternoon. this is deemed the best mode of preserving the religious regard, which is due to the sacred writings." this admirable report closes with these significant words: "the american empire is founded, on the virtue and intelligence of the people. the commissioners cannot but hope that being, who rules the universe in justice and mercy, who rewards virtue and punishes vice, will graciously deign to smile benignly, on the humble efforts of a people in a cause purely his own; and that he will manifest this pleasure, in the lasting prosperity of our country." the public school system of new york, with the bible as its corner stone, was established the next year, . ten years later, governor dewitt clinton, encouraging their liberal support, said, "the first duty of a state is to render its citizens virtuous, by intellectual instruction and moral discipline, by enlightening their minds, purifying their hearts and teaching them their rights and obligations." state of pennsylvania the status of the bible, in the early schools of pennsylvania, may be gathered from the following extract from a report, approved by the national convention of the friends of public education, that met in philadelphia in . "in the common schools, which are open for the instruction of the children of all denominations there are many whose religious education is neglected by their parents, and who will grow up in vice and irreligion, unless they receive it from the common school teacher. it seems to us to be the duty of the state, to provide for the education of all the children, morally as well as intellectually; and to require all teachers of youth, to train the children in the knowledge and practice of the principles of virtue and piety. "the bible should be introduced and read in all the schools in our land. it should be read as a devotional exercise, and be regarded by teachers and scholars, as the text book of morals and religion. the children should early be impressed with the conviction, that it was written by inspiration of god, and that their lives should be regulated by its precepts. they should be taught to regard it, as their manual of piety, justice, veracity, chastity, temperance, benevolence and of all excellent virtues. they should look upon this book, as the highest tribunal to which we can appeal, for the decision of moral questions; and its plain declarations, as the end of all debate." it was about the year , that the catholics in pennsylvania began to manifest opposition to the reading of the bible, in the schools of that state. in view of this opposition the board of directors, for the fourth section in philadelphia, adopted the following resolutions: ( ) "that we will ever insist on the reading of the bible, without note or comment in our public schools; because we believe it to be the word of god, and know that such is the will, of the vast majority of the commonwealth." ( ) "that we look on the effort of sectarians to divide the school fund, as an insidious attempt to lay the axe at the root of our noble public school system, the benefits of which are every day manifested in the training of our youth." ( ) "that we will use every means proper for christians and citizens to employ to maintain our present school system, and to insure the continuance of the reading of god's holy word in all our schools." board of national education the constitution of the board of national popular education contains in its sixth article, the following pledge, as one required of teachers, as well as the board. "the daily use of the bible in their several schools, as the basis of that sound christian education, to the support and extension of which, the board is solemnly pledged." in its fifth annual report, which is for the year , the necessity of a free and open bible in our common schools was emphasized as the only possible way, in which our nation can continue to be self-governed. the bible, for the masses, is god's great instrument for governing men and nations. "there is but one alternative," said mr. sawtell, "god will have men and nations governed; and they must be governed by one of the two instruments, an open bible with its hallowed influences, or a standing army with bristling bayonets. one is the product of god's wisdom; the other, of man's folly; and that nation that discards or will not yield to the moral power of the one, must submit to the brute force of the other. the open bible, in our schools, is the secret of our ability to govern ourselves. take from us the open bible and, like samson shorn of his locks, we would become as weak as any other people. take away the bible, and like italy, austria and russia, we would need a despot on a throne, and a standing army of a half-million to keep the populace in subjection." jesus, the great teacher it was our lord jesus himself, who said, "suffer little children to come unto me, and forbid them not." he did not suggest, that they be sent for moral instruction to the schools of the pharisees, or the unbelieving sadducees, but that they should come to him, and receive his word and blessing. he saw no sectarianism in the message of love, life and forgiveness, he brought from the father; for he described it, as, "living water," "living bread which came down from heaven," "the light of the world," and its object, "that they might have life more abundantly." he knew, it was a matter of utmost importance to every individual, to receive that message in childhood and youth. the bible, the standard of morality the word of god is supreme in all matters of conscience or morality. the man, whose conscience is in harmony with the word of god, must be recognized as on the side of god and right. elijah on mount carmel, having only the word of god, prevails over four hundred misguided prophets of baal. when those, who were prejudiced against the gospel in the days of peter, imprisoned and undertook to silence him and others, he gave the right answer, when he said, "we ought to obey god rather than men." peter and elijah, teaching the word of god, were progressive up-builders of the kingdom of god, while their suppressors were merely blind opposers and destructionists. the enlightened consciences of peter and elijah were of more value and more to be respected, than those of the hosts of souls, in the darkness of unbelief, arrayed against them. whilst the work of peter and the apostles tended to make the world better, and better men of all their opposers, the work of the latter, tended to put a real check, on the cause of human progress. those, who oppose the reading of the scriptures in the public schools of this, or any other land, commit the very same folly. the bible is the word of god to all mankind. it is his provision for our intellectual, moral and spiritual natures, as the light, air, water and food have been provided for our physical natures. it was originally written in the language of the people to whom it was given, the old testament in hebrew to the hebrews; and the new testament in greek to the greek speaking jews, in the time of christ. our english version was made from the original languages in the time of king james, and it is an error in judgment to call it, either a protestant or sectarian bible. there is, indeed, a sectarian version of the bible in use in this country. it is printed in the latin language, the language of pagan rome, which the common people no longer use or understand. [illustration: home of the late caroline prince.] [illustration: new home, mrs. sam harris. representative homes of choctaw freedmen, near oak hill.] [illustration: airy view farm rockwell city, iowa, robert e. flickinger mary a. flickinger g. h. patterson, manager telephone on a virgin prairie, improved by mr. and mrs. flickinger, - . at the left: grove of maples and walnuts, orchard, grapes, garden, oat-bin, double corn-crib, house, front yard, chick-yard, bees, barn, implement shed, hen-house, pigpen, calf and pig pastures. two and a half miles of tile drains.] it seems a queer freak of our human nature, that those who use the bible in a dead, foreign language, unsuited for use in our public schools, should call our english version of the scriptures a sectarian book, and then oppose its use in our public schools. our english version of the scriptures is no more a sectarian book, than are the ordinary books on astronomy, geology, botany, and natural history. nevertheless when romanists oppose its use, others of all sorts in the community, who like them need its gracious message of light, life and love, but instead profess not to regard it as a message from god, are liable to unite with them in their unfortunate opposition. no one has an inherent right, to exclude the bible from the public schools of america. as the one authoritative book of god, it ought to be there. as the charter of american liberty, and the corner stone of our system of public education and jurisprudence, it ought to be there. no one has any more right to exclude the bible from the public schools of america, than he has to exclude the sun, for both are god's own provision of light. it is intended of god to be the one unchanging standard of morality and purity, for old and young; and to be as free for all, as the common air that we breathe. its use, at an early age, tends to develop the conservative principles of virtue and knowledge, which serve as the world's best protectors against ignorance, barbarism and vice. rise and fall of intolerance excluding the bible, from the public schools of america, is an old world innovation. in some countries of europe, books on science, literature or philosophy have not been permitted to be published, without the previous approval of the government. "the bible itself, the common inheritance, not merely of christendom, but of the world, has been put exclusively under the control of government, and has not been allowed to be seen, heard, or read, except in a language unknown to the common inhabitants of the country. to publish a translation in the language of the people, has been in former times a flagrant offense." (story on the constitution, page .) [internal link: page .] the popes, as early as the eighth century, condemned the circulation and reading of all writings unfriendly to the papacy. in , after the art of printing had been invented, the papal decree was issued, "that no book should be printed without previous examination by the proper ecclesiastical authority, the inquisition." the books prohibited by it included the bible in the english and german languages, and all the books published by luther, calvin, zwingli and other reformers. while the reformers were called, heresiarchs, they proved themselves to be the world's greatest benefactors, by giving the people the bible. when roman catholicism was the state religion of italy, france, spain and britain, it was intolerant, and by massacres and persecutions endeavored to suppress the reading of the bible and also its publication in the language of the people. in , when the bishops were almost universally statesmen, lawyers or diplomats. henry, the king of england, by an act of parliament, which consisted of a convocation of the clergy, became the recognized head of the church in england, instead of the pope at rome. the principle now begins to prevail, that "truth possesses the power to defend itself." as a result wiclif, tyndale, sir thomas more, thomas cromwell, archbishop cranmer, miles coverdale and others, with the approval of the king successively, encourage the translation, publication and circulation of the scriptures among the clergy and people. it was at this time and in this way, that the principle of toleration in matters of religion had its beginning, and the first check was put upon the cruel intolerance of the church of rome in england. the church of england, episcopal in form then became the established, or state church; and it is so still, but the king is no longer the head of it and the parliament no longer consists of the clergy, as in the days of king james. it was in that the puritans, followers of calvin and other foreign reformers, withdrew from the established church of england, because they did not approve all the forms and ceremonies, then required in the public worship of the established church. the official act of religious toleration in england was passed during the reign of william iii, - , (and mary), who, as the prince of orange and founder of the dutch republic in , had previously distinguished himself as the friend of liberty. roger williams, founder of the colony of rhode island to , established there the first government in america, upon the principle of universal toleration. william penn, founder and proprietor of pennsylvania, in incorporated the same principle in the government of that colony; and, as the expression of his own views and sentiments, respecting religion and civil government. these men exercised government, by instilling into the minds of the people the principles of religion, morality, forbearance and friendship. americans do well to cherish the memory of these men, who wrought so nobly a century before the american revolution. noble defense by daniel webster our american public school system represents the accumulated wisdom of many generations of bible readers, and in promoting it we preserve for future generations the foundations so wisely laid in the earlier years of our history. daniel webster, one of the advocates of the system and early defenders of the bible in it, stated its fundamental principle when he said, "in all cases there is nothing, that we look for with more certainty, than this general principle, that christianity is part of the law of this land." he explained its object and motive in the following passage, which is worthy to be repeated in every generation. "we seek to educate the people. we seek to improve men's moral and religious condition. in short, we seek to work upon mind as well as upon matter; and this tends to enlarge the intellect and heart of man. we know that when we work upon materials, immortal and imperishable, that they will bear the impress which we place upon them, through endless ages to come. if we work upon marble, it will perish; if we work upon brass, time will efface it. if we rear temples, they will crumble to the dust. but, if we work on men's immortal minds--if we imbue them with high principles, with the just fear of god, and of their fellow men,--we engrave on those tablets, something which no time can efface, but which will brighten and brighten to all eternity." the exclusion of the bible from the public schools in new york state had its rise in and concerning this movement, mr. webster said, "this is a question which in its decision is to influence the happiness, the temporal and the eternal welfare of one hundred millions of human beings, alive and to be born in this land. its decision will give a hue to the character of our institutions. there can be no charity in that system of instruction from which the bible, the basis of christianity, is excluded." the public school, with daily instruction to the young in the bible, is an american system of education. it had its origin in the belief of its founders, that general instruction in the bible was essential to the permanency of that freedom, civil and religious, and that independent ownership of land, they came to america to enjoy. if the early pilgrims, more particularly those of massachusetts and connecticut, had not struggled and toiled for this great object, and if they had not been immediately succeeded by men, who imbibed a large portion of the same spirit, the free school system of new england would never have been extended to all parts of our land. we have inherited the public school through the bible, and the feeling prevails, that only by maintaining a general knowledge of the bible, among the young and rising generation through it can the countless blessings, that flow from it, be conserved for future generations. the freedman's best book these historic facts, relating to the original establishment of free schools among the colonies, during the period of the early settlement of this country, and the place accorded the bible in them by their faithful founders, are well suited to be suggestive, and to prove an inspiration to every friend of freedom, to promote the good cause of maintaining the daily reading of the bible, in all of our public schools at the present time. christian parents among the freedmen, having children that are bright and studious, are encouraged by these facts, to train one or more of them to be teachers and helpers, in promoting the educational and moral uplift of the race. all are encouraged to co-operate with your teachers, in making the public school of your neighborhood, an attractive and inviting place for your own and your neighbor's children. send the children regularly to school during the term, for the terms are short. do all you can, as long as you live, to supply your public schools with bibles and christian teachers, in order that they may attain the highest degree of efficiency, and bring the greatest amount of public good, to you and your children. remember, that the bible is the mother of the public school and that it awakens a desire for more knowledge, drives back the darkness of ignorance and inspires the courage to do right. many have been led astray by reading bad books and papers, but none from reading the bible. its blessings of comfort and guidance to individuals, and of civil and religious liberty to nations, have come to us like the dew of hermon, that made "the wilderness and solitary place to be glad, and the desert to rejoice and blossom as the rose." in view of these important historic facts, it is certainly strange that any parents, who permit their children to read all sorts of trashy and worthless books, without protest, should pretend they do not want them to read the bible, the one infallible and incomparable book, that does not become old and out-of-date like the best of other books, but is as fresh and life giving to day as twenty centuries ago. the number of those, who have opposed the reading of the bible in the public schools have comprised but a small part of the entire population of our land, and they have always represented that part of it, that have most needed its enlightening and uplifting influence. one million immigrants from other lands are now coming to our shores every year, that they may enjoy the civil and religious privileges, that have here been secured, through the influence of the bible. one of their greatest needs, immediately on their arrival, is faithful instruction in the living and eternal truths of god's holy word, that they may know and understand the genius or spirit of our american, civil and religious institutions. there is urgent need to day for more of that holy compulsion that jesus exercised, when, surrounded by a lot of hungry people, he required the disciples to "make the men sit down," and then added, "give ye them to eat." the church and sunday school when jesus said, "the son of man came not to be ministered unto but to minister," he gave to the world one of its clearest visions of the kingdom of god, and his own, the highest ideal of life, the one that produces the noblest type of manhood. it is the great business of the church to bring all its children and youth to this true conception of life, and it aims to do this through the christian home, the sunday school, young peoples' meetings and church services. but these alone are not adequate, to reach all the children and youth of the land, including those of the one million immigrants, arriving annually from other lands. margaret slattery in the charm of the impossible has very truly remarked: "men of all creeds and of none agree, that religious instruction ought to be given, to all the children and youth of the land, but the task of attempting it is a tremendous one, and the best manner of doing it is not clear to all. some say religious instruction should be given in the home. this is usually done, in the intelligent christian home; but there are many homes, where it is impossible, and others indisposed. the fact that the church has seen, as if with a new vision, the method of jesus, the great teacher of all men, reveals itself more clearly in the sunday school, than in any other department of its work. there it attempts the task of religious education by instruction from the bible, and endeavors to inspire the child, youth and man with the purest and greatest motives for action." make the public, a bible school there is, however, no instrumentality in our country, so convenient and favorable for giving all the children and youth of our land a general knowledge of the bible, as the public school. the bible is the embodiment of all lofty ideals, and when it is daily read in all of our schools, there is in them a uniform standard of morals. schools, that neglect or suppress the daily reading of the bible, do not keep the vision of those attending them on the christian ideal, or develop the christian motive in them, during the most impressionable period of their lives. the bible is the light of the intellect, the fore runner of civilization, the charter of true liberty and secret of national greatness. the bible is the one, all-important book for the freedmen and their children. its weekly use, in the church and sunday school, is to be appreciated and promoted; but the home and the public school are the golden places, where its daily use should be required, and the opportunity be magnified. american patriotism relies on the public school, conducted with moral and social aims, as the one pre-eminent, assimilating agency to bind together the older and newer elements of our population, in a common devotion to our common country. it has been "america's greatest civil glory and chief civil hope." the enthusiasm, that led to its establishment, was well nigh sacred. it needs to day the support of a public spirit, that will insist on the restoration of the daily reading of the bible, as the basis of moral instruction in it. concerning its educational value president woodrow wilson has recently very truthfully said, "the educational value of the bible is, that it both awakens the spirit to its finest and only true action, and acquaints the student with the noblest body of literature in existence; a body of literature, having in it more mental and imaginative stimulus, than any other body of writings. a man has deprived himself of the best there is in the world, who has deprived himself of the bible." how true to day is paul's description of the people that were living without the bible in his day. he describes them as "filled with all unrighteousness, fornication, wickedness, covetousness, maliciousness; full of envy, murder, deceit, haters of god, despiteful, proud, boasters, inventors of evil things, disobedient to parents, without understanding, unmerciful."[ ] our own and every heathen land furnishes abundant proofs, that whenever the gracious promises of the bible are gratefully received, the proud become humble, the disobedient dutiful, the drunkard sober, the dishonest, honorable; the profligate, prudent; and the miserable become happy. nothing else has ever done this, but the gospel of christ always does it, when gratefully received. encouraging movements the legislature of pennsylvania, in , restored the use of the bible in the public schools of that state, by a statute requiring the daily reading of at least ten verses of the bible, in the hearing of all the pupils under every teacher, and making a neglect of this duty a proper cause, for the suspension of the teacher. the national reform association at its last meeting in portland, oregon, in , resolved to raise $ , , for the purpose of undertaking to place a copy of the bible, in every public school in the land, from which it may have been excluded; and to aid in keeping it, where it is now adopted, as the standard of moral instruction. commissioner claxton, in welcoming the members of the council of church boards of education, representing fourteen denominations, at their third meeting in washington, d. c., in january , very correctly stated the leadership of the church in the educational work of our country, and the importance of its continued relation to it, in the following language: "the church has been the leader in educational development, at a time when the state was unable and unwilling to pay the large cost for education. honor should be given the church for its splendid, formative work in education, during the time the state was occupied in building up its political relations. it is indeed a happy thing, that the church is so deeply interested in education, as to maintain national agencies, known as boards." in regard to the secondary schools he prophetically added, "the day will come, when the bible will be read in the public schools, just as any other book. there is no good reason, why the bible should not have its rightful place, in our public school curriculum." the gideons, an organization among traveling salesmen, are endeavoring to place a copy of the bible in every bedroom of all the public hotels in the united states. at the end of they had supplied bibles for , rooms, and had reached all but three states, utah, nevada and washington. these are movements in the right direction and suggest the proper attitude of every christian parent, teacher and legislator. do not hesitate to advocate the daily reading of the bible, and the employment of christian teachers, in all the public schools, provided for the freedman and his children. "there's a dear and precious book, though it's worn and faded now, which recalls those happy days of long ago; when i stood at mother's knee with her hand upon my brow, and i heard her voice in gentle tones and low. blessed book, precious book on thy dear old tear-stained leaves i love to look; thou art sweeter day by day, as i walk the narrow way, that leads at last, to that bright home above." --m. b. williams. [ ] rom. . . xlviii a half-century of bible suppression in a nation, or france, during the period, to . theism, deism, philosophism.--appeal for bread.--moral and financial bankruptcy.--first popular assembly.--republic of france.--reign of terror.--people unprepared for freedom.--insurrection of women.--results.--land of john calvin.--lafayette.--romanism, behind the times.--human reason, blind.--light, life and liberty. "the entrance of thy word giveth light, it giveth understanding to the simple. open thou mine eyes, that i may behold wondrous things out of thy law."--david. an american citizen does not need to go to far-off india or africa to learn how people live without the bible. every heathen nation, living in ignorance and degradation furnishes a practical illustration. this illustration may be found by visiting the countries on the other side of the southern boundary line of the united states, where for several centuries under dominant catholic influence the bible has been a forbidden book in the few public educational institutions of the country. the result may now be seen in the general prevalence of ignorance, poverty and oppression; the ownership of land limited to a comparatively few persons, corruption and rapacity on the part of public officials, general improvement checked and the country impoverished by frequent insurrections and revolutions, that indicate incapacity for stable and prosperous self-government. france, however, once made the actual experiment of suppressing the bible and bible readers for two centuries, during the period from to , while the reformation of the th century was progressing in germany, switzerland, britain and other countries. thomas carlyle, in his history of the french revolution, that occurred to , has very dramatically portrayed scenes and incidents, which become pregnant with new and thrilling interest, when briefly summarized to illustrate the folly and sad consequences of suppressing the bible and bible readers in that nation. the historic value of these incidents should make this story interesting and instructive to every student and teacher. atheism, deism, philosophism louis xv, king of france, at the end of a reign of fifty-nine years, dies unwept and unmourned in . affirming there is no god or heaven, at the beginning of his long reign, and not permitting any of his courtiers to mention the word "death" in his presence, he abandons himself to a life of forbidden pleasure, humiliates and scandalizes the people of france instead of enlightening and elevating them. he inherits and maintains the tyrannous and oppressive feudal system, that prevents the common people from acquiring ownership of land. his career has been described, "as an hideous abortion and mistake of nature, the use and meaning of which is not yet known." the persecution of bible readers, or protestants, is begun with a general massacre at paris, on the anniversary of saint bartholomew in . those who escape the bloody horrors of that occasion, are commanded to emigrate from france, on pain of death. the following events occur, during the latter part of the last half century, preceding the french revolution. the leaders in thought are the shameless and selfish infidels and deists, voltaire, rosseau, robespierre and others like them. paris admires her deistical authors and makes them the objects of hero-worship. they are called "philosophs," and bible readers must not stand in their way. philosophism sits joyful in glittering saloons, is the pride of nobles and promises a coming millennium. crushing and scattering the last elements of the protestant reformation, they blindly and falsely talk of a reformed france. the people applaud, instead of suppressing these false teachers. the highest dignitaries of the church waltz with quack-prophets, pick pockets and public women. the invisible world of satan is displayed and the smoke of its torment goes up continually. no provision is made for the general education of the common people and yet the government is fast becoming bankrupt. in louis xvi succeeds his father, as the last king of france. he is youthful, uneducated, imbecile. he is wedded to a giddy superficial queen. both are infidels and incapable of any intelligent acts of government. with imbecility and credulity on the throne, corruption continues to prevail among high and low. instead of individual thrift and general prosperity, poverty and famine prevail throughout the land. appeal for bread in , impelled by a scarcity of bread, a vast multitude from the surrounding country gather around the royal palace at versailles, their great number, sallow faces and squalid appearance indicating widespread wretchedness and want. their appeal for royal assistance is plainly written, in "legible hieroglyphics in their winged raggedness." the young king appears on the balcony and they are permitted to see his face. if he does not read their written appeal, he sees it in their pitiable condition. the response of the king is an order, that two of them be hanged. the rest are sent back to their miserable hovels with a warning not to give the king any more trouble. mirabeau, a french writer, describes a similar scene that occurs later that same year. "the savages descending in torrents from the mountains our people are ordered not to go out. the bagpipes begin to play, but the dance in a quarter of an hour is interrupted by a battle. the cries of children and infirm persons incite them, as the rabble does when dogs fight. the men, like frightful wild animals, are clad in coarse woollen jackets with large girdles of leather studded with copper nails. their gigantic stature is heightened by high wooden clogs. their faces are haggard and covered with long greasy hair. the upper part of their visage waxes pale, while the lower distorts itself into a cruel laugh, or the appearance of a ferocious impatience." these proceedings are a protest of the common people, of whom there are twenty millions, against government by blind-man's-buff. these people, paying their taxes, are protesting against corrupt officials depriving them of their salt and sugar, in order to maintain royal and official extravagance. stumbling too far prepares the way for a general overturn. moral and financial bankruptcy there is no visible government. its principal representative is the chancellor of the exchequer, or king's treasurer; and "deficit of revenue" is his constant announcement, to the feudal lords, who exercise local government. in cardinal lomenie becomes the king's new treasurer. his predecessor has been ousted because the treasury was bankrupt, but his unscrupulous methods continue to be adopted because no better ones can be devised. as late as the next year the cardinal demands the infliction of the death penalty on all protestant preachers. the period has become one of spiritual and moral bankruptcy. the bible has been suppressed and blind human reason has been exalted. there is no bond of morality to hold the people together. men become slaves of their lusts and appetites, and society, a mass of sensuality, rascality and falsehood. infidelity, despotism and general bankruptcy prevail every where. there is no royal authority and the palace of justice at versailles is closed. the poverty and misery, experienced by the peasants in their comfortless hovels, awakens a feeling of discontent and protest. this feeling of protest, among the poor and illiterate, permeates upward and becomes more intense as it proceeds. in this unorganized protest the hand of one is arrayed against his fellow man. the common people are arrayed against the nobles; the nobles, against each other, and both nobles and people are bitter against the government. townships are arrayed against townships and towns against towns. gibbets are erected everywhere and a dozen wretched bodies may be seen hanging in a row. the mayor of vaison is buried alive; the mayor of etampes, defending a supply of food, is trampled to death by a mob exasperated with hunger, and the mayor of saint denis is hung at lanterne. the ripening grain is left ungathered in the fields, and the fruit of the vineyards is trodden under foot. the bloody cruelty of universal madness prevails everywhere. a frightful hail storm, that destroys the grain and fruits of the year at the beginning of harvest, is followed by a severe drought in . foulon, an official grown gray in treachery and iniquity, when asked, "what will the people do?" makes response, "the people may eat grass." the royal government is now described, as existing only for its own benefit; without right, except possession; and now also without might. "it foresees nothing, and has no purpose, except to maintain its own existence. it is wholly a vortex in which vain counsels, falsehoods, intrigues and imbecilities whirl like withered rubbish in the meeting of the winds." commerce of all kinds, as far as possible, has come to a dead pause, and the hand of the industrious is idle. many of the people subsist on meal-husks and boiled grass. armed brigands begin to make their appearance and a "reign of terror," is ushered in. first popular assembly on may , , the first popular assembly meets at versailles, more churches than other buildings having been used as polling places, at this first election in france. the assembly is composed of nobles, clergy and commoners, the last representing the people. six "parlements," consisting only of nobles, have previously been convened by the king's treasurer, and as often have been dismissed by the king, because they were not willing to tax themselves more, to increase the revenues of the king. in this assembly, there are six hundred commoners, who, when the king dismissed the assembly, under the leadership of mirabeau refused to be dismissed, and bind themselves by an oath, to remain in session, until they have framed and adopted a constitution. this act of the commoners is the beginning of the french revolution. this revolution has been defined, as "an open, violent rebellion and victory of unimprisoned anarchy, against corrupt worn-out authority; breaking prison, raging uncontrollable and enveloping a world in fever frenzy, until the mad forces are made to work toward their object, as sane and regulated ones." these commoners are shut out of their hall and their signatures are attached to their oath in a tennis court. they are later joined by lafayette, the friend of washington, and by other nobles and roman clergy. they are treated offensively, but cannot be offended. they are animated with a desire to prepare a constitution, that will regenerate france, abolish the old order and usher in a new one. paris, always very demonstrative under excitement, grows wild with enthusiasm for the commoners, and others, who compose their first national assembly. they go simmering and dancing, thinking they are shaking off something old and advancing to something new. they have hope in their hearts, the hope of an unutterable universal golden age, and nothing but freedom, equality and brotherhood on their lips. their hopes, however, are based on nothing but the "vapory vagaries of unenlightened human reason," instead of the unchanging truths and principles of divine revelation. they experience an indescribable terror, of the unnumbered hordes of europe rallying against them, in addition to the constant dread of their own cruel, armed brigands and inhuman official executioners. unfortunately the commoners had not been previously trained in the art of statesmanship, and after a long session, that lasted until september , , the constitution then proposed was still incomplete; and had to be submitted to another assembly to be completed. they however accomplish some things worthy of note. in they abolish feudalism, root and branch; and the payment of tithes. the latter meant the separation of church and state, in matters of support and government; and this event seemed to the deists, like a time of pentecost. republic of france on sept. , the republic of france is declared. on jan. , , king louis xvi, who had become a runaway king, and on october th following, marie antoinette, the queen, are executed. these events are followed by another reign of terror, the plundering of churches and a war with spain. the republic of france, when first established, proves to be one of a mob, robbing and murdering those, who had property. the people become despotic as soon as they have disposed of their useless king, and queen. there were only nine prisoners in the bastille, when it was destroyed, but now in two days and under the name of liberty, eight thousand innocent persons are massacred in prison. walter scott in his life of napoleon adds: "three hundred thousand other persons, one third of whom are women, are ruthlessly committed to prison," the executioners usurping the place of the judges and, without trial, "pronouncing sentence against them." their watchwords, while the revolution continues, are, "unity, brotherhood or death." these principles are enforced by edicts of exile, imprisonment, or death by the guillotine. reign of terror this reign of terror continues until july , , when the cruel hearted robespierre and his consorts are condemned to death on the guillotine, a cunningly devised beheading machine, on which he had been practicing with innocent and helpless victims, for twenty-two years. in a new constitution is adopted, and after the suppression of a number of bloody riots and insurrections that year, by the young napoleon with his batteries of artillery, public order is restored and the revolution is regarded as ended. people unprepared for freedom these are but a few of the many riotous and disorderly events that occurred in france just at the close of the american revolution, in which lafayette co-operated with so much honor to himself and his country. these suffice to show how unprepared the people were for any great or concerted movement, and how destitute the nation was of men, fit to serve as leaders in thought and action, until the rise of napoleon with his genius for military affairs. mirabeau, their first trusted leader, dies before the end of their first assembly. lafayette, a prominent member of the first assembly, when made military commander at paris, finds the rabble will not listen to his counsels, and he resigns. in he makes another attempt to re-instate authority in paris, and the attempt proving a failure he retires from further participation in public affairs. no one is able to anticipate the next movement of the populace, or win and hold their confidence, any length of time. one event follows another "explosively." men, fearing to remain longer in their huts or homes, fugitively rush with wives and children, they know not whither. under the leadership of the infidels, rosseau and robespierre, they experience terrors such as had not fallen on any nation, since the fall of jerusalem. insurrection of women an insurrection of women is suddenly started in paris, in october , at the call of a young woman who seizes a drum and cries aloud, "descend o mothers; descend ye judiths to food and revenge!" ten thousand women, quickly responding to this call, press through the military guard to the armory in hotel de ville, and when supplied with arms march on foot to versailles, and, taking the king and his family captives, bring them and the national assembly to paris the next day, october th, followed by a good natured crowd, estimated at , . now that the king occupies the palace of the tuileries at paris, the people hungry, but hopeful, shake hands in the happiest mood, and assure one another "the new era has been born." results the principal results of the french revolution may be briefly summarized as follows: good riddance of a half century line, of worse than useless, atheistic kings and queens; the suppression of the tyrannous feudal system, that prevented the common people from acquiring ownership of land, the suppression of the bastille, a feudal prison and robber den, and of the guillotine; the suppression of religious persecution, and the separation of church and state in matters of government and support; and the adoption of a constitution, that provides for the people to have a voice, in the management of the affairs of the government. land of calvin and lafayette france is the land that gave birth and education to john calvin, the pioneer advocate of civil and religious liberty, and in his day the good work of the reformers had gained an encouraging foot hold in his native land, but after the lapse of a century of cruel extermination, one looks in vain to see the expected fruits of his great work. a century, of bible suppression and persecution of bible readers, has left the people in ignorance of the word of god, which is the light and life of the world, and in its place catholicism and infidelity, like hoar frosts or destructive black clouds, have spread over the land. oppressed with a feeling of need and seeking something not clearly defined, the people grope in darkness and stumble on events, as if playing blind-man's-buff. the one hundred and forty-nine roman clergy in the first assembly are so lacking in intelligence and patriotism, they exert no special influence worthy of note. very different were the scenes that lafayette witnessed, during the period he co-operated with the colonies of america, in their struggles for liberty and independence. here he met many of the descendants of the very people, whom the bitter persecutions in france had driven to this country. many of them, as early settlers in new york, pennsylvania, delaware and virginia, exerted a considerable influence, in moulding the character of the american people. he found all the people engaging intelligently in the cause of freedom. their leaders knew what they were endeavoring to achieve, and every movement was characterized by good order, patriotism and superior wisdom. romanism behind the times this historic contrast of the good fruits of the open bible among the people in america, with the sad and deplorable results of romanism and infidelity in france, previous to the great revolutions, that occurred in both countries in the days of lafayette, is certainly very interesting and instructive. other countries in which romanism has been dominant and the bible suppressed, as ireland, spain, mexico, the philippine islands and the states of central and south america, show a similar unfavorable contrast. in south america, where romanism has suppressed the bible for centuries, only two percent of all the college students in , according to bishop kensolving of the episcopal church in brazil, "affirm their allegiance to any religious faith." in spain, according to a recent issue of the herald of madrid, there are , towns and rural villages, that are yet without schools of any kind. there are thousands of the people whose homes can be reached only by bridle-paths. they lack schools, roads and railroads. seventy-six per cent of the children and youth are unable to read and write. in spain, mexico and south america, romanism has proven itself to be, but little more than a pious form of paganism, an oppressive and widespread relic of ancient, pagan rome. during the two hundred years preceding the revolution in france no one was ever persecuted for being an atheist, deist, infidel or roman catholic, but all of these united in suppressing the general use of the bible and the presence of bible readers, to the great injury of the public welfare. if that country had not foolishly and wickedly exterminated the people, that were fast becoming bible readers at the time of the reformation, it would no doubt have been saved from many of the blind and bloody scenes of the period of the revolution. romanism, by suppressing the bible, encourages ignorance, superstition and bigotry. it also tends to break down the sanctity of the sabbath as the lord's day; winks at the liquor traffic, and by its confessional strikes at the very foundation of free manhood, freedom of thought and liberty of conscience. this contrast, shows clearly that romanism, whatever good it may have done, is now many centuries behind the times. this is a very serious defect. it has the bible, a latin version called the vulgate which it claims as its own. it has the new testament and for that reason it is classed as a christian religion. it has however, opposed and suppressed the reading of the bible by the people, lest the spread of intelligence, through a personal knowledge of its contents, would lessen the respect and obedience of the people to the false claims of the pope, clerical orders and priesthood. several generations of slave holders in this country gave this same reason, as a good one for not providing educational facilities for their slaves, fearing that intelligence, which greatly increases the value of the workman, would tend to lessen their authority over them. it serves to illustrate the old worn-out adage, that "might makes right," instead of the newer and better one, "god is with the right." the ability to rule, in both cases, is based on the ignorance, instead of the intelligence of the subject. when thus expressed in plain words, it certainly does not sound very creditable, or as if it were the best policy. it is not uncharitable to say, that as a policy, it is "out of date." our lord jesus was a teacher as well as saviour. he went from place to place, teaching and encouraging the people to "search the scriptures," that they might know, what to believe concerning him, in order to inherit eternal life and "have life more abundantly." this is one of the good features of protestantism. it is based on a personal knowledge of the bible and the general intelligence of the people. its motto is "let the light shine." truth is mighty and in the end will prevail, for "justice and judgment are the habitation of god's throne." human reason blind when the bible was suppressed in france and human reason exalted, all the infernal elements of a depraved human nature held high carnival. enthusiasm and fanaticism, the allies of ignorance and superstition, caused the people to think and act wildly. if in his heart there is no devout faith, to develop the sense of personal responsibility and duty, man becomes ready for any evil under the sun. sin, however, has been and always will be the parent of misery. "the wages of sin is death." this one terrific experiment, of a half-century in france without the bible, should be enough for a thousand worlds, through countless years. light, life and liberty the life-giving word of divine truth is the salt, that preserves learning and a sense of personal obligation to do that which is right, amid the changing scenes of time and life. learning is knowledge based on fact, and not on fiction or unbelief. duty as a practical matter has regard for that "righteousness, that exalteth a nation," as well as the salvation that saves the individual. "ye shall know the truth and the truth shall make you free." a knowledge of the truth tends to produce that self-restraint, that is essential to freedom; and that sense of duty and right, that results in faithful public service. genuine liberty has never been realized, where there has not been also an intelligent self-restraint. the fundamental principle of the reformation was expressed by luther as follows: "the word of god, the whole word of god, and nothing but the word of god." this was based on the following passage from augustine in the fourth century: "i have learned to pay to the canonical books alone, the honor of believing very firmly, that none of them has erred; as to others, i believe not what they say, for the simple reason, that it is they who say it;" and the previous saying of paul, "should we, or an angel from heaven, preach any other gospel unto you, than that which we have preached unto you, let him be accursed, for it is written, the just shall live by faith." this principle of the reformation appears in our common form of attestation, "the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth;" and in the patriotic motto of pennsylvania, "virtue, liberty and independence." think on these things. search the scriptures. know that the bible is the word of god to all people, that it is the sword of the spirit, and the truth that makes you free. the master hath need and calleth for thee. be of good courage. be loyal to the truth and let it shine through you. the end index ahrens, bertha l. , , , , aid society allen, fredonia allotment of lands , alverson, noah s. , apiary arch of character arnold, olivia, mrs. r. d. baird, phil c. d. d. , bartholomew st. massacre bashears, charles beatty, doll bees, double swarm becker, mary o. benediction, endeavor bethel, m. l. , bethesda mission bibbs, samuel s. ; lee, charles - bible, first book, ; cause of reformation, ; in public school, , ; memorized, ; uplifting power, ; only standard of morality biddle university boggs, v. p. mrs. , boll weevil , books, value of book marks boys' hall , , brasco, livingston brackeen, rosetta brown, lucretia c. , ; matt buds of promise buchanan, solomon , , , building the temple burrows, emma butler, william rev. , , , , ; elijah , calvin, john , campbell, anna e. , , candidates for ministry , carroll, william h. rev. , , , character, formed , , , chautauqua, first cherokees , chickasaws choctaws , claypool, john mrs. , clear creek churches: beaver dam, oak hill ( ), new hope, st. paul, mt. gilead colbert, richard d. rev. , , concert, closing constitutional amendments cowan, edward l. rev. craig, carrie crabtree, james r. , crawford, dan creek indians crittenden, henry , , crusaders crowe, carrie, mrs. m. e. , , daly, sam decision days , doaksville domestic training donaldson, mary a. , donors, oak hill early, lou k. , eaton, adelia m. , , , education , edwards, john rev. , , elliott, alice lee, david iv, elliot hall ii, , , , emancipation day , farewell farmer's institutes fields, rilla fisher, jessie flag, salute flickinger, r. e. and mrs. , , flournoy, william r. , folsom, iserina, martha, , ; samuel, , , ; simon , forest church , fort towson france, bible suppressed france, republic of freedmen, homeless, ; choctaw fruits, bulletin , gaston, john rev. gideons girls hall, weimer photo , , gladman, samuel rev. going to school gordon, mary, lela, inez , gossard, verne graces at meals grandfather clause green, fannie hall, malinda a. , , , , harris, nannie, sam, , , ; new home of catherine hartford, eliza , , haymaker, edward g. and mrs. , , , haymaker, priscilla g. , , hawley, rev. f. w. headache health hints hen house highland park college hodges, celestine , homer, wiley rev. , , , , homer, hattie, mary, susan homes representative huguenots of france hunter, anna, mattie , huss, john idleness improvements , independent ownership of land , , indian schools and churches indian territory, slavery , , inquisition, the intolerance, rise and fall investments johnson, isaac , , jones, edward t. ; josie, , ; fannie, marie, martha , key words kingsbury, cyrus, rev. , , knox, john lafayette, land of land funds lee, lilly e. liberty, civil, religious , licentiates lincoln, abraham lincoln university , log house, old , luther, martin , massacres of bible readers maxims, character, success mcbride, james f. and mrs. , mcguire, james mcniell, sadie b. meadows, plant s., rev. , memory trained methodism, rise of ministers, dearth of, teachers , moore, ruby mottoes, wall murchison, fidelia , mexico negro, american, voices , , newspapers, first normals, summer oak hill, church, school, , , ; groups in and orchestra, buchanan, flournoy, dixon, ashley and alonza mclellan, clarence and herbert peete, harris, smith painting park college perkins, charles, fidelia , , perry, ora maxie , picnics pig pen , pledges, endeavor, self-help porto rico prayers, forms of presbyterian church, board , presbytery, indian, meetings , presbytery, kiamichi; at right, homer, onque, bibbs, alverson, bridges, starks, crabtree, frazier, harris, richard; d row, elisha butler, mills, wm. butler, edmunds, lewis , prince, caroline, henry pulling stumps, percy, ashley, alonza, dee, mark, herbert, thomas , reformation, the , reid, alexander, rev. , , , richard, everett romanism, behind times rules, mottoes rutherford, matthew sands, rev. marie jones schools, colonial scott, mary , seats, celestine seed corn, cotton, improved self-control, education , , self-help, support , shaw, sadie shoals, john ross, johnson , , , shoals, virginia wofford, perry , study, course success, what, how attained sunday schools , , sweepers, rosetta, mary, helen, beatrice, emma, evelina, ellen synod of canadian spain teachers, christian, aim of , , teachers in , mr. and mrs. haymaker, anna hunter (sitting), mrs. m. e. crowe, visitor, josie jones; photo by mattie hunter uncle wallace uplifting influences, inventions , vacation workers valliant voice culture wallace, sarah l. waldo, waldenses washington, booker t. watt, lizzie webster, daniel weimer, mary i. , , , weith, rev. charles c. westminister assembly wiclif, john williams, henry, virginia , wit, humor wheelock academy wolcott, jo lu , working by rule , , women's miss. soc. oak hill, ; synod * * * * * corrections page , line , read "pigpen," instead of "loghouse." page , line , read " ." instead of " ." a woman's life-work: labors and experiences of laura s. haviland. dedication to my two sons, and four daughters, and families; also to the home and foreign missionary society, are these pages dedicated. the author preface. in presenting the following pages to the public, without the trace of an excellent scholar or eloquent orator, i fully realize my inability to compete with writers of the nineteenth century. with this incompetency in view, i have hesitated and delayed until three-score and thirteen years are closing over me. yet as i am still spared to toil on a little longer in the great field so white to harvest, praying the lord of the harvest to arm and send forth more laborers, because they are too few, i ask an indulgent public to allow my deep and abiding sympathies for the oppressed and sorrowing of every nation, class, or color, to plead my excuse for sending forth simple, unvarnished facts and experiences, hoping they may increase an aspiration for the active doing, instead of saying what ought to be done, with excusing self for want of ability, when it is to be found in him who is saying, "my grace is sufficient for thee, for my strength is perfect in weakness." laura s. haviland. october, . contents chapter i. early life. parentage--early impressions--childhood skepticism--religious experience--the great leveler--marriage--removal to michigan--the semi-christian--the despairing backslider restored--proscription--withdrawal from the society of friends--founded "raisin institute," chapter ii. bereavements. dream--bereavements--early widowhood--trials--dreamy--victory by faith--a fugitive slave escapes--marriage of two older children, chapter iii. anti-slavery experiences. baptist deacon convicted of the sin of slavery by his slave--willis hamilton's escape with his slave-wife, elsie, to canada--removal to michigan--whereabouts discovered by elsie's master--deeply laid scheme to capture the hamilton family--threats of violence--second attempt and defeat--death of the two slave-holders, chapter iv. an ohio school-teacher. a traveling agent--slave claimant--john white--threats--visit to jane white--interview with william allen--escape of slaves--in suspense--death of first-born--comforting dream--john white a prisoner--his release and subsequent history, chapter v. the underground railway. two slave families escape--story of george and james--a mother and daughter leave a boat bound for the lower market--sarah and two young men join our party--seven are conducted to canada--raisin institute suspended for an academic year--return to cincinnati--maria--threats of her master--the escape of two young men chapter vi. fugitive slaves assisted. clara and three children rescued--jack betrayed and returned to bondage--a little nurse girl taken from her owners in cincinnati--how zack was saved--calvin fairbanks visited in prison--fugitive slaves forwarded chapter vii. christian and educational work. visiting and nursing the sick--nine slaves arrive from kentucky--richard dillingham dies in tennessee penitentiary--seven slaves conducted to freedom--teach six months in toledo chapter viii. fugitives in canada. mission among the fugitives in canada--religious revival--organization of a christian union church--efforts of missourians to retake the fugitive slave, william anderson, from canada--the kentucky slave-owner whipped in the old barracks in windsor in his effort to decoy three young men back to slavery--reopening school chapter ix. rescue of slaves. escape of a slave family of six--a slave man travels for a white man and succeeds--trip to arkansas--the story of george wilson--the slave-daughter under mortgage released by her mother--mintie berry purchases her husband--john brown hanged--the war opens and takes seventeen students of raisin institute--first trip to the front with supplies chapter x. hospital work. cairo--incidents preparatory to removing freedmen's camp to island no. --death of a child--disbursing supplies and other mission work on the island--story of uncle stephen--hospital visiting in memphis, tennessee--surgeon powers reported--forty slaves come into camp shiloh--seven slaves come from a plantation seven miles below memphis--first enlistment of colored soldiers--mission work in columbus, kentucky--young colored man shot by his young master--turning of tables--return home--our principal, e. a. haight, enlisted chapter xi. sanitary work. organized freedmen's relief association--solicit supplies--academic year opened for - --sister backus and self leave for fields of suffering--incidents on the way--mission work in natchez, mississippi--four hundred slaves hanged and otherwise tortured--visit to the calaboose--mission work in baton rouge--arrival at new orleans--sketch of persecutions chapter xii. mission work in new orleans. mission work in new orleans--soldiers and prisoners visited on ship island--petition of seventy soldier prisoners in behalf of three thousand of their fellow prisoners--appeal in behalf of ship island and tortugas prisoners--mission work at plaquemine--natchez--capture of a rebel steamer--arrival at home--release of the three thousand banished union soldiers chapter xiii. freedmen's aid commission. refugees in kansas--children of want--afflicted family--scenes of distress--agnes everett--quantrell's raid--poor white trash--hospitals--supplies distributed--refugee buildings--orphan children--haviland home--thomas dean a prisoner--petition for pardon--pardon granted--a southern clergyman--mission school--at harper's ferry and washington. chapter xiv. home mission work. mission work and incidents in washington--murders--alexandria--richmond, virginia--williamsburg--fort magruder--yorktown--suicide--gloucester court-house--fortress monroe--norfolk--return to washington--white woman whipped. chapter xv. experiences among freedmen. a soldier prisoner--interesting statistics--schools--plantations--incidents--return to washington--return home with fifteen orphans and fifty laborers--change in orphan asylum--mission work in covington and newport, kentucky--mission work in memphis, tennessee--uncle philip a remarkable man--return home. chapter xvi. state public school. board of directors arrange for closing the home--discouragements--relief comes by sleigh-loads--encouragements--petitions to the state legislature to make the home a state institution--petitions granted, and the orphan's home becomes the "state public school," located at coldwater--work in state public school. chapter xvii. christian labor and results. work for the asylum--again in washington--mission work--trial of henry wirtz--inspecting soup-houses--incidents connected with kendal green camp--peremptory order of j. r. shipherd closing asylum--children scattered--returned home with authority from american missionary association to reopen asylum--dangerous fall--restored to asylum work--overtaken with convulsions--answer to prayer in being restored. chapter xviii. present condition of the freedmen. kansas freedmen's relief association--testimony of perry bradley--incidents--persecutions--prof. greener--colored republicans--further testimony--negro woman killed--letter from the south--atrocities--refugees in kansas--bull-dosing--kansas overfull--protection needed--michael walsh--silver linings. chapter xix. prospects of the freedmen. supplies furnished--relief association at work--northern outrages--prudence crandall--colored schools--freedmen's aid schools--industrial and agricultural institute. illustrations. steel portrait of the author the slaveholders' threats. slave irons. clark university for freedmen (chrisman hall). meharry medical college. chapter i. early life. at the earnest solicitation of many dear friends i have consented to leave on record some of the incidents that have fallen under my personal observation during three-score and ten years. my father, daniel smith, was a native of eastern new york, and for many years an approved minister in the society of friends. he was a man of ability and influence, of clear perceptions, and strong reasoning powers. my mother, sene blancher, was from vermont; was of a gentler turn, and of a quiet spirit, benevolent and kind to all, and much beloved by all who knew her, and was for many years an elder in the same society. it is due to my parents to say, if i have been instrumental, through the grace of god, to bless his poor and lowly of earth, by adapting means to ends in relieving suffering humanity, it is largely owing to their influence. soon after their marriage, they removed to kitley township, county of leeds, canada west (now known as ontario), where i was born, december , . i well remember the perplexities and doubts that troubled my young mind in trying to find the whys and wherefores of existing facts; yet i was naturally a happy and playful child. some remarks made by my parents over a portion of scripture father was reading, in which was the sentence, "and they are no more twain, but one flesh"--"that is a close relationship; twain is two, no more two but one flesh"--struck me with wonder and amazement. "yes," replied mother, "that is a oneness that is not to be separated, a near relation between husband and wife; 'no more twain, but one flesh.' 'what god has joined together let not man put asunder.'" it seemed as if every word fastened upon my mind a feeling of awe at the new thought, that father and mother were one person. "then they think just alike, and know all about the other, if true; father and mother believe it, and they found it in the bible, and that," i thought, "must be true. now for the test--if father and mother are one, they must know each other's thoughts and whereabouts." after father had been out a few minutes i asked mother where he was. "not far off; may be he's gone to the barn." but he was not there. at my report she said, "perhaps he's gone to david coleman's, or some of the neighbors." this settled the matter in my mind, that they were not one. but i gave the same test to try father, which also proved a failure. but not quite satisfied without further investigation, i asked mother for permission to go to david coleman's to play an hour with his little girls. little did she know that the object of her little five-year-old skeptic was to present the test to their father and mother, to see whether they were one, and found the same result each time. this settled the question in my mind that one thing in the bible was untrue. father and mother were mistaken in that part of the bible that said husband and wife were no more two, but one. for a long time after this, whenever the bible was referred to as authority, i would think, "it may be true, and may not, because i tried one thing it said that was not true." another mystery was hard for me to solve. in asking mother where we should go if we should jump off the edge of the world, she replied, "there is no jumping off place, because our world is round, like a ball, and takes one day and night to roll around, and that makes day and night." after the little child of six years had studied over this mysterious problem a short time, she returned with the query, "why don't we drop off while underside? and why don't the water spill out off bates's creek and our well?" she replied, "water, as well as every thing else, is always kept in place by a great law, called gravitation, that our heavenly father made when he made the world," and she said i would understand more about it when older. but this did not satisfy me; i wanted to know all about it _then_. as soon as father came in queries were repeated, but he closed as mother did, that i must wait until i was older, which made me almost impatient to be old enough to know how these things could be. another subject occupied my childish mind a long time, and was investigated to the extent of the miniature ability i possessed. and that was the interesting fact that i discovered one bright evening while looking at the stars, that our house was just in the middle of the world; and when we went to grandfather's (a distance of seven miles), as soon as it was night, i was out in the yard measuring the distance by stars, but to my surprise, grandfather's house was just in the middle. for i tried it all around the house, and went to the barn with my uncles, and could discover no variation. consequently i must have been mistaken at home. but on our return i could not find by the stars but that we were just in the center of creation. whenever i went with my parents to a neighbor's for an evening's visit, my first and foremost thought was to see how far to one side they were. but i always found myself just in the center of this great world; just as grown-up children are prone to think their own nation is ahead in arts and sciences, of all other nations--their own state ahead of all other states in moral and intellectual improvements--their own town or city, like boston, the "hub of the universe." in fact, _we_ are about the center; our pets more knowing, and our children smarter, than can be found elsewhere. but as the study of astronomy gives ability to look upon the vast universe of thousands of worlds much larger than our own, revolving in their orbits, it develops our intellectual faculties, and enables us to view the concave appearance of the ethereal blue from a standpoint widely differing from the occupancy of the center. and when supreme self is melted away by faith in the blood of the covenant, our spiritual vision becomes clearer and our miniature minds are expanding, and we learn to make due allowances for the acts and opinions of others, that we have called peculiar, because they do not quite accord with our own usages and tastes. in my father removed with his family to cambria, niagara county, western new york, then a wilderness. soon after we were settled in our new home, we lost my baby brother joseph, which made a deep impression upon my young heart, and gave me great uneasiness in regard to my own future happiness, should i be taken away. i found great relief, one day, while listening to a conversation between father and grandfather, as to what age children were responsible to their creator. father gave his opinion that ten years, in the generality of children, is the age that god would call them to an account for sin. grandfather said that was about the age he thought children were accountable, and all children that die previous to that age are happily saved in heaven. "yes," said father; "where there is no law there is no transgression." at this great relief to my troubled heart, i ran out to play with my brother harvey, to tell him how long we would be safe, if we should die, for father and grandfather said children that died before they were ten years old would go to heaven, and i would be safe almost two years, and he would be safe a good while longer (as he was two years and a half younger than myself). "oh, yes," said he; "and ira will be safe a great many years, 'cause he's little, if he should die as little josie did." this earliest conviction of sin vanished like the morning cloud. this idea was so deeply embedded in my young mind, that whenever i heard of a child's death, my first inquiry was for its age. if under ten, i was at ease over its safety; but if over ten years, i was distressed unless i could hear of some words from the one taken away, that would indicate a preparation for the change of worlds. the vividness of those early childhood impressions are frequent reminders of the importance of giving clear explanations to children, in regard to important religious truths, as their young hearts are much more impressible than is generally conceded. early impressions of slavery and religion. during the first six years in our new home, there was no school within three miles of us, and all the privilege we enjoyed of this kind was a spelling lesson given daily to three of us, the two little girls of our nearest neighbor and myself. our mothers pronounced the words for us alternately, at their house and ours. in this way we spelled our book through a number of times. this privilege, with four months in school previous to leaving canada, proved a great blessing. as i possessed an insatiable thirst for knowledge, i borrowed all the easy readers i could find in the neighborhood. i was especially interested in memoirs of children and youth, which increased my frequent desire to become a christian. i wished to read every book that came within my reach. i read a few of father's books, designed for more mature minds. i became deeply interested in john woolman's history of the slave-trade, of the capture and cruel middle passage of negroes, and of the thousands who died on their voyage and were thrown into the sea to be devoured by sharks, that followed the slave-ship day after day. the pictures of these crowded slave-ships, with the cruelties of the slave system after they were brought to our country, often affected me to tears; and i often read until the midnight hour, and could not rest until i had read it twice through. my sympathies became too deeply enlisted for the poor negroes who were thus enslaved for time to efface. the third or fourth i had ever seen of that race was an old man called uncle jeff. he seemed to serve any one who called upon him for chores, in our little village of lockport, that grew up as by magic upon the erie canal. uncle jeff was frequently employed by merchants to cry off their stale articles on the street. at one time the old man, whose head was almost as white as wool, was crying, "gentlemen and ladies' black silk stockin's of all colors for sale," holding them up to view as he passed along the street, followed by a group of boys crying out, "nigger, nigger," and throwing grass and clay at him. at length he turned to these half-grown boys, looking very sad, as he said, "boys, i am just as god made me, an' so is a toad." at this the boys slunk away; and i felt very indignant in seeing the men who were standing near only laugh, instead of sharply reproving those ill-behaved children. another colored man, named ben, came to our town with a family who opened an inn. he was employed mostly in the kitchen, and while ben was asleep on the kitchen floor, some rude boys put a quantity of powder in the back of his pants, and placing a slow match to it left the room, but watched the process of their diabolical sport through a window, and soon saw their victim blown up, it was said, nearly to the ceiling. his hips and body were so badly burned that he was never able to sit or stoop after this wicked act. he always had to walk with a cane, and whenever too weary to stand, was compelled to lie down, as his right hip and lower limb were stiffened. yet little notice was taken of this reckless act, but to feed and poorly clothe this life-long cripple, as he went from house to house, because he was of that crushed and neglected race. religious impressions and experience. in the autumn of my thirteenth year, with our parents' permission, brother harvey and i attended a little prayer-meeting at our uncle ira smith's house, near by. here was singing, experiences given, with prayer and exhortations, in which young people, as well as those more advanced in years, took part. all this was new to me, having never attended any other meeting than of friends, usually called quakers. my father being a minister and mother an elder in that denomination, they were very conscientious in training their children in all the usages, as well as principles, of that sect. at this methodist prayer-meeting a young girl, but little older than myself, related her experience, and prayed so earnestly for her young associates, that it took a deep hold on my mind; and on my way home, on that beautiful evening, i resolved to seek the lord until i could know for myself that my sins were forgiven. oh, how i wished i was a christian, as was hannah bosworth. she was so young, and yet she told us how earnestly she sought the lord, and found jesus so precious in the forgiveness of her sins. it was said in that meeting that god was no respecter of persons, and that i had read in the bible; and then jesus had said, "suffer little children to come unto me, and forbid them not;" "and now, this very night, i _will_ begin to seek the lord, and i _never_ will give up trying, if it takes as long as i live, until i receive an evidence that i am the lord's child. i want to realize that peace and joy those men and women expressed in that meeting." as all had retired, i placed a candle in my brother's hand, and hurried him to bed, that i might know positively that no human ear could listen to my first attempt to address my heavenly father. i knelt for the first time in my life, in the rear of our corn crib, but no words could i find for prayer, and a feeling of fear came over me, and i arose to my feet. i looked all around me, but no one was in sight; naught but trees and shrubs of the garden below, and the ethereal blue, bedecked with the beautiful moon and sparkling stars, above. is it possible that he who created this beautiful world can notice a little girl like me? and the thought occurred that i had better wait until i was older. but the remarks to which i had just listened came vividly before me, and i renewed my resolve to pray to him who had said, "suffer little children to come unto me," and again knelt for prayer; but that feeling of fear increased, until it seemed as if some one was about to place a hand upon my shoulder, and i again found myself on my feet. but as no one was in sight, i queried whether this was not the enemy of my soul, to keep me from prayer, and fell upon my knees a third time, determined to remain in the position of prayer until my first petition to my heavenly father was presented. and the prayer of the publican was repeated over and over again, "god be merciful to me a sinner." these words above all others seemed just for me. i was a sinner, and mercy was what i wanted. i returned to the house with a still more fixed resolve to continue asking, with a firmer purpose never to give over until the evidence of pardoning love was mine. as i retired, i knelt by my bedside, and repeated the same prayer, with a few additional words, imploring the aid of the holy spirit to teach me the way of life, and penitential tears began to flow. before i slept my pillow was wet with tears, and was turned for a dry place. as i was reading the bible through by course, it became more of a companion than ever before. the next prayer-meeting was attended, and as they knelt during the season of prayer i felt an impression to kneel with them. but the cross was very great and i did not yield. i thought if i did so it would be reported to my parents, and they would probably forbid my coming to these little meetings, which i so highly prized. but this was unprofitable reasoning, increasing the burden instead of bringing the relief sought. i wept on my way home, and in my evening supplication renewed my promise to be more faithful, let others do or say what they would, if the like impression was ever again experienced. with permission i attended the next prayer-meeting at my uncle's, and, as if to test my faithfulness, two young women of my intimate associates came in, and sat one on each side of me. at the first season of prayer, as i did not have that impression, i felt quite at ease, and thankful to my father in heaven for excusing me. but the next united supplication, i felt that i must unite with them in kneeling, and while one tried to pull me up by the arm, with saying "i'd be a little dunce if i was in thy place," the other sister pinched the other arm, "now, laura smith, be a little methodist, will thee? i'd be ashamed if i was thee; every body will make fun of thee." but i kept my position and made no reply, but secretly prayed for strength in my great weakness. but my fears were fully realized. it was at once reported that laura smith would be a methodist if allowed by her parents. and for a long time no permission was given to attend those little prayer-meetings, my parents assigning this reason: "this methodist excitement is unprofitable, especially for children. they have an overheated zeal, that is not according to knowledge, and we do not think it best for thee to attend; we want our children at a suitable age to be actuated by settled principle, not mere excitement." this reasoning by my dear father strongly tempted me to give up my resolutions altogether. until i was eighteen i felt no liberty whatever in unburdening my troubled heart to my dear parents. they were unacquainted with the longings of my poor soul. like the lone sparrow upon the house-top, i mourned many weeks, sought the solitary place for reading my bible, and prayer; often watered my pillow with tears, and longed for the day, and during the day longed for the night, in which i might pour out my sorrows to my heavenly father out of sight of human eye. i was conscious that my sadness was troubling my dear parents. oh! how i prayed for light to dispel this darkness and doubt--sometimes ready to conclude that, as it was my duty to obey my parents, the lord would excuse me in waiting until i was of age. yet in reading the many precious promises of the lord jesus, "come unto me, all ye that labor and are heavy laden, and i will give you rest;" "seek, and ye shall find," i found fresh courage. but why do i not find this rest for this weary heart? why do i not find the way to seek for the hidden treasure i so much longed for? these queries were continually revolving in my mind, without a satisfactory solution. sometimes i almost concluded that god was too good to send the beings he created for his own glory to perdition to all eternity, and all would ultimately be saved; at other times, i could not reconcile universal salvation with the parable of lazarus and the rich man, and was ready to conclude that salvation was for the elected few, and there were those who could not be saved, and i was among the lost. in one of these seasons, of almost despair, i ventured to attend a methodist meeting held in a private house, in company with my uncle. being at his house, i did not go home for permission. the minister was a plainly dressed man; the opening hymn was new to me, but every line seemed especially for me: "god moves in a mysterious way, his wonders to perform" it was read and sung in an impressive manner. the fourth stanza seemed specially suited to my case: "judge not the lord by feeble sense, but trust him for his grace; behind a frowning providence he bides a smiling face." this gave new light, new courage, and fresh hope sprang up, like streaks of the morning sunbeam in the eastern sky, preluding the full blaze of the orb of day. the prayer and the text upon which he based his remarks were all flowing in the same channel. the exhortation was to the discouraged and despairing soul to remember that the darkest time of night was just before the break of day, a remark i had never before heard. i returned home stronger than ever before, and ventured to tell mother of the good sermon preached by isaac puffer. but she was again troubled, and reminded me of those we read of in scripture, who would compass sea and land to gain one proselyte, that when gained, "were twofold more the child of hell than themselves." she also said that my uncles would be well pleased to have me go with them. i assured her that neither of my four methodist uncles had ever intimated a word to me on the subject. "but," said she, "actions sometimes speak louder than words." this was not designed to discourage me, but darker than ever was the cloud of unbelief that filled my heart. was isaac puffer a child of hell? then there is nothing in religion, with any body. it was all a farce--all mere "overheated zeal, not according to knowledge." all mere "religious excitement." i well-nigh distrusted all religion, and father's and mother's religion was the same as others, of no value. i had groped my way in midnight darkness, trying to find the true way, when there was none. in this despairing state, while on my way to my grandfather's on an errand, i halted to listen to the mournful notes of the forest birds at my left; i looked upon the field of waving grain at my right, and burst into a flood of tears as i exclaimed, oh, what a sin-stricken world is this! every head of wheat is bowed in mourning with poor me! is there no balm in gilead? is there no physician there to heal this sin-stricken world, this sin-sick soul of mine? like a flash the answer came, yes, jesus is that balm; he shed his own precious blood for me on calvary, that i might live now, and for evermore! yes, the healing balm is applied, and i _am saved!_ oh, what a fountain is opened for cleansing! my peace was like an overflowing river. it seemed as if i could almost live without breathing--my tears were brushed away by the breath of heaven. i stood a monument of amazing mercy, praising god with every breath. all nature praising, instead of mourning as it did a few moments before. o, how changed the scene! the birds now sent forth their notes of praise! the leaves of the forest clapped their hands for joy, and the branches waved with praise! every head of wheat was now bowed in sweet submission. o, what a leveling of all nations of the earth was this baptism. i had been prejudiced against the irish people, as i never had seen one of that nation until they came to our town, lockport (as it was then called), by hundreds, to work on the erie canal, that ran through a part of father's farm; and as they were frequently passing our house drunk, i was afraid of them. but now every soul seemed so precious, i thought i could toil all my life long if i could become instrumental in bringing one soul to the savior who died to save sinners, though they might be the greatest drunkards in that or any other nation. jesus shed his blood to redeem all who would by faith accept salvation so freely offered. the african and indian races were alike objects of redeeming love. that was a fathomless fountain. after spending a little time in this reverie, i went from this hallowed place to accomplish my errand, and met a neighbor, who looked at me earnestly and said, "laura, what's the matter? are you sick?" "o, no; i'm not sick," and hurried on. and the first greeting i received from grandfather was the same query, who received the same reply. i left for home as soon as the errand was accomplished, but as i was passing out of the door i met my uncle americus with the same query, who also received the same answer. oh, how i wished father and mother could understand me, and the overwhelming sorrow i had waded through in search of this satisfying portion. if any little differences arose among my younger brothers and sister, all melted away with a word from me. this unalloyed peace remained with me a number of days, and when the time arrived for the appointed prayer-meeting at uncle ira's, i had a great desire to attend it, and i hoped, by asking for permission to go, mother might ask for my reason. in this i was disappointed with a denial. however, i continued to pray to him who owned me as his child, to prepare the way in his own time. my anxiety increased to do something for my dear savior, who indeed was chief among ten thousand. i could drop a few words here and there, but with great timidity, but nothing of my experience in this new life; that was hid with christ in god. i was anxious to attend that little prayer-meeting, where my mind first was arrested on the subject of my soul's best interests. i often dreamed of earnestly praying or exhorting in that prayer-meeting, and would awaken myself in the exercise. i had a longing desire to invite to this gospel feast others, especially my young associates. as isaac puffer had an appointed meeting at a brother crane's, half a mile distant, on sabbath at four o'clock p. m., i asked father for permission to attend, hoping thereby to find liberty to open my pent-up feelings to my dear parents, who so little understood me. but my hopes were vain. father said, in reply, "laura, i want thee never to ask me to go to a methodist meeting again." o, what a blow was this for my trembling frame! the door closed more tightly than ever before. not one word could i utter. i left the room, to find my old resort in the grove, to weep bitter tears of disappointment. but widely different was this burden, now resting upon my heart, from that mountain weight of sin and transgression borne a few weeks previously. i read a few days before of the baptism of the lord jesus, our perfect pattern. but he came to fulfill. then i read of philip and the apostles who baptized after his ascension; and to my young and limited understanding i accepted the water baptism as an outward acknowledgment of the saving baptism of the holy ghost. i fully believed i had received the spiritual baptism, but i greatly desired to follow the lord jesus wherever he might lead. i read "barclay's apology" on that subject; yet my childhood mind dwelt much on what i read in these bible examples. but to no human being did i present these impressions. and i also found the example of singing, that i believed was _vocal_, as i read, "and they sang a hymn and went out." and it seemed right, for the present, for me to unite with the methodists, were it not for the opposition of my parents, that i felt sure would not exist could they but understand me. it also seemed clearly impressed upon my mind that, if my mind should become clear to unite with that branch of the christian church, it would be for eighteen or twenty years at longest. but why not always be my place, if it is my duty now? was a query that i much dwelt upon. i earnestly prayed that god would send caleb mccomber to us, an intimate friend of my parents, and a noted minister among friends. within a week my heart leaped for joy at the announcement by my father that caleb mccomber was in the neighborhood. "what has brought him here at this time? his brother (dr. smith) is all right; he has made no trouble of late in drinking," responded mother. "i do not know, i am sure, what has induced him to come here at this time, as there is no meeting of business on hand, for him to take this journey of nearly a hundred miles to attend," rejoined father. ah, the lord has heard and answered prayer! he has heard the cry of this poor child "bless the lord, o my soul, and forget not all his benefits." i could, with david, praise him with a full heart, and sought a lone place to return thanksgiving and praise to him who had so signally answered my petition, and was confident that the same all-seeing eye and directing hand would prepare the way for the desired interview. the following day being the sabbath, we listened to a sermon by caleb mccomber that was thought very singular at that day for a friend. his text was corinthians xii, and ; "and there are diversities of operations, but it is the same god which worketh all in all." he referred to the diversities of denominations, that were as families composing the one true church. and in this diversity of operations there were those whose impressions of duty were clearly given in regard to complying with outward ordinances, water baptism and the lord's-supper; and if these impressions were not complied with, a loss would be sustained in spiritual life. and he exhorted to faithfulness in obeying our lord and master. this discourse appeared as directly addressed to this trembling child as did that of isaac puffer. at the close of the meeting, said one of the elders to another, "did thou ever hear just such a sermon from a friend? i thought it sounded like a presbyterian discourse." said another: "what ails caleb to-day. i thought he preached like a methodist." while these remarks were made i felt confident we had listened to a message from the great head of the true church by his servant. as he dined with our nearest neighbor, in company with his half-brother, dr. isaac smith, and wife, we all walked in company nearly to our home, and the two young women invited me to call. i accepted, with the excuse, for a drink of water (hoping for an opportunity of telling that good man that i desired to have a talk with him, and for that purpose would call after dinner). but while waiting for the glass of water, said caleb mccomber, "child, how old art thou?" the reply was, "thirteen." "i want thee to tell thy father and mother to come i here at three o'clock this afternoon, and i want thee to come with them." i gladly performed my errand, and at three p. m. we were there. after a little space of silence he addressed the heads of families present, then directed his remarks to us (the two young women and myself), at first rather general. then he said: "i want to say to one of you that thou hast passed through an experience far beyond thy years; thou hast known what it was to ask for deliverance from sorrow and darkness, and thou hast also known what it was to receive the answer of peace from thy heavenly father that the world knows not of. hold fast that thou hast received, that no man take thy crown. be faithful in the little, and more will be given. bear in mind that little things are little things, but to be faithful in little things is something great." with exhortations to faithfulness and encouragement, this was to me an undoubted evidence that he whose ear is ever open to the cry of his children had most signally answered prayer in this clear and definite searching of my heart. very near and dear was that faithful nursing-father brought to this little child's heart. with all freedom, i could have related to him the obstacles that appeared in the way of duty with me. but at that hour my feelings were too deep for utterance. instead of remaining longer, as was my impression, i returned home with my parents, with the view of returning for a more private interview when i could better command my feelings. when about to return, i began to reason over the propriety of going back. certainly that good man had said all i could ask, both in his sermon and in the religious opportunity in the family. and now there might be danger of going too far. and there are those two young women, who made sport of me in that prayer-meeting, where i knelt while others led in prayer. now they would make more sport than ever, as there are so many there i could not speak to him without their knowing it, and i shrank from going. i feared john bunyan's "lions in the way;" but if i had been faithful i would have found them chained, as were his. for it was hard for me to give up the more private interview, as i was very anxious to secure an interview between that minister and my dear parents, as i was sure he understood me much better than they. but i neglected my duty in this. o, how weak was human nature! i had previously thought i would never again offend my loving savior, but would follow him through evil as well as good report. o, how precious his cleansing blood appeared to me! it seemed as if the drops that fell in his agony in the garden of gethsemane possessed power to cleanse a world of sin and pollution. yet i was not faithful in the little. although my parents never after forbade my going to a methodist or any other meeting, yet i saw it grieved them as i frequently attended those prayer-meetings, but never to the neglect of our own, and was often impressed to speak or offer prayer, but did not yield. i found, to my sorrow, that these omissions produced poverty of soul, and often cried, "o, my leanness! my leanness!" in secret many tears were shed over the loss of that joy that had been my experience. little by little the candle of the lord that shone so brightly became dim, and at the close of one year i sought the society of the gay and mirthful, more effectually to drown my bitter regrets for having turned aside from the path so clearly marked out for me. i fully realized that the dark cloud overshadowing me was the result of disobedience. in company with a few of my companions, i attended the funeral of an infant in our town. the service was conducted by a baptist minister, who had just come into the place. there was nothing in his remarks that attracted my special attention. after the meeting closed, and people were leaving, the minister passed on a little distance, and turned back, as if something had been forgotten. pressing through the crowd, he ascended the porch, and came directly to me, looking earnestly at me, as he reached his hand for mine, saying: "i felt as if i could not leave this place without asking this young woman a few questions. have you ever experienced religion?" this came upon me like a clap of thunder, he, being an entire stranger, asking a question i never had occasion to answer. i hesitated, as i had never intimated a word of my experience to any human being. my first thought was to deny, but like a flash came the words of jesus, "he that denieth me before men, him will i also deny before my father and his holy angels. no; i can not--i will not, though i die. with this thought i frankly replied: "i think i have." "do you now enjoy it?" "i do not" this relieved me from the dilemma of being a disgrace to the cause of christ, as a number of my gay companions were with me, also those christian young people to whom i had listened with interest in prayer and exhortations. but searching remarks from him followed. still holding my hand, he said: "you have known of earnest pleading for the pardon of sin; and you have known what it was to rejoice, as your prayers were answered. you have known your duty, and did it not, and have brought yourself into darkness. do not occupy this dangerous ground longer. return to jour first love. do your first work over; and he who is abundant in mercy will again accept you. may god grant his blessing upon you! good bye." and he left me bathed in tears. these earnest words reopened the many wounds that many neglected duties had made. i could not doubt but elder winchell was as truly sent from god to deliver this message as was caleb mccomber, for whom i prayed in my distress. but now the holy spirit had sought me out, unasked for, to warn me of the danger in the effort to occupy neutral ground, as i had concluded to do until i was of age. i saw more clearly that i was responsible to my savior, who had done great things for me, whereof i did rejoice with exceeding great joy. again my bible became my daily companion, with prayer for my savior's directing hand. but my parents were again troubled, as those first impressions returned in full force. i intimated my condition of mind to my parents, but, with my natural timidity, not as freely as i ought. they still attributed these impressions to the influence of my methodist uncles, and considered their duty was to place these restraints upon their child. father and mother had requested to become members of the friends' society while three of their children were under seven years, and requested for us, making us equivalent to birthright members, according to the usage of our society. from the time of my christian experience, i was never in sympathy with the system of birthright membership. i believed it to be a source of weakness, instead of spiritual life in this or any other christian body, and that all members of the church militant should become united by a heart-felt experience. i fully realized the loss i was warned to shun by yielding to the earnest desires of my dear parents, who were conscientious in their restraint. they said, in after years, that they were laboring under a mistake, as was their timid child, in not more faithfully following those early impressions of duty. i was not faithful in the little, consequently more was withheld. my great mistake was the lack of faith, in not fully returning to my father's house, where the little wandering prodigal would have been received, and the new best robe again granted, and the rough way would have been made smooth, and the impassable mountain that seemed to rise so high would have melted away before the life-giving beams of the sun of righteousness. but i yielded to my timidity, and the conclusion was reached to live a quiet christian life, with my bible and secret communing with my dear lord and savior in secret prayer, as i could not give up a strictly religious life. but dimly did die lamp of life burn, compared with its former brightness. the greatest source of retrograding in the divine life is unfaithfulness in the performance of known duty. many of the clouds that overshadow us we bring by withholding more than is meet, and it tends to poverty of soul. the talent committed to our charge is to be occupied, and is always doubled when occupied by its possessor; but, as i saw many, in whom i had confidence as living a quiet christian life--and this was more congenial to my natural feeling--i reached the conclusion to make my bible and secret prayer my companions as long as i lived, and a christian life in the society of my parents' choice. at the early age of sixteen i became acquainted with charles haviland, jr., a young man who was acquainted with the savior's pardoning love, whose father and mother were both acknowledged ministers in the society of friends. from him i accepted a proposition of marriage, and on the d of th month, , our marriage was consummated at friends' meeting, in lockport, niagara county, new york, according to the usage of friends. the following spring we commenced housekeeping in our own home, in boyalton township, nine miles east of lockport, and my dear parents and family removed to michigan territory. although parting from them was severe, yet with my young and devoted husband i was contented and happy as was possible to be, with so many reminders of the cloud that rested over me in my spiritual horizon, with all my constant striving for its removal. phoebe field, an eminent minister among friends, appointed a meeting in our neighborhood, in which she dwelt upon the necessity of receiving daily nourishment from the true and living vine to become fruit-bearing branches, and remarked that there were those whose religious experience seemed divergent from the manner in which they were brought up, and through unfaithfulness had well-nigh lost sight of the highway of holiness, in the mistaken view of neutrality, when there was not an inch of such ground all the way from years of responsibility to the grave. we are gathering with christ or scattering abroad. this earnest discourse so clearly defined my own condition, that i renewed my many broken vows, and was almost persuaded to yield the unsubdued will, and hope was indulged that the father of unbounded mercy, in his illimitable love, would again reveal himself in breaking the bread of life. september, , we removed to michigan territory, and settled in raisin, lenawee county, within three miles of my parents, brothers, and sister, with our two little sons, to share with others the privations of a new country, as well as advantages of cheap land. as there were a number of our society in this vicinity, a friends' meeting was organized, in which we all had an interest, and endeavored to maintain it in the usual order of our society. but no true peace was mine, i was still a wanderer from the true church militant. i once knew the good shepherd's voice, but was now too far away to recognize it. in these sad remembrances i sought a subterfuge behind which to hide in a false rest. eagerly i read a book on that subject, and drank its plausible arguments without stint. it was a panacea, a temporary opiate to quiet the vacillating condition of a restless mind; yet my bible was not laid aside, and many portions of scripture were vigilantly brought to prove this specious error to be a radical truth; and two years in this dead faith i lived a dying life. but i found my investigations were not for the whole truth, but was dwelling upon the love and benevolence of god to the exclusion of justice as an attribute of the lord, as well as mercy, and decided to accept the whole truth, and abide its searchings; and sought for it in the written word diligently, as for hidden treasures in reading paul's epistle to the hebrews, chapter vi, i found, "it is impossible for those who were once enlightened and have tasted of the heavenly gift, and were made partakers of the holy ghost, and have tasted of the good word of god, and the powers of the world to come, if they shall fall away, to renew them again to repentance, seeing they crucify to themselves the son of god afresh, and put him to an open shame." oh, how these words thrilled my whole being! again and again they were reviewed. no hope! no hope for a lost soul like mine! were like burning coals upon my poor heart. i was once enlightened and tasted of the heavenly gift; but how dark have been these years. oh! how soon did the lamp of life become dim through disobedience. i can never again drink of that fountain of love that once filled my soul to overflowing. but i had fallen away, and could never again be renewed, having crucified to myself the son of god afresh, and put him to an open shame, by not honoring such a glorious redeemer, as was my own personal savior. o, what delusion to have indulged in the vain hope that i was serving him in a silent, quiet life, and then cover over all this unrest with the idea that god was too abundant in mercy to cast off any for whom he died to save. day and night this terrible thought followed me for months, "i am a lost soul! irretrievably lost. no hope! eternally lost!" as i had never intimated to my dear companion the vacillating condition of mind, and the effort in finding rest, neither should he be troubled with the knowledge that his wife was a lost soul; neither should our little ones on arriving to years of religious understanding ever know that their mother was a lost soul. the midnight hour often witnessed many bitter tears of regret over the awful thought. so near perfect despair, i looked upon beast, bird, or even the most loathsome reptile, and grudged their happiness of living and dying without responsibility. these sad forebodings seriously affected my health, and my anxious husband and parents feared some serious disease was preying upon me. i sometimes thought the sooner i sank into the grave the better, as my doom must be met. o, that i could but claim the privilege of the prodigal, in returning to the father's house, and of being accepted, though a great way off. o that i never had been born! o that i had followed that loving savior's voice, so often clearly heard. it is now too late, too late! o that i had returned to my first love when within my reach. but i rejected the teaching of the holy spirit, and justly am i now rejected. in this distressing despair i opened a little book--the christian experience of one whose exercises of the mind traced through my own experience, even to my present despairing state, as nearly as i could have related it in my own words. through the instrumentality of a similar experience in another, who was restored and was long a useful christian, i was encouraged to return, and found the healing balm. never can i forget the thrill of joy that ran through my whole being as i laid aside that little book. i saw that i had misapprehended the meaning of the passages of scripture that seemed to describe my condition, and that served to confirm my despair. i saw that those referred to, had so far fallen, and so often rejected the holy spirit's teachings, as not to realize their condition, and therefore lost sight of the necessity of a redeemer. this was not, nor ever had been, my condition. then i read esau's seeking the blessing, "carefully with tears," that i had also long dwelt upon as my condition. here, too, was a vivid thought, that he sought the lost blessing to subserve self, instead of glorifying god. here the bright star of hope pierced through the cloud. is it possible that i can go with confidence to that father who has so long borne with this unbelieving, doubting, rebellious child? why has he not cut off this cumberer of the ground long ago? his long-suffering and unbounded mercy, o how free! how unfathomable! with many tears of gratitude, mingled with new hope, new aspirations, the bright beam of day radiating from every promise, i could now fully accept the lord jesus as my mediator and restorer. by faith, i could fully trust the poor prodigal in his hand. o, what losses we sustain through unbelief. i have felt most easy in leaving my experience on record, as a warning to young christians to shun the depth of despair into which i tank through unfaithfulness and unbelief. "by grace ye are saved, through faith." increasing faith, strength, and peace, with restored health, was my rich experience. anti-slavery work. our family, with others, united with elizabeth margaret chandler, who organized in our neighborhood the first anti-slavery society in our state. this was unsatisfactory to the ruling portion of our society, as it had cleared its skirts many years ago by emancipating all slaves within its pale. elizabeth m. chandler was of the hicksite division of friends, and as presbyterians and other religious denominations came into our anti-slavery society, meetings were frequently opened with prayer, and that was thought to be "letting down the principles of ancient friends." and the subject of slavery was considered too exciting for friends to engage in, by many friends of that day. i began to query whether it would not be a relief to me, and also to my friends, to become disconnected with that body, as i saw clearly my path of duty would not be in accordance with the generality of our society. after making it a subject of earnest prayer, i became settled as to the course to pursue, and concluded to unburden my heavy heart to my parents as i had done, to my beloved companion, which i did after our sabbath meeting. we mingled our tears together. father referred, to the same proscribing spirit they exercised over me in my early experience, that was now exercised over them. father and mother wished me to defer sending in my request to become disconnected with our society, as they, too, might think best to pursue the same course. this was a severe trial for each of us. father had been an acknowledged minister of the gospel nearly thirty years, and mother occupied the station of an elder nearly the same time. we, too, had become active members in this branch of the christian church. but the conclusion was fully reached within two months after our little conference over this important step, and the following letter of resignation was sent to our business meeting: "we, the undersigned, do say there is a diversity of sentiment existing in the society on the divine authority of the holy scriptures, the resurrection of the dead, and day of judgment, justification by faith, the effect of adam's fall upon his posterity, and the abolition of slavery, which has caused a disunity amongst us; and there being no hope of a reconciliation by investigation, ministers being told by ruling members that there is to be no other test of the soundness of their ministry but something in their own breasts, thus virtually denying the holy scriptures to be the test of doctrine;--we, therefore, do wish quietly to withdraw from the monthly meeting, and thus resign our right of membership with the society of friends." this resignation was signed by daniel smith, sene smith, charles haviland, jun., laura s. haviland, ezekiel webb, sala smith, and fourteen others. a few returned, but the greater united with other christian bodies, a few months after this there was a division in the methodist episcopal church, on account of slavery. they were called wesleyan methodists. as this branch of our father's family was the nearest our own views, we were soon united with them. our testifications from friends were said by other denominations to be sufficient to be accepted as church letters, as our offenses named therein were "non-attendance of meetings for discipline, and attending meetings not in accordance with the order of our society." this was the import of nearly or quite all who were disowned of our company. at that day, all were dealt with as offenders, and were regularly disowned, as our discipline at that time made no provisions for withdrawals. about a year after this, the yearly meeting of friends in indiana divided on the subject of slavery. no slavery existed in the society; yet its discussion was deemed improper, and created disunity sufficient for severing that body for a number of years, when they were invited to return, without the necessity of acknowledgments. about this time we opened a manual labor school on our premises, designed for indigent children. with that object in view, we took nine children from our county house (lenawee), and i taught them, with our four children of school age, four hours each day. the balance of the day was divided for work and play. the girls i taught house-work, sewing, and knitting. the boys were taken into the farm work by my husband and brother harvey smith. as our county superintendents of the poor gave us no aid, we found our means insufficient to continue our work on this plane. after one year of this work we secured homes for the nine children, except two invalids, who were returned to the county house. we then placed our school on a higher plane, on the oberlin plan of opening the school for all of good moral character, regardless of sex or color. at that day ( ) there was not a school in our young state that would open its door to a colored person. and as my brother, harvey smith, had attended the oberlin institute, he united with us in this enterprise, and sold his new farm of one hundred and sixty acres, and expended what he had in erecting temporary buildings to accommodate about fifty students. the class of students was mostly of those designing to teach. our principals were from oberlin during the first twelve years of the "raisin institute." the first three years it was conducted by p. p. roots and his wife, anna b., who were excellent christians. when they left, to open a similar institution at west point, lee county, iowa, john patchin became their successor, and conducted the school with equal ability three years. after uniting in marriage with a teacher in oberlin, he was assisted by his wife. these thorough teachers earned for our institute the name of being one of the best in our state. students were sought for teachers in our own and adjoining counties. although our abolition principles were very unpopular at that day, as we generally had from one to three colored students in our school, yet the thorough discipline given in the studies drew the young people of the best intellect from the surrounding country. there were those who came from fifty to one hundred miles to prepare for teaching or for a collegiate course. hundreds of young people who enjoyed the privileges our school afforded came to us with their prejudices against colored people and our position in regard to them; but they soon melted away, and went they knew not where. it was frequently said if we would give up the vexed abolition question, and let the negroes alone, raisin institute would become the most popular school in the state. as a sample of many others, i will notice a young lady from jackson county, who was brought to us by her father to become qualified for teaching. but her sensibilities were so shocked at meeting in her grammar-class a colored man that she returned to her room weeping over her disgrace, and resolved to write her father to come and take her home immediately. but the other young women persuaded her to attend the recitations assigned her, when to her surprise the same young colored man was in the advanced arithmetic class. and while impatiently waiting for her father to come and take her from this "nigger school" (as she and many others called it), a letter came from him advising her to remain, as he had expended so much in fitting her for two or three terms there; although if he had known that a negro would have been allowed to attend her class he would not have taken her there. she soon became reconciled, and before a half-term closed, when she threatened to leave at all events (as she read her father's letter), she came to that colored man to assist her in intricate parsing lessons. before the close of the first term she as frequently applied to james martin, her colored classmate, for assistance in solving difficult problems in mathematics as to any of the others. she was one of our best students; but this deep-rooted prejudice went, she knew not how, as with very many others. as to religious privileges in our school, our prayer-meetings were held bi-weekly, sabbath and wednesday evenings, and ministers of various denominations frequently appointed meetings in our school on the sabbath. while the rev. john patchin had charge of the institution he generally preached sabbath evening, instead of the prayer-meeting. in the third year of our school our two older sons made a profession of religion, with a number of other students, which was cause of great rejoicing. surely, we were blessed above measure. within two years after we were blessed with another shower of divine favor in the conversion of our two older daughters. not unfrequently were these four children's voices uplifted in vocal supplication at the family altar. we were surely repaid more than a hundred-fold for all our toiling, and heavy burdens borne in founding raisin institute. as the fleeing fugitive ever found a resting-place and cheer in our home, we richly earned the cognomen of "nigger den;" yet heaven smiled and blessed our work. we had many sympathizing friends in the society from which we were disconnected as members, even with those who had deemed us too radical. there was unity with us in our work that brought us together in after years. chapter ii. bereavements. our last chapter left us rejoicing in success, but how soon did deepest sorrow take its place. a dream seemed sent to prepare me for the severe ordeal so near at hand. i thought i was standing in our front yard looking eastward and an angel sitting on a bay horse appeared in the place of the sun's rising, coming to earth on some mission, gliding over the tree tops toward our house, where were father, mother, my sister phoebe, and my husband, who held in his arms our little babe. i started to inform them that an angel was coming to earth on some errand, when his advance was so rapid i was likely to lose sight of him, and halted to watch his flight. he seemed to alight in our yard near me, and smiled as he said, "follow thou me." "i will," i responded, as soon as i bid charles and our folks farewell. the beautiful personage assumed a firmer tone, as he said, "let the dead bury their dead, but follow thou me." at this command i responded, "i will," and followed him to the graveyard, where he left me. and i awoke with that angelic figure, with that sweet, yet solemn, voice ringing in my ear. i related the dream, with its clear impression in my mind, to my husband, who replied, "that is a significant dream, and i think indicates death. i think we shall be called to part with our infant daughter lavina; and it is quite evident that consumption is fast hastening our sister phoebe to her long home." she was my own sister, who married my husband's brother, daniel haviland. he continued his remarks, by making suggestions as to the course we would feel it best to pursue about a burying-place for our little daughter, in case of a refusal of friends to allow a plain marble slab, with her name and date of birth and death in their burying-ground; and suggested the corner of our orchard as a pleasant place, to which i assented. after spending half an hour in this conversation, he went out to his work. i prayed for my savior's hand to lead me in whatever trial it was necessary for me to pass through. little did i think of the heavier stroke which was first to fall. a few days after this dream i was charging myself with being visionary; yet a few of these most impressive dreams, i believe, have been designed for our instruction. my husband was seized with a heavy cold, accompanied by a severe cough, that was increasing; yet he was able to be about the house and barn, giving directions, as to outdoor work, but nothing appeared alarming, when i was aroused by a startling dream of a coffin being brought into our front room by four men, of whom i inquired who was dead. the answer was, "a connection of yours." "i want to see him, for that coffin appears to be for a small man," was my reply. "he is a small man," was the rejoinder, "and you shall see him." upon this, the closed coffin was brought to me, and i arose and followed the pall-bearers to the graveyard. as the people were standing around the open grave to see the coffin lowered, i saw a little child standing on the very edge of the grave opposite to me. i exclaimed, "do take that child away, for it will cave into the grave after its father!" at that instant the light sand under its feet gave way, and, as it struck the coffin, the loud, hollow sound awoke me, trembling as with a fit of ague, and with the strong impression that i was soon to part with my beloved companion and infant daughter, although both were sweetly sleeping by my side. with this thrill through my whole being, i resorted to prayer for their restoration to health, if consistent with the divine will. although my husband had enjoyed good health a number of years, and had not for seven years previously called upon a physician, yet i now resolved to persuade him to call for one at once. as the clock struck four, and as i was leaving the bed to light the fire, my husband awoke, and said he had enjoyed the most refreshing sleep he had had since taking this cold, and felt so well he thought he soon should be rid of it. whenever i spoke the chattering of my teeth revealed my agitation, and he expressed fear lest i should be ill from the hard chill. but little did he understand the upheavings of my troubled heart. soon a severe paroxysm of coughing gave the opportunity to suggest the idea of sending for a physician. at length he consented, as he said, to please me, as he thought this cough would soon give way. but while i went to our boy's study room to awaken our son harvey to go for the doctor, a severe pain in the region of the lungs was cutting every breath. the doctor was soon with us, but he thought there were no discouraging symptoms apparent. i seat for father haviland, who also thought, as did the doctor, that i was unreasonably troubled; but during the following night he expressed doubts of recovery himself, and requested his will to be written, which was done. as his fever increased, great effort was made to control our feelings in his presence. at one time, as he awoke, he discovered fast-falling tears, and said: "do not weep for me, my dear wife; remember those beautiful lines: 'god moves in mysterious way, his wonders to perform.' we are not to 'judge the lord by feeble sense, but trust him for his grace; behind a frowning providence he hides a smiling face' our separation will be short at longest. then we shall be reunited where there is no sorrow--no more dying--in that glorious home. two days ago there seemed a little cloud; but prayer was answered, and the cloud was all removed. the overshadowing now is that of peace and love." he called for the children. looking upon us all, he said, "o, how dear you all are to me!" calling each by name, he gave advice and exhortations as none but a departing husband and father could leave with his family--a legacy more precious than all the golden treasures of earth. then he added: "i want you, my dear children, to promise me that you will meet your father in heaven. will you meet me there?" taking our little babe in his hands, he kissed it and said, "dear little lavina will soon be with her father," and closed with the prayer: "o lord, i commit my dear wife and children into thy bands. thou art the widow's god, and a loving father to fatherless children." the words of the dying christian, beginning "what's that steals, that steals upon my frame? is it death-is it death?" were sung by his bedside, and as the last line, "all is well-all is well," was reached, he raised his hands, and repeated, "o, hallelujah to the lamb!" then, turning to me, he added, "my dear, i want these lines sung at my funeral." his last words were, "come, lord jesus, thy servant is ready," and with a sweet smile his happy spirit was wafted home, march , . his disease was inflammatory erysipelas, at that time entirely new, and not understood by our physicians. it passed through our portion of the state, a sweeping epidemic, in the spring of , and proved fatal in most cases. my dear mother, who was with us during this week of sorrow, was taken home with the same disease, and in one week her happy spirit took its flight to god who gave it. she, too, left us hi the triumphs of faith. she had not left us an hour before brother daniel came for me to go to his dying wife, as she was calling for mother, and he did not dare inform her that mother was dangerously ill. i took my little emaciated babe upon a pillow, and went to my dear sister, who was so soon to leave us. her first query was, "how is our dear mother?" "mother is a happy spirit in heaven," was the reply, "and sister phoebe will soon meet her there." her reply was: "it is well; but i had hoped to meet her once more in this world--yet we'll soon meet, to part no more forever. she soon followed brother charles; but i trust we will all meet one day, an unbroken band. o how i wish i could see brother ira!" an absent brother for whom she had often expressed great anxiety in regard to his spiritual and everlasting welfare. the same burden of soul for the same brother had also rested on the heart of our sainted mother, whose funeral took place two days later. within one week sister phoebe died in peace. here was the third wave of sorrow rolling over us. from this house of mourning i was removed to my home with the same disease that had taken my husband and mother; and a number of our neighbors were going the same way. my father and father-in-law thought me dangerously ill-chills and fever, with stricture of the lungs, that made respiration painful. they were very anxious to have the best help that could be obtained at once; "for," said father, "what is done for thee must be done quickly" i told him that every one who had been taken with this disease had died, as physicians of each school did not understand it. but i would return to my home, as they suggested; but felt most easy to trust myself with water treatment, and would like to take a shower-bath every two hours, and try that treatment twelve hours. this was done, and every bath brought relief to respiration, and my lungs became entirely free, though my neck and throat were still badly swollen and inflamed. cold applications, frequently applied, soon overcame that difficulty, and in three days the disease seemed entirely conquered. a relapse from taking cold, however, threw me into a stupor; but i was aroused by an expression of a neighbor, as he said: "she is not conscious, and never will be, unless something is done; and if she were a sister of mine a doctor would be here as soon as i could bring him." "i will see if i can get an expression from her," said my brother harvey. "if we can only learn mother's wish it shall be granted," said my anxious son harvey. as i heard their remarks a strong impression came over me that if i were placed in charge of a physician i should not live two days, but if i could tell them to shower my head and neck often i would recover. as i looked upon my anxious fatherless children around my bed i made an effort to speak, but my parched and swollen tongue could not for some time utter a word. the answer to earnest prayer came from him who numbers even the very hairs of our head. as my brother took my hand, saying, "if you wish a physician press my hand, or if you wish water treatment move your head on the pillow," i could not move my head in the least, and my only hope was to say no. when asked if i wished a doctor sent for, i prayed that my tongue might utter words of direction for the sake of my fatherless children, and said, "no." "do you want cold compresses, or shall we gently shower over a thin cloth on the swollen and inflamed portion of your neck and head?" "shower." "cold or tepid?" "well." "if you mean well-water, how much?" "big pitcher." "how often?" "twenty minutes." said my son harvey, "it shall be done, if i sit by her every minute to-night." i felt a positive impression that my heavenly father had answered my prayer directly, and granted an assurance, in the token of recovery, and i praised the lord for his "loving kindness, o, how free." with this assurance i fell back in a stupor, except a dreamy consciousness of their showering, which was faithfully done, with the assistance of my brother. at twelve o'clock i awoke, and inquired where all the people were that filled the room a little while before, and was surprised to learn the hour of night. they said, as my breathing became more natural, the neighbors had left and the children retired. i could speak easily, and the purple appearance of the skin had disappeared. in the morning the pain was entirely gone, but the soreness was still severe. but with frequent changes of compresses during the day, the swelling very much subsided. i wondered why father did not come, as he had not been to see me since sister phoebe's funeral. my brother informed me that he had a chill during the funeral, and had not been able to leave. as he had a few fits of the ague some weeks previously, i supposed it was a return of that disease. the day following brother sala came, and in reply to my inquiry after my father, said he was no better, but sent me a request to be very careful of myself, and hoped i would soon recover, and left in seeming haste to see brother patchin. but i sent for him to come and tell me more about father. he soon came with brother patchin and brother dolbeare. he then told me that father had the same disease that had taken my husband and our mother, and he also said that it was father's request that for the sake of my large family of children, who were recently bereft of their father, that i would give up the idea of coming to see him. but i could not be satisfied without going to see my dear father once more, and yet, the pleading of my dear children was almost too much to forego. "we have just lost our father; now what should we do if our mother should be taken from us?" "but if i am rolled in quilts and laid on a bed in the wagon, i am confident i can be taken to father's house safely"--distant nearly three miles. in this way i was taken to my dying father, though unable to walk across the room without assistance. as soon as he learned of my coming, he directed them to lay me on the bed until i was rested. in a few minutes he sent them to bring me to him. as my son and brother led me to his bedside, he placed the cold purple fingers over my pulse, and said, "i am so glad to see thee, but i feared it would be too much for thee to bear. there is a little feverish excitement about thee yet. i am more concerned for thee than for the rest of my children, on account of thy large family, that will so much need their mother's counsel and care. i want to say to thee, look up to the widow's god for guidance, for wisdom from him is so much needed, with the heavy responsibilities now resting upon thee. do not allow these bereavements to crush thy feeble frame. i have feared they had already seriously affected thy health. i know thy anxiety to bring up thy children in the nurture and admonition of the lord. and he will grant ability to lead them to the lamb of god, who shed his precious blood for us all." with other advice, he became weary, and said, "now take her back to the other room, and lay her on the bed until rested." and during the few hours he lived he frequently sent for me to talk a few minutes at a time, watching my pulse each time, until within a few moments of the last farewell to earth. there were six of his children present, to whom he gave his farewell blessing, leaving a bright evidence that all was well with him. "in me there is no merit. i am fully trusting in the merit of my crucified savior, who shed his own precious blood for my redemption. i can say with job, 'i know that my redeemer lives,' and because he lives i shall live also." his last words, almost with his last breath, were, "here she comes," and left this tabernacle for the building not made with hands, eternal in the heavens. father and mother were lovely in their lives, and in their death were only two weeks divided. it seemed that my last earthly prop was gone. three weeks later my youngest child followed her father and grandparents to the spirit home. within six weeks, five of my nearest and dearest ones were taken from me. there was hardly a family within two miles of us but was bereft of one or two loved ones by this epidemic. five widows (myself included) at one time were standing around the death-bed of a near neighbor. our female principal at that time, emily galpin, was taken with this epidemic, and died after three days' illness. a few hours previous to her death she requested a season of prayer, in which her husband, rev. charles galpin, led. her prospect was bright, and, clearly foreseeing the ransomed throng she was soon to join, said she, "oh! how vain, how transitory, does all earthly treasure appear at this hour--a mere bubble upon the water." about a half an hour before she left us, she said, "hark! don't you hear that beautiful music? oh! what music; i never heard anything like it! don't you hear it?" "no, we do not hear it." being in an ecstasy, she exclaimed, "look at that heavenly choir. don't you see them? don't you hear that sweetest of all music?" "we do not see them nor hear them." "there--they have left." a few minutes before her happy spirit took its flight, she again looked up very earnestly. "there they are again. oh, how sweet! how beautiful!" and taking leave of her husband and two children, sister and brother-in-law, and of all present, committing her dear ones to the keeping of the lord jesus, with the request that the two lines, "rock of ages, cleft for me, let me hide myself in thee," be placed upon the marble slab to mark her resting place, she fell asleep in jesus. such fatality never before, nor since, visited raisin as is . in those days of sorrow commingled with the rest of faith, that brought peace and joy even in affliction, my only reliance was the widow's god, for wisdom i so much needed in the double responsibilities now resting upon me. after the death of my sweet babe, twenty-two months of age, and my restoration to health, i looked over amounts of indebtedness with dates when due. i made an estimate of costs of harvesting and marketing the twenty acres of wheat and other grains, and what must be retained for family use; and found i would be able to reach only about half the amount due the following autumn. i called on all our creditors within reach to inform them of probabilities, unless i could find sale for a portion of the stock. but none of the creditors wanted any of it. said one, to whom the largest amount was due, "you do not think of taking your husband's business and carrying it forward, do you?" i replied, "i thought of trying to do the best i could with it." with a look of surprise, he said firmly, "you are very much mistaken, mrs. haviland; you can not do any such thing; you had much better appoint some man in whom you have confidence to transact your business for you." i informed him i had seven minor children left me, and i found seven hundred dollars of indebtedness, and it would cost money to hire an agent then, i ought to know just where i stand, to enable me to look closely to expenditures. "well, you can try it, but you'll find your mistake before six months have passed, and you'll see you had better have taken my advice." i knew i was not accustomed to business of this sort. all the other creditors whom i had seen spoke very kindly. although these words were not unkindly spoken, yet they were saddening to my already sad heart. i was too timid to go to the probate judge with any sort of ease for instruction. in looking around me for some female friend to accompany me, i could find but very few who were not undergoing like trials with myself, consequently i must submit to these new experiences, as whatever was right for me to do was proper. i depended upon an all wise guiding hand, who is ever ready to reach it forth to the trusting child. i wrote to one, a few miles distant, to whom was due eighty dollars the ensuing fall, that forty dollars would be all i should be able to meet. he called in a few days, and introduced himself saying that he had received a statement from me that i could only pay him the coming fall fifty per cent on the eighty-dollar note he held against my husband. said he, in a hurried manner, "i called to let you know that i _must have it all_ when it is due, as i have a payment to make on my farm at that time, and i have depended on that" i told him i would gladly pay him every penny of it the coming fall, but it would be impossible, as there were other demands equally pressing. "very well, that is all i have to say, madam; i can not accept any such arrangement; i shall put in a way to bring it. good-by." he left in haste for me to ponder all these things over, in doubts as to my ability to meet all these rough places of outside life. perhaps i had better leave this business with some man to deal with men. but prayer to the widow's god and comforting promises were my companions. here was my only refuge and shelter in these storms. as i retired with a burdened heart, that i was endeavoring to cast at the feet of my savior, the widow's burden-bearer, i had a sweet dream of an angelic host, that filled my room with a halo of glory, settled on every face, and those nearest my bed appeared in the form of persons dressed in beautiful attire; others were sweet faces that looked upon me with smiles of peace. as one took my hand, a familiar feeling sprang up, that gave me confidence to ask for the name. "my name is supporter." and looking at the one standing near, "and what is his name?" "that is a woman, and her name is influencer-of-hearts." pointing to another still more glorious in appearance, "and who is that one?" "that is searcher-of-hearts." "then you all bear the name of your missions to earth, do you?" "we do," replied supporter. as i looked over this host that filled my room i burst into a flood of tears for joy. i exclaimed, "oh! what missions are yours! so many wayward hearts to influence, so much of sin and wickedness that reigns in this world to search out." at this said searcher of hearts, "support her, for she needs it" "i do," and he reached for my other hand, and as both of my hands were held by supporter, i realized a wave of strength to pass over me, filling my soul. i awoke in an ecstacy. yea, i will cast my care on jesus and not forget to pray. calm and sweet was this confidence in being cared for, and supported by an almighty arm. a few days after i saw the exacting man coming through my gate, which, for a moment, caused a dread; but the second thought was, _all,_ all is with my savior. i met him with the usual greeting, and said, "you have called to see about that claim you have against me." "yes, i have called to inform you that i shall not want any thing from you next fall, and perhaps shall not want more than half next year, as i have received one hundred dollars that i had supposed was lost, and as i was coming within two miles i thought i would call and let you know of my conclusion." while i thanked him for the favor, secret praise ascended to him who melts away the mountain that seems impassable, making a way where there seemed no way. this may seem a small matter, but for me at that time it was a reason for rejoicing at this unexpected turn of affairs. it was but one of many similar cases, and none can more fully realize the blessing of these reliefs than the widow of nearly two-score years, who never previous to widowhood knew the burden of outside work in providing for a large family, which was now added to continued care of the raisin institute. many night plans, for day execution, were made. i soon found sale for forty acres of the one hundred and sixty, which relieved me of the most pressing demands. at times responsibilities were so great, and burdens so crushing, that i was almost ready to falter. my greatest anxiety was to guide my dear children aright. the four older ones had resolved to follow the dear redeemer, but the slippery paths of youth were theirs to walk in. the consideration of these multiform cares at one time seemed of crushing weight. i questioned whether the burden i had so often left at the foot of the cross i had not taken up again, and whether i had as fully consecrated self, with my dear children, to the lord as he required. i was endeavoring fully to yield _all_ into my redeemer's hands for safe-keeping. this was my constant prayer, yet this heavy burden during a few days seemed unfitting me for the every-day duties devolving upon me. in family devotion i opened to the fifty-fourth chapter of isaiah, where i found precious promises that i accepted for my own, and the heavy burden for my children was uplifted. never did i experience greater liberty in prayer, or exercise a stronger faith. surely the silver lining to this cloud appears. "all thy children shall be taught of the lord" were precious words. i was afflicted and tossed with tempest, but a sweet promise followed. all the way through that chapter the comforter appeared with rich promises. with these before me i could freely leave all my burden with the lord. i saw by the eye of faith all my seven children made acquainted with their creator in the days of their youth. although i never ceased asking, yet there has seemed an accompanying assurance. when from ten to sixteen years of age, my seven children yielded by living experience to the savior's loving invitation, "come unto me," that hour and day was victorious through faith. that weight of burden never again returned! the entire yielding all into the care and keeping power of him who doeth all things well, at that hour was complete. i could say, "he leadeth me," without a shadow of doubt. as fugitive-slaves were still making their resting-place with us, i hired one of them, named george taylor, a few months through hay-making and harvest. he had made his escape from a southern master who was about to sell him farther south. once before he had made an unsuccessful attempt at freedom, but was captured and placed in irons, until they made deep sores around his ankles. as he appeared very submissive, the sorest ankle was relieved. being so badly crippled, he was thought safe. but supplying himself with asafetida, which he occasionally rubbed over the soles of his shoes, to elude the scent of bloodhounds, he again followed the north star, and finally reached our home. his ankles were still unhealed. he had succeeded in breaking the iron with a stone, during the first and second days of his hiding in the woods. he was an honest christian man of the baptist persuasion. marriage of two children. on june , , my oldest son, harvey s., was married to huldah west, of adrian, and my oldest daughter, esther m., was at the same hour married to almon camburn, of franklin, both of our own county. the mother's earnest prayer was, that these children might prove each other's burden-sharers, thereby doubling the joys, as well as dividing the sorrows, of life. my daughter's husband was one of our students, and in some of her studies a classmate. we were fortunate in again securing brother patchin to finish the academic year in our institution. though the cloud looked dark that overhung our institution, by the sudden deaths of my husband, and sister emily galpin, which caused her bereaved husband to leave as soon as his place could be filled by a successor, we had the consciousness that our school was taking a deep hold on the minds of the community at large, as well as exercising a marked influence upon the young people who were enjoying its privileges. we found an increasing interest in abolition principles throughout our community. in this we praised god and took courage. chapter iii. anti-slavery experiences. this chapter introduces the reader to representatives of a large proportion of slave-owners of the southern states, who were perverted by a system well-named "the sum of all villainies." willis hamilton, an emancipated slave, the hero of this narrative, who fled to canada with his slave wife, elsie, to seek for her the protection of the british lion from the merciless talons of the freedom-shrieking american eagle, was emancipated three years previous to the date of this chapter, together with nineteen others (the reputed goods and chattels of john bayliss, a baptist deacon, near jonesborough, tennessee). slaveholder though he was, john bayliss evidently thought his black people had souls as well as those of white skins, for he allowed his house servants to remain in the dining-room during evening family worship, thus giving them instruction which, as the sequel will show, made the slave the teacher of the master; for one morning, as "aunt lucy," an old and privileged servant, was passing through his room, she said: "massa john, i's bin thinkin' a heap o' dat ar what you read in the bible t' other night." "ah, what's that, aunt lucy?" said the deacon. "it's to do oder folks as you'd want 'em to do to you, or somehow dat fashion. i tell you, massa john, 't would be mighty hard for you white folks to work great many years and get noffin'. den, if you dies, whar'd we go to? i specks we'd go down de riber, like jones's poor people did las' week." "well, well, aunt lucy, that was too bad; but jones was in debt, and i suppose they had to be sold." "o yes, i s'pose so; but dat you read in de bible sort o' sticks to me--i can't help it," said this faithful old mother in israel, as she went out to her work. in a moment or two mrs. bayliss entered the room, and the deacon said: "wife, what kind of a text do you think aunt lucy has just given me?" "text?" "yes, text." "what's got into her head now?" "she says she's been thinking about what i read in prayer-time the other evening, referring to the golden rule, and that it sort o' sticks to her. she spoke, of the excitement over jones's black people who were sent down the river the other day; and i tell you, the way she applied her text, it 'sort o' sticks' to me." "o hush!" indignantly exclaimed mrs. bayliss. "aunt lucy's mighty religious, and has so many notions of her own she's not worth minding, any how." "but she asked me what would become of my black people if i should die, and if i thought they would ever be torn apart as jones's were. i tell you, wife, i have witnessed such scenes too often to feel right in risking a contingency of that kind," said the deacon, gravely. "don't be a fool, now, john baybss," angrily exclaimed his wife, "about aunt lucy's fuss over jones's niggers." "well," said the deacon, "i don't wonder at her feeling grieved; they belonged to her church, and many of them were her relatives." here, for the time being, the conversation ended; but the soul of john bayliss, awakened by the simple, straight-forward speech of his bond-woman, refused to be quieted, and he made this the subject of earnest prayer until the path of duty became so clear before him that he could not do otherwise than manumit his twenty slaves, although bitterly opposed by his wife (who refused to free the three held in her own right). elsie, the wife of willis hamilton, belonged to a neighboring planter. she was sold to a drover for the southern market, and was being torn from her husband and two little daughters. willis, in his agony, went from house to house, imploring some one to buy her, so that she might remain near her family. finally one dr. john p. chester, who was about opening a hotel, agreed to purchase elsie for $ , if willis would pay $ in work in the house, and fare the same as the other servants in board and clothing. with these conditions willis gladly complied; but after they had spent a few months in their new home deacon bayliss examined their article of agreement and found it to be illegal. he told willis that dr. chester could sell elsie at any time, and he could establish no claim to her, even had he paid the $ , which, at the wages he was receiving, would take him nearly nine years to earn, with the interest, and advised him to leave dr. chester and work for wages, as he had done since his manumission. this advice was immediately acted upon, willis being permitted to spend his nights with his wife. every thing passed off pleasantly for a few weeks, until one of the house-servants told elsie that she overheard master john sell both her and willis to a slave-trader, who would the following night convey them to the river with a drove ready for new orleans. frantic as the poor woman was with terror and grief at this information, she managed to perform her duties as usual until supper-time; and when all were seated at the table she slipped out unobserved, ran through a corn-field into the woods, sending word to willis by a fellow-servant to meet her at a certain log. the moment willis received the message he hastened to her with flying feet; and here the wretched husband and wife, but a few days before so full of plans for a pleasant future, held their council in tears. willis, in his sudden fright and excitement, could only exclaim: "what shall we do? where shall we go?" elsie, cooler and more composed, suggested going to deacon bayliss for advice. this willis quickly did, and soon returned, it having been arranged that he should bring elsie there and secrete her in the attic until the excitement of the hunt was over. after this they assumed the names of bill and jane, a brother and sister who answered to their own description of color and size on willia's free papers--the whole list of the twenty slaves emancipated by deacon bayliss being recorded on each paper. after five weeks hiding at the southern terminus of the "underground railroad," they took up their line of march for canada. in a quaker settlement in indiana they found friends to whom they revealed their true relationship, and here they spent a year with a quaker family named shugart. but the slight protection afforded by the laws of indiana did not tend to give them a feeling of security, and so they started again for the promised land with their infant daughter louisa. on this journey they were assisted on their way, and made easy and comfortable compared with their hasty flight from tennessee, from whence they walked with swollen and blistered feet, and every nerve strung to its utmost tension from the fear of pursuit by their southern persecutors. as times were hard in canada, elsie consented to come to michigan with her husband if he could find a quaker neighborhood. in their search they found our house, and my husband, charles haviland, jr., after learning their condition, leased willis twenty acres of ground, mostly openings, for ten years, for the improvements he would make thereon. here they lived for three years, when one day elsie saw a strange man peering through the fence. her first thought was "a southerner," and snatching her two little ones she ran for our house, only a few rods distant. the man pursued her, and she called for help to a neighbor in sight, at which the skulking sneak took himself off to the woods. this incident so thoroughly aroused their fears that they took another farm, a few miles distant, for three years; then a farm near ypsilanti for a few years; from whence they removed to monroe, where they induced a friend to write to willis's old friend and master, deacon bayliss, making inquiries after their two daughters, who were left behind in slavery. they received a prompt reply, purporting to come from bayliss, informing them that their daughters were still living where they left them. he would see them, he said, by the time he received their next letter, which he hoped would be soon, that he might be the happy bearer of glad news to the children from their father and mother. he professed great joy at hearing from them, wished them to write all the particulars about themselves, but cautioned them to write to no one but him, and all would be safe. he requested them to inform him in what town they were living, as he noticed their letter was dated in one town, mailed in another, and he was directed to address them in a third. their friend, however, strictly cautioned them not to reveal their definite whereabouts, but to answer all other queries. willis wrote that as his farm lease had expired there, he would have to seek another farm, and did not know where he would be, but to address a letter as before and it would be forwarded to him. their next move was to return to their first michigan home on my premises, a few months after the death of my husband, taking up their abode in the little log-house built for them a few years before, and working my land on shares. another letter was soon received from their friend deacon bayliss, as they supposed, and they urged me to reply; but i firmly refused to write to any one in the land of the slaveholder, lest the message should fall into the hands of enemies, and advised them to leave their daughters in the hands of the lord, who would yet provide a way of deliverance for them as he had for their parents. in their great anxiety, however, to hear from their children, from whom they had been separated so many years, their plea was strong and persistent: but i remained immovable to all their entreaties, and told them of a slave family, who, after living twenty years in indiana, had but recently been captured and returned to hopeless bondage. upon this they yielded to me for the time being, but in a few weeks came again with pleadings made eloquent by suffering. as they had felt the vice-like grip of the peculiar system on their own hearts and lives, they realized too keenly the fate that might any time overtake their daughters. but i still resisted all their entreaties, and in a few days after they applied to j. f. dolbeare, one of the trustees of raisin institute, who, thinking there was no danger, wrote all they desired, telling the supposed deacon bayliss all their past life in the free states and all their plans for the future. this they kept from me for a time, but elsie's heart refused to be quieted, and she finally told me about it, first telling her husband she believed it their duty "for," she says, "i have thought more about it since aunt laura told me she dreamed of three poisonous green vipers which she poked so near the fire that their sacks were burned to a crisp and the poison all ran out, so that she thought them powerless for harm, but they still kept their threatening attitude; and who knows but these vipers may be slaveholders?" willis said he had felt like telling me all the while, and both came to me with their story. i much regretted this unwise step, but forbore all criticism, and told them we would hope for the best. a few days after a stranger appeared at our gate and inquired for a stray horse, which he said left him at tecumseh. none having been seen he made similar inquiries at hamilton's. he also asked for a glass of water, and while receiving it, says to elsie: "auntie, where does this road lead to, that crosses the river east?" "to palmyra," she replied, and frightened at being addressed as "auntie," in the southern style, hastened into her house. the second night after this, at eleven o'clock, a carriage drove up to a log-house on one of the cross roads, and three men appeared simultaneously, two at the front and one at the rear window, but quickly disappeared. they had evidently mistaken their place, as it was a white family up with a sick child. it was a dark night, and there was a dug way ten feet deep perpendicular, near the fence to which their team was hitched, which the valiant and mysterious trio did not discover, and when they re-entered their carriage and attempted to turn around they tumbled into it, horses, carriage, and all. this little incident so disarranged their plans that they were until daylight returning to adrian (only six miles distant), with their broken trappings and bruised horses. they told the liveryman, mr. hurlburt, that their horses took fright and ran off a steep bank, and begged him to fix the damages as low as possible, as they were from home, belated, etc. mr. hurlburt assessed them thirty dollars; but he afterwards said, had he known their business he would have doubled it. three days after this fortunate mishap willis hamilton received a letter inclosing three dollars, purporting to be from john bayliss, who had come up into ohio on business, and was on his way to visit them when he was suddenly taken very ill, and was pronounced by the physicians in a critical condition--in fact, they gave him but little encouragement for recovery, and he desired willis to come and visit him, and bring his wife and children, as he might want him for two weeks. he closed by saying: "whether i get better or die, i am resigned, and can say the lord's will be done. i shall have every train watched until you come. god bless you "respectfully yours, john bayliss" of course i was given this letter to read, and i suggested the utmost caution in obeying this request, for, as the old rat in the fable said, there might be "concealed mischief in this heap of meal" i called for the other two letters, and found they were written by the same hand willis says: "oh! i know the old boss too well, he's true as steel; he won't have anything to do with trap business. besides, i've got my free papers, and i'm not afraid to go, but i wont take my wife and children" i proposed that mr. dolbeare or some neighbor go with him that pleased him, but mr. dolbeare could not go. as my son daniel and i were going to adrian, i proposed to get either mr. backus or mr. peters, both strong anti-slavery friends in the city, to accompany him to toledo. as we were about starting, joseph gibbons, a neighbor, came with the suggestion that willis remain at home, and james martin, who was about his color and size, go in his stead; as gibbons agreed with me in believing there was a deep laid plot. to this all parties agreed, and willis gave me the letter and the three dollars towards the fare of whoever should go with james, who was an intelligent young colored man in our institution. everything being in readiness we now started for adrian, where we arrived just in time to jump on board the train, and consequently had no leisure to seek out and make the proposed arrangements with our above mentioned friends, but sent word back to willis that we would return the following morning. once fairly settled on our journey the responsibility so suddenly thrust upon me made me cry out in my heart for wisdom beyond my own, and i prayed for a guiding hand to direct our actions in case we should find ourselves in the camp of the enemy, face to face with traffickers in human souls and bodies, who considered no scheme too vile or desperate for them to undertake, the success of which would in any way subserve their own interests. we arrived at toledo at p. m., and as we left the cars james was, addressed by a man with the question: "is your name willis hamilton?" (and without waiting for a reply), "is your wife with you?" "no, sir," said james. "perhaps i am mistaken," said the questioner, who was the porter of the toledo hotel. "who do you wish to see?" said james. "willis hamilton is the man i am sent for, by his old friend john bayliss, who is at the toledo hotel, so ill that he is not expected to live." "where is this mr. bayliss from?" said james. "tennessee, i believe." "very well, if there is such a man here i want to see him." "come with me, and i'll take you to his room," said the porter. while this conversation was passing between the porter and james we were following in the rear, but apparently paying no attention to them. our plan was for daniel to keep james in sight if possible, and whatever he heard of the sick man to report to me in the parlor. we entered the hotel nearly together. i was shown into the parlor and james was taken up a flight of stairs from the bar-room. daniel was following, when the porter told him the bar-room for gentlemen was below. he said, "i am taking this man to see a friend of his who is very sick, and no strangers are allowed to enter the room." of course, my son could do nothing but return, so no further observations could be taken by us until the reappearance of james. for two long hours we neither saw nor heard anything of him, and becoming very anxious and restless i told daniel to ask for james martin, as he had business with him. twice he made this request, but the porter only said, "yes, yes, you shall see him in a minute," and dodged from room to room to keep out of sight. growing desperate, i finally told my son to tell the porter "if that young colored man is not forthcoming at once, a writ of _habeas corpus_ will be served on him in fifteen minutes, as we must see him immediately. also tell mr. woodward, the proprietor, that your mother is here with a message for mr. john bayliss, who we understand is very ill at this house." mr. woodward instantly summoned the porter, and we heard him say in an excited undertone: "there's trouble ahead unless that young black fellow comes down immediately; tell them to send him down at once." in a moment the porter, three gentlemen, and james made their appearance, evidently to the surprise of twenty half drunken irishmen who had been chattering all the evening, but were now so still you could have heard a pin drop, to see hamilton (as the sequel shows they supposed) brought down so publicly and without fetters. it afterwards transpired that willis hamilton, upon coming down stairs, was to have been put into a close carriage, sent away, and his family then sent for under the plea that he was detained with his sick friend, and this was the intelligent crowd who were to aid in the success of the plan. i had seen a carriage stand fifteen or twenty minutes at the bar-room door and finally leave without a passenger, and daniel saw the same carriage at the rear door equally long, which also left there empty. upon coming down james martin evidently took in the situation at a glance, for, giving my son a pinch, he said: "mr. haviland, let us go into the dining-room and call for supper." this was to give the drunken rabble time to leave so that he could relate his adventures with the southerners after supper. but by this time the porter came to me to inquire if i wished to see mr. bayliss, the sick man. i replied in the affirmative, upon which he said: "he is very low; no stranger has been allowed to enter his room for three days, but his doctor is here. would you like to see him?" "i would," i replied. a tall gentleman now entered the room and addressed me: "madam, are you the lady who wished to see me?" "i am, if you are the physician who has charge of john bayliss of tennessee, who we learn is very ill, by a letter which willis hamilton received yesterday." "i am dr. taylor of this city, and have the case of mr. bayliss in my care. his son-in-law is here taking care of him, and they are all greatly disappointed at not seeing hamilton this evening, as mr. bayliss has sent for him and his family, and they can not imagine why he does not come." "well, i can tell you why. we feared a trap, as willis's wife was formerly a slave." "i don't see," said the doctor, "how you could suspect any thing wrong in that letter, as i understand they have written them before, and you should have compared the letters to see if they were written by the same person." "we did so, and found they were written by the same person. but there are other points to consider: st, john bayliss stands somewhat in the relation of a slaveholder, as in a former letter he spoke of three aged slaves living with him, and wished hamilton and wife to stay with him two weeks if he lived, which was doubtful, and wished them to be sure and bring their children, though we all know that four little noisy children are not agreeable companions in a sick-room." here my learned doctor gave his head a vigorous scratch, and said: "well, madam, mr. bayliss is probably childish from age, and his severe illness makes him more so. a nervous temperament like his, affected by disease, often enfeebles the mind, as body and mind are in close relationship philosophically. now, he is just childish enough to want to see those children playing around his room, and he says he would make them handsome presents; and as money seems to be plenty with him and apparently no object, i judge they would be well paid for coming." i did not appear to question this view of the case, but inquired how long deacon bayliss had been ill. "about seven days, madam," replied the doctor. "what seems to be the nature of the disease?" "it was at first a violent attack of bilious fever, but for the last three days it has assumed a fearful form of typhus." i told him that hamilton and his wife were both very anxious about their old friend, and wished me to see him personally, and give him their reasons for not coming. "i should be glad," said the doctor, "to allow you to see him, were it not for his extreme nervousness, but i dare not risk it. it seems hard to think the dying request of this poor old man can not be granted. he seems to consider this family almost next to his own." "yes," i said, "it is also hard and humiliating to humane and patriotic americans that a system of human bondage exists in this country which causes these horrible fears and suspicions to loom up like specters before the mental vision of this persecuted and down-trodden race." "that is very true," said dr. taylor; "slavery is the darkest spot on our national escutcheon. but in this case there is no cause for suspicion; for i am sure there is no plot with regard to the hamilton family, and i call god to witness that every word i tell you is truth. as to the three slaves you spoke of, he told me during the first of his sickness that he emancipated all his slaves, twenty in number, but that his wife had three in her right, which she refused to free, and these have always remained in the family. he manumitted his slaves from purely conscientious scruples; and i believe that if there is a christian that walks god's earth he is one, for he has manifested such patience and resignation during his severe illness that he has entirely won my affections. now, don't you think you can induce hamilton to bring his family here? i do not believe he will live three days." "i will be honest with you," i replied. "although you have talked like a candid man, i do not believe i could transfer sufficient confidence to the family to induce them to come unless i should see him, as they charged me over and again." at this my tender-hearted aesculapius sighed deeply, and said: "i am sorry that they or their friends should entertain any distrust, as i fear he may not be conscious two days longer. a council of physicians was called this afternoon, and three out of the four gave it as their opinion that he could not survive, at the longest, beyond three days; and i believe him liable to drop away within twenty-four hours, although it is barely possible he may live a week." "well," i replied, "one cause of suspicion, both with my neighbors and myself was that, although the letters from john bayliss were all written by the same hand, the last one was equally well written as the others, although he was represented as so very low, with little hope of recovery." here my ready-tongued doctor very thoughtfully placed his hand to his forehead, but in a moment replied: "i will tell you how that was. his fever was off at the time, which enabled him to carry a steady hand." "well, of course," i replied, "we do not know that any plan exists to remand these people back to slavery, but we only judged of the possibilities. and for my part i do not believe in regarding the wicked enactments of men which contravene the laws of eternal right given by god, who made of one blood all nations who dwell upon the face of the earth, and of christ, who left the realms of glory to bring blessings to mankind, and a part of whose mission was to unloose the heavy burdens and let the oppressed go free. and in view of the golden rule given by the great lawgiver, i would not for my right hand become instrumental in returning one escaped slave to bondage. i firmly, believe in our declaration of independence, that all men are created free and equal, and that no human being has a right to make merchandise of others born in humbler stations, and place them on a level with horses, cattle, and sheep, knocking them off the auction-block to the highest bidder, sundering family ties, and outraging the purest and tenderest feelings of human nature." "that is all right," said the doctor, "and i understand your feelings. slavery is the greatest curse upon our otherwise happy country. but in this case there need be no fear of any conspiracy to injure your colored friends; and i did hope, for the sake of mr. bayliss, they would come and visit him, and gratify his dying request." he then gave me some of the alarming symptoms of his patient, enlarged on the sympathy he felt for him, and finally proposed to go up and consult with his son-in law on the propriety of allowing me to see him in his present exceedingly nervous state. he said if he was not spoken to perhaps i might be allowed to look at him, as he was kept under the influence of opiates, and was to-night in a heavy stupor, and not disposed to talk to any one. "would such an arrangement be any satisfaction to you?" i replied that, while it was immaterial to me, it would probably satisfy the hamilton family; and, after a few minutes' consultation in the sick-room, he returned with the conclusion that i might enter the room, but that no loud word must be spoken, nor the sound of a footfall permitted. "but you can not see his face, as it is covered with cloths wet in vinegar to draw the fever out, and he is now in a doze, and i do not wish to disturb him." he then described the terrible paroxysms, bordering on spasms, suffered by his patient, in which it took four men to hold him, and was eulogizing his wonderful fortitude and christian patience, when the son-in-law suddenly came rushing into the room in his shirt-sleeves and stocking-feet, and exclaimed: "doctor, doctor, do come quick; father's got another spasm, and i don't know what to do." "yes, yes," said the doctor, "i'll come; don't leave your father a moment;" and jumped up, apparently in great excitement. but at the door he halted to tell me that these spasms indicated mortification, when the son-in-law again opened the door with a bang and the exclamation: "doctor, why don't you hurry? father is vomiting again, and i'm afraid he is dying." at this they both rushed frantically up-stairs. in about fifteen minutes the doctor returned, saying he had given his patient a double dose of an opiate, and would let him rest awhile. he then launched out into a description of his treatment of mr. bayliss; how he had blistered him, and performed a surgical operation on him which had given him great pain; said he was attending him to the neglect of his other patients, and after exhausting a large amount of eloquence on the subject returned to the sick chamber. in a few moments he came back with the information that i could now be admitted, and conducted me to the room. as soon as we stepped within the door the doctor halted, but i stepped to the center of the room, as if i had forgotten that i was only just to enter, and gazed at the bed and then at the lounge opposite. the doctor stepped to my side and said, "that is he on the bed yonder." i stood a moment and took a mental inventory of the sick man, who appeared full six feet tall and very slender, not at all answering to the description of the short, heavily built john bayliss, of two hundred pounds avoirdupois. of course, a fit of sickness might reduce a man's flesh, but it did not appear to me as especially likely to increase his height. as his face was covered with wet cloths i could not see the round physiognomy of john bayliss, but passing my hand over the face i found it long and thin featured. i whispered to the doctor that i would like to notice his pulse. he said i could do so on the jugular vein. i did so, and found the skin of this fever-stricken man to be the natural temperature, but i whispered to the doctor that i was not so accustomed to noticing the pulse in that locality as at the wrist. after some resistance by the sick man, who finally yielded with a long undertone groan, i found his wrist, and the full, strong, regular pulse of a well man. there was now no doubt in my mind that i was alone at this midnight hour, far from home, in a room with three slaveholders. as i stepped from the bed the doctor asked me if i was satisfied. the thought flashed through my mind that i had always contended that deception was lying, and that no circumstances could justify it but other thoughts also came, and i replied that i was satisfied. at this the son-in-law, who had apparently been sleeping on the lounge, roused himself and commenced rubbing his eyes, and looking at the doctor, said, "oh, doctor, do you think father is any better?" "i can not conscientiously give you any hope," replied the doctor. "oh, dear!" he exclaimed, "what shall i do? i am almost sick myself, taking care of him day and night. if i had only known that they were near tecumseh, where i lost my horse, i would have seen them; but i hoped to have found him better when i returned, instead of which he was much worse." at this i stepped towards him, and said: "if you are the gentleman who was inquiring for a horse in our neighborhood a few days ago, you called at hamilton's house and asked for a drink of water." "what, that place where a black woman brought me a glass of water?" "yes; that was hamilton's wife." "is it possible! that little log house where there was a pile of pumpkins in the yard?" "yes," i said. "oh! if i had only known it," he exclaimed, "we would have had them here to help us. what trouble we have had. i reckon father will die, and i shall have to go home alone. god knows we have had a bad trip of it." the careful doctor now began to fear we would disturb the patient, and we were about leaving the room when he suddenly exclaimed, "i want you to see what black bilious matter mr. bayliss vomited a while ago;" and, stepping back, he brought me a white bowl two-thirds full of what might have been the contents of a coffee-pot, with a bottle of black ink thrown in, and a few spittles floating on top. this, he told me, indicated mortification. we now passed into the parlor, where we could talk without disturbing the patient. "now, madam, as you are fully satisfied with regard to mr. bayliss's illness, can't you do something to get the hamiltons here?" "i am willing," i replied, "to do all in my power, but see no better way than to inform them of the state of affairs upon my return, and the train will leave for adrian at eight o'clock to-morrow morning." the doctor went up stairs to see what word they wished to send, and soon returned with the request that i should write to hamilton to come immediately, and the porter would go with the letter for ten dollars, and his father would send another ten dollars to willis. i still insisted that my original plan was the best, as the road through the cottonwood swamp was almost impassable. the son-in-law now entered, and after walking across the floor a few times, with sighs and groans and bemoaning his dire calamities, said his father wished the letter written. he returned to his father and the doctor went for writing material. they closed the door behind them for a consultation, i supposed. the reader will remember that during all this time i knew nothing of the experience of james martin with this afflicted trio, but had been compelled to grope my way blindly. as the doctor and son-in-law went out my son came in. he had overheard something about the writing, and said, excitedly: "don't write, mother; there is no sick man here. that tall man is elsie's master, and they threatened james's life when they had him up stairs." "daniel, i know there is no sick man here," i said; "but they do not think i dream of any plot. it is now midnight, and it is not wise to let them know that we distrust them. sit down and let us talk naturally." the doctor now returned with writing material, and i sat down to write while he conversed with my son on the weather and kindred topics. now my intention in writing to hamilton was to serve these slaveholders by defeating them. i knew, too, that disguising my hand-writing was not enough to reveal to the hamilton's that the letter was a sham, and whatever i wrote would be subjected to the perusal of my employers before it was sent. at this hour, too, a messenger could not probably be secured, even for twenty dollars. but as i seated myself at the table and took my pen in the manner in which i could appear to serve the slaveholders, but in reality defeat them, it came to me like a flash, and i cheerfully wrote all they dictated, not omitting the fact (?) that a council of physicians had decided that john bayliss could not live to exceed three days; and after handing it to the doctor and son-in-law to read, i requested permission to add a few lines on my own responsibility, which was readily granted, as i explained to them that elsie would not be prepared with regard to clothing, either for herself or children, to be away so long, and i could easily loan her sufficient garments. this, of course, was as happy a thought for them as for myself, and was so received. "indeed, madam," said the son-in-law, "that will be very kind in you. they can get ready so much quicker." so i added to my letter to willis as follows: "tell elsie to take for herself the black alpaca dress in the south bed-room, and the two pink gingham aprons and striped flannel dresses in the bureau in the west room for the little girls. to come to adrian, take the double team and farm wagon." i signed my name and handed the letter to the delighted stranger. he then gave my son a lighted sperm candle to light us over to the indiana house, at that time the best hotel in toledo, and kept by salter cleveland and wife, anti-slavery friends of ours. this light, however, served them to follow us, as well as guide us to our haven of safety. after settling ourselves with our friends to tell our adventures i had a chance to hear james martin's story. after the failure of my son to follow james and the porter up stairs, james was of course entirely in the hands of the enemy. at the head of the stairs they were met by an elderly gentleman with a lamp, who offered to conduct james to the sick room, and he was told to enter the first right hand door. on opening the door he found no one inside. "oh," said his guide, "they have moved him to the next room, as was suggested by the council of physicians this afternoon; we will find him there; and opening the door the stranger assumed an attitude of command and told him to go in." james, however, replied: "i shall not go in, sir; you can see as well as i that the room is empty." the stranger gave a surprised look at the interior of the room and said: "oh, i guess they moved him to the farther room, as some one suggested, after all. as there is no other room he can be in, you will certainly find him there." by this time, of course, james began thoroughly to distrust his conductor, and hesitated about going farther; but desiring to make all the discoveries possible, and thinking if violence was attempted he could run down stairs to us, he passed on to the third door, and throwing it wide open found this room also empty. he was about turning back when two other men suddenly appeared through a door at the left, and the three surrounded him, one leveling a revolver at his head, another at his breast, and the third pointing a dirk at his side, all indulging in an indiscriminate volley of oaths and threats. said his grey-haired guide (who afterwards proved to be john p. chester, elsie's master, the same who had enacted to me the role of the sympathetic physician), "if you stir or speak one word we'll kill you. go into that room, or you're a dead mail." in this position they entered the room and locked the door. "now, hamilton, we've got you, damn you." "my name is not hamilton, but james martin," was james' reply. "damn you," rejoined chester, "i know you; you were once a slave in tennessee." "no, sir, i never was a slave, nor was i ever in a slave state. i was born and brought up in the state of new york." "then you're a d----d spy, and i've a great mind to shoot you this minute," said chester. "if you call me a spy because i came here to see mr. john bayliss for mr. hamilton, then you can do so, for this is why i am here, and i came here with no intention of harm to any one, i am entirely unarmed, i have not so much as a penknife with which to defend myself, but i tell you, gentlemen, i have friends here in this house." at this they dropped their weapons as by an electric shock, and chester exclaimed, "you shan't be hurt! you shan't be hurt!" then turning to his son: "tom, put up your pistol." "but," says tom, "i propose to search him and see whether he's clear of arms." "no! you shan't do it. i reckon it's as he says." james, seeing that they were thoroughly intimidated, now felt at his ease. the southerners, of course, did not know but a posse of armed men awaited their actions instead of one little woman and a lad of seventeen. chester now addressed james in a subdued tone and manner, asking him to sit down, "and i'll tell you all about it mr. john bayliss is here and he is very sick; he is not expected to live. but i am elsie's master; my name is john p. chester, and i bought her out of pure benevolence to save her from going down the river with a drove. willis was going from house to house begging for some one to buy his wife, crying and taking on like he was nearly crazy, and i felt sorry for him, and told him if he would help me buy her by paying three hundred dollars in work for me, i could do it, and he entered into a written agreement with me that i was to feed and clothe him the same as my other servants, and give him a good price for his work; but before he had been with me a year he took my property and ran away with it, and now i want to get it back." "why don't you go and get it then?" said james. "oh, there's such a set of d----d abolitionists there i can't do it," said chester. "hamilton wrote to me that he had put in ten acres of wheat this fall on shares on a widow lady's farm, and that he had a yoke of oxen, two cows, pigs and chickens." "yes," said james, "that is all true." "well," said chester, "you can have all he has there, besides any amount of money you please to name, if you will assist me in getting him and his family here. will you do it?" james replied, very carelessly, "well, i don't know but i will for enough." "you see," said chester, "if i can get them here, i can get help from one place to another in ohio, and when i strike kentucky i'd be all right." in laying plans and making arrangements they consumed two hours' time, and, as the reader will remember, i became nervous and sent for james, after which i had my experience with the doctor and the sick man. after finding ourselves quietly seated with our friends in their private parlor, before we had fairly finished relating our adventures, the night watch came in with the report that three men were pacing around the house at about equal distances, whom he suspected to be burglars. orders were given to keep the outside rooms lighted, and if any attempt was made to enter to ring the alarm bell and assistance would be forthcoming. morning light, however, revealed to the watchmen that their suspected burglars were the three southerners, who had stopped at the indiana house a few days, but not finding co-operation probable in their slave-hunting business, had changed their quarters to the toledo hotel. i recognized my doctor and the son-in-law; and the other, a tall, slender young man, of twenty-two, was my sick and suffering deacon, who an hour previous had been so near death's door. their object, of course, in guarding the house, was to see that we sent no messenger to defeat the letter i bad so kindly written for them. but on this matter i gave myself no concern, as elsie was as well acquainted with my wardrobe as i was, and would know at once that it contained no such articles as i mentioned; also, that the house had no south bedroom, and no bureau in the west room, neither was there a double team nor a farm wagon on the place. consequently i had no fears that the letter was not faithfully fulfilling its mission. a few minutes before we left the hotel for the o'clock train to return home a colored man came to james, evidently quite excited, and said: "we have just heard there is a colored man here having trouble with slave-holders; if this is true, there are enough of us here to do whatever is necessary." james did not reply, but looked inquiringly at me. i replied, "there is trouble," and taking him into a back room, gave him a brief sketch of james's experience. i told him i did not think it probable that violence would be offered in daylight, but as mr. cleveland and son were both ill, we would like to know who our friends were at the depot. he assured me we should have all the aid we needed. "while at the depot," said he, "we shall watch both you and the slave-holders, and whatever you desire us to do, madam, say the word, and it shall be done." i thanked him, but did not think there would be any difficulty. the three southerners were at the depot as soon as we were. in the ticket office james gave up going, as he thought they intended going with us. but this i did not care for, and told james he must go now, as there was no other train until night, and there was no telling what they might do under cover of darkness. when we got to the cars the doctor and son-in-law jumped aboard, but the sick man was determined to take his seat with me, and followed my son and myself from coach to coach, and whenever we showed any signs of seating ourselves prepared to seat himself opposite. i looked at his snakish eyes, and concluded to leave my sick deacon to see james, who still lingered in the ticket office. i again urged him to go with me, as i should take another coach when i returned and get rid of the southerners. when i returned i ran past the coach i had left, and daniel beckoned to me, saying, "here, mother, this is the car we took." "yes," i said, "but i see a lady ahead that i wish, to sit with." at this the sick man jumped up and exclaimed, "i'll be d----d if i don't take that seat then." but daniel pressed his way past him, and noticed his heavily-laden overcoat pocket. by the time my son reached me there was no room near us for the sick deacon, so he returned to his first seat. during all this time about a dozen men, black and white, were watching us closely. i beckoned the one who called on us at the hotel to come to our apartments, and told him to tell james to come immediately to my door. he came, and i opened the door and told him to enter, as the train was about moving. when he was inside he says: "i am afraid we will have trouble." just then the conductor passed, and i said to him: "i suppose we will be perfectly safe here, should we have trouble on our way to adrian." "most certainly," he said (raising his voice to the highest pitch). "i vouch for the perfect safety and protection of every individual on board this train." near sylvania, a small town ten miles from toledo, the train halted to sand the track, and our chivalrous friends got off. chester and his son thomas, the sick deacon, stationed themselves about three feet from us; and chester, pointing to james, said in a low, grim voice: "we'll see you alone some time;" and, turning to my son, "you, too, young man." then directing his volley of wrath to me, he roared out: "but that lady there--you nigger stealer--you that's got my property and the avails of it--i'll show you, you nigger thief;" and drawing a revolver from his pocket, his son doing the same, they pointed them towards my face, chester again bawling out, "you see these tools, do you? we have more of 'em here" (holding up a traveling bag), "and we know haw to use them. we shall stay about here three weeks, and we will have that property you have in your possession yet, you d----d nigger stealer. we understand ourselves. we know what we are about." "man, i fear neither your weapons nor your threats; they are powerless. you are not at home--you are not in tennessee. and as for your property, i have none of it about me or on my premises. we also know what we are about; we also understand, not only ourselves, but you." pale and trembling with rage they still shook their pistols in my face, and chester, in a choked voice, exclaimed: "i'll--i'll--i won't say much more to you--you're a woman--but that young man of yours; i'll give five hundred dollars if he'll go to kentucky with me." just then the conductor appeared and cried out: "what are you doing here, you villainous scoundrels? we'll have you arrested in five minutes." at this they fled precipitately to the woods, and the last we saw of these tall and valiant representatives of the land of chivalry were their heels feat receding in the thicket. of course, this brave exhibition of rhetoric and valor called out innumerable questions from the passengers; and from there on to adrian, though already terribly fatigued, we had to be continually framing replies and making explanations. among the people of sylvania the news spread like wildfire, and it was reported that over forty men were at the depot with hand-spikes and iron bars, ready to tear up the track in case the hamilton family had been found on the train bound for toledo. when we arrived at adrian my oldest son, harvey, and willis were there to meet us; and when we told willis that elsie's old master and his son had but an hour previously pointed pistols at our heads and threatened our lives, he could hardly speak from astonishment. harvey said my letter arrived before sunrise, but that no one believed i had any thing to do with it. however, as the porter swore he saw me write it, professor patchin and j. f. dolbeare were sent for; but they also distrusted its validity and the truthfulness of the bearer. elsie had no faith in it at all. "if," said she, "the old man is so very sick, as he hasn't seen us for years, they could bring him any black man and woman, and call them willis and elsie, and he'd never know the difference; and as for that letter, mrs. haviland never saw it. i believe the slave-holders wrote it themselves. they thought, as she was a widow, she'd have a black dress, and you know she hasn't got one in the house. and where's the pink aprons and green striped dresses? and there's no south bed-room in this house. it's all humbug; and i sha'n't stir a step until i see mrs. haviland." said another: "these things look queer. there's no bureau in the west room." the porter, seeing he could not get the family, offered willis ten dollars if he would go to palmyra with him, but he refused. he then offered it to my son harvey if he would take wills to palmyra. "no, sir; i shall take him nowhere but to adrian, to meet mother," was harvey's reply. after their arrival in adrian the porter again offered the ten dollars, and lawyer perkins and others advised harvey to take it and give it to willis, as they would protect him from all harm. but when i came i told him not to touch it; and the porter, drawing near, heard my explanation of the letter, and the threatening remarks of the people, who declared that if slave-holders should attempt to take the hamilton family or any other escaped slave from our city or county they would see trouble. he soon gave us the benefit of his absence, and we went home with thankful hearts that public sentiment had made a law too strong to allow avaricious and unprincipled men to cast our persecuted neighbors back into the seething cauldron of american slavery. all that day our house was thronged with visitors, eager to hear the story which was agitating the whole community, but about midnight i told my friends that rest was a necessity, for never in my life was i so thoroughly exhausted from talking; but, as the next day wan-the sabbath, i would in the evening meet all who chose to come in the valley school-house (at that day the largest in the county) and tell them the whole story, and save repeating it so many times. when the evening came we met a larger crowd than could find standing-room in the school-house, and report said there was a spy for the slave-holders under a window outside. i related the whole story, omitting nothing, and was followed by elijah brownell, one of our ablest anti-slavery lecturers, with a few spirited remarks. he suggested that a collection should be taken up to defray our expenses to toledo and return, and fourteen dollars was soon placed in my hands. from a friend of our letter-carrier, the porter of the toledo hotel, we learned that the plans of the slave-holders accorded with those given james martin in the sick-room. after getting the hamilton family in their clutches they intended to gag and bind--them, and, traveling nights, convey them from one point to another until they reached kentucky. this was precisely on the plan of our underground railroad, but happily for the cause of freedom, in this case at least, not as successful. the citizens of adrian appointed a meeting at the court-house, and sent for me to again tell the story of the slaveholder who had so deeply laid his plans to capture, not only his fugitive slave elsie and her four children, but also her husband, who was a free man. other meetings were called to take measures for securing the safety of the hunted family from the iron grasp of the oppressor, whose arm is ever strong and powerful in the cause of evil; and so great was public excitement that the chivalrous sons of the south found our northern climate too warm for their constitutions, and betook themselves to the milder climate of tennessee with as great speed as their hunted slave, with her husband, hastened away from there fifteen years before. it may be asked how the chesters discovered that hamilton and his wife were in michigan. we learned afterward that john p. chester was the postmaster at jonesborough, and receiving a letter at his office directed to john bayliss, he suspected it to be from friends of his former slaves, and opened it. his suspicions being confirmed, he detained the letter, and both corresponded and came north in the assumed character of bayliss. his schemes miscarried, as we have above narrated, and bayliss probably never knew of the desperate game played in his name. about two weeks after the departure of this noble trio i received a threatening letter from john p. chester, to which i replied; and this was followed by a correspondence with his son, thomas k. chester (the sick deacon). from these letters we shall give a few extracts. in a letter received under the date of december ; , john p. chester writes: "i presume you do not want something for nothing; and inasmuch as you have my property in your possession, and are so great a philanthropist, you hill feel bound to remunerate me for that property.... if there is any law of the land to compel you to pay for them i intend to have it." in my reply, december , , i wrote: "first, convince me that you have property in my possession, and you shall have the utmost farthing. but if willis hamilton and family are property in my possession, then are rev. john patchin and wife, principals of raisin institute, and other neighbors, property in my possession, as i have dealing with each family, precisely in the same manner that i have with willis hamilton and family, and i do as truly recognize property in my other neighbors as in the hamilton family. prove my position fallacious, and not predicated on principles of eternal right, and they may be blown to the four winds of heaven. if carnal weapons can be brought to bear upon the spiritual you shall have the liberty to do it with the six-shooters you flourished toward my face in sylvania, ohio.... "as for my being compelled to pay you for this alleged property, to this i have but little to say, as it is the least of all my troubles in this lower world. i will say, however, i stand ready to meet whatever you may think proper to do in the case. should you think best to make us another call, i could not vouch for your safety. the circumstances connected with this case have been such that great excitement has prevailed. a. number of my neighbors have kept arms since our return from toledo. i can say with the psalmist, 'i am for peace, but they are for war.' "at a public meeting called the next evening after our return from the toledo trip, fourteen dollars was placed in my hands as a remuneration for the assistance i rendered in examining your very sick patient. i found the disease truly alarming, far beyond the reach of human aid, much deeper than bilious fever, although it might have assumed a typhoid grade. the blister that you were immediately to apply on the back of the patient could not extract that dark, deep plague-spot of slavery, too apparent to be misunderstood." i received a long list of epithets in a letter, bearing date, jonesboro, tennessee, february , , from thomas k. chester, the sick deacon: "i have thought it my duty to answer your pack of balderdash, ... that you presumed to reply to my father, as i was with him on his tour to michigan, and a participant in all his transactions, even to the acting the sick man's part in toledo ..., true it is, by your cunning villainies you have deprived us of our just rights, of our own property.... thanks be to an all wise and provident god that, my father has more of that sable kind of busy fellows, greasy, slick, and fat; and they are not cheated to death out of their hard earnings by villainous and infernal abolitionists, whose philanthropy is interest, and whose only desire is to swindle the slave-holder out of his own property, and convert its labor to their own infernal aggrandizement. "it is exceedingly unpleasant for me to indulge in abuse, particularly to a _woman_, and i would not now do it, did i not feel a perfect consciousness of right and duty.... who do you think would parley with a thief, a robber of man's just rights, recognized by the glorious constitution of our union! such a condescension would damn an honest man, would put modesty to the blush. what! to engage in a contest with you? a rogue, a damnable thief, a negro thief, an outbreaker, a criminal in the sight of all honest men; ... the mother, too, of a pusillanimous son, who permitted me to curse and damn you in sylvania! i would rather be caught with another man's sheep on my back than to engage in such a subject, and with such an individual as old laura haviland, a damned nigger-stealer.... "you can tell elsie that since our return my father bought her eldest daughter; that she is now his property, and the mother of a likely boy, that i call daniel haviland after your pretty son. she has plenty to eat, and has shoes in the winter, an article willis's children had not when i was there, although it was cold enough to freeze the horns off the cows.... what do you think your portion will be at the great day of judgment? i think it will be the inner temple of hell." in my reply, dated raisin, march , , i informed the sick deacon that my letter to his father "had served as a moral emetic, by the mass of black, bilious, and putrid matter it bad sent forth. you must have been exercised with as great distress, as extreme pain, that was producing paroxysms and vomiting, that you had in your sick-room in the toledo hotel, when your physician was so hastily called to your relief by your son-in-law, as the matter that lies before me in letter form is as 'black', and much more 'bilious,' and nearer 'mortification' than that i saw there." "we thank you for the name's sake. may he possess the wisdom of a daniel of old, although his lot be cast in the lions' den; and, like moses, may he become instrumental in leading his people away from a worse bondage than that of egypt. "according to your logic, we are not only robbing the slaveholder, but the poor slave of his valuable home, where he can enjoy the elevating and soul-ennobling privilege of looking 'greasy, slick, and fat'--can have the privilege of being forbidden the laborious task of cultivating his intellect--is forbidden to claim his wife and children as his own instead of the property of john p. chester." i pitied the young man, whose bitterness of hate seemed incorrigible, and gave advice which i deemed wholesome, although i yielded to the temptation of dealing somewhat in irony and sarcasm. but the next letter from the sick deacon was filled and running over with vulgar blackguardism, that i would neither answer nor give to the public eye. it was directed to "laura s. haviland, esq., or dan." as it arrived in my absence, my son daniel handed it to rev. john patchin, who became so indignant in reading the list of epithets that he proposed to reply. the first sentence of his letter was: "sir,--as john quincy adams and henry clay were seated in congress, they saw passing on the street a drove of jackasses. said henry clay, 'there, sir, adams, is a company of your constituents as they come from the north.' 'all right; they are going south to teach yours,' was the quick reply. and i think one of those long-eared animals has strayed down your way, and your ma might have sent you to his school--i think, however, but a few weeks, or your epistolary correspondence with mrs. haviland would have been vastly improved." from the report my son gave me of the short epistle, it was filled with sentenced couched in the same spirit throughout; "for," said he, "that rabid fire-eater has been treated in a manner too mild. he needs something more nearly like his own coin." i shortly after received a few lines from thomas k. chester, informing me that he had my last letter struck off in hand-bills, and circulated in a number of the southern states, "over its true signature, laura s. haviland, as you dictated and your daughter wrote it; for, as strange as it may appear, i have the handwriting of every one of your family, and also of willis hamilton. i distribute these hand-bills for the purpose of letting the south see what sort of sisters they have in the north." we learned from a number of sources that to this circular or hand-bill was attached a reward of $ , for my head. as for the letter that chester had richly earned, neither my daughter nor myself had the privilege of perusing it, as it was mailed before my return home. but i presume the indignant writer designed to close the unpleasant correspondence. second effort to retake the hamilton family. after the passage of the famous fugitive-slave bill of , turning the whole population of the north into slave-hunters, thomas k. chester, with renewed assurance, came to lawyer beacher's office, in adrian, and solicited his services in capturing the hamiltons, as he was now prepared to take legal steps in recovering his property. said he: "i ask no favors of adrian or raisin, as i have my posse of thirty men within a stone's throw of this city. all i ask is legal authority from you, mr. beacher, and i can easily get them in my possession." "i can not aid you," said mr. beacher; "it would ruin my practice as a lawyer." "i will give you $ , besides your fee," rejoined chester. "you have not enough money in your state of tennessee to induce me to assist you in any way whatever." "will you direct me to a lawyer who will aid me?" "i can not; i know of none in our state who could be hired to assist you. and i advise you to return to your home; for you will lose a hundred dollars where you will gain one, if you pursue it." at this advice he became enraged, and swore he would have them this time, at any cost. "and if old laura haviland interferes i'll put her in prison. i acknowledge she outwitted us before; but let her dare prevent my taking them this time, and i'll be avenged on her before i leave this state." "all the advice i have to give you is to abandon this scheme, for you will find no jail in this state that will hold that woman. and i request you not to enter my office again on this business, for if it were known to the public it would injure my practice; and i shall not recognize you on the street." in a lower tone chester continued, "i request you, mr. beacher, as a gentleman, to keep my name and business a secret." with a few imprecations he left the office. my friend r. beacher sent a dispatch to me at once by sheriff spafford, to secure the safety of the hamilton family at once, if still on my premises, as my tennessee correspondents were probably in or near adrian. i informed him they were safe in canada within six months after the visit from the chesters. mr. beacher also advised me to make my property safe without delay, but this had been done two years previously. on receiving this information my friend beacher replied, "had i known this i would have sent for her, for i'd give ten dollars to see them meet." mr. chester heard that the hamilton family had gone to canada, but he did not believe it, as he also heard they had gone to ypsilanti, in this state, where he said he should follow them. we learned in the sequel that he went to ypsilanti, and took rooms and board in a hotel, while calling on every colored family in town and for two or three miles around it, sometimes as a drover, at other times an agent to make arrangements for purchasing wood and charcoal. during four weeks he found a family that answered the description of the hamilton family in color and number. he wrote to his father that he had found them under an assumed name, and requested him to send a man who could recognize them, as they had been away over eighteen years. the man was sent, and two weeks more were spent in reconnoitering. at length both were agreed to arrest david gordon and wife, with their four children, as the hamilton family, and applied for a warrant to take the family as escaped slaves. the united states judge, hon. ross wilkins, who issued the warrant, informed one of the most active underground railroad men, george de baptist, of this claimant's business. he immediately telegraphed to a vigorous worker in ypsilanti, who sent runners in every direction, inquiring for a hamilton family. none could be found; and the conclusion was reached that they were newcomers and were closely concealed, and the only safe way was to set a watch at the depot for officers and their posse, and follow whithersoever they went, keeping in sight. this was done, and the place they found aimed for was david gordon's. on entering the house the officer placed hand-cuffs on david gordon, who in surprise asked, "what does this mean?" said the officer, "i understand your name is willis hamilton, once a slave in tennessee." gordon replied, "no, sir, you are mistaken; i never was in that state; neither is my name hamilton, but gordon, and i have free papers from virginia." "where are your papers? if they are good they shall save you." pointing to a trunk, "there they are; take that key and you'll find them." while the officer was getting the papers, chester went to the bed of the sick wife, placed a six-shooter at her head, and swore he'd blow her brains out in a moment if she did not say their name was hamilton. "no, sir, our name is gordon." their little girl, standing by, cried out with fear. he turned to her, with pistol pointing toward her face, and swore he'd kill her that instant if she did not say her father's name was willis hamilton. at this juncture, the officer's attention was arrested. "what are you about, you villain? you'll be arrested before you know it, if you are not careful. put up that pistol instantly, and if these papers are good, i shall release this man, and return the warrant unserved." he examined them and said, "these papers i find genuine." he then removed the handcuffs from david gordon, and with the discomfited thomas k. chester and tennessee companion returned to the depot for the detroit train. while on their way they met a colored man that chester swore was willis hamilton. said the officer, "you know not what you are about; i shall arrest no man at your command." on returning the unserved warrant to judge wilkins, chester charged him with being allied with the "d----d abolitionist, old laura haviland, in running off that family to malden, to keep me out of my property." "i knew nothing of the family, or of your business, until you came into this office yesterday," replied the judge. in a rage and with an oath, he replied, "i know, sir, your complicity in keeping slave-holders out of their property, and can prove it." he threw his hat on the floor and gave a stamp, as if to strengthen his oath. the judge simply ordered him out of his office, instead of committing him to prison for contempt of court; and with his companion he went back to his tennessee home, again defeated. thomas k. chester wrote and had published scurrilous articles in tennessee, and in a number of other southern states. they were vigorously circulated until the following congress, in which the grave charge was brought against the judge, "of being allied with mrs. haviland, of the interior of the state of michigan, a rabid abolitionist, in keeping slaveholders out of their slave property." a vigorous effort was made by southern members to impeach him, while his friends were petitioning congress to raise his salary, judge wilkins was sent for to answer to these false charges. although they failed to impeach him, yet on account of these charges the addition to his salary was lost. when these false accusations were brought into congress, and the judge was informed of the necessity of his presence to answer thereto, he inquired of henry bibb and others where i was. they informed him that i was absent from home. on my return from cincinnati with a few underground railroad passengers, i learned of the trouble judge wilkins met, and i called on him. he told me of the pile of southern papers he had received, with scurrilous articles, designed to prejudice southern members of congress against him. said he, "although they failed in the impeachment, they said they would come against me with double force next congress, and should effect their object." said the judge, "i want your address, for if they do repeat their effort, with the explanation you have now given, i think i can save another journey to washington. the judge was never again called upon to defend himself on this subject, as their effort was not repeated; neither did their oft-repeated threat to imprison me disturb us." death of the chesters in the third year of the rebellion, while in memphis, tennessee, on a mission to the perishing, i found myself in the city where my tennessee correspondents lived a few years previous to their deaths. from a minister who had long been a resident of that city, and had also lived near jonesboro, where they resided during the correspondence, i learned the following facts: a few years prior to the war john p. chester removed with his family to memphis, where he became a patroller. his son thomas transacted business as a lawyer. i was shown his residence, and the office where john p. chester was shot through the heart by a mulatto man, whose free papers he demanded, doubting their validity. said the man, "i am as free as you are; and to live a slave i never shall." he then drew a six-shooter from its hiding-place and shot him through the heart. he fell, exclaiming, "o god, i'm a dead man." the man threw down the fatal weapon, saying to the bystanders, "here i am, gentlemen, shoot me, or hang me, just as you please, but to live a slave to any man i never shall." he was taken by the indignant crowd, and hung on the limb of a tree near by, pierced with many bullets. i can not describe the feeling that crept over me, as i gazed upon the pavement where john p. chester met his fate, and which i had walked over in going to officers' head-quarters from the steamer. oh! what a life, to close with such a tragedy! thomas k. chester being a few rods distant ran to assist his dying father, but his life was gone ere he reached him. a few months later he was brought from a boat sick with yellow fever, and died in one week from the attack in terrible paroxysms and ravings, frequently requiring six men to hold him on his bed. he was ill the same length of time that they falsely represented a few years before in the toledo hotel. said the narrator, "thomas k. chester's death was the most awful i ever witnessed. he cursed and swore to his last breath, saying he saw his father standing by his bed, with damned spirits waiting to take him away to eternal burnings." after a long walk one day, i called at the former residence of the chester family, and was seated in the front parlor. it is hard to imagine my feelings as i sat in the room where those two men had lain in death's cold embrace--men who had flourished toward my face the six-shooter. it was by this kind of deadly weapon the life of one was taken; and as nearly as words can describe the feigned sickness, the last week of the life of the other was spent. no wonder the blood seemed to curdle in my veins in contemplating the lives of these men, and their end. it is beyond the power of pen to describe the panorama that passed before me in these moments. the proprietor of the toledo hotel lost custom by his complicity in their efforts to retake their alleged slave property. a few months after the hotel was burned to ashes. chapter iv. an ohio school-teacher. in the autumn of a gentleman of evident culture called for early breakfast, though he had passed a public house about two miles distant. i mistrusted my stranger caller to be a counterfeit; and told him, as i had the care of an infant for a sick friend, he would find better fare at the boarding hall a few rods away. but introducing himself as an ohio school-teacher, and accustomed to boarding around, he had not enjoyed his favorite bread and milk for a long while, and if i would be so kind as to allow him a bowl of bread and milk he would accept it as a favor. he said he had heard of our excellent school, and wished to visit it. he was also acting as agent of the _national era_, published at cincinnati, in which he was much interested, and solicited my subscription. i told him i knew it to be a valuable periodical, but, as i was taking three, abolition papers he must excuse me. he was also very much interested in the underground railroad projects, and referred to names of agents and stations, in indiana and ohio, in a way that i concluded he had been on the trail and found me, as well as others, and perhaps taken the assumed agency of the _era_ for a covering. he said it was found necessary in some places in ohio and indiana to change the routes, as slave-holders had traced and followed them so closely that they had made trouble in many places, and suggested a change in michigan, as there were five slave-holders in toledo, ohio, when he came through, in search of escaped slaves. i replied that it might be a good idea, but i had not considered it sufficiently to decide. continuing his arguments, he referred to a slave who was captured by mr. b. stevens, of boone county, kentucky. he saw him tied on a horse standing at the door of an inn where he was teaching. in surprise, i inquired: "did that community allow that to be done in their midst without making an effort to rescue the self-made freeman?" "o yes, because stevens came with witnesses and papers, proving that he legally owned him; so that nothing could be done to hinder him." "that could never be done in this community; and i doubt whether it could be done in this state." "but what could you do in a case like that?" "let a slave-holder come and try us, as they did six months ago in their effort to retake the hamilton family, who are still living here on my premises, and you see how they succeeded;" and i gave him their plans and defeat. "let them or any other slave-holders disturb an escaped slave, at any time of night or day, and the sound of a tin horn would be heard, with a dozen more answering it in different directions, and men enough would gather around the trembling fugitive for his rescue. for _women_ can blow horns, and _men_ can run. bells are used in our school and neighborhood; but if the sound of a tin horn is heard it is understood, a few miles each way from raisin institute, just what it means." looking surprised, he answered: "well, i reckon you do understand yourselves here. but i don't see how you could retain one _legally_ if papers and witnesses were on hand." "hon. ross wilkins, united states judge, residing in detroit, can legally require any fugitive so claimed to be brought before him, and not allow any thing to be done until the decision is reached. and there are many active workers to assist escaping slaves in that city, who would rush to their aid, and in ten minutes see them safe in canada. i presume if the slave claimant should come with a score of witnesses and a half-bushel of papers, to prove his legal right, it would avail him nothing, as we claim a higher law than wicked enactments of men who claim the misnomer of law by which bodies and souls of men, women, and children are claimed as chattels." the proprietor of the boarding hall desired me to allow him to inform the stranger of our suspicions, and invite him to leave. but i declined, as i had reached the conclusion that my visitor was from kentucky, and probably in search of john white, whose master had sworn that he would send him as far as wind and water would carry him if he ever got him again. professor patchin and j. f. dolbeare called to see him, and conversed with him about his agency for the _era_, etc.; and brother patchin invited him to attend the recitations of the classes in latin and geometry. the second was accepted, as mathematics, he said, was his favorite study. by four o'clock p.m., the hour of his leaving, the tide of excitement was fast rising, and one of the students offered to go and inform john white of the danger we suspected, and advise him to take refuge in canada until these kentuckians should leave our state. we surmised that the five slave-holders he reported in toledo were his own company, which was soon found to be true. one of my horses was brought into requisition at once for the dispatch-bearer; but he had not been on his journey an hour before we learned that our ohio teacher inquired of a boy on the road if there had been a mulatto man by the name of white attending school at raisin institute the past winter. "yes, sir." "where is he now?" "he hired for the season to mr. watkins, near brooklyn, in jackson county." this report brought another offer to become dispatch-bearer to the hunted man. the following day found john white in canada. two days after george w. brazier, who claimed john white as his property, and the man who had lost the woman and five children, with their two witnesses, and their lawyer, j. l. smith, who recently made me an all-day visit, entered the lowest type of a saloon in the town near by, and inquired for two of the most besotted and wickedest men in town. being directed according to their novel inquiry, the men were found and hired, making their number seven, to capture john white. the field in which he had been at work was surrounded by the seven men at equal distances. but, as they neared the supposed object of their pursuit, lo! a poor white man was there instead of the prize they were so sure of capturing. they repaired to the house of mr. watkins, and inquired of him for the whereabouts of john white. the frank reply was: "i suppose he is in canada, as i took him, with his trunk, to the depot, yesterday, for that country." at this brazier poured forth a volley of oaths about me, and said he knew i had been there. "hold on, sir, you are laboring under a mistake. we have none of us seen her; and i want you to understand that there are others, myself included, who are ready to do as much to save a self-freed slave from being taken back to southern bondage as mrs. haviland. mr. white is highly esteemed wherever he is known; and we would not see him go back from whence he came without making great effort to prevent it." at this brazier flew into a rage, and furiously swore he would yet be avenged on me before he left the state." "i advise you to be more sparing of your threats. we have a law here to arrest and take care of men who make such threats as you have here," said mr. watkins. with this quietus they left for tecumseh, four miles distant from us. while at snell's hotel they displayed on the bar-room table pistols, dirks, and bowie-knives, and pointing to them, said brazier, "here is what we use, and we'll have the life of that d--d abolitionist, mrs. haviland, before we leave this state, or be avenged on her in some way." the five men then in haste jumped aboard the stage for adrian. as the authorities were informed of these threats, and judge stacy was going to adrian on business, he proposed to leave with a friend he was to pass the import of these threats, fearing they might quit the stage while passing through our neighborhood, and under cover of night commit their deeds of darkness. i received the note, and told the bearer i accepted this as the outburst of passion over their defeat, and did not believe they designed to carry out these threats, and requested the excited family to keep this as near a secret as possible, during a day or two at least, to save my children and the school this exciting anxiety. but i could not appear altogether stoical, and consulted judicious friends, who advised me to leave my home a night or two at least. this was the saddest moment i had seen. i felt that i could not conscientiously leave my home. "if slaveholders wish to call on me they will find me here, unless i have business away." they insisted that i should keep my windows closed after dark, and they would send four young men students, to whom they would tell the secret, with the charge to keep it unless disturbance should require them to reveal it. we received information the following day that the five kentuckians took the cars for toledo on their arrival at adrian. their threats increased the excitement already kindled, and neighbors advised me not to remain in my house of nights, as there might be hired emissaries to execute their will. some even advised me to go to canada for safety. but rest was mine in divine providence. the following week i accompanied an insane friend with her brother to toledo. the brother wished me to go to monroe on business for them. he soon informed me that the five kentuckians were in the same hotel with us, and he overheard one say that i had no doubts followed them to see whether they had found any of their runaways, and that one of their party was going wherever i did to watch my movements. this friend also saw them consulting with the barkeeper, who sat opposite at breakfast table, and introduced the defeated stratagem of the tennessee slave-holders at the toledo hotel a few months previously. said he, "i believe you are the lady who met them there. some of us heard of it soon after, and we should have rushed there in a hurry if there had been an attempt to take a fugitive from our city. they might as well attempt to eat through an iron wall as to get one from us. i am an abolitionist of the garrison stamp, and there are others here of the same stripe." and in this familiar style he continued, quite to my annoyance, at the table. he came to me a number of times after breakfast to find what he could do to assist me in having the hack take me to whatever point i wished to go. "are you going east, madam?" "not today." "or are you designing to go south, or to return on the adrian train?" "i shall not go in either direction today." leaving me a few moments, he returned with inquiring whether i was going to monroe, and giving as the reason for his inquiries the wish to assist me. i informed him i was going to take the ten o'clock boat for monroe. i learned in the sequel that they charged me with secreting the woman and five children, and aiding their flight to canada; but of them i knew nothing, until my ohio teacher informed me of their flight, and while i was suspected and watched by their pursuers, we had reason to believe they were placed on a boat at cleveland, and were safe in canada. we learned that their lawyer made inquiries while in my neighborhood whether my farm and raisin institute were entirely in my hands. when they became satisfied of the fact they left orders for my arrest upon a united states warrant, to be served the following autumn, if they failed to recover their human property. about the expiration of the time set george w. brazier went with a gang of slaves for sale to baton rouge, louisiana, and died suddenly of cholera. there his projects ended, and john white soon returned to his work in michigan. these circumstances delayed my prospect of going to cincinnati and rising sun to learn the condition of his family, but as money had been raised by the anxious husband and father and his friends, i went to cincinnati, where i found my friends, levi coffin and family. the vigilant committee was called to his private parlor, to consult as to the most prudent measure to adopt in securing an interview with jane white, john's wife, whose master, benjamin stevens, was her father, and the vain hope was indulged that he would not make an effort to retake the family should they make a start for freedom. the committee proposed that i should go to rising sun, and, through joseph edgerton and samuel barkshire and families, obtain an interview with jane white, as they were intelligent and well-to-do colored friends of john white's in rising sun. accordingly i went, and called on joseph edgerton's eating-house. on making my errand known, there was great rejoicing over good news from their esteemed friend felix white, as john was formerly called. in conferring with these friends and samuel barkshire, they thought the errand could be taken to jane, through stevens's foreman slave, solomon, who was frequently allowed to cross the river on business for his master, and was looked for the following saturday. but as we were disappointed, joseph's wife, mary edgerton, proposed to go with me to benjamin stevens's, ostensibly to buy plums. as there was no trace of african blood perceivable in her, and the stevens family, both white and colored, had seen her mother, who was my size, with blue eyes, straight brown hair, and skin as fair as mine, there was no question as to relationship when mary introduced me to jane and her sister nan as aunt smith (my maiden name). it was also known to the stevens family that mary was expecting her aunt from georgia to spend a few weeks with her. when we entered the basement, which was the kitchen of the stevens house, twelve men and women slaves just came in from the harvest-field for their dinner, which consisted of "corn dodgers" placed in piles at convenient distances on the bare table, made of two long rough boards on crossed legs. a large pitcher filled as full as its broken top would allow of sour milk, and a saucer of greens, with a small piece of pork cut in thin slices, were divided among the hands, who were seated on the edge of their table, except a few who occupied stools and broken chairs. not a whole earthen dish or plate was on that table. a broken knife or fork was placed by each plate, and they used each other's knife or fork, and ate their humble repast with apparent zest. i have given this harvest dinner in detail, as benjamin stevens was called a remarkably kind master. it was frequently remarked by surrounding planters "that the stevens niggers thought they were white." as we were informed they had no plums for sale, mary proposed filling our "buckets" with blackberries, as there were an abundance within a short distance, and asked jane if she or nan could not go and show us the way. "i'll go an' ask missus agnes," replied nan, who soon returned with the word that jane might go, as she wanted to make another batch of jam. "but she says we must get dinner for mary and her aunt first." a small tablecloth was placed over one end of the table, and wheat bread, butter, honey, and a cream-pitcher of sweet milk was brought down for us. not a child of the nine little ones playing in the kitchen asked for a taste of anything during or after our meal. all that was left was taken up stairs, and we were invited to call on mrs. agnes, who received us cordially. she was teaching jane's oldest daughter, of seven years, to sew. after a few minutes chat with the mistress, we left for blackberries. when out of sight, i told jane i was the one who wrote a letter for her husband, felix white, to her, and directed it to samuel barkshire, who told me he read it to her, but did not dare take it from his house, but took the braid of his hair tied with blue ribbon, sent in the letter. she looked at me in amazement for a moment, when she burst into a flood of tears. as soon as she could command her feelings she said her master had told her that he had heard from felix, and that he was married again, and was riding around with his new wife mighty happy. when i gave her the errand from her husband she was again convulsed with weeping. said she, "i would gladly work day and night, until my fingers and toes are without a nail, and willingly see my children work in the same way, could we only be with felix." poor heartbroken woman, she sighed like a sobbing child. but two of her children were out a few miles with one of the stevens married children, to be gone two months, and she sent a request to her husband to come on the sly to assist in bringing their children away after the return of the absent ones, so that all might go together. i assisted her in picking berries, as she had spent so much of her time in talking and weeping her mistress might complain. i gave her a little memento from her husband, and left the poor heartstricken, crushed spirit. the daughter and grandchildren of the master withheld them from going to their natural protector, yet he was called one of the best of slave-holders. here was a woman and sister whose widowhood was more desolate than even death had made my own. and her poor children were worse than fatherless. i returned to my home and anxious children and friends. but the grieved husband felt confident his intimate friend william allen, who would have left for freedom long ago but for his wife and child, would assist jane and the children could he know from him how many warm friends there were in the north to assist them. his friends, as well as himself, were anxious to make another trial without the risk of his going into the lion's den. means being provided, three mouths later found me again in rising sun. after a little waiting to see william allen, i took a boat and went four miles below on the kentucky side, and called at the house of his master to wait for a boat going up the river within a few hours. as they were having a great excitement over counterfeiters, and were making great efforts to find the rogues, and looking upon every stranger with suspicion, i was believed by my host to be one of them in disguise. within an hour after my arrival the sheriff and a deputy were brought into an adjoining room. the lady of the house appeared excited. her little girl inquired who those strange gentlemen were; she replied the sheriff and his deputy. i looked up from the paper i was busily reading, and entered into conversation with the lady of the house, when i overhead one man say, "i don't think there is anything wrong about that woman." this remark led me to suppose i might be the object of the undertone conversation among the gentlemen in the adjoining room. soon after the three gentlemen came into the room, with whom i passed the usual "good afternoon." one, whom i took to be the sheriff, made a few remarks over fine weather, etc., and all three returned to their room. said one, in a low voice, "i tell you that woman is all right; she's no counterfeiter." my excited hostess became calm, and quite social, and made excuses for having to look after the cooking of her turkey, as she allowed her cook to spend this sabbath with her husband in visiting one of their friends. "and i always burn and blister my hands whenever i make an attempt at cooking. but my cook is so faithful i thought i would let her go today." as i gave up the idea of seeing william allen, i was about to go to the wharf-boat and wait there for the five o'clock boat. but she urged me to take dinner with them, as i would have plenty of time. after dinner they directed me across a pasture-field that would shorten the half-mile. just out of sight of the house i met william allen, with his wife and little girl of ten years. as they were so well described by john--or felix, as he was here known--i recognized them, and gave the message from their friend, from whom they rejoiced to hear. he said he longed to be free, and thought two weeks from that day he could go over to samuel barkshire's to see me. during this time he would deliver the message to jane. at present, he said, it would be very difficult crossing, as there was great excitement over men that passed a lot of counterfeit money in that neighborhood, and they were watching for them. i told him it was not safe for us to talk longer there, as they were slaves, and i was not free to be seen talking with them, and gave them the parting hand, informing them that many prayers of christian people of the north were daily ascending for the deliverance of the slave. "may god grant the answer!" was the heartfelt reply. during the two weeks mary scott was introduced, who had recently bought herself, with her free husband's aid. she related to me the sad condition of her sister, rachel beach, who was the slave of mr. ray, the brother of wright ray, of madison, indiana, the noted negro catcher. she was the kept mistress of her master, who held her and her five children, who were his own flesh and blood, as his property. after her sister rachel's religious experience, she was much distressed over the life she was compelled to lead with her master. she had often wept with her weeping sister. when she thought of escaping, she could not leave her five little children to her own sad fate. as i was informed that mary scott was a reliable christian woman, i gave her a plan, and names of persons and places of safety, with a charge not to stop over the second night--if possible, to avoid it--at the first place named; for it was too near her master's brother, wright ray, as he would make great efforts to retake them. this plan was adopted. but they were kept two days at luther donald's station, which brought them into great difficulty. he was so well known as the slave's friend it was unsafe to secrete fugitives on his own premises; and he placed them in an out-house of one of his friends. on the second night of their flight, when they were to be taken to the next station, wright ray was on their track, and entered the neighborhood at dark twilight, filling it with excitement on the part of both friends and foes. the cry of a child brought a neighbor to their hiding-place, who told her she was unsafe; but he would take her and the children to his barn, where they would be perfectly secure. soon after her new friend left her she felt in great danger, and when her children were asleep in their bed of stalls she ventured to place herself by the road-side. here she heard horses coming, and listened to hear the voice of their riders, to see if she could recognize her first friends, as they had told her they were going to take them to another place of safety that night; but, to her grief, she heard the voice of wright ray, with his posse. filled with fear of capture, she groped her way still farther back in the dark. after her pursuers passed she heard two men coming, in low conversation. she prayed for direction, and felt impressed, as she said, to tell these men her trouble. they proved to be her friends, who missed them as they went to take their suppers. as ray and his company were known to be in town, they knew not but they were captured. runners were sent to the usual resorts of slave-hunters, to see if any clew could be learned of the fate of the missing family. "o, how i prayed god to deliver me in this my great distress!" she said, in relating her flight in my interview with her in canada. she led her two friends to the barn, from whence her sleeping children were removed; but by the time they reached the road they saw the lantern, and heard rustling of stalks by her pursuers. as her new friend was a well-known friend to slave-hunters, she and her children were still in great danger. she was dressed in men's clothing, and her girls dressed like boys, and they were taken out in different directions. rachel and the youngest child her guide took to a quaker neighborhood, while two men took each two girls on their horses and took different roads to other places of safety; but no two of the three parties knew of the others' destination. two days of distressing anxiety were passed before a word reached the mother from her children. not knowing but they were back to their old kentucky home, she could neither eat nor sleep for weeping and praying over the probable loss of her children. but her joy could not find expression when two of them were brought to her. at first sight of her darlings, she cried out, "glory to god! he has sent me two more. but where, o, where are the other two?" the two men who brought these in their close carriage could give no tidings, as they had heard nothing from them since leaving donald station. rachel continued weeping for her children because they were not. on the following day they were heard from, and that they would be brought on the following day, p. m. a number of the neighbors were invited to witness the meeting. among them was a strong pro-slavery man and his family, who had often said the abolitionists might as well come to his barn and steal his horse or wheat as to keep slave-holders out of their slave property; yet he was naturally a sympathetic man. this quaker abolitionist knew it would do him good to witness the anticipated scene. the knowledge of the prospective arrival of the children was carefully kept from the mother until she saw them, coming through the gate, when she cried aloud, as she sank on the floor, "glory; hallelujah to the lamb! you sent me all." she sobbed as she clasped them to her bosom, continuing, in an ecstasy, "bless the lord forever! he is so good to poor me." the little girls threw their arms around their mother's neck, and burst into a loud cry for joy. "but the weeping was not confined to them," said our quaker sister, who was present. "there was not a dry eye in that house; and our pro-slavery neighbor cried as hard as any of us." after the excitement died away a little, said one, "now, we must adopt a plan to take this family on to canada." the pro-slavery man was the first to say, "i'll take my team, and take them where they'll be safe, if i have to take them all the way." another said, "it is cold weather, and we see these children have bare feet; and we must see about getting them stockings and shoes and warm clothing." and the little daughter of him who had so generously offered his services in aiding this family beyond the reach, of danger sat down on the carpet and commenced taking off hers, saying, "she can have mine." "but, lotty, what will you do?" said the mother. "o, papa can get me some more." "yes, papa will get you some more," said her father, wiping his eyes; "and your shoes and stockings will just fit that little girl." and the mother could hardly keep her from leaving them. but she told her to wear them home and put others on, then bring them back. said our informant, "i will warrant that man will hereafter become a stockholder." but the rescue of the beach family cost luther donald his farm. he was sued and found guilty of harboring runaway slaves and assisting them to escape. but not one sentence of truthful evidence was brought against him in court; although he did aid the beach family when a stay of three minutes longer in their dangerous hiding-place would have secured their return to a life of degradation. friends of the fugitive made up the loss in part, and the god of the oppressed blessed him still more abundantly. he was diligent in business, serving the lord. while rejoicing over the safe arrival of the beach family in canada, heavy tidings reached me from home. in a letter i was informed of the illness of my eldest son. before the boat arrived that was to bear me homeward a second letter came with the sad intelligence of the death of my first-born. oh, how my poor heart was wrung with anxiety to learn the state of his mind as he left the shores of time. why did not the writer relieve me by giving the information i most needed? and yet i was advised to remain until the weather became more mild. i had a severe cough that followed an attack of pneumonia, and physicians had advised me to spend the winter in a milder climate. but this bereavement seemed impelling me to return to my afflicted children. but more than all other considerations was to learn the state of that dear child's mind as he was about leaving the land of the dying for the spirit world of the living. he had been a living christian, but during the year past had become more inactive, and in a conversation on the subject a few days previous to my leaving, he expressed regrets in not being more faithful. he urged me to take this trip, yet i could not but regret leaving home. "oh my son, my son harvey would to god i had died for thee!" in this distress, bordering upon agony of soul, i walked my room to and fro, praying for an evidence of his condition. in the conversation above alluded to he expressed a sincere desire to return. said he, "i am too much like the prodigal, too far away from my savior." how vividly did his words come before me! oh, how these words ran through my mind in this hour of sore trial. is this the isaac, i dwelt upon as i was leaving my home, that i may be called to sacrifice? i had in mind my son daniel, who was fearful i would meet trouble from slave-holders, as he remarked to his brother harvey, "mother is a stranger to fear, though she might be in great danger." "that fact, seems to me, secures her safety," replied harvey. as i overheard this conversation i shrank from the trial of leaving my home circle, in which death had made such inroads, and for the time being doubted whether i was called upon to make the sacrifice. but prayer was now constant for an evidence of my son's condition, whether prepared for exchange of worlds. he who spake peace to the troubled sea granted the answer of peace, with an assurance that my prayer was answered, and that in his own good time he would make it manifest. i took the boat for cincinnati, and on the morning after my arrival at the home of my valued friends, levi coffin and wife, i awoke with a comforting dream, which but for the circumstances i would not record. i find in the written word of divine truth that god, at sundry times, made himself known to his faithful servants in dreams. and he is the same in all ages, in answering their petitions and meeting their wants. in the dream i thought i was living in the basement of a beautiful mansion. being rather dark, damp, and cool, i looked for some means of warming my apartments, when i discovered the windows conveyed beautiful rays of sunlight sufficient to dry and warm apartments designed for only a temporary residence, as my future home was to be in the splendid apartments above, which i was not to be permitted to enter until the work assigned me in the basement was done. while busily engaged in sweeping my room, and arranging my work, i saw my son harvey, descending from the upper portion of this limitless mansion, which i thought was now his home. i hastened to the door to meet him. as the thought struck me that he had been a slave, i cried out, "my son harvey, art thou free?" "oh yes, mother, i am _free_; and i knew your anxiety, and i came on purpose to tell you that i went to my master and asked if he would grant my pardon? and he looked upon me and saw me in my blood as i plowed in the field, and he said i should be free and live." "oh, what a relief is this glad news," i replied. "i knew you desired me to go for my freedom long ago, but i did not know that my liberty would be so easily granted--just for asking. i am now free, indeed." this message delivered, he ascended to his glorious home above. i awoke with the words of this message as clearly impressed upon my mind as if vocally spoken. i opened the bible at the head of my bed, and the first words that met my eye were these: "i saw ephraim cast out in the open field; i saw him in his blood, and i said live; and he shall live." with promises given by him with whom there is no variableness or shadow of turning, my heart was filled with praise and thanksgiving for the comforter who grants peace such as the world knows not of. very soon a letter came with the detailed account of the last hours of my son harvey, in which he left a bright evidence of his preparation for the future life. he sent for rev. john patchin, of raisin institute, of whom he requested prayer; at the close of which he followed in fervent prayer for himself and loved ones. then brother patchin inquired if perfect peace was his at this hour? "it is," he answered; "i am ready to go," and he soon fell asleep in jesus. i remained a few weeks longer; but the close search for counterfeiters made it difficult for william allen to cross. the request was repeated by john white's wife for him to come for them. i returned home with the consciousness of having done all that i could in delivering the messages as requested. the husband and father could not feel reconciled to give up his family to a life of slavery, and went for them, and brought them a few miles on the indiana side, above rising sun. they secreted themselves during the day in the woods, and with the aid of his friend and solomon stevens's slave, previously alluded to, who was also attempting to escape with the family, he made a raft upon which they were about to cross a creek to reach the team on the opposite side. suddenly six armed men pounced upon them, and captured the family, with solomon. to save john from the hazardous attempt to defend his family, his friend held him back in the thicket, knowing the effort must fail. as he was not allowed to move he sank back in despair in the arms of his friend. he had risked his own life and liberty in his attempt to rescue them. he learned that george w. brazier swore he would chop him into inches if he ever got possession of him again. after his unsuccessful effort in michigan he offered six hundred dollars for his head, dead or alive. benjamin stevens also offered six hundred dollars reward for his daughter and his five grandchildren, with solomon. he afterwards sold them all for the very low price of one thousand dollars, with the proviso that they were not to be sold apart. but poor jane was not left long to grieve over her disappointed hopes. she died of cholera. we heard she went rejoicing in that hope that reaches beyond the vale. they were taken to lexington, kentucky, but the grieved husband and father again made his way northward. he was two weeks in reaching a settlement that was said to be friendly to fugitive slaves. forty miles distant from his old kentucky home he assumed the name of james armstrong. the family upon whom he ventured to call appeared very kind, and the man told him he would take him the next day to a quaker settlement, but he suspected he was reported to wright ray and posse, who came into the house and bound him. placing him on one of their horses, they took him through fields and back roads until they crossed the ohio river, and lodged him in the woodford jail, a short distance from the river, nearly opposite madison, indiana. wright ray had no idea of having in his possession john white, who had so recently eluded his grasp in his unsuccessful trip with brazier in michigan. he found among his papers in which were advertisements of escaped slaves, henry armstrong advertised as belonging to the widow armstrong, of maysville, kentucky. with her wright ray had an interview, hoping to arrange for the reward, which she refused to give, for he had been away so long, he would be of little use, as henry was willed free at her death. but she told him if he could get enough from him to pay him for his trouble, he might do so. consequently he made him an offer to release him for four hundred dollars, and encouraged him to write to his friends in michigan to aid him to that amount. he wrote to a son-in-law of mr. watkins, so as not to mention a name of persons the men had to do with in michigan, and the letter was brought to us. we all understood the writer to be our friend john white. a few friends were consulted as to the measures to be adopted. it was proposed that i should go to cincinnati, and there make such arrangements as the friends might think proper. as they proposed to bear my expenses, i said, "if you send me, i shall go to-morrow morning." "but," replied the bearer of the letter, "as it is the sabbath, i suppose i should hesitate." "it was lawful on the sabbath to lift a sheep out of the ditch in the days of moses, and is not a man better than a sheep?" "i can not answer you. all i have to say is, follow the dictates of your own conscience." i took the stage at toledo, and in three days i was consulting the vigilance committee in levi coffin's council chamber. as it would not do for me to transact business with wright ray, micajah white, nephew of catherine coffin, offered to go as soon as the money was obtained. levi coffin introduced me to dr. judkins, of whom i hired the money, but hoped to lessen the amount if possible, in the arrangement with wright ray. i urged on the nephew the necessity of taking the first boat for madison, as every hour endangered the safety of john white. whatever was done for him must be done quickly. wright ray was found very willing to accept three hundred and fifty dollars, which was placed in the hands of the clerk of the boat until his prisoner was delivered to his friends in cincinnati, when micajah white agreed to see the money paid to wright ray. this was done, and within three weeks from the time i left home i returned with john white. the day after john's release brazier appeared at the jail, having heard that he was there. but he was too late. a few months after john white's release from woodford jail george w. brazier went to baton rouge, louisiana, with a gang of slaves for sale, and suddenly died of cholera, just before the time fixed for his return. it was said he intended to make a second effort to capture john white, or to arrest me with united states warrant. time rolled on, and john f. white married a young woman in canada, his home a number of years. after the late war he removed to ann arbor, michigan, to educate his children. when we last heard of his first children, his oldest daughter was married to solomon, the ex-slave of benjamin stevens. we rejoice that brighter days are dawning. ethiopia is stretching out her hands to god. chapter v. the underground railway. as my married children had charge of the farm, and the younger ones were in school, and well provided for, i spent a few months in mission work and nursing the sick. my dear friends, levi and catherine coffin, had given me a very cordial invitation to make their house my home whenever i was in cincinnati. soon after my arrival, at early dawn, nine slaves crossed the river, and were conducted to one of our friends on walnut hills for safety, until arrangements could be made to forward them to victoria's domain. i called on them to see what was needed for their northern march, and found them filled with fear lest they should be overtaken. as there was a prospect before them of being taken down the river, they concluded to "paddle their own canoe." they had with them their five little folks, that seemed as full of fear as were their trembling parents. a little girl of five years raised the window-shade to look out. when her mother discovered her she exclaimed, in a half-smothered voice, "why, em! you'll have us all kotched, if you don't mind;" and the little thing dropped behind a chair like a frightened young partridge hiding under a leaf at the mother's alarm of danger. while making our plans, we were greatly relieved, to find that the well known quaker conductor, william beard, was in the city, with a load of produce from his farm. this covered market-wagon was a safe car, that had borne many hundreds to his own depot, and was now ready for more valuable freight before the city should be filled with slave-hunters. but few weeks elapsed before we learned of the safe arrival of these two families that we fitted for their journey to canada. one of our vigilance committee came early one morning to inform us that there were two young men just arrived, who were secreted in the basement of zion baptist church (colored). as their home was only twenty-five miles from the river, it was necessary to make all possible speed in removing them before kentucky slave-hunters should block our track. i took their measures, to procure for each a summer suit, and went to our store of new and second-hand clothing, at levi coffin's, where anti-slavery women met tri-monthly, to spend a day in making and repairing clothing for fugitive slaves. in early evening i took a large market-basket, with a suit for each, and had them conducted to a safer hiding-place, until a way opened for them to go to a friends' settlement, about eighty miles distant, where george chose to remain and work a few months. but james would not risk his liberty by tarrying, and censured george for running such a risk. "you needn't think your new name's gwine to save you when ole massa comes." but little did james understand the deep-hidden reason that kept his friend george behind. he worked faithfully nearly a year, kept the suit i gave him for his sunday suit, and used his old kentucky suit for his work, patching them himself, until patch upon patch nearly covered the old brown jeans of his plantation wear. when warm weather again returned, without revealing his design of going back to his master in kentucky, for he knew his abolition friends would discourage his project, he took the eighty dollars he had earned since he left his master, and wore the suit of clothes he brought away, and in the darkness of night went to his wife's cabin. here he gave a full history of the kind friends who had paid good wages for his work, and said he was going to take all to his master, and tell him he was sick of freedom; "and you mus' be mighty mad," he went on, "'case i come back; and say, 'if he's a mind to make sich a fool of his self, as to be so jubus, 'case i talked leetle while wid jake, long time ago, as to run off an' leave me, he may go. he needn't think i'll take 'im back; i won't have nothin' to say to 'im, never!' ad' i'll quarrel 'bout you too; an' when all ov 'em is done fussin' 'bout me comin' back, i'll steal to you in a dark night, an' lay a plan to meet on lickin' river; an' we'll take a skiff an' muffle oars till we get to the ohio; an' i knows jus' whar to go in any dark night, an' we 'll be free together. i didn't tell jim i's gwine to make massa b'leve all my lies to get you; for i tell you, liz, i ain't got whole freedom without you." before eight o'clock a. m. george stood before his master, with his old name and old plantation suit, presenting him with the eighty dollars he had earned for his master since he had left his home, that he never wanted to leave again. for he had found "abolitioners the greates' rascals i ever seen. i wants no more ov' em. they tried hard to git me to canada; but i got all i wants of canada, an' i tell you, massa carpenter, all i wants is one good stiddy home. i don't want this money; it's yourn." his master was well pleased, and told all his neighbors how happy his tom was to get back again, and gave all the money he had earned since he had been gone. it was a long time before neighboring planters had the confidence in tom that his master had, and they told him that tom should never step his foot on their plantations; but he told them all that he had perfect confidence in tom's honesty. "he came back perfectly disgusted with abolitionists; he said they will work a fellow half to death for low wages. and he even patched his old suit, himself, that he wore off. and i have found the reason why he left. he and liz had a quarrel, and now he don't care a fig about her; and i heard yesterday that her master says he'll shoot him if he dares to come on his plantation. but he needn't worry; for you couldn't hire tom to go near liz." tom's master told him all the planters were afraid of him, and said he would play a trick on him yet. "i'll stay at home, then, and won't even go out to meetin's, till all ov 'em will see i means what i says." "that's right, tom; they don't know you like i do. bat i told them 't would do all the niggers good just to hear your story about the meanness of abolitionists. you know, tom, that was just what i told you, that they pretended to be your friends, but they were your worst enemies." "yes, massa, i al'us bleved you; and if liz hadn't cut up the way she did i never'd tried 'em." all things went on smoothly with tom. he was never more trusty, diligent, and faithful in all that pertained to his master's interest. three months still found him contented and happy, and the constant praise he received from his master to his neighbors began to inspire them with sufficient confidence to permit him to attend their meetings occasionally, though he did not appear anxious to enjoy that privilege until his master proposed his going, and then he was careful to attend only day meetings. neighboring white people often talked with him about his northern trip, and all got the story he had told his master, until tom became quite a pet missionary, as his reports went far and near, among both whites and blacks. after lizzie's master became quite satisfied with her hatred toward tom, he allowed the hound, which he kept over two months to watch for tom, to go back to the keeper. though tom and lizzie lived eight miles apart, they had a secret dispatch-bearer, by whom they reported to each other; but visits were very few and far between. one day, in her "clarin-up time," lizzie came across a bundle containing a sunday suit, placed in her cabin when tom left for the north, which she took occasion to have a good quarrel over. taking them into her mistress, the master being present, she said, "missus, that'll i do wid dese ole close tom lef, when he get mad an' run'd off to spite me; now i'll burn 'em up or giv' 'em to de pigs for nes', i ain't gwine to hav' 'em in my way any longer." "oh, don't burn 'em up, can't you send 'im word to come and get 'em?" "i sends 'im no word, if he never gets 'em; i'd heap better giv' 'em to de hogs." turning to another house servant, her mistress said, "dil, you tell page's jim when he goes to that big meeting your people are going to have next week, to tell tom to come and take his truck away, or liz will pitch 'em in the fire for 'im." but there was no hurry manifest, after he got the word. tom's master told him he had better go and get his clothes or liz might destroy them. said our george, "one saturday evenin' i went to have my las' quarrel with lizzie. i called her bad names, an' she flung back mean names, an' twitted me with runnin' away to make her feel bad, when she didn't care a picayune for me; an' i tole her i never wanted to see her face agin, an' we almos' cum to blows." a few months after this there was a holiday, and tom was so faithful, his master gave him permission to visit his aunt, six miles distant in an opposite direction from lizzie's home, and she too got permission to visit her friends five miles away, but not towards tom's master. the plan laid in his midnight visit was to start after sundown, and go until dark in the direction of the place each had their permission to go, and then go for licking river; and she was to go up the river, while he was to go down, until they met. he was to secure the first skiff with oars he could find to aid them down the river with all possible speed to the ohio. they succeeded in making good time after they met, until day dawn overtook them, when they hid the skiff under a clump of bushes, and the oars they took the precaution to hide some distance away in case the skiff was discovered and taken away. they secreted themselves still further in the woods, but not so far but they could watch their tiny craft through the thicket. much to their discomfiture a number of boys found their skiff, and had a long hunt for the oars, but not succeeding, furnished themselves with poles and pushed out of sight to the great relief of the temporary owners, so near being discovered during the hunt for the oars. at ten o'clock, when all was still, they crept out of their hiding-place, took their oars, and hunted two hours before they found another skiff. though smaller and harder to manage than the one they lost, yet they reached the ohio just at sunrise. two men on the opposite side of licking river hallooed, "where are you going?" "to market, sir." "what have you got?" "butter an' eggs, sir." as he saw them in the skiff and pushing toward them, he expected every moment to be overhauled, but he pulled with all his might for the opposite shore, and did not dare look back until they had reached the middle of the river, when, to their great relief, the two men had given up the chase and turned back, and had almost reached the place of their starting. he said lizzie trembled so hard that the coat over her shook, so great was her fear. said lizzie, "i reckon the owner of the coat shook as hard as i did when you was pullin' for life. i specs you sent fear clare down into them paddles you's sweattin' over;" and they had a good laugh over fright and success. with george there was no fear after entering the basement of zion baptist church, his old hiding-place. as soon as the report came to us that a man and his wife had just arrived, i called to learn their condition and needs, and asked the woman who had charge of the basement to tell them a friend would call to see them, as new-comers were always so timid. a voice from the adjoining room was heard to say, "come right in, mrs. haviland, we are not afraid of you;" and as the fugitive clasped my hand in both of his, i exclaimed, "where have you seen me?" "don't you mind jim and george you giv' a basket full of close to las' summer? you giv' me the linen pants an' blue checked gingham coat and straw hat, an' you giv' jim thin pants and coat and palm-leaf hat; and don't you mind we went out in a market-wagon to a quaker settlement?" "yes, but how came you here again?" "it was for this little woman i went back." then he went over his managing process, as above related. as i was soon to go to my home in michigan, it was proposed by our vigilance committee that this couple, with sarah, who made her escape over a year previously, should go with me. sarah was to be sold away from her little boy of three years for a fancy girl, as she was a beautiful octoroon and attractive in person. she knew full well the fate that awaited her, and succeeded in escaping. she was an excellent house servant, and highly respected by all who made her acquaintance for her sterling christian character and general intelligence. she had lived in a quiet christian family, who gave her good wages, but she did not dare to risk her liberty within one hundred miles of her former home. a few days after the arrival of george and wife a mulatto woman and her daughter of sixteen, bound south from virginia, left a steamer and joined our company. while waiting for a certain canal-boat, the owner and captain being friendly to our work, another young man joined us. these we received at different points to avoid suspicion. before we reached the third bridge we were overtaken by levi coffin with another young man, whom he had instructed implicitly to regard all the lessons i might give him. i gave them all a charge to say nothing of going farther than toledo, ohio, and talk of no farther back than cincinnati. while on our way george pointed at a wire, and told his wife it was a telegraph-wire, at which she dodged back, and for a moment seemed as badly frightened as though her master had been in sight. it was a lucky thing for us that no stranger happened to be in sight, as her fright would have betrayed them. even an assurance from george that the wires could do no harm, could hardly satisfy her, until he appealed to me to confirm his statement, that it was the operators at each end of the wires that gave information. the day before we reached toledo one of the drivers left, and the steersman employed our boy william, with the consent of the captain. i told george to tell william i wanted to see him at the expiration of the time set for him to drive. he came into the cabin, while the other passengers were on deck, and told me all the hands seemed very clever, and the steersman told him he would find a good place for him to work in toledo, and that he would see that he had good wages. he asked him various questions, that led him to disclose his starting point, vicksburg, mississippi. as he was so very friendly he answered all his queries, even to his master's name. this i had charged him not to give. as george and the other colored man saw the steersman and another man employed on the boat so very intimate, and careful to keep william with them, they began to fear for their own safety. there came up a sudden shower during william's time to drive, and he got thoroughly drenched; and as he had no change of garments, the steersman and the other boys of the boat furnished him out of their own wardrobe. it had now become difficult for me to secure an interview with william, on account of his close friends, and i became as fearful of the telegraph wires as was mary, over whom we had a little sport. but william began to fear all was not right, and regretted having told this man of his condition, and made an errand on deck, as he saw me sitting alone. he told me all he had said to the steersman. i told him to appear very careless, and say nothing, but to appear as if he was going with the steersman, as he had suggested. as we should be in toledo in three hours, i would go into the city, and the women and george would follow me to a place of safety. then i would return for my shawl, that i should leave on the boat. by that time, the passengers would all have left, and he and the other young man must remain about the boat. then i would watch the opportunity, and when i went out, i should turn short corners, but give them time to keep me in sight. accordingly, i returned for my shawl, but made no haste to leave until those close friends entered a saloon; then was our time; i gave them the wink and left for a place of safety. after i had put one and two in a place, my next work was to solicit money to pay our fare to canada, on a boat that was to leave at a. m. the next day. here were six fares to pay to detroit, as sarah had sufficient to pay her own. the friends in cincinnati had paid their fare to toledo. it was now nearly night, and i had but little time; but i succeeded by nine o'clock the next morning, leaving a colored man to conduct them to the boat; with hardly five minutes to spare i reached the boat, with my living freight. once out in the lake we felt quite secure. yet there was a possibility of a telegram being sent to william's master, and danger of being overtaken by officers in detroit. knowing of their anxiety to see canada, i waited until we were near enough to see carriages and persons on the road on the other side. when i said to george's wife "there is canada." "it ain't, is it?" "it is, certainly. it is where no slave-owner can claim his slave." she ran to her husband to tell the good news. but neither he nor the balance of them believed her, and all came running to me. "that ain't canada, is it?" being assured that the land of freedom was in full view, with tears of joy they gazed upon their "house of refuge," and within forty minutes we were there. and to see them leap for joy was rich pay for all my care in their behalf. george and jake had both armed themselves with deadly weapons, in case of an attempt to capture them, resolving on liberty or death. i left each with fifty cents and returned to my own sweet home. i found the large building unfinished. as the first buildings were temporary, they were unsuitable for students to occupy another winter, which would be the eleventh winter our school had been in successful operation. brother patchin, our principal, was called to another field as pastor and teacher, and would go if the new building was not ready for use by the following academic year. while these probabilities were under consideration, brother j. f. dolbeare was taken from us, after a short illness. as he was an important trustee, and an active christian worker, his loss was severely felt. we had a few months previously met with a similar loss in the death of another trustee, our valued friend and brother, elijah brownell, a minister of the society of friends. surely dark clouds again overhung our favorite institution, in which many of our students were taught in the school of christ, before they came to us, and many out of the hundreds who had enjoyed the privileges of our school, we had good reasons for believing, yielded their young hearts to the loving savior's invitation while with us. with the undying interests of the youth so near my heart, it was a trial to have our school suspended a year; but what could i do? i must keep up the ten per cent interest on three hundred dollars of my indebtedness, and could not contract five hundred dollars more to finish the institution building erected on the acre of ground i had given for that object. it was enclosed, and a portion of the floors laid, and doors and windows cased. this had cost over one thousand dollars for a building thirty by fifty-six feet. as the farm was still carried on by my married children, i concluded to return to cincinnati and engage in nursing the sick during the cold season, as the cough to which i was subject was returning. all things considered, the conclusion was reached to suspend raisin institute one year at least. an oberlin scholarship was presented me for my daughter laura jane, who decided to take a gentleman's collegiate course. not only my financial pressure seemed to direct toward that more southern field, but the cause of those who were thirsting for liberty, and were almost daily leaving boats or crossing the river, was also a strong incentive to occupy a post near the southern end of the road whose northern terminus was in queen victoria's dominions. many of my friends thought me presuming to venture so near those who had threatened my life repeatedly, and in the hand-bills of the tennesseans (report said) there was offered $ , reward for my head. thomas k. chester stated in a letter that he had sent them to a number of the southern states, to let them know what sort of sisters they had in the north. but j. f. dolbeare, on the night before his death, called me to his bedside, and, taking my hand in his, said, "sister haviland, you have passed through close and trying places in your work, and your anti-slavery mission is not yet finished. your trials are not over. greater dangers are for you to pass through--i see it. o, may the lord prepare you for the work he has for you to accomplish! he has sustained you thus far. he will grant you his protecting arm. i know it." i have often had occasion to remember the words i listened to in that solemn hour, during thirty years that have since passed. a slave-owner from new orleans, with his wife, three children, and their nurse, maria, were bound for cincinnati. when at louisville, he was told if he was going to spend the summer in cincinnati he'd be sure to lose his servant-girl, "as that city is cursed with free negroes and abolitionists." at this unpleasant information, champlin and his wife concluded to make their temporary home in covington, instead of cincinnati, to the great disappointment of maria, as she and her husband had been over two years in saving all their little silver pieces, until the amount was one hundred dollars, which was to be used in taking her to canada. as this "northern trip" had been calculated two or three years before, and as they went to no place without their faithful nurse, the slave couple also made their plans. her husband told her, as she would have a good opportunity to secure her freedom, he would manage to secrete himself on some through boat, and meet her in canada; and he could go with less money than she could, and insisted upon her taking all they had saved. but after maria found they were going to hire rooms and board in a hotel in covington, she went to the trunk that contained her clothes and the children's, and to her great disappointment her hundred dollars, that she had so securely tied in a little rag and rolled in her garments, was taken out by her mistress, who never pretended to go to her trunk for any thing, having no care whatever of her children's wardrobe. but she must hide her feelings by putting on a cheerful face, though she felt as though all her hopes of freedom, of which she had so fondly dreamed, were blasted forever. she found her task, as usual, was to keep the wardrobe of her mistress and the children in order, and care for the children day and night. a few days elapsed, and she asked her mistress if she would please give her money to purchase herself a pair of shoes, as she heard they were cheaper here than at home. she said she would either get her shoes or give her the money in a few days; but neither shoes nor money came. two and three weeks passed, and maria ventured to repeat her request; but the reply was, "your shoes are good enough for a while yet." while her master and mistress were over the river, she frequently took the children to the river, to amuse them in looking at boats and in picking up pebbles on the bank, when her longing look was noticed by a white man, who ventured to ask her if she would like to go across the river. she told him, if she did, she had no money to give to any one who would take her. after learning that her master's residence was in new orleans, he told her, if she would never let any one know that he had ever said or done any thing about helping her, let what would happen, he would take her over without any thing, in the night, whenever she could get away; but if it was ever known there it would ruin him. she promised; and as no one was near, and the three children playing at a little distance, he pointed her to a large root on the bank, under which she could hide, and there wait until she heard a low whistle near the root, when she could come out and step into a skiff without saying a word, and he would muffle the oars so as not to be heard, and take her to a colored family he knew over the river, where she would be safe until they would send her on to canada. "but how can i go on, when i's got no money?" "they know of a way to send such people as you without money. you'll get with those over there who will see you safe; never fear." "i never can tell you," she said, in relating her story, "how strange i felt about sich good news as this, and wondered if it could be true. i jus' trimbled like a popple leaf all the evenin'. master and missus was over in the city to a lecture on fernology, and didn't get back till twelve o'clock. i kep' the chillen awake later'n common, so they'd sleep sounder. then i tied my clothes up in a tight bundle, an' had my shoes an' hat whar i'd lay han's on 'em, an' put out the light. i was snorin', when missus looked in an' said, 'all's asleep--all right;' an' i waited till the clock struck one, an' all still. i crep' sof'ly out on the street, and down to the root, an' waited for a whistle. the clock struck two. o, how long! will that man come? chillen may cry, an' missus fin' me gone. had i better wait till it's three o'clock? may be he can't come. he said, if any thing happen he couldn't come to-night, i mus' go back, an' try another night. an' 'bout as i began to think i better go back come the whistle. i stepped in, an' we went over; but the clock struck three before we got half across, an' he was mighty fear'd he couldn't get back afore daybreak." news reached us during the day that a woman crossed the river early, and was so near it as to be dangerous for a hiding-place; and it fell to my lot to see her in a safe place as soon as the darkness of night would shield us from being detected by champlin and his aids, who were already seen at street corners. i took a black quaker bonnet and a drab shawl and a plain dress-skirt in a market-basket, with which to disguise our fugitive. i found her in a dark room, where i fixed her up for a walk; and she told me of her loss of the hundred dollars, but i told her all would be well without it. i instructed her to take my arm as we went, and take good care to limp all the way, for we should pass plenty of kentuckians. thickly veiled, we walked half a mile, turning short corners to elude watchers, if any, from our starting-point. as we went up central avenue to longworth, we passed through a crowd, one of whom said: "i'm going to line my pockets to-night. thar's five hundred dollars reward out." said another, in a low tone, "when did she cross?" "last night some time, they say." my quaker sister, limping at my side, was trembling, i sensibly felt, as she hung upon my arm, as we listened to these remarks from her pursuers. i took her to a very intelligent colored family on longworth street, who were well known to us as true friends. although i had passed her pursuers without fear, yet when levi coffin informed me that ruffin, the greatest slave-hunter in the city, had just moved next door to burgess, where i left maria, my fears were almost equal to maria's. "laura, thou hast left thy fugitive with a good family, but in a poor place," said our venerable friend. "but wait until to-morrow evening, when thou hadst better give her another move, as i know they will use all possible care." the following evening levi and friend hughes were to be on central avenue near longworth street, and as i came out with my quaker woman, they were to walk half a block ahead and turn on ninth street to his house, and if sister catherine's sign appeared on the balcony of the second story, we were to ascend the outside flight of steps, and take her up to the attic in the fourth story. champlin had doubled the reward, and was raving with rage over the loss of their nurse. he said he would have her if he had to "set one foot in hell after her," cursing and swearing in a perfect foam; and said a thousand dollars should be doubled but what he would have her. as the streets were too well lighted, to give her the appearance of a white person through the veil, i called for a saucer of flour, with which i thoroughly powdered her face. before her veil was adjusted she happened to look up and saw herself in the large mirror before her, and burst into a laugh over her white face and quaker bonnet. i gave her a shake as i placed my hands over her shoulders: "don't laugh loud, for your liberty's sake. remember the next door neighbor would get his thousand dollars reward from champlin, if he could know you are here." "i won't look at that glass ag'in, i looks so quare." i took her on the front walk, and following our previous plans, at the invitation of the white cloth on the balustrade, we soon found ourselves in the attic. she remained here two weeks, not daring to move in any direction, as the wealthy new orleans planter's biped bloodhounds were seen and heard from in almost every direction through the city. as there was in this case an unusual excitement, the editor of the cincinnati _commercial_ inserted a little note in his paper, of the escape of the new orleans nurse from her owners, who were boarding at white hall hotel in covington; and that the mistress had taken one hundred dollars from the nurse previous to their arrival at their destination. the day following this notice champlin came to the _commercial_ office and demanded the authority the editor had for charging his wife with stealing from their servant. for whether it was he or any one else, it would prove a dear job to vilify his wife like this, for he'd have their life or $ , ; and swore nothing short would settle it. he told the editor he would give him till ten o'clock the next morning, when he should come prepared for the settlement (referring to his pistols, which he knew how to use). at once levi coffin received a call from the editor for advice, as he was his informant. during this interview, catherine came into our room, saying, "laura, they are in a tangle with that new orleans slave-holder, and they want thee to help straighten it." going in, i was introduced to the editor, and main proprietor of the _commercial_, and they related the difficulty. "now," said levi, "this young man has invested in this firm all he is worth, and champlin will probably ruin his business if he fails to give his authority for stating maria's loss of her hundred dollars; and as i gave him these facts, in case he gives my name as authority, he will then come upon me, and make trouble, as champlin seemed determined upon vengeance." after a little reflection over these statements and threats i told them i did not see but i came next, as i told levi these facts, which i took from maria and the family where she was first secreted. and as i had no property in ohio, and the little i owned in michigan i had arranged to keep from slave-holders, i would stand in the gap and our young friend might refer to me as authority, if compelled to give it, rather than lose his life, or property even. said levi, "this is liable to terminate in a serious affair. it would lay thee liable to imprisonment if he is so disposed, and thy children in michigan would feel very sad over such an event." i replied that i did not fear of remaining long in prison, neither did i believe he was going to be permitted to put me there, but at all events i was fully prepared to allow my name to be given. with this conclusion our young friend left us, saying that if he could manage that exasperated man without naming me, he would do so. we were all anxiously waiting to see the result of the fearful meeting at the hour of ten the following day. champlin was there at the hour, with the stern query, "are you ready, sir, to give me your authority, or abide the consequences?" "i am, sir. the colored family where she first stopped informed us." "do you take a nigger's testimony?" "certainly i do. they are respectable and honest, though poor." after pouring forth a volley of oaths, and saying he wouldn't stoop so low as to notice what a nigger would say, for they were all a pack of liars, he left the office, to the great relief both of the editor and ourselves. very soon he came to us with the pleasing report, how those pistols, so full of powder, flashed in the pan. but the slave-hunters were still so numerous, it was thought best to dress her up for another walk, and i took her to a family near fourteenth street, and wrote a letter in maria's name to her master, dated it ahead, and from windsor, canada west, and sent it enclosed in a letter to a friend at that place, with directions to mail it to the master at the date i had given. maria informed her master champlin that canada was not the cold barren country he had always told her it was, for they raised great fields of corn, and potatoes, peas and beans, and everything she saw in kentucky; and that she had found the best of friends ever since she left home, and signed her name. in less than two weeks kitty darun's niece came in great haste to inform us that "champlin had got poor maria, and aunt kitty is nearly crying her eyes out over the sad news that a colored man brought over last night." "that is all a mistake." "oh, no, it's no mistake, for that colored man worked near white hall yesterday, and he said the report was just flying." i hushed her loud words, and whispered, "i can take you to maria in ten minutes, i know just where she is." "are you _sure_, and may i go tell aunt kitty?" "go and whisper it, for there are but few friends who know she is still in the city, because of the close search made for her, that is still kept up." the next day she came to us with another story, "that he didn't get maria, but got a letter from her in canada. and that was the current report." i told her, "i understood that too, and would tell her all within a few weeks." the result of this letter was a withdrawal of all the hired hunters within twenty-four hours, and during three days' quiet two young men came from a few miles distant across the river, who got the privilege of a holiday, and of spending it nearly ten miles farther from the river than was their home. as they left the night before, they would have until the next morning before being missed. as cazy (one of our vigilance committee) came before sunrise to inform us of the new arrival, catharine coffin came to my bed-room and gave me a call: "come, laura, here are more runaways; cazy is here and they want thee." in less than five minutes there were four of us to decide on the plan of securing the newcomers and the one on our hands. "what shall we do? our funds are out, we haven't a dime in our treasury," said cozy. "we must get enough to take then; two young men and maria out as far as the stubbs settlement to-night," i replied; "for you see all is quiet now over maria, and by to-morrow the city will fill up again with slave-hunters." "that is what i told cazy before thou came in; but he says he has a job on his hands he can not leave," said levi. "where is hughes?" "i don't believe i could get him to leave his work to see to it; but may be he'll go for you," wild cazy. "i'll try." and throwing on my shawl and bonnet, called on hughes, and told him he must go and take maria and two young men who had just arrived this morning. "but what can we do without money?" "i'll get it to-day. what amount is wanting?" "it will take eight dollars to hire a close carriage and team to go thirty miles to-night, and i must be back to my work by eight o'clock tomorrow morning." "i'll have that ready before night." "then i'll call at uncle levis's at noon, and see whether you are sure of success in getting the money; then i will call at the livery on my return to my work and engage the carriage and team, to be ready by seven and a half o'clock this evening." when he called at noon i had four dollars in money and a traveling suit for maria, and knew just where i could get the balance. now for the plan of starting. i told him he must manage the two men and i would manage for maria. "but there are two toll-gates that are closely watched for colored people, and i want you to go with us past those gates, as two white persons in front would pass the load; not seeing any colored people, they would make no inquiries. as catherine's health was poor, and cholera was raging in the city, she was not willing i should remain away over night, and levi secured william beckley to follow us a little distance behind until we had passed those gates, when i was to return with him. the carriage, with our company, was to be driven up central avenue as far as the orphan asylum, and halt for maria and myself; and as he passed the street she was on, hughes was to take out his white pocket handkerchief and wipe his face, while william fuller, at whose house maria was secreted, was to walk on the street at the time appointed to watch for the signal; when discovered, as he turned toward the house, we were to step out on the street, and walk the half block where our carriage was in waiting." but in this we found it necessary to adopt my old rule of being carelessly careful, as there were kentuckians in their rented houses each side of william fuller's, and they were overheard to say three days before, that they believed they had "niggers hid at fuller's, for the blinds in the second story hadn't been opened in two weeks." the weather being warm, and the rising of the full moon, and their next door neighbors sitting on their front porches, all combined to bring us into full view. as we were watching for the moment to start maria took up her bundle of clothes; but i told her the least appearance, aside from common callers, would create suspicion, and we must send them after her. "but they's all i got, an' i will never see 'em ag'in," said maria, sorrowfully. "but your liberty is of more value than a cart load of clothes." "oh, yes, i knows it; but i can't even change." "hand them to me," and they were opened and tightly rolled into the shape of a six months' baby in a trice; and, as i rolled it in a shawl, i said, "i'll carry the baby myself." the watchful wife says, "william is turning back, and i will walk to the corner with you." as we reached the gate, the neighbors in full view, sister fuller's little girl called, "mamma, i want to see the baby; i didn't know that woman had a baby." the frightened mother tried to hush her in a smothered voice, that i feared would betray her excitement. "let her go with us, mother," said i. "but auntie hasn't time now to let little sis see the baby; wait till next time we call, because we are late, and our folks will be waiting for us." and as we leisurely walked along, sister fuller invited us to come another time to make a longer call. after turning the corner, our sister and little girl left us, and we quickened our pace to the carriage we saw in waiting. friend hughes stood by the hitching-post, but looked wild with excitement when he saw me turn to the carriage, as he knew there was no baby aboard; and as he had hitched in a darker place than near the entrance, he did not recognize us. but as i gave my baby a toss in the carriage, saying, "this is part of our company; take care of my baby," he recognized my voice. "o, yes; this is one of your tricks." soon we were seated, and on our way. we passed the two fearful gates with a sharp look by each keeper, and half a mile beyond i proposed to return; but friend hughes said there was a short piece of woods ahead to pass through, then the coast would be clear the balance of the way, and he would rather i would go through the woods with them. just before entering the grove we heard the loud talking, singing, and laughing of ten or a dozen men we were going to meet. as this boisterous company appeared before us, hughes turned to the two men behind us, and said, "are your pistols ready?" "yes, sah;" and each took from his own pocket a six-shooter. "boys, if those men attempt to take our horses by the bits, and i say, _fire!_ will you do it?" "yes, sah." said i, "hughes, be careful, be careful. your excitement will betray us if you are not _very careful_." "we don't know what rabble we are going to meet, and i propose to be ready fur 'em." "there is nothing known of this company, and i know we are safe." "i don't know it; and if they make the first move to stop us, be ready, boys." "all ready." there were two six-shooters behind me, and one in the hand of hughes, that i feared much more than all the slave-holders in kentucky. but we were soon relieved by the remark of one, as we were passing, "it was well we stopped that bent from falling, or't would have killed smith as dead as a hammer." we found by this that they had been to the raising of a building, and a number of them were more than half drunk. after going a mile or two farther, and our excitement was over, i took leave of our company, with a charge to keep quiet and all would be well, and returned to levi coffin's by twelve o'clock. the following morning we received a good report from our conductor, hughes, of the safe delivery of this valuable freight in the quaker settlement depot, where they were forwarded to canada. chapter vi. fugitive slaves assisted. the exciting intelligence reached us that clara and her three little ones were about to be captured by slave-holders in the city, on pearl street. i called on her at once, and found the house was surrounded the night before by strangers, who were followed to a hotel, and on the record the name of her master's son was found. poor woman! she had passed through great suffering in making her escape with her two children; a third was born in cincinnati--yet it too must share the anticipated fate of its mother. she had always been a house-servant, but found the death of her master was about to make great changes, he being deeply in debt. by the aid of a chambermaid she was secreted on a boat, and kept the two children drugged with opiates until she feared they would never come to life. but after her arrival, under the care of a skillful physician, they survived. she had found good friends among her own people and church two years. i found her weeping, with the two youngest in her arms, the oldest sitting on a stool at her feet. with fast-falling tears she kissed her babes. "o ma's precious darlings, how can i spare you!" i told her if her master did not come for her until it was dark enough to conceal her, arrangements were made to come for her with a close carriage, to take them out of the city to a place of safety. "i reckon you can't save us," she sobbed. i told her we would pray the lord, who knew all her deep sorrow, to open the way for us. "yes, i cried mightily to him to help me out o' that dark land back yonder, and it 'peared like he did bring me out; but if i had stuck closer to him i reckon he'd kep' me from this hard trial;" and fresh tears freely flowed. with my hands on her shoulders, my tears mingled with hers. in broken sentences, she referred to the separation of her husband when he was sold and taken down the river. i left her, with a heavy heart, yet strong hope that her young master (as she called him) would be defeated. at twilight, i called to assist in getting them ready to jump into the carriage that our friend william fuller would drive to the door within fifteen minutes; and being ready, we were in the carriage turning the first corner within a minute, and left them in charge of an underground railway agent, who took them on his train as soon as their clothing and pocket-money were forwarded to them, to the great relief of many anxious hearts. a little past nine o'clock, her master and his posse surrounded the house, and lay in wait until the stillness of the midnight hour was thought most favorable to pounce upon their prey and hurry them to the river, where they had a boat in waiting for them. then their force was increased, and an entrance demanded. the owner of the house (a colored man) refused admittance without legal authority, although threats of breaking down the door or windows were made; but they were resisted with returning threats of shooting the first man that dared to enter without proper authority. as they were expecting an attack, the women had left their home for the night. the watch was kept around the house until morning approached, when the marshal, with his official papers, was brought to claim clara and three children. but to their great disappointment, in searching the house, no clara or children were there. in great rage her master left, swearing vengeance upon him who had kept them in suspense all night when he had spirited them away, for he knew he had harbored his property in his house; but all the reply he received was, "prove it, if you wish." they got no track of them until they heard from them in canada. a fugitive by the name of jack secreted himself on a large steamer from the lower mississippi, and left it on landing in cincinnati. being so far from his old home, he hired himself as a barber, in which business he was very successful about two years, when his master learned of his whereabouts. he made the acquaintance of a free colored man by the name of robert russel, who was an idle, loafish mulatto, sometimes working at little jobs in cincinnati, and also in covington. in the latter place he fell in with the slave-holder, who was watching for an opportunity to secure the aid of some one who would induce jack to come to the river, where he would hurry him onto the ferry, and get him on the kentucky side, when he could easily return him to the far south. as he found robert russel a man of no principle, he gave him ten dollars if he would decoy jack to the wharf of walnut street landing about noon, when men were generally at dinner. he succeeded, when the master with his kentucky friends slipped hand-cuffs on poor jack, and took him on the ferry for a thief. the more jack protested, denying the charge, the louder they cried thief! thief! some of his colored friends consulted their favorite lawyer, john jolliffe, about arresting jack's master for kidnapping, as he had taken him illegally, but they were told they could do nothing with him in kentucky. they were compelled to leave their friend to his fate. but the judas who betrayed jack ought to be brought to justice; but how could they do it? as i was at that time teaching a school of colored girls, in the basement of zion baptist church, a number of colored men came to consult with me. i told them as robert russel was a renegade he was as liable to serve one side of the river as the other, and would as readily bring a slave to the ohio side for ten dollars, as to decoy him back into the hands of his master for that money. they said robert did not dare come into cincinnati, fearing that justice would be dealt out in tar and feathers by the colored people. they learned soon after he came to the city that he ran away from ripley to avoid being arrested for stealing. i advised them not to take the law of tar and feathers, as they had indicated, in their own hands; but to spoil the petting he was getting from the slave-holders across the river, by warning them against robert russel, for he would as readily play the rogue one side as the other; and this they could do in a little printed card that might be dropped on the sidewalk through a few streets in covington, and they would run him out of their town in a hurry. this idea pleased them, and they wished me to draft the card, and they would print and circulate it. i told them i would take my noon recess to prepare it, and at o'clock my school would be out, and they might come for it. i gave it as follows: slave-holders of kentucky! beware of the rogue, robert russel! who absconded from ripley, ohio, to evade the strong arm of the law he richly deserved for misdemeanors in that town. this man is a light mulatto, and betrayed one of his race for ten dollars, in cincinnati, bringing him into life-long trouble. he will as readily take ten dollars from any of your slaves to bring them to cincinnati, and again take ten dollars to return them to you, as he has no higher purpose to serve than paltry self. a lover of right. this was printed on a placard of ten by twelve inches. they procured two hundred for distribution, but found it more difficult to get a distributor than they anticipated. i told one of them to go to levi coffin's and inform him and his wife where i was going after my school was dismissed, and that i would distribute them through covington, but to let no one else know of it, except their committee who secured the printing, as it would produce increased excitement. i went a mile from the river before commencing my work, and left one or two in every yard, when no eye seemed directed toward me, i dropped them by the street side until i reached the ferry that returned me to my anxious friends in cincinnati, just as the sun dropped behind the western hills. the following day report gave an account of the evening's excitement in covington. a company of slave-holders met to consult over this placard, and the conclusion was reached to give bob russel until nine o'clock the following morning to leave the state or take the consequences. two slaves had left them within a couple of months, and they charged him with taking them over the river. some of the more excitable were for hauling him out of bed at the close of their meeting (ten o'clock), and dealing summary vengeance for their recent losses, but as he pledged himself to leave their state the next morning never to return, they left him to his own uncomfortable reflections. a party consisting of four, from new orleans, came to cincinnati to spend the summer, and made their home at a hotel. it was soon ascertained by the colored people that their little nurse girl of about nine years of age, was a slave, and as the master and mistress had brought her there, she was by the laws of ohio free. they took the opportunity to coax her away and place her among their white friends, who they knew would take good care of her. very soon there was great inquiry for lavina. they said she was just a little pet they brought with them to play with and mind the baby, and they knew she was stolen from them against her will; but that if they could get sight at her, she would run to them, unless she was forcibly held back by some mean person. diligent search was made among the colored people whom they suspected, but no clew could be found of her whereabouts. they were then advised to visit some prominent abolitionists, where they were satisfied she had been taken. so close to elizabeth coleman's were they watching, that she felt unsafe, fearing they might come in and find her alone with her little pet fugitive, so she took her to samuel reynold's by night. the search continued. samuel met the master on the street in front of his house, but had left orders to dress lavina in his little boy's suit; and holding the master in conversation awhile, he said he would call for jim, to bring them a glass and pitcher of water, having already told his wife to give jim a few necessary instructions hew to appear very smart and active. as she came out to give them drink, samuel gave the master and his two friends a few lessons in ohio law, informing him that all slaves brought into the state by their owners were _free_. the master contended that it would be very cruel to keep lavina from her mother (who belonged to him), and he knew if he could be allowed to see her it would be sufficient to convince them of her attachment to him, and promised to leave the child to her own choice. "but," said samuel, "lavina is on our underground railroad." this was as new to the new orleans slave-holder as were the ohio laws he had been explaining. after discussing the right and wrong of his claim, samuel called to his wife to send jim with a pitcher of water; and out came the little fellow. "pour a glass of water for this gentleman, jim;" and their heated discussion continued. the master took the glass from jim, who looked him full in the face, with one hand in his pocket, while samuel was serving the other two gentlemen with a glass of water. the women in the house were filled with fear, as they deemed samuel rather imprudent. but jim returned with pitcher and glass, and the master and his friends went back to the hotel none the wiser, either of lavina's whereabouts or of the operation of this new kind of railroad. lavina was well cared for, and her master and mistress returned to new orleans with a new experience, _minus_ a nurse girl. another fugitive, by the name of zack, came across the river from virginia into ohio. he had lain in the woods by day, and traveled by the north star at night, when it was clear, but in rainy or cloudy weather he found he was as liable to go south as north. there had been much rain to impede his progress, and he suffered much from hunger. he had advanced only a few miles from the river, when he found a family of true friends, who replenished his clothing, and was preparing food for his journey, when his master, with eight other men, found out where he was, and came with officers to search the house and take their prey. they came in the night and demanded entrance. "wife, what shall we do? there are men under every window." "let them search the two lower rooms first, and while you go with them you tell zack to slip into my room while you are with them, and i'll see to him." "but i tell you he can't be got out of this house without being caught." "go on; i know that." and he left her and gave the frightened man his orders. but before he reached her room she rolled up the feather-bed and drew the straw mattress to the front side of the bedstead, and told zack to jump in. her oder obeyed, she threw back the feather-bed, and before the master and officer entered her room she was occupying the front side of the bed. the clothes-press, wardrobe, and under the bed were all closely scrutinized. the husband, pale with excitement, was expecting, in every place they searched, that poor zack would be found. but they all left satisfied that he was not in that house, though so very sure they had found the right place. the noble woman said he shook with fear, so as to make the bed tremble during the search, knowing but too well his sad fate if he should again fall into the hands of his master. every necessary measure was taken to hasten his progress to canada. in december, , calvin fairbanks, who had served a term of three years in the kentucky penitentiary for aiding slaves to escape, called at levi coffin's and informed me of a letter he had received, giving information that an interesting slave woman in louisville, kentucky, could cross the river, if a friend would meet her at jeffersonville, indiana, and take her to a place of safety; and he proposed to be the conductor. i advised him, by all means, not to go so near kentucky, as he was so well known through that state. he said he expected we would oppose him. i advised him to consult with dr. brisbane, as levi was absent. but he chose to keep the matter quiet, and went on his dangerous expedition. i was called away to college hill as nurse, and in three weeks, when i returned to levi's, he called me into the store, saying, "we have a letter for thee to read; somebody is in trouble, and samuel lewis, dr. brisbane and myself have been trying to find out who it is, but can make out nothing by the letter. the signature is of stars, that he says is the number of letters in the name, but we can make nothing of it;" and he handed me the letter, dated from louisville jail. as soon as i counted the six stars in the first name, i said, "levi, it is calvin fairbanks! read out the last line of stars, and we'll find fairbanks." at this point dr. brisbane entered the store. "doctor," said levi, "laura has found our riddle; she says it is calvin fairbanks." both were astonished, not knowing he was down the river. i told them of his call in levi's absence, and of his errand. "poor man, how he will suffer, for they will soon find him out, and they are so very bitter against him, i fear he will die in their penitentiary, for they will have no mercy on him," said the doctor. "he sends us an appeal for help, but i see no way we can render him assistance," responded levi. a few weeks later a colored man, who had been mistaken for a slave, was released from that jail. he came to us telling of the suffering the prisoners endured, having no bed but a pile of filthy straw in their cells; and that calvin requested him to see his friends, and tell us he must perish unless a quilt and flannel underclothing were furnished him; and he also needed a little pocket money. no one dared to take these articles to him, for only two weeks previously a man by the name of conklin had brought the wife and four children of an escaped slave into indiana, and was captured in the night. all were taken to the river, and the poor woman and her children returned to their owner, without her meeting the husband and father, who had sent for them. conklin was bound with ropes and thrown into the river, where he was found a few days after. four weeks before williams, from massachusetts, followed two little mulatto girls who were stolen from their free-born parents by a peddler, and found them near baltimore, maryland. as soon as his errand was made known a baud of ruffians lynched him. these two cases of murder, without the semblance of law, had produced much excitement in the north, and now the fairbanks case was increasing the exasperation of the south. but here was a suffering brother in prison. a few days of earnest prayer determined me to go to louisville jail with a trunk of bed clothes and under flannels. i looked for strong opposition from my friends, but to my surprise when i proposed the plan to my friends levi and catherine coffin, they favored my project. catherine did her full share in furnishing a trunk, a thick comfortable and pillow; others soon brought a change of flannels; and as levi met friends and made known my project of going to louisville, the mites were brought to the amount of fourteen dollars for calvin, and enough to bear my expenses. levi saw captain barker, who possessed an interest in the line of packets running to louisville, and he offered half fare, and promised to send for me in time for the ben franklin, no. , to leave for louisville the next day at p. m. dr. brisbane, on returning from an absence of a few days, told levi not to allow so rash a move, and said that i must not go to louisville in this excitement, for it was dangerous in the extreme; and he referred to conklin's fate, that was just as likely to be mine. this so discouraged levi, that he said, "it may be we have been too fast in giving thee words of encouragement." my reply was, "i find no geographical lines drawn by our savior in visiting the sick and in prison." here was a suffering brother, who had fallen among thieves, and i felt it my duty to go to his relief. there seemed also a clear answer to prayer that i should be protected; and if time would allow me to call on dr. brisbane before i left for the boat, i would do so, as i desired to see him. "if thou art going, i advise thee not to call on the doctor, as i know how he feels about thy going, and all thy reasons will not satisfy him in the least." i told him if the doctor or any one else would go, i should feel easy to give it up, but otherwise i could not. during this conversation melancthon henry came in, as he said, "with his mite" of three silver dollars for brother fairbanks. he said, "you are going into the lion's den, and my prayer is that you may be as wise as a serpent and harmless as a dove. i know the venom of the serpent is there in power, but god will give his children the wisdom without the poison." melancthon was a son of patrick henry, who had emancipated him with his slave mother. he was a member of the wesleyan methodist church, to which i was at that time attached. soon after captain barker sent for me, and told me to refer colonel buckner to him in presenting my note of introduction, as he was favorably acquainted with the colonel and he should mention me as one of his friends. arrived at louisville about day-dawn, i took a hack, and ordered the hackman to place the trunk on the porch of the front entrance of the jailor's residence. as the colonel's wife answered the door-bell, i inquired for colonel buckner. she stepped back to call him, when in an undertone i heard, "who is it?" "i don't know; she came in the hack and is genteelly dressed, and i think came from the boat." he "genteelly" met me, took captain barker's letter of introduction, and then introduced me to his wife and daughter, and to his wife's sister from boston, who was there on a visit with her daughter, making quite a lively social circle. my errand was immediately made known, and the colonel excused himself for overhauling the trunk to take its contents to calvin at once, as it was in the line of his duty as keeper of the prison to examine every thing brought in for prisoners; not that he expected to find anything improper for fairbanks to receive. i told him i designed returning to cincinnati on the same boat i came on, and it was going out at p. m. "why go so soon?" he asked. i replied, "my errand here is accomplished, when i see that these things are delivered to calvin fairbanks; and as i have a little pocket change, sent by his friends in cincinnati, i would like to see calvin, as i shall write his mother after my return." "i will see if the sheriff thinks it best. there was a great excitement in the city when fairbanks was arrested and brought here, and shotwell, the injured man who lost his servant tamor and her child, is very much enraged, and being a man of wealth and influence here, i dare not take you in to see fairbanks on my own responsibility; but i'll see the sheriff, and if he says you can see him it is all right." with a little note from me he took the trunk of things to calvin, and brought back a receipt. as he handed it to me he said, "i suppose you will recognize his handwriting, so you'll know it's from him?" i replied that i had seen a note of his writing, but was not familiarly acquainted with it, but was perfectly satisfied with the receipt. he said he had been to see the sheriff, but he was absent, and would not return for two or three days, "and i think you had better wait," he continued, "and see him, as you can remain with us; it shall not cost you a cent." i told him my friends in cincinnati would be at the wharf to meet me the following morning; and as i had nothing further to accomplish, being satisfied that the things and money had been received by calvin fairbanks, i felt free to return. but he urged still harder. "it will be too bad for you to return without seeing him, as you are the only friend that has called to see him since he has been here; and i know he wants to see you, for he asked if you were not coming in to see him, and i told him i was waiting to see the sheriff; and i think you had better wait till the boat makes another trip, as your stay here is as free as air, and we would like you to stop over; then you can see the sheriff, and i reckon he will not object to your going in to see fairbanks, and yet i dare not take you in without his approval." i at length consented. they were all very polite, and i rested as sweetly that night as if in my own room at levi coffin's, or in my own michigan home. the next day the colonel was very free to talk of the false ideas of northern people about slavery; spoke of elizabeth margaret chandler's work on slavery, that i took from their center table; said his wife's boston friends sent it her, but "it was nothing but a pack of lies." i told him that she lived and died neighbor to me, and i esteemed her as a noble woman. "but she never lived in the south, and had no right to judge of their condition without the knowledge of it." i was introduced to a young man who he said had been suffering a few days' imprisonment under false charges, but on the examination, had that day, was found not guilty. as the family withdrew from the parlor, this young man seemed very anxious to deliver a secret message from fairbanks to me; he said he had made a confidant of him, and told him to request me to see to forwarding tamor's trunk of valuable clothing to a place of safety. he then told me the mark on the trunk, and the place in louisville where it was waiting to be forwarded. i said that i had told the colonel i had no idea of tamor's whereabouts, as i had supposed she was taken with fairbanks until informed to the contrary; and that i had no business here whatever, aside from bringing a few articles for his present relief. after being absent awhile, he returned with a note purporting to be from calvin, inquiring whether i had made the acquaintance of persons therein named. i told the bearer i had not, and if he saw calvin he could tell him so. he urged me to send fairbanks a note, as the colonel or any one else should know nothing of it; but i refused, becoming satisfied that he was more of a dispatch-bearer for the colonel than for calvin fairbanks. i learned afterwards that this was true, and that he was released for the purpose of getting hold of additional evidence with which to convict him, and perhaps convict myself also. in the evening a gentleman of their city made a call on the family, and to him i was introduced. he spent an hour or two in conversation with myself and the others. the jailer, colonel buckner, told me just before i left that their city papers--louisville _courier_ and louisville _commercial_--inserted a notice to the effect that "delia webster, from cincinnati, is here, and is quartered for a few days in the city." this little notice created much excitement; and as the gentleman alluded to knew delia webster personally, the colonel brought him in to make my acquaintance and report accordingly. as he passed out of the parlor, he told the colonel he might rest assured that lady was not delia webster, and they had nothing to fear from this cincinnati lady, and he should set the editors right. all this excitement was carefully kept from me, as they wished to keep me as long as they possibly could, hoping to glean some additional evidence against fairbanks, although the jailer told me they had sufficient evidence to convict fairbanks for a term of twenty-five or thirty years at least, as this was the second offense, and he had no doubt but that he had been guilty of many others. the papers next day came out with a correction, "that it was not delia webster, but mrs. haviland, from cincinnati; and, as abolitionists generally went in pairs, she had better keep a lookout, or she, too, would find an apartment in colonel buckner's castle." delia webster was arrested near the time of calvin fairbanks's first arrest, and for the same offense, and sentenced to the same penitentiary, but in six weeks was pardoned. the colonel was disposed to spend much time in discussing the merits, or rather demerits, of abolition principles, which seemed to be a new theme for this methodist class-leader and jailor. he said: "i want to convince you that you abolitioners are all wrong, for you go against colonization, and you can't deny it; and if there was ever a heaven-born institution it is colonization." "do you claim that god has conferred the prerogative to a man or set of men to draw a line, and say to you or me. 'you shall go the other side of that line, never to return?'". "o no, that is a different thing. we belong to a different race." "whatever privilege you claim for yourself or i claim for myself, i claim for every other human being in the universe, of whatever nation or color. if the colored people choose to go to africa. i have no word to say against their removal; it is their right and their privilege to go. and if they wish to go to any other part of our world they have the same right with me to go." "o no, not to canada; for you have no idea of the trouble it makes us. we expend thousands of dollars in preventing our slaves from going there." "that is the defect in your policy. it is the existence of your system of slavery that makes you all this trouble." "as i told you of miss chandler, so it is with you, because you never lived in a slave state, and know nothing of their contented and happy condition. they have no care; if they are sick the doctor is sent for, and they are as tenderly cared for as our own children, and their doctor's bills are paid. i know if you would live here a few months you'd see these things very differently. you would see our slaves marching out to their work, singing their songs and hymns as merrily as if they'd never had a troubled thought in their heads. here's my wife, born and raised in massachusetts, and now she thinks as much of our institution of slavery as any of us who are raised here." "if your slaves are so happy and contented, why do they make you so much trouble in their effort to reach canada?" "o, there's free niggers enough to be stirring up the devil in their heads; for their notions are not fit to mingle with our servants. and there's the good the colonization of these free negroes is doing. i know of one man that manumitted two of his slaves on purpose to have them go to africa as missionaries; and there is the design of providence in bringing those heathen negroes here to learn the gospel plan by christ, to save the dark and benighted heathen of their own country. we have reports from the two missionaries that i told you were set free for that object, and their master sent them off to school a year or more to fit them for their work." "but why not give them all an opportunity of educacation, to enable them to read the bible and books and papers. that would improve the race at home; and instead of sending them off, as you say, they would be preachers here among their people." "i tell you that wouldn't amount to any thing, as there are but few that can learn any thing but work, and that they are made for. their thick skulls show that they can't learn books; and if you knew as much about them as i do you'd see it too, but you are such an abolitioner you won't see it." i told him i had seen colored people in the north who were well educated and intelligent. "o yes, there are a few who can learn, but i speak of the race. they are different from us, you know. not only their skin is black and hair curled and noses flat, but they stink so." "but here is your house-servant, mary, preparing your meals, setting in order your parlor and private rooms, and waiting on the persons of your wife and daughter--and her hair is as short and skin as black and nose as flat as any you'll find; and yet this disagreeable smell only troubles you in connection with the principle of freedom and liberty." "you are such an abolitioner there's no doing any thing with you," he rejoined, and left the room. he soon returned, and said: "there's another thing i want to talk with you about, and that is amalgamation. if you carry out your principles, your children would intermarry with negroes; and how would you feel to see your daughter marry a great black buck nigger?" "that is the least of my troubles in this lower world," said i. "but as far as amalgamation is concerned, you have twenty cases of amalgamation in the south to one in the north. i say this fearless of contradiction; it is a fruitful product of slavery. there are hundreds of slaves held as property by their own fathers. you'll find it wherever slavery exists. you find it here in your own city, louisville." giving a shrug of his shoulders, he replied, "i will acknowledge this is a sorrowful fact that can not be denied." this ended his talk on that subject. after supper we were all enjoying a social chat before a blazing grate in the dining-room, and i was sitting near the kitchen door, that was ajar, where were their slaves in hearing. in their presence i had avoided answering some of his questions, but now a question was put within their hearing, which seemed to demand a square reply, and i gave it. "i would like to know, mrs. haviland, where you abolitioners get your principles of equal rights. i'd like to know where you find them." "we find them between the lids of the bible. god created man in his own image--in his own likeness. from a single pair sprang all the inhabitants of the whole earth. god created of one blood all the nations that dwell upon the whole earth; and when the savior left his abode with the father, to dwell a season upon our earthly ball, to suffer and die the ignominious death of the cross, he shed his precious blood for the whole human family, irrespective of nation or color. we believe all are alike objects of redeeming love. we believe our heavenly father gave the power of choice to beings he created for his own glory; and this power to choose or refuse good or evil is a truth co-existent with man's creation. this, at least, is my firm conviction." no reply was made, but, at his suggestion, we repaired to the parlor, where other conversation was introduced, but no reference made to bible arguments. during the time of waiting to see the sheriff the jailer's wife frequently spent an hour or two in social conversation. she said they never bought or sold a slave but at the earnest solicitation of the slave. "our black mary was one of the most pitiable objects you ever saw. she was treated shamefully, and was put here in jail, where she lay three months, and was so sick and thin there wouldn't any body buy her. i felt so sorry for her i used to take her something she could eat, and i had her clothes changed and washed, or i reckon she would have died. she begged me to buy her, and i told mr. buckner that if she was treated half decent i believed she would get well. so i bought her and paid only four hundred dollars; and now you see she looks hale and hearty, and i wouldn't take double that for her. but there is poor black sally, just four weeks ago today she was sold to go down the river in a gang, and i never saw any poor thing so near crazy as she was. she was sold away from her seven children. as i heard her screams i threw my bonnet and shawl on and followed her to the river, and she threw herself down on her face and poured out her whole soul to god to relieve her great distress, and save her poor children. oh how she cried and prayed. i tell you no heart, not made of stone, could witness that scene and not melt. many shed tears over poor sally's prayer. a man standing by went to the trader and bought her, and went and told her that he lived only eight miles away, and had bought her, and she should come and see her children occasionally. she thanked him as he helped her to stand up, for she seemed weak. but in just two weeks from that day she died, and the doctors examined her, and said she died of a broken heart. they said there was no disease about her, but that she seemed to sink from that day, growing weaker and weaker until she died. that was just two weeks ago to-day." her eyes frequently filled with tears as she related this sad incident, and yet she could cheerfully say, "oh, mrs. haviland, go with me into the kitchen to see my nigger baby." as we entered the kitchen there stood the mother by her fat, laughing baby, bolstered up in his rude cradle of rough boards. "there, isn't that a fine boy? he's worth one hundred dollars. i could get that to-day for him, and he's only eight months old; isn't be bright?" "he is certainly a bright little fellow." as i looked at the mother i saw the downcast look, and noticed the sigh that escaped a heavy heart, as she listened to the claim and price set upon her little darling. it's mother, mary, was ebony black, her child was a light mulatto, which was in keeping with the story of abuse to which she was compelled to submit, or else lay in jail. during the afternoon of friday a mr. adams, from south carolina, came to recognize and take his slave jack. said the colonel: "he was decoyed by an abolitioner, and now you can see what your principles lead to. there's jack in the yard" (pointing toward the man). "his master has just been in jail with me and talked with jack, and i let him out, and he's going around town with him to see if he can get his eye on the rogue that enticed him away. you see he's a great, stout, smart-looking fellow, and the rascal got sight at him, and saw him alone, and asked him if he wouldn't like to be free, and be his own master. he said he would. 'then meet me at eleven o'clock by that big tree near the road yonder, and i'll take you with me to canada, where you'll be a free man.' jack met him at the place appointed, and they vent on till daylight, then hid till night, and traveled on. 'now,' said this abolitioner if you will let me sell you in this little town ahead, i'll be around here till near night, then i'll go on to the next tavern (or i'll tell them so), but i'll stop in a little wood this side, and wait for you till eleven or twelve o'clock, and you can meet me, and i'll give you half i get for you, then well travel all night again, when we'll be out of reach of their hunting for you. then we can travel by day-time, as you can call me master, and i'll call you my body-servant.' jack was now fairly in his hands, and did as he directed. as he had divided the money with jack he had confidence in this mean fellow, and thought he would take him on to canada. he met him according to the plan, and, after traveling all night again, another proposition was made to sell him again, and he would again divide and give him half, which now amounted to a large sum for jack. but this was not the end of sales; for he played the same game over and ewer, until they reached this city, when jack was caught and put in jail. after he'd been here three days he told me all about it, and i took the money and wrote to mr. adams to come and get him. by the time that abolitioner got here he had sold jack seven times, and divided with him every time. so, you see, that is just the fruit of your principles." i patiently waited until he finished his story, with its charges, when it was my time. "colonel buckner, i do not acknowledge this to be the work of an abolitionist, this was a selfish, unprincipled man; he was making himself rich, and probably was taking jack down the river, and would have kept on selling him, and dividing, until he would have sold him for the last time, and then have taken from jack all the money he had given him from these clandestine sales. i have no word of sanction to give to work like this; i should say his place was here in jail instead of jack. if jack had come to us hungry and naked, we should have fed and clothed him; and if sick with fatigue and footsore, we should have given him a ride toward canada, if he wished to go there; but as for this man, i will not own him as an abolitionist. i repudiate his work altogether." "oh, yes, he told jack he was an abolitioner." "then he was a hypocrite. i want to suppose a case for you to consider. perhaps a fine appearing man comes into your city, attends your methodist meetings, and calls himself a methodist. he speaks well in your class meetings, speaks, prays, and sings in your prayer-meetings, and you became very favorably impressed with him as a christian. he engages, perhaps, as clerk or bookkeeper in one of your large business houses across the street, and during three or six months appears so candid and punctual in all business transactions, that they confide to his care important business. but the opportunity arrives when he takes advantage of this confidence, and forges a draft of $ , , and it is cashed, and he is off, never to be heard from again. now as you learn of this dark deed, you have no idea of acknowledging that man as a christian brother, have you?" "oh, no, certainly not; we expect and know there are hypocrites." "so do we expect hypocrites in our abolition ranks; but because of counterfeit money we would not reject the true coin." in the evening i was introduced to mr. adams, of south carolina, with whom we all seemed to enjoy free and easy conversation. he was quite pleased to find his servant jack, and a secret thought stole over me that he was also pleased to get with him two or three times his value in gold. sabbath morning ben franklin no. packet came in, and i prepared to go to the boat, as the jailor said the sheriff had not yet returned from the country. said the jailor: "i don't like to have you leave without seeing fairbanks, as you are the only friend who has called on him. i have a great mind to assume the responsibility of just taking you into the jail a few minutes before you go." "i would thank you very kindly," i said, "if you think it prudent; but if not, i shall not urge you in the least." "i reckon there can be no harm done. come on, we'll go," and i followed him into the jail, and he called for fairbanks. i met him under circumstances that had caused such bitter prejudices against him that there was no shadow of probability that any thing like justice would be shown him. besides, there were forty sad faces before me, of persons who, the jailer told me, had committed no crime, but were placed there for _safe keeping_, as they had been purchased in different places for the lower market. a gang was being prepared by a trader, and these were all shades, from the ebony black to those with fair skin, straight hair, and blue eyes, with hardly a vestige of african descent. with this scene before me, i could not restrain tears, neither were calvin's eyes dry. as he held my hand in both of his, he said: "let us keep good courage. i think i shall be released after my trial. i want you to see my lawyer, mr. thruston; he says he will take my case through for six hundred dollars." i told him i had no power to indemnify a lawyer. and after i received his note urging me to see him, i sent a note back by the keeper to that effect. "but if you can see him, he may fall in his price two hundred or three hundred dollars. don't leave without seeing him." i told him i would have seen him if he had been in town on receiving his note, and yet i could see no important benefit in securing an interview with the lawyer, as his figures, unless greatly reduced, were beyond our reach in cincinnati. "perhaps he may reduce them if you see him." with these beseeching words, with tearful eyes that brought tears to the eyes of the colonel as well, the colonel said at once: "i think you ought to comply with fairbanks's request, and stay over one more trip. you can stop with us and be welcome. if you choose to call on dr. field, as fairbanks has suggested, you can do so; but i reckon it's your duty to see his lawyer." dr. field was a practical abolitionist. like dr. brisbane and james g. birney, he emancipated his own slaves, and left louisville on account of slavery, and made a home in jeffersonville, on the indiana side of the river. as it was now ten minutes, double the time suggested by the jailer while we were on our way to the jail, i turned to the keeper, and told him as my interview was prolonged beyond its limit, i would go; and on taking leave of calvin he pointed to four men standing a few feet from him, and said, "do you know those men?" i looked up and nodded to them a recognition. they were fugitives who had been recaptured by virtue of the fugitive slave law passed in , some of whom had made their escape from slavery many years before. one, whose name was baker, with whom i was well acquainted, had hair straighter and skin fairer than very many of our anglo-saxon race. these four answered to the nod, smiling through their tears. they had enjoyed a taste of freedom, and now were to be hurled back to a dark life of bondage more bitter to them than ever before. but not a word could i utter to them. the slight bow, as i was turning away, was all; and yet that was sufficient to set on fire a world of iniquity in the four officers in front of the iron grates through which we conversed with calvin fairbanks. these officers beckoned to the jailer as we were passing through to the outer gate, and upon his opening it, he said, "will you please pass through the yard into our apartments alone?" "certainly," i responded; and turning to me, he remarked, "those officers beckoned to see me a moment." i drew my arm from his, that he had so politely tendered in going to and from calvin. in passing through the yard i met their slave man, who said, in a low tone, "did you see fairbanks?" i answered, in a like tone, "i did." "glory!" he cried, just loud enough for me to hear. near the door i was met by mary, who said but little above a whisper, "did you see him?" as i gave a nod, she said, "good, good!" clapping her hands for joy. i waited in the parlor for the return of the jailer, as he had said he would go to the river with me. he soon came in, pale and trembling with excitement. "mrs. haviland, those officers are all boiling over with excitement. they wanted to know if i didn't see how just the sight of you was like an electric shock all over that crowd of slaves." "didn't you see those four runaways cry at the sight of her?" said one of the officers. i told them my attention was all taken up with your conversation with fairbanks, and noticed nothing of others. "they say it is very evident that you are a dangerous person, and deserve to be here in this jail just as much as fairbanks, and they are for arresting you at once; and i don't know, mrs. haviland, that it will be in my power to protect you. there have been threats in the papers every day since you've been here; and shotwell has had his officers out hunting in every hotel for you; but we have kept it carefully from the public that you were with me, until now these officers are determined to arrest you." said i: "colonel buckner, should your officers come in this moment i have nothing to fear. the god of daniel is here at this hour. should i be arrested, you wouldn't keep me in your jail three days. i have no more fear than if i were in my own room in cincinnati." his trembling voice became quiet; and more calmly he said: "well, it is a glorious thing to feel like you do; but i reckon you'd better go over the river to dr. field's, and when mr. thruston comes into the city i'll send him over to see you. i advise you not to set foot on the kentucky shore again, as i know it will not be safe. there is this morning a great excitement jail over town about you. so one of the officers told me. but i'll go to the river with you right soon." we started for the door, when he halted: "i don't think i had better go with you now, as these officers may come out and make trouble, and i reckon you'd be safer alone." "very well, i have no hesitancy whatever in going alone;" and i bode him "good-bye." as i was opening the door he reached his hand to return the "good-bye--god bless you!" and i left the jail and jailer. i passed a large hotel, with perhaps fifteen or twenty men standing on the sidewalk in front. all seemed in a perfect buzz of excitement,--when i saw this company of men, the first thought was to pass over on the other side. "but i will neither turn to the right nor the left, but pass through their midst," was an impression that i followed; and so busily engaged were they in their excited conversation that they hardly looked to see the little passer-by, the subject of their thoughts and words. said one: "great excitement in town to-day." "yes, sir; you can see a group of men at every street corner." i smiled to myself, as i thought, "little do you think this is the little old woman you are troubling yourselves over." i soon was in jeffersonville inquiring for dr. field's residence, and was shown the house across the street, and upon its front porch stood a little group--the doctor and family, with two ministers--watching me; and as i opened the gate and inquired if this was dr. field's residence: "yes, i am the jason," said the doctor. "we're been looking for you, mrs. haviland, every day since you've been in louisville." this was an unexpected salutation, and i felt at home again as i clasped their warm hands of friendship. "how is it that you have knowledge of me?" "just walk in, and i'll show you the papers; haven't you seen them?" i told him i had not, and knew nothing of it until just as i was leaving; the jailer told me there had been threats in the daily papers to arrest me. when i read these little scurrilous articles, calculated to inflame an already inflamed public, i wondered, as well as the doctor, that they had not found my whereabouts and made trouble. i hoped my cincinnati friends had not seen this, as i had written them the reason of my delay, and sent the letter by the same boat that brought me to louisville. i enjoyed sweet rest with these christian friends, and attended with them their afternoon meeting. the minister who preached was as earnest an abolitionist as the doctor, and brother proctor preached as radical an abolition sermon as i ever listened to; it seemed like an oasis in a desert. the day following i sent a note to lawyer thruston's office, and received in reply the statement that his illness had prevented his leaving his room during two weeks past, and urged me to come and see him without delay, and he would stand between me and all harm. the doctor said, as he was a lawyer of influence in their city, he advised me to go; and as it was snowing a little, he gave me an umbrella, with which i might screen myself while passing the jail, as well as be sheltered from the snow. i found the lawyer very affable in his manners, and he said they would do the best they could for fairbanks, and we might pay what we could. i returned without difficulty to our "jason." i wrote a little article under the caption of "correction," and sent it to both the _commercial_ and louisville _courier_. it was inserted, with the following editorial note: "notwithstanding the pretended laudability of her errand to our city, we are still satisfied it was out of no good motive, as birds of a feather will flock together." most assuredly i was thankful to see the return of "ben franklin, no. ," which took me from that nest of unclean birds to those of more congenial and harmless habits. my anxious friends in cincinnati had not received either of any letters, and had read only these threatening cards in the cincinnati _commercial_, copied from louisville dailies, that caused great anxiety. i sent a letter by both trips that this boat made during the week i was in louisville, and colonel buckner took both and said he would sec them delivered at the boat. while on the boat a gentleman and his wife among the passengers were returning to their eastern home, with whom i formed a pleasant acquaintance. among other topics of discussion was the value of hygiene and hydropathy, in which a louisville physician joined, narrating his observations of the system during a practice of fifteen years in louisville. as he seemed to be an intelligent and social gentleman, we all seemed to enjoy our new acquaintances. i remarked to him that there seemed to exist quite an excitement in his city during the week past, over an old lady who took a few articles of under-clothes and a quilt or two to fairbanks. "o, yes; were you in the city?" "i was, and was surprised at the excitement produced by her presence." "well, i suppose shotwell did make a great stir over his loss of a house-servant. i understand be spent three hundred dollars in his effort to find that woman, as he thought she knew where his slave was. i have forgotten her name." "mrs. haviland, from cincinnati, was the one threatened in your dailies," i replied. "ob, yes, that was the name. i heard you say you are going to cincinnati; do you know any thing of that lady?" "i do; i have been acquainted with her from childhood." "you have! what sort of a lady is she?" "well, if you should see her, you wouldn't think it worth while to raise all this breeze over her, or any thing she could do. she is a little, insignificant looking woman, anyhow; and yet i think she is conscientious in what she does." "there wouldn't have been such a stir but for mr. shotwell, who felt himself wronged in the loss of his house servant;" "but he is considered one of your most influential citizens, i am told." "yes, madam; i reckon we'll have to excuse him, for he is quite nervous and angry over fairbanks." after quite a lengthy conversation on this subject, my new lady friend, to whom i had related a portion of my louisville experience, was waiting for an opportunity to put a joke on the louisville doctor, and called me by name. at this the astonished doctor said: "i reckon this is not mrs. haviland, is it?" "that is the name by which i am called." "is this indeed the lady we've been talking about, and of whose appearance you gave such a brilliant description?" and he laughed heartily. "well, well, mrs. haviland, don't judge our city by this little flurry of excitement; for we have good, substantial people in our town, and i hope you'll visit our city again sometime, and you'll find it's true. i reckon if those excited men had arrested you, there would have rallied to your aid a different class of men; for your errand was perfectly proper, and you would have been borne out in it, too, by the more sensible people of our city." but my cincinnati friends were not so confident of my safety. said levi coffin, as i met him, "dr. brisbane has said it was most likely that we should find thee in prison; and our friend, james g. birney, is also very much discouraged, and said he was sorry thou went at this time of excitement, of both north and south, over the lynching of williams near baltimore, the binding of conklin and throwing him into the river, and now the illegal capture of calvin fairbanks in indiana, and taking him over into kentucky and lodging him in jail there. but they have no regard or respect for law. as we knew all this, we have all been exceedingly anxious for thy safety." it was a season of rejoicing with us all that our suffering brother in prison had received present relief; and no threats were put in execution in regard to myself. i realized an answer to prayer before i left for that prison, and not a moment while in louisville did i in the least doubt the keeping power to be stronger than the power of darkness. our friend, james g. birney, being feeble in health, sent for me to spend a day in his family; and a rich feast i enjoyed in listening to the experience of that noble christian man. worthy was he to have presided over our nation. excitement does not cease, though the base is changed. tidings came to us that fourteen newly-arrived fugitives were housed in the basement of zion baptist church. i repaired at once to see what was needed for their journey, and found a very sick babe, two months old. the mother said it was very sick before they left, and she did not expect it to live, but their arrangements were made to go for freedom, and she would rather bury her child on the way than to stay behind till it left her. it died that night, and they were provided with a respectable coffin, and the company, with others, formed a funeral procession to the burying-ground. after the burial the thirteen fugitives were taken to the quaker settlement, twenty-five miles distant, and from thence were forwarded to canada. the colored members of our vigilance committee informed me that an infant died in that basement once before, and they took up a part of the floor and buried the child in the grave prepared for it, to avoid suspicion; for its parents were the slaves of a wealthy kentuckian, who was making great efforts to capture the family. chapter vii. christian and educational work. very many incidents of interest we must pass over; but, suffice to say, there was seldom a week passed without a slave or slaves leaving a boat or otherwise crossing the river in quest of freedom. i met on the street a sister white, who was much distressed about her son, who was almost gone with consumption, and yet was unwilling to see any minister or religious person, to say any thing to him about a preparation for the change. "do, please, go with me now to see my dying son harvey. may he'll listen to you." i went to her house, and found him too weak to talk much. the mother introduced me as her friend who had called on her. i took his emaciated hand, and said, "i see you are very low and weak, and i do not wish to worry you with talking, but you have but little hope of being restored to health i should judge from your appearance." he turned his head on his pillow as he said, "i can never be any better--i can't live." "then your mind has been turned toward the future, and may the enlightening influence of the holy spirit lead you to the great physician of souls, who knows every desire of the heart, and is able to save to the uttermost, even at the eleventh hour." i saw the starting tear as he looked earnestly at me, while i was still holding his feverish hand in mine. "will it be too much for you, in your weak condition, if i should read to you a few of the words of our lord and savior?" "o no, i'd like to hear you." i opened to john xiv; and upon reading a few verses i saw that the impression made was deepening, and asked if it would worry him too much if i should spend a few moments in prayer. "o no, i'd like to hear you pray." placing my hand on his forehead, i implored divine aid in leading this precious soul to the cleansing fountain, and that his faith might increase, and in its exercise be enabled to secure the pearl of great price. as i arose from his bedside, he reached out both hands for mine, and said, "i want you to come to-morrow." he wept freely; and i left with the burden of that precious soul upon my heart. the mother and sister, who were both professors of religion, stood near the door weeping for joy over the consent of the dear son and brother to listen to the few words of reading and prayer. the day following i met the sick man again, and as soon as i entered his mother's room she said, "o, how thankful we are to god for this visit to my poor boy! he seems in almost constant prayer for mercy. early this morning he spoke of your coming to-day." as i entered his room he threw up both hands, saying, "god will have mercy on poor me, won't he?" "most certainly," i responded; "his word is nigh thee, even in thy heart, and in thy mouth." "do pray for me," he requested. i read a few words from the bible, and followed with prayer, in which he joined with a few ejaculations. i left him much more hopeful than on the previous day. the next morning his sister came for me in great haste, saying, "brother harvey wants to see you, quick." it was not yet sunrise; but i hastened to obey the message, as i supposed he was dying. not a word passed between us until we reached her brother's room. upon opening his door he exclaimed, "glory, glory to god, mrs. haviland! come to me quick, i want to kiss you; for god brought me out of darkness this morning about the break of day. o hallelujah! glory to jesus! he shed his blood for poor me; and i shouted louder than i could talk for a good many days. o, how i wish i had strength to tell every body that i am happier in one minute than i ever knew in all my life put together!" he became quite exhausted in shouting and talking, and i advised him to rest now in the arms of the beloved savior. "yes, i am in his arms. glory to his name for what he has done for me! i want you to see my cousin george; he is sick, and not able to come to see me to-day." i told him i would within a few days, and left him, with his cup of salvation overflowing. about two hours before he died he looked at his mother, smiling, and said, "there's mary; don't you see her, standing at the foot of my bed?" "no, my son, mother don't see her." "o, how beautiful she looks! it seems as if you _must_ see her," and he looked very earnestly at the object. "there, she's gone now." fifteen minutes before he breathed his last he said, "here she is again, and so beautiful! mother, can't you see her?" "no, son, i can't see her." "beautiful, beautiful she is. there, she's gone again." just as the soul took its flight, he upraised both hands, with a smile, and said, "here she is, with two angels with her. they've come for me;" and the hands dropped as the breath left him, with the smile retained, on his countenance. the sister mary, that died a number of years previously, was about four years old; and his mother told me she had not heard her name mentioned in the family for months before harvey's death. my time was fully occupied in caring for the sick and dying, as cholera had become very prevalent and fatal. among the many who died with that disease were levi and catherine coffin's daughter anna, about ten years of age, and a lady, the mother of three children, whose dying request was that i should take charge of her children until the return of their father, who was in california. a few weeks passed, and my promise to harvey white was forgotten, until one morning it rushed upon me with such force that i trembled. i hastened to see him, and, to my surprise, he too was very near to death with consumption, and without hope. his mother was a widow, also an earnest christian; but her son george would not allow her or any of the ministers of her acquaintance to talk with him on the subject of religion. but he was glad to hear that his cousin harvey had died so happy; and she thought if i should tell him about harvey he would listen to me. he could speak but little above a whisper, i told him of my reading to harvey, and asked if he would like to hear me read the same to him. he said he would; and i read the same words, and told him how earnestly his cousin harvey had prayed, and god, who hears and answers prayer, answered him, and he died a happy christian. his feelings became tender, and i knelt by his bedside in supplication. as i was about to leave, he said: "there is a difficulty in my way, and i think you can remove it; but i am more rested early in the morning, and if you can come to-morrow morning i will tell you what it is." i told him i would be there if life and health were spared. the following morning i met him more rested. he said: "i have tried to pray to god; then it seems as if jesus christ stands there, and if i pray to jesus it don't feel quite clear, because i want to go to head-quarters, and i am confused, and don't know where to go or what to do, and so i've given it all up; for it's all dark before me, and i've concluded to die in the dark." this sorrowful condition of unbelief brought secret prayer for divine guidance in words to place the divinity of the lord jesus as clearly as possible before him. i read a few passages where he manifested his power by miracles, "that ye may know that the son of man hath power on earth to forgive sins." he heard me attentively, and suddenly exclaimed: "now i see it; now i see it; now i've got a foothold. now i can pray. i want you to pray for me." he followed in earnest prayer. at the close he raised his clasped hands: "i've found him; i've got him. o, how i wish i could have voice and strength to tell you how happy i am! i want to go to my savior; he is my all. but i can not tell it here; i will tell it in glory. it's all light now; the darkness, is all gone." he seemed much exhausted, and took leave of his mother and mister, and sank into a stupor, and quietly passed away that afternoon. i felt under renewed obligations to praise him for his loving kindness in reminding me, so vividly of the promise i made to that dying young man, harvey white. how careful we should be to attend, to every little errand as we are passing through our life-work. i felt to upbraid myself for being so inattentive to that request. had that precious soul left the shores of time without hope in christ, i could never have forgiven myself for my neglect. there are neglected duties that dot my life here and there with regrets, that have been lessons to teach the necessity of greater faithfulness in the master's work. the daughter of john hatfield came to me with the word that there was a woman at their house who wished to see me. her father being a member of the vigilance committee i went without delay, and found the woman in great distress of mind. she said she was a slave, but had the privilege of working in cincinnati at house-cleaning, washing, or any jobs she could get, by paying her mistress three dollars per week. in this way she had managed to lay aside for herself over twenty dollars during nearly two years. she had a husband and nine children, "an' las' year," said she, "missus was gwine to sell my oldes' gal an' her baby to get money to keep her two gals in school norf somewhars, an' she tuck her baby an' run off for canada, an' now she says she's got to sell my mary;" and her tears came as from a fountain. "why don't she come away as your other daughter did?" i asked. "oh, she can't; missus won't let one o' my family come but me. she let's me come an' do all her marketin' arter i gets all her work a-goin', so my man an' chillen goes on wid it; she lets me come to de city to work, an' i pays her three dollars every week. now i'se full o' trouble over my mary;" and she wept so freely that it was some time before she could give me this little sketch. i found they lived fifteen miles from the river, and she had placed her money in the hands of a colored man by the name of bailey, to keep for her to use at some future time in going to canada with her family. he had told her when the right time came he would have her money ready for her, and would help her. i told her i would gladly relieve her were it in my power; but all i could do was to advise her to bring her family in the covered market wagon, and throw a quilt or blanket over them; then the hay she always put in for her team over that, and a bag of apples, and another of potatoes, or any thing she generally brought into market, placed in front so as to present the appearance of a load of marketing. as she had been over so often, she said, the ferryman hardly ever asked her for her pass, for he knew her so well. "don't you see you are the very one to bring yourself and family here? you could drive over and take your family to either of three places: to a colored family on macallister street, by the name of hall; or to levi coffin's, on the corner of ninth and walnut streets; or bring them here to john hatfield's. at either of these places you are as sure of going through safe as if you were already in canada." she listened with great attention, and her tears dried away as she looked up, with her face shining with hope, and said, "i do b'leve i can do it; i never thought o' that. i'll go to bailey for my money fus thing, an' i'll go mighty soon." i charged her not to name to bailey or any other human being this side or the other, the plan i had given her, except to her own family. she promised, and left with a much lighter heart. a few days later i was requested to meet mary french, who would be at john hatfield's house at twelve o'clock. her friend said, "she is nearly crazy, an' i coaxed her to see you. she's los' faith in every body i reckon, for 't was a good bit afore i could get her to see you agin. she said she did see you wonst, an' you couldn't do nothin' for her. she's bin house-cleanin' wid me, an' it 'pears like she's 'cryin' all the time, day an' night, an' me an' another woman got her to see you, if i'd git you to come to mr. hatfield's at noon." i found her wringing her hands and weeping bitterly. as i looked upon that poor, despairing woman that i had left so hopeful a few days previously, i felt that i could say or do nothing for her but to point her to the god of israel, who is able and willing to lead his oppressed children. i said, "were you ever a christian?" "i was three years ago, an' i lived a prayin' life a year; then the white folks did so bad, it 'peared like i couldn't live 'ligion, an' i giv' it all up. missus sole my poor gal down de river, to sen' her two gals to de norf to school now she's gwine to sell my mary, kase they's runnin' short o' money; an' she missed sellin' my gal las' year. if i hadn't lef de lord maybe dis hard trouble wouldn't come 'pon me." and again she began to wring her hands with convulsive weeping. as i looked upon that poor, crushed spirit, the most frantic with grief of any person i ever saw, a feeling of confidence sprang up in me that she would become free. said i, "you have known what it was to ask god to give you freedom from sin, and make you free from the bondage of satan. now go to him with full purpose of heart, and he will restore the joys of his salvation and again will set you free in soul. then, i feel confident that the captain of the soul's freedom will open the way for freedom from this chain of slavery that now binds you as a family. now go to jesus; he will do great things for you. you lose confidence in your friends, you lose confidence in yourself; but go to the lord jesus, and believe he will direct you, and he will do it. let prayer be thy constant work, then faith will increase--that will not fail." at these few words she became calm, and said, as she looked up, "can you tell me where my daughter is?" "certainly," i said, "i heard from her yesterday; she is in carthaginia, indiana. i had supposed she went directly to canada, and i was sorry she stopped so near to the line--not more than one hundred miles off." "i was tole she went through this city with her baby." "it was true," i answered. i was astonished to see her wipe her tears away and become calm so soon, and converse with so much composure. "if we come soon can you go a piece wid us?" "it will make no difference whether i am here or not, if you go to either of the places i told you of. there are a great many safe places here, but i gave those places you know so well, and can find day or night i shall probably go to my home in michigan next week, and it is uncertain when i return; but don't forget to carry your burden to the lord by constant prayer for his directing hand; and whatever way he opens, take it; if it should be any other way than the plan i suggested, take it, regardless of what i have said, except to mind closely the impressions you feel confident come from an all-wise director. do this, and i have great faith in your success. "never have i had the strong faith that i have at this moment, that if you go to the savior for his help in this time of your great need, he will lead you out of slavery. i advise you not to wait for bailey. if you come here you can all be taken to canada without a dollar." this seemed to surprise her. she said she could get a few dollars, as she was earning good day wages. "one thing more i would say," i went on, "and that is, wherever i may be, whether in my michigan home, or here in this city, i shall not forget to implore divine aid in the deliverance of this family from slavery." with this solemn interview we parted, and the burden of prayer followed me to my home. hardly a day passed without presenting that poor family at a throne of grace for their preservation. two months later found me again in the exciting scenes of cincinnati. my first inquiry was for mary french. "yes, i heard a few days ago that her mistress had forbidden her ever to come to this city again, and had threatened to sell the whole family down the river, and i suppose they are all sold by this time," said john hatfield. he said she remained in the city three or four weeks after i saw her, to get money to start with, but she was too late. her mary was sold just before she returned home, and the poor woman grieved so for her poor girl, that he heard her mistress abused her, and threatened to sell them all. it seemed as if i could hardly endure the thought, when i had indulged such strong hope of her success, but i could not yet give her up, though i regretted exceedingly her delay, as i felt great confidence that he who notes the falling sparrow, and hears the young ravens cry, would have brought that family out of bondage. while in charge of the sick, word was brought by a workman in a shop that there was an exciting report in town that a market wagon brought over a load of nine slaves early that morning, and that a reward of five hundred dollars was offered for information of their whereabouts. while my heart leaped for joy, hoping it might be mary french and family, yet as i was in a pro-slavery family, my feelings were kept to myself. the man of the house said: "what a pity to lose that amount of property! but according to your principles, mrs. haviland, i suppose you are glad of it." "certainly. as i told you the other day, the negroes have the same rights from their creator that we have, and no man or class of men has the right to take them away." "now can't you set aside these notions of yours? you can easily find out where they are, and slyly report them, and here's your five hundred dollars." "i would not for ten times that amount. would you do it?" "certainly i would, and should think it my duty." "i am astonished to hear this from one who professes to be a follower of the lord jesus, a part of whose mission was to unbind the heavy burdens and let the oppressed go free. it is pain to me to hear you advance the sentiments you do in the presence of your children; and a class-leader in the methodist protestant church. i can not henceforward acknowledge you as a brother in christ." "why, mrs. haviland! you are the most uncharitable person i ever met. this hurts my feelings more than anything you have said in presenting your radical position." "i do hope and pray that the enlightening influences of the holy spirit may lead to a far different view from your present one. i am grieved to hear this from one who is looked upon as a leader to the lamb of god, who shed his blood for the whole universe of man, regardless of color or nation." his reply was, "i want to refer you to a few more scripture arguments that i have not mentioned. to-night, from seven o'clock till nine, i want to talk with you on this subject." i told him i would be ready, but i had one request, and that was to make this a subject of prayer, as i should myself, during the day. he said he would seriously look it over, and left for his business. at nine o'clock my patient was comfortably cared for, and i had been talking of going to levi coffin's on an errand for a number of days. i asked permission of her to be absent an hour for that purpose, and her consent for two hours was given. on my way i called on john hatfield, to know whether this company of slaves was not the mary french family. "oh, no, that poor family has gone down the river. i heard some days ago that they were sold to a trader." "the market-wagon was the plan i gave mary, and i hoped so much that it was her family." "yes, but we should be just as glad for other slaves panting for liberty, as for her," and i accepted the remark as almost a half reproof for being more anxious for her than for other slaves. as i entered catherine coffin's room i inquired whether she knew this morning's company of the nine slaves to be mary french and family. "i know nothing of the name, but a woman and little child are up in our attic; but nobody knows it about this house but levi and i." "please go up and tell her a friend is going to call on her, so as not to frighten her." "go on; she'll know we would let no one but a friend go up." i walked slowly up to the fourth story, and lo! on a box in the corner sat mary french with her little grandchild sitting at her feet. "is it possible that is mary french?" i exclaimed. she sprang to me with outstretched arms, clasped me with tears of joy and leaning her head on my shoulder sobbed. "o, my god has saved me so far, but my pore mary was sole down de ribber, when i is here in de city to git a little money to start wid. when i gets into missus' door, i sort o' felt somethin' wrong, an' axt her, 'whar's mary?', she say, 'i sole her las' week,' an' i cried, 'o my god! save my pore chile mary!' an' she kotched up de tongs an' beat me on my head 'til i loss my min', and when i come to i was layin' on de floor bleedin'. you see here is a sore yit" (pointing to her head). there was a gash that must have been three inches long by the appearance of the scar and sore, yet unhealed. "missus said i never, the longes' day i live, should set foot in cincinnati, 'case free niggers ruin me, an' afore she have such a fuss as dis, she put de hull of us in her pocket. i knowd what dis mean, and i tried mighty hard to cheer up afore her. but my tears was my meat and drink a few days. i 'membered your word to go to de lord day an' night, 'case i couldn't come to you no mo'e. in three days he answered my prayer, an' jus' tole me i's gwine to be free, an' i tole my husban' so, but he couldn't git faith in me. i tole 'im to put faith in god, as i did now. but i did lose faith in my bes' frien' when bailey tole me you an' hatfiel' betrayed my gal mary, an' got a hundred dollars reward; den i was mos' crazy. and when dat 'oman tole me to go to you, an' i tole her i did talk to you, and tole her what bailey said 'bout you an' hatfiel', she said he was a bad man, an' lied only to keep my mouey. she begged me so hard i tole her if you'd tell me whar mary is, i'd have faith in you, an' when you tole me so quick, all my faith in you come back. how i wish you could see my man, for he's so sure they'll cotch us. i don't know whar he is, for we's scattered among de good people. o, what a time i had wid 'im to git 'im started. i loaded an' unloaded four times afore he'd come. at las' a pore white man tole me he hear missus say she gwine to sell us all to de firs' trader come along. i say, 'what shall i do?' he say, 'if i was you, i'd run away.' i say 'here's my man an' chillen, can't go widout 'em.' he say 'all go, an' if dey cotch you 'twon't be no wuss dan to go to de trader, and if i can do any way to help you i will, for i feels sorry for you.' when i tole my man, he was so skeered he didn't know hisself scarcely. he was ready to do anyhow i wants 'im, au' i went to dis white man, an' ax 'im for his boy ten year ole, to go wid me to market, an' take all my family, an' i'd cover 'em up in de market wagon. 'an' i'll tell your boy i wants 'im to watch my team for me, an' i'll gib 'im a dollar.' 'all right, only tell 'im what you'll do, an' tell 'im to come an' ax me an' he musn't know i knows about it.' an' i tuk missus' young hosses, an' put my man an' chillen in, cover 'em up, den put a bag o' taters an' apples an' a basket o' chickens in front. an' i had dis little boy by de chickens, so if he cry or make a noise i shake de basket an' de noise of de chickens kill de noise of de boy. an' i drove de fifteen miles to de ribber by daylight, and drove back of covin'ton till de smoke of de ferry boat rise; den i prayed god to keep de ferryman from axin' me for my pass. for i's mighty feared he would, 'case i hadn't been here in so long. an' jus' afore sun up my man crawled out de back of de wagon. i told de boy to hol' de hosses till i fix somethin'. i whispered, 'get back quick, for gods sake,' an' he whispered, 'let's go back, i knows dey'll cotch us.' 'go back! man, its death to go back; we'd be in jail in no time waitin' for de trader.' an' he crawl back an' i tuck 'im up agin, an' we trimble like a popple leaf. den de smoke jus' rise on de ferry-beat, an' i drove on wid de white boy by my side. i prayed dat de lord wouldn't let de ferryman ax me for my pass. if he did i's gwine to say, 'dis white boy my pass;' but he didn't say a word, an' i praise god for answerin' my prayer." i told her she had nothing to fear from the five hundred dollars reward; she was in good hands; all she had to do was to go when they were ready to take them; but i would write a few lines for her to take to the first stopping place after leaving the city, advising to go by way of carthaginia. "write me from that town, and tell your daughter to go on to canada with you without fail." i left her with a lighter heart, rejoicing with that rejoicing family, though yet trembling with fear. the time appointed for the two hours' discussion on the subject of slavery arrived. my pro-slavery friend was not disposed to open the conversation he desired in the morning. after waiting until one hour had elapsed, i asked if he was prepared to bring the scripture arguments he had for my consideration at this hour. he replied that he had thought of but little else during the whole day; but on the whole doubted whether his reasons would stand the test, and declined saying any thing farther in defense of the position he had advanced. a few weeks later he died of cholera. i called on his widow, who said he died a happy soul, and often spoke of his confidence in me as an honest-hearted christian, and she never heard him speak disparagingly of the colored people after the long conversation we had on that subject. i regretted the loss of an opportunity of seeing him after mary french and family were safe in canada. i wished to give him their history, as i felt sure it would have been "like a nail driven in a sure place." he had lived in the south, and the subject of slavery had never been placed before him in this way. the reward for the nine slaves was doubled on the second day of their exodus. all the clew the hunters got of their whereabouts was from the boy they met at the ferry. he could not read the names on the streets, and could only point as near as he knew in the direction where they all left. he told them he didn't know there were any in the wagon but "black mary," till they all got out; then she told him to go to walnut street ferry, and he drove two or three blocks when he stopped and cried, because he didn't know where to find walnut street. then a man came and told him to stop crying and he'd drive him to the ferry. they went to hall's, on macallister street, but not one was left there five minutes. they were conducted to different hiding-places, and not one was left within a half a mile to a mile from that part of the city. slave-hunters were paid from three dollars to seven dollars a day for watching around those suspected streets and those leading northward. the family were dressed in disguise and taken out in three carriages, closed, and two white men in front, that gave an impression at sight of a load of white people. at noon-day, in this manner, they rounded the corners, where were standing some of their hunters who were receiving their seven dollars a day, as was ascertained by a scheme gotten up by the colored people. the next evening after the nine fugitives were taken northward, they drove a double carriage into an alley near north street, and the same number of colored people, so closely watched for, were hustled in with haste, and driven off with speed. the call to "_stop_, halt," was not heeded, until the police rushed at the increased cry, "_stop thief_, stop thief," and slackened their pace. but while the excited crowd gathered to see the police arrest the thieves, the colored man beside the driver demanded the reason why he and his ladies should receive this insult to hinder their pleasure ride. by throwing a light from their dark lantern in the faces of their pursuers, the hunters they had suspected were recognized, to their great annoyance. there were those among them who would not have been exposed, perhaps, for half the amount of the reward. a few days subsequent to this little episode i received a letter from mary, after their arrival at carthaginia, where she met her daughter, who, with her child, made their party number eleven. they very soon reached the "land of the free." nothing further was heard from them until i went with my two daughters to windsor, canada west, to attend their first of august celebration, in commemoration of west india emancipation. there were gathered a very large congregation in a grove, of both colored and white people. while listening to an eloquent oration delivered by samuel j. may, of boston, i was taken from my seat and borne away a few rods, hardly touching the tops of the bushes with my feet. i turned first one way and then the other, until i discovered the sable face of mary french, with big tears rolling down her cheeks. not a word was spoken until we were entirely away from the congregation, and i said, "mary, haven't we gone far enough?" when she let me down, and caught bold of my bands and kissed them, while tears of joy were still falling. "o, how happy we is to be all free. can't you go to malden an' see all my family? i knows my man would come all dis way afoot if he knowed you's here." i told her i could not, as i must return the next day with my two daughters. "is dey heah?" "they were sitting by my side," said i; "those two girls dressed in white are my daughters." "sweet creturs! de little angels; i mus' go see 'em. i's got two gals here, too, an' i'll bring 'em to see you." and soon her hands were placed on the shoulder of each, still weeping for joy as she said: "god bless you! you tinks it strange to see an old black 'oman come to you like dis, but you wouldn't if you know'd what your mother has done for me an' my family. if it hadn't been for her we should all been in slavery to dis day. i wants you to go out dar whar you see your mother standin' afore a great while. i'm gwine back to her now." she came with her two girls, who were also very demonstrative in shaking and kissing my hands; but they laughed instead of weeping as did their overjoyed mother. by the time my daughters came to us we were served with cake and ice cream. as she and her daughters had on the ground a little stand from which they made sales, their favors in this line were repeated. instead of one year's suspension, as we designed, we had deferred finishing our institute building in michigan from time to time, until four years had elapsed. as the ohio school law made provision to support a colored school in any town or place where there were as many as fifteen regular scholars, my daughter anna and myself taught a school for them of one hundred scholars one term, in the basement of zion church, toledo. the expenses were paid from the school fund. with several fugitives, i started on my way to toledo from cincinnati, and spent a day at our friend william beard's. from thence we were taken to newport, indiana, where was a meeting appointed in behalf of calvin fairbanks, in which i gave a sketch of my visit to louisville jail in his behalf. i read the letter i had received from his lawyer on leaving cincinnati, containing a proposition to do the best he could for him, and with that object in view he staved off the case to the next session of their court. at the close of the meeting fifteen dollars were raised, bishop quinn, of the african methodist episcopal church, giving one-third of it. as there was a fall of snow a foot deep, the friends concluded to take us across a swamp, which would save a number of miles; and as there were indications of a thaw, one man offered his team and double sleigh if a certain colored man would go that night and drive it. we were soon well protected from the prospective inclement weather, with the buffalo-robe presented to me, and quilts around the balance of our load. the shifting wind brought quite a snow-storm, that covered us over about three inches deep. my company being very cold, i advised to stop at a house, the dim light of which was so tempting to the shivering company. i went to the door and asked permission to enter, giving our number, and our object in going through the swamp before a break-up. the two old people granted the favor; but when the old lady saw the color of my company she became rather suspicious. said she, "if these are slaves we don't want any trouble, because you know the fugitive-slave law makes a deal of trouble in some places." i assured her they would have none of that character on our account, for these young people were going with me to attend my school. when we were warmed and the horses fed, we left our kind friends to borrow no more trouble for fear of being disturbed with slave-hunters. about three o'clock we came to a large half-finished frame house, brilliantly lighted, and the man seemed to be preparing his team for leaving. i called with our driver to see if we could warm ourselves and feed the team, giving our reason for crossing the swamp to save distance, and as there were indications of a thaw in the afternoon, we chose to come through that night. the man said that was his reason for going for a load of lumber so early--he fearing a break-up. they were very kind, and insisted on our resting till daylight, and taking a warm breakfast. the invitation was accepted with gratitude. i spent my time in conversing with our kind hostess, while my company slept an hour. at nine o'clock we reached carthaginia. the first one we met was a colored woman, of whom i inquired where we could find a place to tarry for a night, and find provender for our horses. she took in our situation at once, and pointed to a large frame house in sight, the house of samuel jones, half a mile distant. while she was giving this information, a man ahead of us, with his carriage, stopped and turned back, saying, "there is mr. jones now, coming to see you, i reckon." as he came to us, i told him of the inquiry i made for a resting-place. "and that is my house for you and barn for your horses," he said. after giving each of us a shake of the hand, he said, turning to me, "i know you, though i never saw you before, and i will tell you of a circumstance, after we get home, whereby you will recognize me." we followed him to his very comfortable home. we were soon seated at a luxurious table. breakfast being over, he related a circumstance in which i had taken a deep interest, and by corresponding, the release from slavery of his relative was effected. brother jones gave me ten dollars for brother fairbanks, in the kentucky prison. here we took leave of our conductor, henry marshal, and a team and teamster were provided to take us on by way of bellefontaine. the anticipated warmer weather overtook us, and with a wagon we left carthaginia. streams with floating ice made fording difficult, especially mosquito creek; but our driver and simon measured the depth of water, and with rails pushed the floating ice from the ford, to enable me to drive through. working as they did with all their might to keep the cakes of ice from running against the horses and from impeding the wheels, when we reached the swift current of the stream a cake blocked the wagon so as to stop the horses a few moments. one horse became discouraged and began to lie down. at this the three women jumped upon a large floating cake, from which they reached the shore with the help of the men. our teamster found his way into the wagon; and by pushing and crowding this way and that he loosened the wheel, and with continued urging and simon's wading to the horses' heads, they finally pulled through. we drove to a house, where the men changed their socks, and rubbed their horses with straw, they said, two hours, and then fed them. we pursued our journey without further difficulties to our school in toledo. often did my whilom slave scholars refer to the excitement at mosquito creek ford. i found the prejudice here very bitter against a colored school; but the colored people had combined their weak forces and built a church, designed for school, as well as their occasional meetings. my school averaged nearly twenty scholars during the term, at the close of which we put in a petition for a support from the school fund. but a majority of two ruled against us; for, although the state law required them to support this school, they had already complied with the requirement. although i had designed to return home and re-open raisin institute, yet to press the board of education into its duty i reopened their school for the second term; and every time that board met i met with them with my petition, informing them, at their first refusal to adopt the school, that this petition of the importunate widow would stand before them until it was granted. they frequently inquired of the colored people how long i was going to teach for them. the answer every time was, as i told them, until the board of education took it. in their discussions in the board i understood it was frequently remarked by our opposers "that the end of that negro school would be when mrs. haviland left, and that wouldn't be long, for the negroes were too poor to pay her." but it was not for money that i taught their school, but to see justice meted out to them. there were fifteen families of the lower class of irish who lived in shanties near the canal that ran within a few rods of our school-house, and as the most of our school passed them, or would have to go half a mile farther, we got from one man in particular a systematic cursing; beginning with cursing my feet, and cursing every toe on them, and cursing every nail on every toe, and so on, to cursing my head, and cursing every hair on it. this regular set of curses were for me every time i passed when he was in his cabin, and frequently a number of others standing by would join him. but as he or some of the others were so often drunk, it was a long time before i could find the suitable opportunity to go to their cabins and have a talk with them, as i desired. as some of their company were so boisterously furious, the children did not dare pass them unless i was with them, for in addition to cursing they were stoned. when the second term was two-thirds through i proposed a picnic for the school and its friends, and had the scholars declaim a few pieces. an eloquent speech delivered in the house of lords, when immediate emancipation was discussed in the english parliament, was well committed and declaimed by one of the young men. a number of the colored people feared a mob, but the majority were willing to risk any measure i thought best to adopt. i trained them thoroughly in speaking, and they trained themselves in singing, and the school selected a little girl to be crowned as their queen of may, and on the th of may we marched through town to a grove, with two beautiful banners. the one borne by the young woman who walked by my side bore the motto, "god is love," and next to it all the girls followed in couples. then followed the young men and boys in the same manner, headed by the banner, upon which was inscribed, "knowledge is power." i instructed the children and young people to walk straight forward, and not even turn their heads to the right or left, and not to notice by look or word any remark that might be made, not even to talk to each other until we reached our little stand in the woods. not a word of disrespect was heard, and some of the white people who drove out with their carriages told me they had not seen such order in marching in any of the may picnics that the white schools had had that spring. they were highly delighted with our exercises. at the next session of the board my school was recognized as a public one, and the chairman, rev. dr. smyth, was authorized to hire me to teach the next term. he met me on the street and said, "mrs. havilland, the importunate widow's prayer is answered; your petition is granted at last, and i am instructed to hire you for the next term." "then my work is finished with this term," said i. "my object is accomplished. i have business at home that i hoped to have entered upon when i closed last term; but as your board refused to do its duty i continued, although i have not averaged twenty-five cents a week during the six months, as a large majority of the colored people here are very poor." "i know that, and i have contended from the first that they ought to have a school; but i am surprised at your not remaining in the school, as you shall have a fair compensation now." i told him i would give him the name of a competent teacher, who was now working himself through college at oberlin--john mitchel--a worthy christian young man of their own color, with whom they could correspond and secure his services. his parents were living in toledo, and he would be pleased to accept the position. i thanked the board through their chairman for the favor they had granted in behalf of the colored people in toledo. it being the seventh day of the week, as i was passing my irish friends, and all quiet, and a company sitting on the grass in the shade of their cabins, i accepted this as my long-sought opportunity to talk with them. addressing a group of half a dozen women, i said: "i have long desired to talk with you, as i am confident you do not understand me in teaching this colored school. i have felt it my duty to aid the most neglected class of people. we are apt to indulge in prejudices against certain classes or nations of people. some people are prejudiced against the german people. they'll say he's nobody but a dutchman, he's not worth noticing; and others are prejudiced against the irish, and will say, 'they are nobody but irish people, they are not worth noticing;' and others are prejudiced against black people: 'they are nobody but negroes, and they are not worth noticing. and then there are some who are prejudiced against soldiers, or sailors, as classes of men. people are too apt to despise other nations and classes of men. all this is wrong; god made us all as it pleased him, and it is not for us to find fault with our heavenly father, who loves all the human family alike. as we acknowledge the fatherhood of god, we should also acknowledge the brotherhood of man in all nations and classes." said one man to his friend sitting by, "in faith, pat, that's good doctrine." "yes, indade, that's the doctrine father mathew prached, ye know." "jamie, that's all right," said another. one of the women concluded she would know the truth of the reports they had gotten up among themselves. "an' did ye not marry a nagur?" "why, no! my husband was a white man, who died a number of years ago." "and was he a black man?" "he was a white man, and he left me with eight children, all under age, and the youngest and the oldest have followed their father." "in fath, ye've seen a dale of trouble, i'm sure; and we heard that black man we often saw comin' from schule with ye an' that yellow lass an' boy was your chilther." "that mulatto girl and boy live near my boarding-place, and they generally come and go with me to school and return; and that black man is a young man who has never had the privilege of going to school and learning to read and write and the use of figures, until i opened this school. now he can read, write, and can use figures to good advantage." "but it's a pity we didn't know ye before. we've been hearin' all this about ye, an' not a bit of it true. our people was about to set fire to your schule-house--in faith, they said they'd give ye a dressin' of tar an' fithers, an' our praste forbid it." "i knew nothing of that," said i; "but i wanted you to understand me before i left, which will be in four weeks. then they will have a fine young colored man from oberlin college to teach their school." "but what a pity that is, for i'm sure they'll not get another such a tacher as you. indade, i'm sorry to hear you're to lave us; i'd like to have my little gal go to your schule, if ye'll take 'er." the man who was the systematic curser came to his door: "indade, missus, we didn't know ye; an' now we'll fight for ye, an' we are sorry we didn't know ye for so long." when i left them i shook hands with them all, for by the time our conversation closed about all their little community had convened, and i took occasion to speak highly of father mathew, the great temperance reformer of ireland; and my little congregation pronounced as strong blessings upon me as they had curses. even my systematic curser was among my best friends after that, and my scholars, as well as myself, were treated with the utmost respect ever after, and two of them sent for me when very sick and not expected to live, one of whom died a few days after. as she was in great distress of mind, i read to her some of those precious promises of our savior, from which she drew great consolation. it would seem to many like casting pearls before swine to turn aside to present the truth to such ignorant and disliking people, but it is ours to obey these little impressions, and leave the result with the all-wise director. during my work in toledo i called on a colored woman to solicit a little change for a very sick man who was very low with consumption, and was being cared for by a very poor family, and as she gave me twenty-five cents a beautiful white girl was sitting by, who gave another quarter. after school i called again and inquired for that young woman who gave for that sick man, without giving me time to ask for her mite, and to my surprise, found she was an inmate of a house of ill-fame, and tried to make mrs. buck promise not to tell me where she was living; for if i knew it i would never speak to her. i sent for her to meet me the following day after school, at her house. i found her sitting in the parlor waiting for me. as i took her by the hand, placing the other on her head, i said, "my dear girl, you are an unhappy child." and she burst into a flood of tears, and as soon as she could sufficiently command her feelings to relate her history i found she was compelled by her stepfather to live away from home. she had lived a year or more with a worthy woman, who kept a boarding-house in cleveland; and there came to board a few weeks a fine appearing young man, who professed great affection for her, and proposed marriage. he told her his father was a very wealthy merchant in toledo, and he was there on business for his father. after he had won her affections he proposed to take her to toledo, and place her in a boarding-house until she could make up two rich silk dresses and other clothing suitable for her, as he was not willing his folks should know he was marrying a poor girl. he could easily take a dress pattern from each bolt of silk and his father never know it, and any other goods she needed. as his father was going to new york for a new supply of goods, he would supply her with other goods to make up until his father's new goods came, then he would hire a dressmaker to make up her silk dresses. all this she fully believed, as from a true and faithful lover, to whom she had given her heart's best and purest affections. she said, "a number of days i hesitated, because i wanted to tell my mother all about it, but he persisted in leaving cleveland secretly, and return on our bridal trip to surprise my mother and that cruel stepfather. at last i foolishly consented, to my ruin and sorrow, for i haven't seen one moment of peace since i was deserted by that man;" and again bathed herself in tears. recovering herself, she continued, "i wouldn't have my mother know this for the world. she is a good christian woman. she's a methodist, and has seen a sight of trouble with my stepfather; and, if she knew this, it would break her heart." on further inquiry i found he brought her to this house as an excuse to keep her secluded until they were about to be married, when he would pay her board a few days in the finest hotel in the city. "the next day after our arrival he brought me a beautiful lawn dress-pattern and a package of other material for me to make up while waiting for his father's goods. and not till then had he offered in word or act any thing amiss from a perfect gentleman. it was the next day after our arrival in this city, and to this house, that he proposed to live two weeks as if we were married, as it would be about a week or two at longest when the goods would be here, and he would get one of two dressmakers to prepare me for my wedding. i cried two days over this proposition, and by this time i had learned the character of this house. here i was, a stranger to every body, but still had confidence in my new friend; and again, to my bitter sorrow, i yielded. but day after day of anxious waiting passed until two weeks expired, and no new goods yet, but another lawn dress-pattern came for me to make for myself, and another two weeks rolled away with only hearing (he said) that the goods were on the way. but at the close of the third two weeks he was missing. daily i waited his coming. at length i went on the street. i inquired for his name and the name of his father's store, when, to my utter astonishment, no such store or names were found in the city. here in a strange place, deserted, ruined, and filled with shame, i had no heart to go to my friends." she had been here six months. i advised her not to remain in this house another twenty-four hours. "but what shall i do? mrs. cassaday will lock me up if she knows i am going to leave her. she called me a fool for giving you that quarter; she says these christians are down on us; and if any of us should die, there wouldn't one of them come to pray for us. i told her i believed you would," i told her to pack her trunk, and if she was down town near the time for the boat to leave for cleveland, to call a drayman to take her trunk to the boat and follow it, if possible, before mrs. cassaday came in. i told her how to manage in going to her old employer, and to tell her you were deceived by that young man, but you found him untruthful. "as you say mrs. cassaday kept you sewing most of the time, you can tell her you were employed most of time in sewing; but do not, at present, tell her or your mother of the life you have lived, and place of your residence while here." she promised she would gladly take my advice, and leave for cleveland the first opportunity. as we parted she leaned her head upon my shoulder, with fast dropping tears, and said, "i shall always thank you for acting the part of a mother in helping me away from this horrible place." the following morning she called to leave word with mrs. buck, that fortunately for her mrs. cassaday was out just in time for her to call a drayman, that had just gone with her trunk to the boat, and she was now on her way to cleveland, happier than she had been in six months, and that she should do, in all respects, as i had advised. here was a beautiful girl decoyed and led from the paths of virtue by an artful, designing, and licentious young man, who basely sought her ruin by winning the affections of an innocent girl. hundreds and thousands of these girls are in like manner led astray, and might be saved if mothers in israel would take them by the hand of sympathy and lift them from the mire of this moral pollution. at another time a request was left with my hostess to go to see a very sick woman, who was thought nigh unto death; but for a little girl that heard the request i should not have received it. she said, these poor white trash would curse me in health, and when they thought they were going to die, they were ready then to send for me to pray for them; and, as i was tired enough to rest after teaching all day, she did not think i ought to go for their calls. i told her if she would be so kind as to deliver all errands of that character i would be very thankful, and hastened to the bedside of an old soldier of the cross, who, with her aged companion, were visiting their children. she said she did not expect to remain much longer in this world of checkered scenes; but her son had been here a short time only, and had not formed any acquaintances among christian people, and their hired girl said "she was passing your school-house one morning and heard you opening your school with prayer, and i told her to find your boarding-place, and leave word for you to come after your school closed, as i wanted to hear the voice of prayer once more." i read a chapter and offered prayer by her bedside. she and her weeping husband and children thanked me for the call, and desired me to call the day following, after school. i found her somewhat improved, and the next door neighbor said dutch mary was in the adjoining room, and seemed much affected, and said that was the first she heard read from the bible in seven years, and the first prayer she had heard in that time, and she would be glad to see me, but she would not disgrace me by coming to her house. then the woman told her she would ask me to see her in her room, and send for her when i came to see the sick woman. i met her in great distress of mind. she told me of the wicked life she had spent during the last seven years of her widowhood, and wanted to know if i thought there was any hope whatever for her. "do you think god can forgive me? i have never so much as opened my bible that lies in the bottom of my chest all these seven years, until yesterday i went home and took my bible for the first time to read in these years; and i felt so condemned after i read awhile that i laid it back, and didn't know whether it was of any use; for i have lived such a wretched life so long i doubt whether god can forgive me, for i feel worse and worse. do you believe he can?" "certainly he is able to save to the uttermost. it is the enlightening influence of god's holy spirit that is showing you the exceeding sinfulness of sin." i read to her the readiness of the lord jesus to forgive sin. "how ready to bless the humble and contrite heart! only believe this with all thy heart, and the blood of jesus is sufficient to wash away every stain that sin has made. though they be as scarlet, he will make them white as snow." we knelt together, and she too offered earnest prayer for strength to live the new life, which she firmly resolved to do. i saw her a week later, and she said she informed those men with whom she had committed those darkest of sins of her firm resolution to live a virtuous life, and she locked her door; but they persisted in troubling her through the night, threatening to tear her house down or burn it. "three nights i suffered from them. but by constant prayer, believing god would take care of me, i was delivered from them. and i have plenty of washing, ironing, and house-cleaning to do; and i get along so much better than i expected i could. i do want to go to meeting; but so many know of my wicked life i am afraid to go inside of a church." i told her to go to whichever church she felt most at home, and the lord would open the way for her, and enable her to bring up her little girl of eight years in the nurture and admonition of the lord. at the close of my school i left this field, so white to the harvest, to enter, as i supposed, upon a field of home missions. at the expiration of a year i visited toledo, and inquired of one who occasionally employed dutch mary, but knew nothing of my experience with her, how she was prospering. the cheering reply was, "splendidly; i haven't heard a disparaging word of her for months, and there used to be hard stories about her." i heard she had united with the baptist church, and i think she is trying to live a christian. if she had not left town on a visit to her friends i should have seen her, but the report i heard of her was heart-cheering. may god bless her, and all who are receiving life-giving power who were dead in trespasses and sin. chapter viii. fugitives in canada. while visiting friends in detroit and canada previous to reopening raisin institute, as i designed, i was earnestly solicited by henry bibb, horace hallack, and rev. chas. c. foote, the committee authorized to employ a teacher, to open a school in a new settlement of fugitives, eight miles back of windsor, where the refugee association had purchased government land, on long and easy terms, for fugitive slaves. they had erected a frame house for school and meeting purposes. the settlers had built for themselves small log-houses, and cleared from one to five acres each on their heavily timbered land, and raised corn, potatoes, and other garden vegetables. a few had put in two and three acres of wheat, and were doing well for their first year. after prayerful consideration, i reached the conclusion to defer for another year my home work, and enter this new field. in the autumn of i opened school, and gave notice that at eleven o'clock the following sunday there would be a sabbath-school for parents and children, after which a little time would be spent in other religious exercises, pursuing the same course i did in toledo, ohio. this drew a number of callers who had no children to see if any could come to my sabbath-school; and when i told them it was for every body of any age who desired to come, my school-house was filled to its utmost capacity. many frequently came five or six miles with their ox-teams to attend these meetings, with their families. every man, woman, and child who could read a verse in the testament, even with assistance, took part in reading the lesson, and liberty was given to ask questions. it was not strange to listen to many crude ideas, but a more earnest, truth seeking congregation we seldom find. an aged couple, past eighty, missed very few sabbaths during the year i spent there. the man was a fugitive slave, and his companion was an indian woman, converted under the preaching of a missionary among the indians. she had taken great pains to talk and understand the english language, and was an interesting woman. as there was an increasing interest both in day and sabbath schools, i give liberty for all who wished to enjoy a sort of class or inquiry meeting, following half an hour's service for exhortation after sabbath school. one couple desired a private interview with me, as they had been married only after "slave fashion." they said "it is not right to live this way in a free country. now we wants you to marry us." "i am not legally authorized," i said, "but i will send a note to brother foote, and he will come at once and marry you legally." "we thought you preached, an' made notes for us, an' could help us out in dis matter too." charles c. foote came, and we called at their house at the appointed time, with a few neighbors, to witness the solemnization of the marriage that would have been accomplished three years before had they looked at these things from the same stand point they now did. a few days after another couple came on the same errand. said this man "we wants you an' mr. foote to marry us, case we's bin troubled 'bout dis many days, case we wa'nt gwine to let nobody know it, but god knows all 'bout us, an' now we's free indeed, we wants every thing straight." "but why do you put me with mr. foote," i asked, "to marry you?" "didn't you an' mr. foote marry dat brother an sister week afore las'?" "no; only brother foote." "brother foote repeated the questions," they answered; "then he pronounced them husband and wife; then they were married according to law. but he axt you to pray after he said dem words." in all this ignorance they were like confiding grown-up children, patiently listening to every explanation. the unbounded confidence they placed in me was surprising; for they often brought their business papers for me to examine, to see whether they were right. one man brought me a note, as the employer could not pay him for his work in money. he said it was a note for groceries; but the grocer refused to take it, and said it was not good. i told him there was neither date nor name to it. i wrote the man a letter, asking him to rectify the mistake, which he did; but he gave his employee credit for only half the days he had worked. they were so often deceived and cheated in many ways, because of their extreme ignorance, that i did not wonder at the conclusion one escaped fugitive had reached. his master was a presbyterian minister, but he had known him to whip his sister, the cook, after coming home from church; and he said then he never would have faith in white folks' religion. since coming to this colony he watched me a long while before he made up his mind that white people could have a pure religion. but now he believed "that the lord hid his spirit in the hearts of white people at the north; but it was a make-believe in slaveholders." i was surprised one day to meet the mother of three of my scholars, who gave her thrilling experience in her escape from slavery; but she had little more than commenced her story before i found her to be one for whom i laid a plan with her sister, who had bought herself. as i named a circumstance, she exclaimed in surprise, "why honey! is dis possible? god sent you here to larn my gals to read, an' we didn't know you," and tears began to drop thicker and faster, as she recounted the blessings that had multiplied since her arrival in canada. she had in the three years worked for a little home. her two older girls were at work, and they were all so happy in their freedom. these fugitives often came five or six miles for me to write letters to their friends in the south, with whom they left a secret arrangement very frequently with white people who were their friends, but secretly, for fear of the ruling power, as were the disciples of christ who feared the jews. their notes, or articles of agreement, were generally brought to me to draft for them. in six weeks of steady attendance fifteen young men and women could read the second reader, and write a legible hand, and draft a negotiable note. i took a specimen of a number of my scholars' hand-writing to an anti-slavery convention in cincinnati, ohio, and left a few with the rev. john g. fee, whose life had been threatened if he did not desist from preaching a free gospel in his home state--kentucky. but the brave cassius m. clay told him to go on, and he would go with him. he went to one place from whence he had received repeated threats, and trouble was anticipated; but cassius walked into the church by his side, and placed the constitution of the united states on the bible, and over both his brace of pistols, with which he informed the audience he should protect free speech. at the same time he cast a glance at the threatening group in a farther corner, who left one by one, until the church was cleared of all but eager listeners. brother fee said his object in requesting these specimens of the fugitives writing was to exhibit to those who were constantly asserting that negroes could not learn. he wished them to see the legible hand-writing of those who had only six weeks' training from their alphabet. after spending a few days' vacation, i returned to the toiling day and night in my school. as there were twelve heads of families anxious to read the bible and hymn-book, and this seemed to be the height of their ambition, i opened an evening school for that class. it was steadily attended four evenings in each week, and this, with one evening devoted to prayer-meeting, filled the week, leaving only one evening free; and frequently they came with their ox-teams to take me three miles to lead a prayer-meeting for them in an adjoining settlement. the winter was quite severe, and i frequently was awakened with the snow sifting in my face, and not unfrequently found the snow half an inch or more deep over my bed on rising in the morning; but my health was firm, and i often thought i never enjoyed a year of toiling better than the one i spent here. there were in this colony a mixed religious element--baptist, methodist, presbyterian, and free-will baptist--deeply interested in sabbath schools and class-meetings, open to all who wished to enjoy them. an organization was proposed. the proposition came from the methodist element, but i did not deem it wise to organize from any one denomination, as divergent opinions would create controversy that would bring harm to many tender minds. consequently i proposed to organize a christian union church, without disturbing the church relationship of any one. i prepared an extract from gerrit smith's concise plan of organizing, on a liberal-scale, a christian union church, with but little change, and read it to them; and, after a little discussion and explanation it was readily adopted. i think the number of new converts was thirteen, who expressed a desire to be baptized by immersion. i exhorted them to attend to their own religious impressions, as i was not there to present particular religious tenets, but to present the crucified, risen, and glorified savior. brother foote came and complied with their wish. i closed my evening school two weeks to hold a series of meetings, in which a young baptist brother assisted. we all continued to work together for the highest good of all around us. i noticed a settled sadness in the countenance of a young man of twenty-five years, recently from missouri. during recess he took but little interest in any thing outside of his book or writing lesson. after attending my school a few days he invited me to go to his boarding-place to spend the night, as he wished me to write a letter for him. i found his history was a sad one. he was sold from his wife and four little children to satisfy a heavy debt. the master tried to reason with him, and the man he owed would not take any of his slaves but him. he called him aside to have further conversation concerning the proposed sale; his wife presented herself also to plead that they might not be separated. both knelt before him, beseeching with tears to allow them to remain together. said he, "i tole 'im i'd serve 'im faithfully all the days of my life, if he'd only let us live together; and he seemed to give way a little, and said he did not want to sell me, as i was his foreman, and he thought he would make other arrangements. i watched him closely as i had but little confidence in his words, and armed myself with a dirk. one day he called me to go to the woods with him, to show me the trees he wanted chopped. as i was going i saw the end of a rope under his coat-skirt. i kept at a reasonable distance all the way, and when we came to the tree he wanted i should chop, he attempted to come near me and i stood back; then he told me plainly i must yield. i said i never would permit myself to leave my family, and, if he was so determined, i should never be of any use to any one, for life to me was of no value if i am to be taken from my wife and four little children. at this he, with the other man, who came out of the bushes, ran towards me, but i outran them. about seven miles distant he overtook me with a number of his slave men, and told me i had to give up. i flourished my dirk and told them that i would kill the first man that touched me, or they should kill me. at this they all stood back except the master himself. he flourished his bowie-knife and i my dirk, for the space of a few minutes, when he made a rush upon me, and he met my dirk before i met his bowie-knife. as he fell back i ran for the woods. in the darkness of the night i made my last visit to my wife and little children." here he became convulsed with weeping. when he could command his feelings to pursue the sad story, he said: "oh, that was an awful parting! the moment i entered my wife's cabin she threw her arms around my neck, exclaiming, 'oh, my dear bill, don't stay a minute, for they say you've killed master riggs. they say he was dyin' this evenin', and he's dead afore this time, i reckon, an' they swear vengeance on you. some said they'd chop you in pieces--some said they'd burn you alive.' i told her if god would help me to canada i would write after awhile to her father (he was free, having bought himself), and may be he could manage to send her and our children to me; and i tore her arms from my neck." again he was overcome with grief. i advised him not to write at present. i never saw a more grief-stricken man. he was boarding with henry bibb's mother, who said she knew he was a man of deep trouble, "for he looked so sad and groaned so much nights; but i couldn't bear to ask him, because i thought it would be harder for him to forget it." having been a slave herself, she could easily anticipate the cause of his sadness. notwithstanding this, he made fair progress in reading, writing, and arithmetic in one term. during this time vigorous efforts were put forth for his capture. while i enjoyed my work so much with these people in the woods, in schools, in meetings, and in their improvements generally, i do not say i found with them perfection. there were causes for reproof as well as of encouragement. they made great effort to improve their homes by taking trees from their woods to the saw mills to be cut up into boards for better floors than split logs, and for partitions to make their little houses more comfortable. perhaps their improvements could not find better expression than the report of one of our neighbors, in reply to an inquiry of a friend in detroit, as to how they were prospering in their refugee colony, "fine fine we've all come to life, an' are in a state to see who'll make the bes' house." frequent arrivals of their friends from slavery often produced much excitement. at one time a company of twenty seven arrived, brought by john fairfield, a virginian. he often went into the heart of slave holding states and brought companies away, passing himself as their owner until they reached a free state. he telegraphed some friends in windsor, and a dinner of reception was provided in one of the colored churches, and a great jubilee meeting was held. one very old woman, between eighty and ninety years old, shouted as she jumped around among the people, "i's young again. glory! glory! jesus is our master for evermore, honey," shaking hands with the new-comers. "glory to jesus! i's sixteen," and she clapped her hands as she gave another leap. said john fairfield, "this pays me for all dangers, i have faced in bringing this company, just to see these old friends meet." our young brother campbell, the literate baptist minister who had labored with us in our series of meetings a few months previously, returned, and with the three baptist families in that community conceived the idea that as i was soon to leave, they could organize a baptist church, and induce nearly all in that colony to unite, and they went to work industriously to secure the individual consent of our christian union members; but the plan was, with one accord, rejected, except by our baptist friends. as they said nothing to me concerning it, each day brought some complaints about their organising a baptist church "over our heads," as a number expressed themselves. but i told them "not to feel hurt over their desire to organize a baptist church. we will give way for them to occupy half the time." brother maglothin, who had just come with his family from virginia, was an earnest christian man and a licensed wesleyan minister, and he was ready to take my place in keeping up our sabbath-schools and meetings. rev. n. p. colver, of detroit, had appointed the sabbath to meet the friends in our school-house, for the purpose of organizing a baptist church and of ordaining brother campbell to take charge of it. i told all of our people to be sure and attend it with me. as i retired on the night previous to the proposed meeting, i read the sweet promise of the loving savior, "i will be with you to the end," with an assurance of entire trust. the hour arrived, and our house was well filled, but with many saddened faces. brother colver gave a short discourse, and ordained brother campbell, who was left in charge of the baptist branch of the little flock. at the close of the exercises i remarked that i hoped we would all manifest the same abiding interest in each other's spiritual and temporal well-being as we had heretofore done; that there was a fair understanding between the brethren and sisters that every other sabbath was to be occupied by brother maglothin, thus alternating with brother campbell; and as the next sabbath would be my last for the present with them, it would be my duty to explain the basis upon which our christian union church was organized. my earnest and constant prayer was and ever would be, whether present or absent, that the love of the lord jesus christ would ever dwell richly in each heart of his followers in that community, with whom i had spent a year that i could class with the most pleasant of my life. the following-sabbath found our house well filled. after singing an appropriate hymn, and prayer, i read corinthians iii, with remarks; after which i read the license from the wesleyan methodist conference, acknowledging a qualification to preach the gospel of our lord jesus christ. in it was granted liberty to organize a company of believers into a church; and i presented our articles of agreement to build each other up in the unity of the spirit and in the bonds of peace, regardless of name, in this "christian union church." to this we all assented without a jar, and some of our baptist brethren present voted in favor. at this their minister, arose with an acknowledgment that he had not understood the foundation of this organization before, and regretted very much what he had said against it, and would ask pardon of all these brethren and sisters and of myself. before i had an opportunity to reply their deacon and another followed, asking pardon for what they had said, for now they saw the wrong. i replied that if feelings had been hurt by whatever had seemed unkind, they were now healed by the same love and unity that had so universally prevailed in our little band, that had given courage and strength all through the year. here were sad faces brightened; and others followed me, manifesting the healing power of love. the lord was in our minds reconciling to himself, and melting away every apparent root of bitterness. i left them again united, but our little baptist organization lived only till their fourth meeting. from their own choice it was discontinued; and, as the majority in that community were of methodist proclivities, it has never ceased to be of that family name, being a few months after reorganized under the auspices of the methodist episcopal church. i had, previous to leaving this field, written to william anderson's wife, maria, directed to her father, and dated in adrian, michigan, and i instructed letters from her to be sent to that city in my care. soon after my return a letter came from her father, as william had directed. i opened it, and found the very plausible plan of bringing william's wife and four children to him. her father wrote of the loss of his own wife; and as the size and color of maria answered to the description of his own wife, as recorded on his manumission papers, he proposed to take maria and the children a few miles away in the night, where they would be kept secreted until the excitement of hunting for them was over, when he proposed to take them a night's journey northward. by that time he hoped that he could travel openly, with his free papers. i replied as william requested, in his name, and forwarded both the letter and a copy of my reply to him, with a renewed caution for him not to cross the detroit river, as it was possible that all these plans were devised by his enemies, instead of the father-in-law and his wife. they had desired him to meet them on their way, and also inquired for names of places and persons who aided him, for the purpose of passing through safely to some point where they could meet to part no more until death itself should separate them. i wrote him to wait patiently the result, and not allow himself to become too much elated over this plausible plan, for i had written "that there were many friends who assisted him, whose names he had forgotten, neither could he call to mind the names of the many places he passed through, for he was taken from place to place in haste. they, too, would find no lack of friends; and if they brought his family to adrian, michigan, and inquired for mrs. laura s. haviland, a widow, they would learn where he could be found." not many days elapsed before the answer came in the person of a southerner, accompanied by mr. warren, of detroit, with my letter in his hand and with the statement that i would know the where abouts of william anderson. he said his family had arrived in detroit with his wife's father and that they were in the family of a colored minister by the name of williams. i told him i was acquainted with the williams family, and was very glad to hear of the arrival of william anderson's family, over whom he had been very anxious, and inquired when they came. "yesterday, about four o'clock," was the reply. "there seems to be quite an interest in the family by the white people. mr. hallack gave me five dollars to pay william's fare to detroit to meet his family, as i volunteered to come for him. and here's a letter he sent to his father in law, you can read for yourself." i took it, and as i opened it recognized the letter i wrote for him. "yes, this is all right, it is the letter i wrote for william." beginning to appear quite nervous, he said "you see in that there is a statement that you would know where he's at work, and," taking out his watch, "i see we'll have to hurry to get to adrian by train time and if you'll be so kind as to tell me where to find him as they are very anxiously waiting for us, i shall be obliged to you. it would be a great disappointment if we should fail to reach detroit when the next train goes in." he walked to and fro across the room, first to the door, then to the window, in a hurried, excited manner, while i was purposely detaining him to see him tremble. i was quite satisfied that he was a bogus coin by the index of his face. when i told him, at length, that he was working in chatham, canada west, and that i wrote this direction to avoid any possible scheme or plot to return him to hopeless bondage, his face reddened and voice trembled as he replied "i don't know any thing about it, only what mr. hallack told me. that is every thing that i know in this matter." i told him what mr. hallack had informed him was all right, and he could tell him to send the family on the first train from windsor to chatham, and they would meet william there. he bowed, "i thank you;" but looked as if his words very much misrepresented him. by the time he was out of sight i had my horse and buggy ready, to follow him to adrian, to telegraph horace hallack and george de baptist to forward a dispatch to william anderson, chatham, canada west, to leave that city without an hour's delay, as i was satisfied his enemies from missouri were after him, and probably would take him as a murderer. the telegram was sent, and he obeyed its request. within two days my caller was there, inquiring for william, and was told by a number that he had been at work in town some time, but left a couple of days before, but knew not where he went. after a few days' search and inquiries in that town, he returned to detroit, and for the first time called on horace hallack to inform him that he was in search of a colored man by the name of william anderson, who was a free man, that had committed in the state of missouri a cold-blooded murder of a baptist deacon, for the paltry sum of five dollars, and he understood he had been quite recently in chatham, canada, but had left that city. he, would like advice as to what course to pursue to ascertain his whereabouts. horace hallack referred him to george de baptist, who was well acquainted with leading colored men in many localities both in canada and this side the river. our missourian was now in good hands, as i followed my dispatch to them with a long letter, giving william anderson's experience in detail. george de baptist told him if he had been a slave, he would have taken every measure within his reach to protect him in his freedom. but as he said he was always free, and such a high-handed murderer as he represented, he would go just as far to bring him to justice. "i will tell you what i will do; i will write to an intelligent colored man in each of the largest settlements of colored people, chatham, amhurstburg, and sandwich, and will receive replies from each within four days, and i will give you the result of their inquiries." at the time appointed the missourian returned for tidings. said george, "i have received answers from each letter, and from amhurstburg and sandwich they write they have known or heard nothing of a man by that name; but the man to whom i wrote in chatham has known all about him, being well acquainted with him, and he writes that william anderson had been talking of going to sault st. marys, and that he left two weeks ago, rather mysteriously, without telling him or any one else where he was going; but the greater probability was he went there." he gave the letters to him, to read for himself. consequently he hired mr. warren and another man, and took the trip to sault st. marys, where he spent a week inquiring for william anderson; but he failed to get the least clew to his whereabouts, and returned to detroit. he left a power of attorney with his friend warren to arrest him in case he could be decoyed over the detroit river; if that plan did not succeed, he was to telegraph him if he found his whereabouts in canada. if these plans failed, he left directions to arrest me with a united states warrant. but about the time i was to have been arrested mr. warren, the man who was empowered to arrest me, died with cholera--a singular coincidence. mr. warren's brother expressed deep sorrow and regret to find the papers granting legal authority to transact such business in his brother's possession at the time of his death. he allowed george de baptist to see them before they were destroyed. this was the second time cholera defeated my arrest. pursuit was still continued for william anderson. three years after i fell in company with d. l. ward, attorney of new orleans, in a stage between ypsilanti and clinton, michigan. he was making some complaints about the north, which drew forth a few remarks from me. "oh, i am glad i've got hold of an abolitionist. it is just what i have wished for ever since i left my home in new orleans. now i want to give you a little advice, and, as it will cost you nothing, you may accept it freely, and i hope you will profit by it; and that is, when you abolitionists have another sims case, call on southern legal gentlemen, and we will help you through. we would have cleared sims, for that fugitive slave law is defective, and we know it, and we know just how to handle it." "why did you introduce a defective bill?" "because we made up our minds to bring you northerners to our terms, whether it was constitutional or not, and we have done it, because we knew we could do it; not because we cared for a few niggers; for i say, if a nigger cares enough for freedom to run for it, he ought to have it. now we knew that was an unconstitutional thing before we put it before congress; but we put it there to let you know we could drive it down northern throats, and we did it, too." "i acknowledge," i replied, "that there is too much servility in our north; there is too much crouching and cringing, but i am prepared to say there are more than seven thousand that have never bowed the knee to your baal of slavery, and never will. we never shall do homage to your southern goddess, though you may cry loud and long in demanding its worship. you say if we have another slave case, if we come to you to help us through, you will do it, and that if a slave wants his freedom bad enough to run for it, you think he ought to have it?" "yes, madam, we will aid you, for we know just how to handle that thing." "supposing a man is about to be sold from his family, and he falls at his master's feet, and pleads in tears to remain with his family, and promises to serve him faithfully all the days of his life, if he will only permit them to remain together; but the master persists in the sale; the slave makes his escape; is overtaken by his master, yet, severely wounding him, he succeeds in gaining his liberty. now what do you say in regard to this supposed case?" looking me full in the face, he asked my name, which was given. said he, "i think i am acquainted with that case. is it not william anderson, a runaway from missouri?" "william anderson's case is very similar to the one i have described." "oh yes, madam, and you are implicated in that affair, but as you are a lady i will not disturb you; but you are liable to great difficulty in that case, and i will tell you we are going to have anderson by hook or by crook; we will have him by fair means or foul; the south is determined to have that man, and you'll find your house of refuge will not protect him either." "this is the way i perceive you southern legal gentlemen will help us. but you will never get anderson from canada. your determination will fail." "we shall not fail, but i will tell you after i return from our filibustering tour, as we am going out next month. we are confident of success in that, too, for our fleet is in good condition. we shall then take anderson, if not before, and let you see how much your house of refuge will do to hold that man from the south." i never heard from d. l. ward from that day. i had written previous to this interview to the governor-general, lord elgin, of the first effort to retake him as a murderer. he replied that, "in case of a demand for william anderson, he should require the case to be tried in their british court; and if twelve freeholders should testify that he had been a man of integrity since his arrival in their dominion, it should clear him." this information, however, i did not reveal to our southern lawyer. three years later, in which time i had succeeded in finishing my raisin institute building, and reopened the institution in charge of a principal from oberlin college, the sad tidings reached me that william anderson was lodged in jail in the city of toronto, under charge of murder committed in the state of missouri. he was awaiting his trial, and gerrit smith was one of his legal advisers. i wrote immediately informing him of the previous efforts to search out his whereabouts, and that his pursuers at that date ( ) alleged that he was a free man, and had never been a slave. in reply, gerrit smith wrote: "i am glad you have given me so much of his history. poor anderson! i visited him in jail. i will send you my speech in his behalf. i hope the friends will purchase his family. i have volunteered to do all i can for the poor man. lord elgin is removed; the present governor-general is a stranger to this case. god bless you. "i am truly your friend, gerrit smith." a few days later, i received the thrilling speech of gerrit smith, like the man, full of pure and soul-inspiring thought; but i trembled with fear when two of the three judges were in favor of returning william anderson to the state of missouri, and that riggs the claimant was liable to succeed; but through the efforts of his friends, and the opposing judge, the case was appealed to a higher court, and william anderson was sent to england, where he remained in safety until the war opened, in which time the case was adjusted in his favor. the missouri agent, riggs, failed, and the friends of liberty rejoiced. three young men fled from daniel payne, kentucky, and succeeded in reaching canada, where they had proven themselves worthy of their hard-earned freedom. a few months elapsed, and their master came for them, and tried to hire them to go back with him, promising to make over to them manumission papers as soon as they returned. but he failed to inspire alfred and his two brothers with confidence in his promise of freedom and fair wages for their work. he then secured the aid of a colored man to invite them to a dancing party in detroit a few days after, but the boys mistrusted that their old master had the handling of this invitation, and did not accept it. as they had been annoyed two weeks by the various plans of "master dan payne," they concluded the next time he gave them a call to appear more social, and gave their plan to forty or fifty of their friends, who were to lie in ambush near the old barracks, where one of the brothers was to have a chill, and appear too sick to go over the river. but two days passed before the opportunity arrived that enabled them to carry out their plan. when alfred informed the ex-master of the illness of his brother, of course he must hasten to the sick boy with a nice brandy-sling for the chills, and he purchased a good quantity for them all. while he was handing a glass of sweetened brandy to the sick man, a company of men rushed in and held him, while alfred and two brothers stripped him of his coat, vest, boots, socks, and pants, and tied him with a rope in the same way the master had tied their mother, when he compelled her to be stripped, and tied her with his own hands, and whipped her until the blood ran to the ground. alfred and his brothers applied dexterously the slave-whip, which they had provided for the occasion by borrowing a plantation slave-whip kept by henry bibb as a reminder of his slave life. daniel payne begged heartily for mercy. alfred replied: "yes, this is just the way my mother begged for mercy; but you had no mercy for her, and this is to show what she received at your cruel hands." they applied the lash until the forty stripes their mother had received at his hands had been given. then they unbound him and gave him fifteen minutes to dress and leave canada, and gave him a quarter to go with, keeping his watch and purse, which contained about forty dollars. he crossed the river within the given time, and sent an agent to call on the authorities, to whom he entered a complaint of being robbed of a gold watch and one hundred dollars, but made no complaint of the whipping. he affected to be too lame "with rheumatism" to return to his kentucky home for a number of days, in which time the boys returned his watch, but kept the money. alfred and his brothers said mr. payne was as untruthful about the amount of money as he was in calling his old silver watch gold. suffice it to say, the young men were never after troubled or annoyed by daniel payne, of kentucky. although it was a course i would never have inaugurated, yet it was largely in human nature to requite the cruelties heaped upon their mother when it was beyond their power to protect her. with very many pleasant remembrances, i left this laborious field of labor for home work, where i spent nearly three years looking after the best interests of my children, and making preparations to reopen raisin institute, for the moral, intellectual, and spiritual improvement of our youth. chapter ix. rescue of slaves. a family of six left their old kentucky home in search of freedom. a young wife who was sold had made her escape three years previously. i noticed a stranger passing through my gate, and as he was a mulatto, i went out to see where he had gone. i found him sitting in the porch, waiting to see some one of whom to inquire whether he was at the right place. he handed a paper directed to me by an under-ground railroad ticket agent, who informed me there were six fugitives in his company. "then there are six of you?" i asked; "and where are the balance?" "my two brothers are back a-ways," he replied, "'cause we's feared it wasn't the right place." being assured all was right, he went back for them. they had left their mother, with her two little grandchildren, in carthaginia, until the boys could find a safe home for them, but they knew not whether they should go on to canada or find the object of their search short of that place. they heard in carthaginia that michigan was the last place she had been heard from, and that was a short time after passing through that town. they were directed to me as being most likely to know the whereabouts of the young wife. they had been in my home a number of hours before the elder brother dared make the inquiry. i noticed the frequent heavy sigh and sad countenance, and i thought he was probably very anxious over the safety of his mother, and i assured him that she was in good hands, for i knew them to be true friends. while he assented, yet all my words of encouragement did not seem to cheer him, while the two younger brothers were happy. i went through my usual course of giving them new names. as they left that entirely with me, i gave as the family name koss, and their given names benjamin, richard, and daniel. but i came to the conclusion that the older brother was troubled over some friends he had left behind. at length, in a half hesitating and trembling manner, he ventured to ask if i knew any thing of a colored girl by the name of mary todd. "certainly i do," said i; "and did you know her?" "yes, ma'am," was his reply. "do you know whether her husband was sold? she worried a great deal about him." "no, they talked of selling him lately." then, after a pause, "she isn't married again, is she?" "why, no, she is a very steady, nice young woman. every one in the neighborhood where she lives takes a great interest in her. perhaps you are acquainted with her husband; why don't he come? he promised to follow her as soon as he could." while his countenance lit up with joy, i had no suspicion of who he was until he said, "i am the man. i am her husband." "why didn't you tell me that before?" "i was 'fraid of bad news if i got any." "afraid she was married?" "well, it's been mighty nigh three years, an' i couldn't go for a long time off the plantation, after she left." as she was twelve miles from our school, and by this time it was nearly night, i hastened to inform brother canfield, a wesleyan minister, that the older brother of these fugitives was mary todd's husband. "is it possible," he asked, "that mary's husband has come at last?" soon, quite an excitement was produced in our neighborhood over the arrival of mary todd's husband. the next morning brother canfield took him in his buggy to meet his wife and little son he had never seen; and a time of great rejoicing was in the whole neighborhood. as they were married after slave style, brother canfield solemnized the marriage legally. the minister said we all forgot the black skin, when we saw that couple fly to each other's arms. surely, "skins may differ, but affection dwells in black and white the same." mary had lived most of the time in the family of fitch reed, of cambridge. they soon had a home for their mother, with her two little granddaughters, and were all happy, industrious, and highly respected. one of the common trials of life, to mar our happiness in our family-like institution (february d) was the listless waywardness of some of our dear students, in a determined purpose to attend a dancing party under the guise of an oyster supper. how many delusive snares are laid to entrap and turn aside the youth into divergent paths. we found it necessary to suspend eight of our students for the remainder of the term. it is a painful duty of the surgeon to amputate a limb, yet it may be an imperative duty, in order to save the life of the patient, and restore the body to health. this evening a very remarkable fugitive slave came from tennessee. he had been five weeks on the way, in which time he had slept but one night, having traveled at night and buried himself in hay and straw in barns in the day-time to keep from perishing with cold, and to avoid detection. he says six years ago his wife and child were sold from him, which caused him days and nights of bitter tears. he then firmly resolved to make an attempt to gain his freedom by flight. he was captured in illinois after a severe struggle. he showed us four pistol-ball holes in the arm he was most dexterously using in his own defense, and two large scars which he said were gashes made at the same time with a bowie-knife, which enabled his enemies to capture him. after they secured him in jail he was advertised in papers, which his master saw, and came and took him back, and caused him to be whipped on the bare back until the flesh was so badly torn that he was compelled to lie on his stomach four weeks. during this time he was not able to turn himself. after recovering his master put him in the iron works, of which he was proprietor. "if i hadn't been one of his engineers he would have sold me instead of giving me that awful whipping that he thought conquered me; but he was mightily mistaken; for it only imbedded in my heart a more bitter hate than ever. i appeared contented and performed my work well. after a few months, he said one day, 'i've made you a good boy, jim, and now i'll let you go to the big city with me.' i was very obedient, but he little knew of my determination to leave him as soon as i could make sure work of it. that is the reason i would not make friends with white people till i found michigan, for we have heard that people in this state are friendly to us, and that it is next to canada." as this man was above mediocrity as to intelligence, his two days stay with us had a salutary influence over our school. he could not be prevailed upon to rest longer, as he could not be easy until he reached victoria's dominions. his clothes were made comfortable, and i called on a few friends for a little pocket change, and sent by him a little note to the next station, where he was aided on to canada. our spring term opened with fair prospects. a number of our students who were suspended last term returned to us, they said, to redeem themselves, and they were as good as their word. during our long vacation i attended an anti-slavery convention in cincinnati, where i met a white slave man from little rock, arkansas, who left his home in the night and by morning took public conveyance as any other white man would. on reaching cincinnati he found friends of the slave to whom he revealed his condition. levi coffin advised him to go with me to michigan. as he was in greater haste than i was, he proposed to go on at once. consequently i wrote a letter of introduction to my friends, requesting them to furnish him with work. in two weeks i returned and found my young friend, charles mcclain, (for that was the name i gave him in cincinnati) at work with a friend, who said it was a pity that i had introduced him as a fugitive slave, for they would not have believed it if the statement had not come from me. he came to our school and improved very much upon what he had picked up from the white children who were going to school, and by the aid of a colored minister who could read and write, and by that means could read in the second reader and write a little. he was often seen in tears, and was very anxious to have his sister with him, who was as white as himself and, like him, had straight auburn hair, blue eyes, and perfect caucasian features, without a vestige of african descent that could be detected. a deep sympathy was enlisted in his behalf. he was very anxious to convey intelligence to that sister of the ease with which he effected his escape, and that she too could free herself as easily. a number of the friends offered to aid, and one friend placed thirty dollars in my hands to bring about this result. i wrote to a colored minister in little rock, who replied, with a graphic account of their rejoicing at his success, and of his sister ann's anxiety to come to him, but that she had no means. charles wrote to her that he would send means with instructions. as i had for many years had a great desire to see more of the system of slavery in its own territory, as so many people of the north were insisting upon our exaggerations, and that we were judging the majority of slave-holders by the few unprincipled men we had seen, i concluded to become the bearer of this message. with a well-defined plan of the streets and houses i left my home, in confidence that the god of daniel would return me unharmed. after a little visit with my dear friends, levi and catharine coffin, in cincinnati, i resumed my journey. i felt a little disappointed at the leaving of a through boat an hour earlier than reported. levi said, "perhaps thou'lt find it's all for the best," and so it was. for the second day after leaving cincinnati the vessel was burned and sunk, with great loss of property, and many of the passengers were seriously injured, and some fatally. as i soon after passed the wreck of partially burned furniture floating near the shore, and some hauled out lying on the bank, i was thankful for the disappointment. at napoleon i left the boat for another to go up the arkansas river, and waited at the best hotel in the place, kept by the widow reeves. she was probably a fair specimen of southern women. the appearance of the people made me feel as if i was out of these united states. there was quite a company waiting to go up or down the river. among them were six or eight young people--colonel thompson with his son and daughter, whom he was taking home from their school in helena, arkansas, and a young dr. jackson, who was very talkative and filled to over-flowing with affectation. with a twirl of his little cane, and half-bent bow, in a simpering manner he addressed the four young ladies sitting on the sofa before him: "how did you rest last night, ladies?" "quite well, i thank you." "indeed, i am very happy to hear it, for i did not. i was dreaming all night of shooting and stabbing, and i had an awful time. i suppose it was owing to the awful time we had when i was here last over a nigger fight, or rather a fight over a nigger. it seems he had started to run away and they overtook him here, and he fought like a tiger. he had armed himself with a six-shooter, and i tell you he made the bullets fly lively, and they shot him before they could catch him. he shot one man dead and wounded two or three others, and i was called upon to extract a ball from the shoulder of one man." during this conversation, and much more not recorded, i was writing a letter home, directed to a friend in covington, kentucky. there was an understanding, while in cincinnati, that levi coffin was to take my letters from our covington friends, and mail them home. to my great relief, the small boat, "rough and ready," came in, and was to leave for indian territory, up the arkansas river, in two hours; but a large boat was going up the next day. i went on both to see what they were, and i found the large boat looked more like an old slaver than a civilized craft, and made my choice without making known the reason. there was in the hotel an old lady going on the large boat, and she urged me to accompany her, and a young woman was going on the "rough and ready," who was anxious i should go with her, as she was alone, and going to her mother in little rock. the old lady said she was alone, and was going to her daughter, and asked mrs. reeves to intercede in her behalf. "now, mrs. smith, i'll make a bargain with you. there is a rich widower on the big boat, and he's got lots of niggers and money. i'll give him to you if you'll go on that boat; and, i tell you, he's rich as croesus." i had to enter somewhat into these familiarities, and told her i would not think of being so selfish as to take him from her. i finished my letter-writing, and her pomp was told to take my satchel to the boat with the young woman. there were colonel thompson and son and daughter, who made themselves quite too familiar to be comfortable. i soon noticed the captain seemed quite disconcerted, and made many excuses. his cabin help were set to cleaning and setting things in order, and his cook sent ashore for nuts, candies, and fruits. we hardly had started when colonel thompson charged me with being a reporter for some periodical. i assured him of his mistake. said he, "i knew you were a reporter; and when mrs. reeves was urging so persistently to have a dance, i whispered to my young folks not to have any thing to do with it, for you'd have us all in some newspaper." i told him i was writing a letter to my folks. said he, "you need not think you are going to fool us in that way. i saw you write a few minutes, then stop, and listen awhile to dr. jackson and those young ladies, and then write again, then stop to listen to mrs. reeves, and then write again. i told my children they could see you had five or six pages for some paper; and you can never make me believe that was all for a letter. now, if you will answer one question i'll release you. haven't you written an article for a paper some time?" i hesitated, for the next query would be, "what paper? at length i thought of the note of correction i wrote for the louisville _courier_, while in that city, in behalf of calvin fairbanks, while he was there in prison. i finally told him i would not say i had never written any thing for a paper. "now, if you will pardon me, just one more question, and if you will answer that i will be as good as my word, and trouble you no more on that score. what paper have you written for? i would like to know whether it was a helena paper or any one in our state." "no, not in this state," said i; "i did write a little card for the louisville _courier_." "ah, yes, that's it; that is a good democratic paper. i am acquainted with the editor. i knew you were trying to cheat us all the while. i wish you would write an article for the little rock _democrat_, if you will i will send the editor a letter of introduction; and i know he will pay you well for it." but i declined, and was very much relieved when the thompson family reached their home in pine bluff. here i saw their slaves come to meet them for their baggage. they urged me to stop with them and spend a week or two, and they would take me out into the country to see some beautiful plantations, as they had an excellent carriage driver. the young woman said "pa has owned him a number of years, and could always risk us with him anywhere. our plantation is not a very large one, as pa has always had a store on his hands, but there are some very large and beautiful ones beyond us." a sense of relief came over me as i saw them leave the boat, and we were the next day landed in little rock. being after dark, i spent the night at the anthony house. before sunrise i was at the house of our friends, who were greatly rejoiced, and sent for the minister, with whom we consulted. after making all necessary arrangements, with the signs fixed upon whereby i might understand when the expected boat would arrive, whether any unfavorable indications were noticed, etc i inquired for a private and convenient boarding house where i could remain a few days waiting for tidings from a through boat. the family they named happened to be where the young woman who came on the same boat with me was boarding, with her mother and brother in law, who was keeping a tailor's shop. i inquired of this young woman and her mother if they thought i could secure board there a few days, while waiting for tidings from a brother. they thought mrs. shears might not have a convenient room for me but they would be glad to have me in their room. soon the matter was settled. the son in law brought in sewing for his mother and sister in law, and i made myself useful by assisting them. the mother, mrs. springer, had a nice shally dress for me to make, that she said she couldn't have got made to suit her as well for eight dollars, and urged me quite hard to go in with herself and daughter in opening a shop for dress-making. i also did some sewing for mrs. shears, who also became quite social. mrs. shears was very cruel to her slaves, and complained of the indolence of jack, a boy of twelve years. "but i haven't got him fairly broke in yet. don't you think, after i paid eight hundred dollars in gold for that nigger, and set him to shell a barrel of corn, he spent all that day in doing nothing? i was just ready to go away, when a nigger-drover brought a few he had left, and said he'd sell cheap, as it was the last he had on hand. he wanted nine hundred; but i told him i'd give him eight hundred in gold, and at last he concluded to take it. well, as i told you, i set him to shelling on that barrel of corn, and i don't s'pose he shelled a dozen ears after i was gone. don't you think, that nigger spent all that day in bawling after his mother--a great booby, twelve years old! he might have some sense in his head. i gave him one dressing, to begin with; for i found he'd got to know who was master. i've had him six weeks, and he isn't hardly broke in yet." poor motherless child! no doubt she too wept bitterly over the separation; but no word of pity, or even a sigh of sympathy, must be allowed here. i must listen to this, and a great deal more, with stoical indifference. as mrs. shears had more company than usual, she came to me one evening, and asked if i would take her daughter's bed in her room, shielded with curtains, for the night. this was satisfactory to me. the following morning, at gray dawn, the two little boys, jack and jim, came in with fire from the kitchen, with kindling. the mistress rolled out of bed, and took her heavy-heeled shoe, dealing blows upon their heads and shoulders, and said: "how come you niggers till this time o' day in here to build fires?" "aunt winnie didn't wake us." "i'll wake you up; here almost daylight, and not a fire built yet, when these four fires ought to have been built an hour ago. and didn't wake up, ha? i'll teach you to wake up." and so she kept up the heavy blows, chasing them round and round the chairs, and the boys crying, "i will get up early, missus; i will get up early," till it seemed to me an unreasonable punishment. just as the two fires were going, and the little fellows went to light the other two, the son, joe shears, came in. "what are these niggers about, that these fires are not all going long ago?" "o, they had to sleep this mornin'; they say aunt winnie didn't wake 'em." "i'll wake the young devils; i'll see whether they'll sleep till broad daylight. it's their business to have these fires going an hour ago;" and out he went. at breakfast, i noticed jim, the waiter, was missing, and jack was not at his wood-chopping as usual. soon after, as i passed through the rear porch, i saw the two little boys hanging, as i supposed, by their wrists, to a pole over the bay in the barn. the door was just opened by joe shears, to commence his day's work of whipping, as i soon heard the cries of one, then the other, alternating in stripes heard with their cries, by spells, until noon. during this time joe shears was sitting before the fire, playing cards and sipping his brandy between the whippings. whenever he was out the whipping and cries were heard. at noon little jim was let down, very hoarse from crying, and his eyes red and swollen. by his walk i knew the little fellow had suffered intensely. but the little wood-chopper was not at his post. soon after dinner the lash was again heard, with the hoarse cry of little jack; and each time joe shears sat down to his card-table i looked for jack, but after a game or two of cards he was out again, and the lash and cries resumed. i became so distressed that at four o'clock i took a walk on the street, ostensibly to rest by exercise after a day of sewing, but really to give vent to tears that had been all day pent up, for all appearance of sympathy must here be restrained. on my return i heard the battling of the paddle, with the cries of poor jack, so hoarse that i could hardly have recognized it as a human voice had i not known what it was. i got no glimpse of the poor child until the next morning. as the tailor, joseph brink, came in, the sister-in-law said, "we ought to have a lamp or candle lit before this time." said the mother, "we don't feel half thankful enough for this grate-fire. just think, joe shears has been whipping those two little boys all this blessed day, and i should think they must be half dead to-night." "what have they done?" said joseph. "i don't know; do you, mrs. smith?" "yes; you know i slept in mrs. shears's room last night; and the boys came in at nearly daylight with their pan of fire and kindling, and the mistress wanted to know why their fires were not all built before, and they said aunt winnie didn't wake them. and she whipped them with her shoe quite a while; then joe shears came in, and swore at them, and said he would wake them." "and that was it? only think," said mrs. springer; "you know aunt winnie was sick yesterday. and just because they hadn't these fires all built before daylight they've had them tied up in the barn all day; that cowhide mrs. shears keeps hung on her door-knob her joe has swung over those two little niggers all day. i tell you, if the devil don't catch such people there's no use of having a devil." her son-in-law, in an undertone, said, "be careful; don't talk so loud, or it will make a fuss here." "well, i don't care, i am mad. i tell you, joe, hell is lined this very minute with just such folks as these." "well, i think they are more cruel here than they are in georgia." "i've seen just such work in georgia and in alabama, and it's all over. i tell you, there's more in hell to-night for treating niggers this way than for all other sins put together, and i know it." "be careful; they'll hear you, and it will make trouble. it's their property; it's none of ours." "i don't care for that; they are human beings, and have feelings as well as other folks. there's that little nigger, bob, they've hired of dr. webb, down street; they whip him and pound him about, and they'll kill him some day. and i think somebody ought to report to dr. webb how they are treating that young nigger. he is a mighty nice-looking boy. he is almost white, and they've got him all scarred up." "well, what of that? the doctor himself is no better. about three months ago his boy tom was throwing wood in his cellar, and he did something he didn't like, and he kicked him down the cellar, then jumped down after him and took a billet of wood and was pounding tom over his head when two white men were passing by and saw the whole affair; and as tom fell the doctor came up out of the cellar and went down town and reported his tom had a fit. but the two men went into the cellar after the doctor left and found him dead and his skull broken in. they reported what they saw and had a coroner's inquest over him, who found that tom came to his death by too severe punishment. they arrested the doctor and put him in jail a few days, when his trial came off. the doctor was fined five hundred dollars, and he paid it and went free." "yes, that is the doctor we've been sewing for, is it?" "certainly." "i tell you, hell is heaped with just such people." she went on in that strain that reminded me of st. clair's "cursing up hill and down" that almost frightened the new england old maid of "uncle tom's cabin." i trembled myself, expecting every moment that some member of the family would hear her. two days later was washing-day, and the cook, aunt winnie, told her mistress she was too sick to do the very large washing for three boarders besides the family. i heard the mistress cursing her, and telling her she could if she had a mind to, and charged her with being lazy. in came her son joe. "what's all this fuss?" "o, it's winnie says she's sick and can't do the washing this week." "sick! i'll see how sick she is," and he took up a billet of stove wood and commenced beating her over her head and shoulders, and swearing that he would give her something to be sick for. mrs. springer called my attention to the quarrel of mrs. shears with her cook before joe shears came in. then said she, "poor aunt winnie will catch it now, i'll warrant. there, just hear those blows; they sound like beating the table; he'll kill her." and table, stools, and tin-pans or pails made racket enough for the whole kitchen to be falling down. the struggle with a volley of oaths lasted a few minutes. mrs. springer, up to boiling rage again, "hear that; what devils they are; don't you believe aunt winnie will die? why, i can't hold still." in as careless a manner as i could command i said, "we can do no good by saying any thing. you know what your son said the other night." "i know it; but there isn't a particle of humanity about them. i feel as if i want to pitch into the whole shears family." soon all was quiet. "i believe aunt winnie is dead, don't you?" "i think not." "i am going in there to see." as she got up to go to the kitchen she took the pitcher for water. while she was pumping the water near the kitchen-door, aunt winnie staggered to the door trying to wind a cloth around her bleeding head, and one eye was swollen shut. as she came in and reported how badly she was bruised up, she wanted me to take the pitcher and go to the pump for water; but i told her i would wait a little, for they might think we went on purpose to see winnie. "poor thing, i know she came to the door on purpose to let me see her." and mrs. springer could not rest satisfied until i drew the next pitcher of water, when the poor woman reeled to the door with her hand on her head and the cloth around it saturated with blood. i could not sleep a wink after the day of the unmerciful whipping of those two little boys. again the night after this unmerciful beating of this poor woman was spent in weeping, and prayer to him who hears the cries of his oppressed children. a few days after aunt winnie came to mrs. springer and asked her if she would cut and make a green delaine sacque for her, and cut a calico skirt, as she could make that in the night, and charged her not to let her mistress see it or let her know she had it, because her husband got it for her and gave her seventy-five cents to get mrs. springer to cut it; "for he is going to take me away three weeks from next saturday night, 'cause the people are so hard here; he says i shan't stay here any longer." "i am so sorry for her, i told her to come in when her mistress and joe shears's wife are away making calls, and i would take her measure and cut and baste it: then for her to come in after they are all in bed and i would fit it and make it any time, keeping it under a sheet i've got to make, and in that way i can keep it out of sight; and i told her you and my daughter will say nothing about it. said winnie, 'i knows that by her face.' do you know how quick these black people read faces?" while she was sewing on aunt winnie's sacque, joe shears's wife came into our room a little while, and the daughter looked out the back window, where jack was chopping, and said, "i don't think your jack is going to live long." "why? i'm sure he eats hearty." "he looks so bad out of his eyes; i've noticed it a few days past, and i've noticed he sort o' staggers sometimes, and he don't talk natural." she jumped up and looked at him and hastened to her mother in law's room. "mother, miss springer says jack is going to die." "what makes her think jack is going to die? i don't see any thing ails jack, he eats hearty." miss springer (laughing): "i thought i'd scare her out. i wish i could scare them to death, so they would treat their niggers like human beings." "well, you've got her out of the way long enough to get winnie's sacque out of sight before our joe comes in, for he's so mighty careful for fear we'll get into trouble; i know he'd scold if he knew it." strange position i was occupying, here among the most cruel of slave-holders. and they were calling me a superintendent of the underground railroad at home; and here was the starting-point on our underground railway, but a silent listener, and in surprise, i said, "where can aunt winnie and her husband go? as you say, he is a slave." "i don't know, but they do go somewhere out of the way of their owners, though they keep up a mighty hunt for a long time; yet a good many of 'em are never heard from; and i don't know where in creation they do go, and i don't care, so they get away from these hyenas that have no more feelings for their niggers than a wild animal, nor half as much. i just wonder sometimes that the niggers don't turn upon 'em and kill such devils. i know i would if i were in their places." "yet there are those who treat their servants kindly," i replied. i felt sometimes as if i was compelled to be indifferent. my friend passed the window at which i was engaged in sewing. after a few moments i made an excuse to rest myself by taking a little walk, as each of us frequently did. i soon overtook this friend who informed me that ann wished to see me after her tea was over, when she would be released for a half hour to walk out on the back way with a free mulatto girl, who was her intimate and confidential friend, and i was to go in a large yard of shrubs and fruit trees where i was to meet this friend who would call for ann, with whom we were to take the proposed walk. at the appointed time and place i met the friend, who directed me to stand in a place out of sight of the street, or little cabin, the home of her very aged and decrepit parents, who were worn-out slaves, and as i understood were given their freedom. their slave-daughter was permitted to step in and do little chores for them after her day's work was done. while waiting in this lonely and solitary nook, three large bloodhounds came in sight. i remembered of hearing about their being let loose after sunset, to reconnoiter the premises, and i called to mind what i had heard and read in history, that however ferocious an animal is, a stern and steady gaze in the eye, by a human being, would disarm it of ferocity, and cause it to leave. this course i resolved to pursue with these three formidable enemies, that were already assuming a threatening attitude, with a low growl, showing their teeth, with hair on end--the leader as large as a yearling calf, the two following him slightly smaller. i fixed my eyes upon the sparkling eyes of the leader, that came within six feet and stopped; soon the growl ceased, the lips dropped over the long tusks, the hair smoothed back, and he quietly walked off with his companions. soon came the girl, all out of breath: "did the hounds come to you?" "they did." "oh, dear! what did you do?" "i stood perfectly still," i answered, "and looked in the eyes of the leader, and they soon became quiet and walked away." "oh, dear, that was the only thing that saved your life. if you had stirred a particle they would have torn you in pieces. i was so anxious to have ann see you, i forgot the hounds until i started back, and i liked to have fainted, for i know they were awful. i liked to have screamed out 'god have mercy on that dear friend,' for i was 'most sure i'd find you killed." "oh, no, the lord has preserved me, and i am not harmed." she was so badly frightened that it was some time before her voice ceased trembling; but he who is ever present with his trusting children was there. arrangements were made for ann to go north, but if a word of suspicion was heard, i told her she must defer going to a future time; that she must go as her brother went, perfectly independent of any one, which she was confident of doing; but she wished to go on the same boat with me, if no one else was going from their city. i learned through her friend that she was overheard to ask a friend of hers for a shawl for a journey. i sent her word to abandon the idea of going then at once; that i should take the first boat for home. she did not obtain her freedom until after her mother's death, two or three years later. i did not regard the trip lost, painful as it was. there was on the boat a sad couple, taken from a number of their children by a young beardless boy, perhaps eighteen or twenty, small and slender. i noticed them frequently in tears. they were noticed by a few of the passengers, who made remarks about the sad faces of those negroes. said one heartless woman, "look at that nigger cryin'. i don't see what she's cryin' about; she's got her young one and man to her heels." i carelessly watched for an opportunity to speak with one or both of these children of sorrow. as they sat on a pile of cable on the rear deck i caught the opportunity to inquire where they were going. "we don't know; our young massa got to frettin', an' ole massa gib us to him and some money, an' tole him to go. we lef' three bigger chillun behin'; never 'spects to see 'em ag'in; i wish he'd buy a plantation somewhar, so we could go to work; 'pears like thar's no comfort for us poor people, only when we's got work, an' stops studyin' so much." as the tears began to fall thick and fast, i took them by the hand and told them jesus was the friend of the poor, and he had many followers who also remembered them in prayer. and he knew of their sorrow, and as they went to him he would comfort their sorrowing hearts. pointing to his wife, he said, "she knows that, and i wish i did." i charged them to make no mention of my having spoken to them. for while they were slaves, i was not free. this young man with his heavy-hearted couple left our boat at pine bluff. surely i had seen enough of slavery in its own household. three weeks was long enough to see and feel its virus. i met my old friends in cincinnati with a glad heart, where i could draw a free breath. i could visit them but two days before i was on my way home, where were many glad hearts to listen in private circles to my experience in a slave state. more than ever they were convinced that the cannon and sword would, at no very distant day, destroy the monster. our institution was now in its second academic year, in charge of joseph d. millard, of oberlin college. the stockholders had turned it over into my hands, making me sole-proprietor of the institution, with all its multiform cares and responsibilities. i had also frequent calls from fugitives in flight for freedom, whose claims were second to none other. but to see prejudice in our students melt away by an acquaintance with our work, richly repaid me for all my day and night toiling and cares, that seemed almost crushing at times. i purchased for the young men's hall a building that was erected for a water cure. that project failed, and the building that cost $ , to erect, was offered for three hundred dollars for my institution. i moved it one mile, and repaired it with fifteen rooms; and it was well filled the first year. this academic year of our usual three terms our students numbered over two hundred, mostly of those who had been teaching, or preparing themselves for teachers, or for a collegiate course. i served as preceptress, and was closely confined in school work. realizing in a great measure the importance of molding the mind of youth for usefulness, these years of constant care passed pleasantly with the hundreds of young people of our own and adjoining counties. a colored man, with a farmer's bag swung over his shoulder, approached two men at work on the railroad between palmyra and adrian, and inquired how far it was to michigan. "you are in michigan, you fool you," was their reply. "then, will you please tell me how far it is to canada?" "you go to adrian, about a mile ahead, and take the cars, and they'll take you to canada in two hours; or, if you haven't money to go that way, you can go up that road till you come to the quaker meeting-house, and go direct east two miles to the widow haviland's school, and she will tell you how to go to canada, and it won't cost you any thing.' she is a great friend to your people." he soon found me. i got my supper out of the way, and my men folks out again at their work. i then inquired who directed him to me, and he told me "two men six miles from this school said you was a frien' to my people; an' i thought if folks knew you six miles off i would be safe to come to you, 'case i wants to go to canada right soon. i started once before, and traveled three nights by the north star; and as indiana was a free state i thought i would stop and buy me some broad, an' the people was mighty kind, and said i could rest a week, and they would pay me for the work i did, to help me on to canada. but firs' i knew my master come for me, an' i seed him pay them money--s'pose 't was reward." this time he was so cautious that he would make a friend of no one until he reached michigan. they had always heard people were friends to colored people in this state. he was six weeks from kentucky, and had not dared to make his condition known to any one, white or black, until he saw a colored man in the yard at dr bailey's, of whom he inquired for my house. i told him that his coat and pants were too ragged, and that i must repair them. as he had not a second shirt, i took one of my son's, and gave him a couple of towels, soap, and a pail of warm water, and told him to take off his coat for me to mend, while he went up stairs to the room over the kitchen to change his shirt. he hesitated about taking off his coat, until i told him he must. "i am not your mistress," said i, "and yet you must mind me." tears started as he slowly drew it off, when the torn and bloody shirtsleeves revealed the long sears, and a few unhealed sores on his arms. said i, "are these the marks of the slave whip?" he nodded assent, while tears were falling. "when was this done?" "two nights afore i lef'." "what was jour offence?" "dis was what i got for runnin' off, an' i fainted, an' master dragged me in my cabin, and didn't lock me in, 'case i's so weak. i reckon he thought i's safe. but i got an ing'on to rub over the bottoms of my shoes so dogs couldn't foller me, an' i got four loaves o' bread and a big piece o' boiled meat, an' crawled into de barn an' tuck dis bag an' buffalo-robe for my bed, an' dragged it into de woods, and tuck my bes' frien', de norf star, an' follered clean to dis place." "what did you do for something to eat?" "i tuck corn in de fiel'. when i foun' log heaps an' brush burnin' i roasted a heap to las' a few days; but i was weak an' trimbly to start, an' kep' so all de way." after this little history i made him take off his vest, which was also very reluctantly done. but what a sight! the back of his shirt was like one solid scab! i made him open his collar, and i drew the shirt off from his shoulders and from the appearance of the shoulders and back it must have been cut to one mass of raw flesh six weeks before, as there were still large unhealed sores. i told him he must sit here until i called in my son and son-in-law to see it. as they looked upon that man's back and arms, and walked around him, said levi camburn, my son-in-law: "mother, i would shoot the villain that did that as quick as i could get sight at him." "but, levi," i replied, "he is not fit to die." "no, and he never will be; and the quicker he goes to the place where he belongs the better. indeed, i would shoot him as quick as i would a squirrel if i could see him." joseph, my son, responded: "i think levi is about right, mother; the quicker such a demon is out of the world the better." "i know this is a sad sight for us to look upon; but i did not call you in to set you to fighting." many of my friends, and my son-in-law levi, had thought me rather severe in judging the mass of slaveholders by the few unprincipled men who had fallen under my special notice; but i never heard of any remark whatever from my son-in-law or neighbors, after this incident, that charged me with being too severe in judging slaveholders. i furnished the poor man with healing salve, and tried to persuade him to rest a few days until he would be able to work; but no, he must see canada before he could feel safe. he was very loath to sleep in any bed, and urged me to allow him to lie on the floor in the kitchen, but i insisted on his occupying the bed over the kitchen. i gave him a note of introduction to the next station agent, with a little change; and a few weeks after i heard from my friend, whose name was george wilson. the reporter said: "the first two weeks he seemed to have no energy for any thing. but then he went to work, and quite disappointed us. he is getting to be one of the best hands to hire in windsor." this was the second fugitive from slavery who slept in my home--mine being the first house they had dared to sleep in since leaving their old home. a few days later another fugitive came from louisiana. he was a black-smith. i wrote to a wealthy farmer in napoleon, michigan, to learn whether he could not furnish business for one or the other of two new arrivals from slavery. to show the feelings of thousands of our citizens at this date, i will extract a portion of his letter: "there are constantly in our moral horizon threatenings of strife, discontent, and outbreaks between liberty and slavery. the martyrdom of john brown only whets the appetite of the monster for greater sacrifice of life. the continued imprisonment of calvin fairbanks and others are not satisfying portions. i read your letter to our arkansas friend, and we are glad to learn that another has escaped from the land of bondage, whips, and chains. in view of the wrongs and cruelty of slavery, how truly may it be said: 'there is no flesh in man's obdurate heart; it does not feel for man.' "the natural bond of brotherhood is severed as flax that falls asunder at the touch of fire. let the lot of bitter poverty be mine, and the hand of man blight every hope of earthly enjoyment, and i would prefer it to the condition of any man who lives at ease, and shares in every fancied pleasure, that the toil, the sweat, and blood of slaves can procure. alas for the tyrant slave-holder when god shall make his award to his poor, oppressed, and despised children, and to those who seek a transient and yet delusive means of present happiness by trampling his fellow and brother in the dust, and appropriating the soul and body of his own crushed victim to the gratification of his depraved appetites and passions. i would rather enter the gloomy cell of your friend fairbanks, and spend every hour of this brief existence in all the bitterness that the hand of tyrants can inflict, than live in all pomp and splendor that the unpaid toil of slaves could lavish upon man. yours, etc., "july th, . r.b. rexford." our blacksmith, whom we called charles williams, proved to be an honest and industrious man. we solicited over seventy dollars for a poor woman by the name of jackson, from marseilles, kentucky, who had bought herself by washing and ironing of nights, after her mistress's work was done. during seven long years she did not allow herself to undress except to change. her sleep was little naps over her ironing board. seven years of night work brought the money that procured her freedom. she had a son and daughter nearly grow up, and to purchase their freedom she was now bending her day and night energies. her first object was to purchase the son, as his wages would aid her to accumulate more readily the amount required for the daughter, as she had the promise of both of her children. but her economizing to purchase the son first for the sake of his help failed, as the master's indebtness compelled him to sell one of them, and market was found for the girl of sixteen. nine hundred dollars was offered, and the distressed mother had but four hundred dollars to pay. she had trusted in her lord and savior in all these years of toiling, and now must she see that daughter sold down the river? in her distress she went from house to house, to plead for a buyer who would advance the five hundred dollars, and take a mortgage on her until she could make it. at length she found a baptist deacon who purchased her daughter, and she paid him the four hundred dollars. he was to keep her until the mortgage was redeemed by the mother, who was compelled to abandon her first project, and bend her energies toward making the five hundred dollars. after working very hard one year, she was able to pay but one hundred and fifty dollars to ward the mortgage, when her health began to fail. the deacon told her the money was coming too slowly, and that he could not wait longer than another year, before he would have to sell her to get his money back. "weeping and prayer was my meat and drink day and night. oh! must i see my poor chile' go after all my hope to save her?" a merchant in that town by whom she had been employed, told her he would give her a little secret advice, which was, to go to louisville as she had done before, but not to stop there, but to go on to cincinnati, and he would give her a good recommendation to his brother, mr. ketcham, who was a merchant and knew the abolitionists. they would aid her in raising the three hundred and fifty dollars; but she must not let it be known that he had advised her, or that she was going north. mr. ketcham introduced her to levi coffin and lawyer john jolliffe, who gave her letters of introduction to friends at oberlin, and other places, and by the time she was sent to me she had over two hundred dollars toward the release of the mortgage on the daughter. as her health was poor from constant overwork and troubles incident to slave life, to give her rest i took her papers, and while calling on the friends of humanity, did not slight some of my democratic friends, some of whom had some years previously told me if i would go to work and purchase the slaves they would aid me. consequently i called on one who was living in splendor within his massive pile of brick, and reminded him of the promise he made me on a certain occasion. now was his opportunity, as i was assisting a mother to purchase her daughter. i gave him the line through which i had received the best of endorsements as to her industrious and honest christian character, and what the friends had done for her upon whom i had called, and but for her poor health would have brought her with me. after listening attentively to all my statements, he arose from his chair, walked nervously to and fro across his room, as if striving to his utmost to brace against sympathy, and said, "mrs. haviland, i'll not give a penny to any one who will steal slaves; for you might just as well come to my barn and steal my horse or wheat as to help slaves to canada, out of the reach of their owners." "did i do right," i asked, "in rescuing that hamilton family from the grasp of those tennessee slave-holders?" "if i had taken a family under my wing, of course, i should calculate to protect them." "that is not the answer i call for. i want from you a direct reply; did i do _right_, or wrong, in that case? you remember all the circumstances." "oh, yes, i remember it well, and as i tell you, if i had undertaken to protect a family i should do it." "i shall accept no prevarication whatever," said i; "i demand a square answer, and it is your duty to give it; did i do right or wrong in that case?" he drew out his pocket-book, and emptied it in my lap. "there is hardly a dollar, and if i had more you should have it; of course you are right, and every sane man or woman knows it; but my political relations are such i wish you wouldn't say anything about it." it is no new thing for politics to stand in the way of humanity. a few weeks later the glad mother returned and redeemed her daughter. i saw them together at levi coffin's, in cincinnati, happy in their freedom. another woman was directed to me by william king, who, with rev. c. c. foote, had founded a colony a few miles from chatham, ontario, for fugitives from slavery. she managed to escape with seven children, and her husband's master offered him to her for six hundred dollars, two hundred dollars less than the market price. i went with her a few days, and received from the friends one hundred and thirteen dollars. then the sight of one whom she recognized hastened her back to canada, a proceeding which probably saved us the fate of the oberlin or wellington rescuers, who spent a few weeks in jail. a year after we heard the husband and father was with his family in canada. a few weeks elapsed when another woman from cincinnati learned that her husband could be bought for a low figure because of a rheumatic difficulty. she had been freed three years previously, and by industry had accumulated three hundred dollars. she came well recommended by levi coffin and others. while making calls in her behalf in a store owned by a democratic friend, upon presenting her claim to the proprietor and a few bystanders, a gentleman stepped into the door with, "i see you come to democrats for aid." "she knows her best friends," said our merchant. "i slight no one," i answered. "i call upon my acquaintances regardless of politics. "i will give you _five_ dollars for every _one_ you'll get from an abolitionist in this place," said the sparkling, black-eyed stranger. at this quite a shout arose in the store. "that speaks well for your abolition friends," was the ironical retort of another bystander. "who is that gentleman?" i inquired. "mr. lyons, the banker on main street," was the reply. "all right," i said, "i shall remember him." i stepped into edwin comstock's and mentioned this proposition. "very well; i will give five dollars for the sake of twenty-five dollars from mr. lyons," and i placed that in my book. i next met stephen allen on the street and i told him mr. lyons's pledge. "all right," he said; "i will give four dollars, and that takes all i have in my purse to-day; but i am glad to give it for the twenty dollars we are to get from mr. lyons." i called upon anson backus with my report and he said: "here is five dollars for the twenty-five from mr. lyons." i then stepped into the lyons's bank. "this, i believe, is mr. lyons, the proprietor, who pledged a few minutes ago five dollars for every one dollar i would get from an abolitionist in this place." his face flushed in reading the names with the fives and four dollar bills in the book i handed him. "there is no abolitionist's name here." "isn't edwin comstock an abolitionist?" "no, he isn't." "isn't stephen allen an abolitionist?" "no, he isn't? "isn't anson backus an abolitionist?" "no, he isn't." "then i ask you to define an abolitionist, for i call these men as radical abolitionists as we have in our country." "well, they are not." "please define them that i may know who they are." "they are those who go down south and steal slaves away from their owners and report that they whip men and women and sell husbands and wives apart, and separate children from their mothers, and all that sort of thing, when it's all an arrant black-hearted lie." "mr. lyons, you know all these flat denials are substantial truths. as you say you have lived in the south, you know in your own heart that men and women are cruelly whipped, and that families are separated, and these cases of cruelty are neither few nor far between. i will tell you what i have done for a woman who was a slave in kentucky when she came to me for advice in cincinnati, as she had a daughter to be sold, and her mistress was going to sell the whole family down the river. she was permitted to do her mistress's marketing in cincinnati because she had confidence that she would not leave her family. i advised her to put her husband and children in that market-wagon and cover them with hay and bring them to a certain place i designated, and she would be aided in her flight to canada. she took the plan i suggested, and her whole remaining family, nine in number, found themselves free in canada. was that the work of an abolitionist?" "no, it isn't." "then i know not where to find one, for i see i too am out of the catalogue." while this conversation was in progress he took three dollars from his desk and handed it to me; but as much as ever, i stopped to thank him, and told him the worst wish i had for him was that he would repent of his wicked position before the hour of death overtook him, and that he might find peace and pardon for these satanic assertions he had made. he sat quietly listening while i gave out my indignation without stint. "hand me back that three dollars," and it was as freely returned as i received it. he put it back in his drawer, took out five dollars and handed it to me, and hardly took time to nod "i thank you" for finishing my speech, which was not in the least interrupted, even with the increased subscription. poor man, i pitied him, for it was more than a year before i could get another opportunity to speak to him. his clerk left the bank as soon as he commenced his tirade. although it is unpleasant to meet with such spirits, yet i never flee from them. if my cause is owned by the author of the _higher law_, none of these things move me. a few months after this we received a letter from mintie berry, the anxious wife, for whom we succeeded in raising enough to reunite the long separated couple, saying that their happy reunion was the result of favors from their many friends, to whom they returned grateful thanks, while they praised the lord for the blessing. i received a letter, july , , from poor calvin fairbanks. eight long years of the fifteen he had suffered in a kentucky penitentiary. how sad are these lines, containing some of his prison reflections! he says: "speak kindly, ye muses, my spirit inspire, breathe softly and sweetly, sweep gently my lyre; there's gloom in my harp-string's low murmuring tone, speak kindly, speak gently, to me here alone. my spirit all broken--no soul-cheering ray to warm, and illumine my cold dreary way, no kind and beloved ones of days that are gone-- there's no one to cheer me, i'm alone, all alone. from friends fondly cherished i'm severed away, from the hills where i laughed at the bright early day; and the morning of life like an arrow is gone, like a shadow, a moment, and here i'm alone. the guardians of childhood, like the bright early flower. have blossomed with fragrance, and are lost in an hour; and the cycle that brought them has eddied and gone, and left me behind them, alone, all alone. how solemn and dreary, how somber with gloom, are my lonely reflections, of the cold silent tomb, the abode of a father once fearless and bold, of a sister once lovely, now silent and cold; of a mother lamenting her lost, lonely son, awaiting awhile, but a day to be gone, and to mingle with spirits of blest early love, and to rest in the bosom of jesus above. the thought of these loved ones, now silent for aye, or lingering and trembling, and passing away. breathes sadness on nature, most cheerful and gay, and traces these numbers--we're passing away. but cease my complaining, we'll soon be at peace, we'll rest from our labors, forever at ease; there's rest for the weary and joy for our gloom, for god is our refuge, in heaven our home. yes, earth with her pleasures, and all that we love, we shall leave for the land of bright spirits above; no blasting nor mildew, nor soul-blighting care, no sorrow, no dying, no sin shall reign there." the year opened full of excitement. both north and south assumed threatening attitudes. raisin institute was affected by it; yet the work of the lord prospered with us. within three weeks fourteen of our students experienced the new spiritual life. but soon our ranks were broken. the seventy-five thousand men in arms called for at the first by president lincoln were not sufficient to suppress the slave-holders' rebellion. seventeen of our students enlisted for the bloody conflicts of civil war. our principal, f. m. olcott, had purchased my institution, and i looked forward to a happy release of the $ , indebtedness that was resting over raisin institute. the room-rent was not sufficient to meet the interest and other incidental expenses, and the tuition fees were required to pay the teachers. this indebtedness rested upon my shoulders. but for the salutary influence it exerted in molding the characters of our youth, i should have failed. the declining health of our dear brother f. m. olcott brought increasing darkness over our future prospects, and the memorable battle of bull run increased the shock that startled the liberty lovers of our nation at the firing upon fort sumter. the cloud that hung over our nation also overshadowed our beloved institution. we closed this year with sad forebodings. our beloved principal was fast hastening to his reward. he suggested a friend of his to fill his position the ensuing year, and died of consumption within six weeks of our vacation. he was a noble christian man, and had endeared himself to all who enjoyed the privilege of his acquaintance. his loss was severely felt by his students, who enjoyed his faithful teaching, and especially by myself, as i had indulged the fond hope that he would become the efficient permanent principal. the following year the institute opened with as fair prospects as could be expected, in charge of edward a. haight. until the third year of the war our school was continued in successful operation. but during the last term of - , when the war had taken seventeen of our noble young men into the field, and the condition of our soldiers, daily reported as suffering and dying in camp and hospital, called for tender nursing, i offered myself for that work. leaving an excellent young woman as preceptress in my stead, i gathered from eighteen hundred to two thousand garments for freedmen, and hospital supplies for soldiers, and with papers from austin blair, governor of our state, from f. c. beaman, member of congress, and from others, i left my sweet home and the loved ones who still clustered around it. on my way to the depot i was met by rev. p. powell, who inquired how much money i had. "fifteen dollars," was my answer. "why, mother haviland," he exclaimed, "you can never go with only that. stop a day or two, and i'll get up eighty or a hundred dollars for you." "but i have arranged for all my supplies to go on today. there are three or four boxes waiting for me at hillsdale, and i wrote them i would be there to-night. i have not asked for money, but for supplies. i have a free pass to chicago and return, and if i can get a pass free to cairo and return, i think i can get along, and perhaps lives may be in peril in the twenty-four hours i might be waiting here for money." "will you telegraph me if you do not succeed in getting the passes in chicago?" "i will," i said, and went forward. as i was taking leave of my son joseph, and was about to enter the car, he held me by the hand, and said: "one promise i want you to make me, and make it so strong that your conscience will come in for a share; and that is, that you will stop, once in a while, to think whether you are tired or not. you are going among the suffering and dying, and i know you so well that you will go and go and do and do, until you will drop before you will think of yourself. if you will make me this promise i will feel a great deal better about you." "joseph," i said, "i will promise to do this," and we parted. on visiting the sanitary rooms in chicago i met mrs. hague, mrs. livermore, and others, who thought it very doubtful whether i could secure a fare free to cairo, as president arthur had shut down the gate on free, or even half-fare, passes. he had told them that associations might pay their agents enough to pay their fare. but i was under the auspices of no association. i was only a self-constituted agent, and i must try. leaning on the arm of my guide, i went to president arthur, and introduced myself by handing him my papers. on reading them he asked, rather sharply, "what do you want?" "i am hoping to obtain a free pass to cairo and return," i replied, "and free transportation for the supplies referred to in those papers." "are you alone, madam?" "i am alone." "well, i think this is a heavy responsibility for a lady of your age. are you aware of the responsibility you assume in this?" holding the paper up. "i think i am aware of the responsibility. i do not know but the experience of age, however, may somewhat make up for the strength of youth." "well, i guess it will." settling himself back in his easy arm chair, he said again, "how long a time do you want it for?" "i can not answer intelligently," i said, "i may wish to return for more supplies, within two or three months, and i can not say how long it will take to disburse these supplies judiciously." "very well," and he took my papers to his chief clerk, and soon brought me back passes, saying, "there are your passes, and they'll bring you back any time this year." he gave me also an order for free transportation. i left his office praising god for another victory. i was met in the door of the sanitary rooms with "did you succeed in getting a half-fare pass?" "a free pass to cairo and return," i said, "and free transportation for all my supplies from president arthur." the clerk clapped his hands, cheering: "you are a favored one; not one of us would have got that favor." not till then did they know of my leaving home with only fifteen dollars; yet it was sufficient. a few hours more landed me in cairo, where the wharf was lined with cannon, and piles of shells and balls. my first work was to find a soldiers' home, and visit hospitals. oh, what scenes at once were presented to my view! here were the groans of the wounded and dying soldiers. some were praying--a few were swearing; and yet even these would patiently listen to reading the promises of jesus and his loving invitations, and become calm. chapter x. hospital work. our last chapter left us in hospital world at cairo. a portion of the freedmen's camp of three thousand the officers proposed to remove to island no. , and wished me to take most of my supplies to that place. while waiting for their arrival i visited the united states hospital at mound city, a few miles up the ohio river. here, too, were dying soldiers, one of whom especially attracted my attention, as he was perfectly sane and rather unusually intelligent. i immediately addressed him: "my son, are you prepared to go hence?" "mother," he said, "that is a matter which i ought to have attended to long ago, but i did not, and now it is too late! i am dying." "oh, do not say _too late_! remember the condition is, '_believe_ and thou _shalt be saved_;' 'as thou hast _believed_, so shall it be unto thee.' these are the sure promises of our merciful redeemer. remember the thief on the cross looked at him with repenting spirit and living faith, and said, 'lord, remember me when thou comest into thy kingdom;' and the quick reply was, 'this day thou shalt be with me in paradise.' can you not trust such a redeemer?--such a loving father as is our god, who saves to the uttermost all who ask with believing hearts?" he firmly held my hand and said, "i will try." our prayers were mingled in asking for the enlightening of the holy spirit, and while he was asking for the forgiveness of all his sins, that he might receive an evidence of acceptance, he seemed encouraged and gave me the names and address of his parents, for me to write them of his hope, in departing, of a better future. there was also great suffering in the camp of freedmen. the officers wished me to aid them in persuading these people to go down to the island, as they were afraid of being returned to slavery at the close of the war, and desired to push as far into the free states as possible, and very loath to go back "an inch," as one of the officers expressed it. i took the names of these almost nude people, whom i instructed to come to my tent; as the officers said i should have one for the purpose of giving out clothing to the most needy among them. they assured them that their freedom was a fixed fact; that they would never see the day again when they would be separated by being sold apart. this, i found, has a greater inducement for them to consent to the request of the officers to go to the island than all the clothing i could promise. but one poor woman came to the captain weeping, saying, "my poor baby is dying' an' i can't leave him. he is my only child left me." in the great hurry and bustle of business the quick reply was, "go back and i'll see to it." as she left the office he turned to me and said, "i don't know whether it is so or not; they get up all sorts of excuses." as she was not yet out of sight, i followed her to the slab hut and found it true. an hour later and the baby of eight years was in the spirit world. "now, missus, i can't go an' leave my dead baby for de wharf-rats to eat, an' de boat goes out at three o'clock." i reported the death of the child and of the distress of the mother. "tell her," said the officer, "we will see that her child is buried this afternoon, and i want her to go on this boat." i told the mother of the captain's wish, and that i would see that her child was buried. "ob, missus, it 'pears like i can't leave him so; they'll leave him here to-night, an' dese wharf-rats are awful. da eat one dead chile's face all one side off, an' one of its feet was all gnawed off. i don't want to leave my chile on dis bare groun'." the grief of this poor mother was distressing in the extreme. she knew not whether her husband and three older children, sold away two years previously, were still slaves or living, as she had never heard a word from them since they were taken from her. those sad separations, she said, were much harder to bear than the death of this child. but she consented to go, on my promise to see that her child was buried before night. after she left for the boat i went to the captain to see his promise performed. he seemed very indifferent. "what is the difference if that child shouldn't be buried this afternoon or whether wharf-rats eat it or not?" "you promised to have it buried this afternoon," i said, "and i told that poor woman i would see that it was done; and i see no other way than to hold you to that promise, for i shall meet her on the island, and i must report to her." said the captain, "you won't allow such things as these to break your heart, after being in the army a little while and seeing our soldiers buried in a ditch, with no other coffin or winding sheet than the soldier's dress. for the time being we bury hundreds just in that way; and when from five to fifteen die in one day, as sometimes is the case in these large camps, we can not make coffins for them, but we roll them up in whatever they have. if we can get a piece of board to lay them on when we put them in their graves we do well." "but here you have lumber and plenty of carpenters, and you can have a plain coffin for the dead, and i do hope one will be made for this child. as i told the mother i would see that a coffin was made for her child and have it buried this afternoon, i will do it." he called the sergeant and gave the order for a carpenter among the soldiers to make it, and i saw the pine board coffin go to the burying ground with the child just before sunset. colonel thomas and the captain doubted whether i could secure transportation from general taliaferro, who was in charge of that post. they said he was a cross old bachelor, and had said he would not give another woman transportation to go into the army. "but," said colonel thomas to the captain, "she will be more likely to succeed if she goes herself without any word from us." on the following day my car-load of supplies arrived, and i began to regret that i had not waited a day or two longer at home for the one hundred dollars that could have been placed in my hands, so that i could use it in an emergency if i should be refused transportation. with some misgivings i entered the general's office and requested an interview. i introduced myself by handing him my papers, which he looked over, and pleasantly asked what i wished. "i am hoping," i said, "to secure transportation to island no. , and to memphis, tennessee, for myself and the supplies referred to in those papers." "well, madam, i think your papers are worthy of attention, and i will grant your request." this was said in such a pleasant manner i almost concluded the general had been misrepresented, but how changed his tone when he called his adjutant, who in an instant stood before him. "go tell my clerk to come in." he hurried to obey his command, and returned with the report, "he is gone." "gone! where has he gone?" "he went a few minutes ago to church." "gone to church! he has no business to go to church, or anywhere else, without my permission; he has no right to leave his office without my order." this he said in such a stern, vociferous manner that i wished myself out of his presence. but turning to me, in a mild tone, he said: "mrs. haviland, you don't want transportation tonight. you come to-morrow morning at nine o'clock, and you shall have the papers." with heartfelt thanks i left his office. on my return i found colonel thomas and the captain anxiously waiting to learn the result of my call on the general. they met me at the door of their office, and asked: "what is the news?" "the general grants transportation for myself and supplies to island no. and to memphis," i said. by their clapping of hands one would have thought they had got cheering news from the army. i found they too felt the weight of responsibility in this, as they had solicited my aid in getting these freed people to go to the island. the following morning i found a boat was going to leave at half-past eight o'clock, but too early for the promised transportation, i told the captain of the boat of my wish to go with supplies to island no. and to memphis, but had the promise from the general to have the papers at nine o'clock. a captain in the army, standing by, told him he could take me with supplies with all safety; for if general taliaferro had promised transportation he could rest assured the general at columbus, kentucky, would be sure to give it. "very well," he said; "where are your supplies?" they were pointed out, and he ordered them to be put on board at once. on landing at columbus i called on the general, and secured transportation from cairo to places of destination. now i thought all was straight; but as i handed my paper to the captain he said: "this is an order for transportation. the captain-quartermaster is to fill it out, to be good for any thing." i confessed my ignorance of army red-tape, and took back the papers to have them finished. he inquired for my pass from the provost-marshal. that, too, i knew nothing about; but the army captain came to my relief, taking my papers and getting the transportation filled, with a pass from the provost-marshal. these lessons i found important in all my after work. we soon landed at island no. , the area of which was two hundred and fifty acres of available plow land, with an excellent orchard of three hundred bearing apple and peach trees. upon this island were seven hundred freedmen, who were making good use of the rich donations of twenty-five plows, with harrows, hoes, axes, rakes, and garden and field seeds, from indiana and ohio. their superintendent, chaplain thomas, told me that he never saw a more willing and obedient people. they mostly lived in tents. government had furnished lumber to erect a few temporary buildings. an old dilapidated farmhouse, and a few log-huts formerly occupied by the overseer and slaves, were the homes of captain gordon and surgeon ransom, with their families, who seemed to enjoy camp life as well as any i had seen. they had in charge four companies of soldiers. their hospital assumed an air of neatness and comfort. we took a stroll over the battle-ground, and saw the deep furrows plowed by the terrible shells, in which a horse might be buried. here and there were interspersed "rebel rat-holes," as they were called, dug seven or eight feet deep, and nearly covered with planks and two or three feet of earth, in which they dropped themselves, after firing, to reload and be secure from flying shot and shell. i picked up a couple of cannon-balls about the size of a small tea-cup, of which a peck is used for a load. an officer told me that he saw twenty-five rebels killed with one discharge of these balls. o, what slaughter of human life! government provided a physician and dispensary for the freed people. their hospital was a tent, like the majority of the regimental hospitals in the army. the first tent i visited was occupied by an aged pair, with two grown children, who appeared quite intelligent. hard treatment and cruel separations had filled the greater portion of their lives. as i was making remarks on the wickedness of slavery, said the old man, with tearful eyes, "please stop till i bring in my daughter and family from the next tent." they soon entered. "please go on," said the father. while tears were coursing down the old man's furrowed cheeks, in undertone he ejaculated, "o lord, i did not expect to live to see this day." at the close of my remarks he arose to his feet, and in the most pathetic manner addressed his family as follows: "my wife and children, have you thought we should ever see this? i fear we are not thankful enough to god. do we prize this precious privilege as we ought? that dear wife was sold from me nearly twenty years ago; soon after my children were sold, and i thought my heart was broke. they punished me because i grieved so much, and then sold me to be taken another way. o, how i prayed for death to hide me from my troubles, for i thought none could see as much as i did. many gloomy nights and days of sorrow i spent. i could hear no word from my wife, and nothing from my children. my master told me i should never hear from them again, because i made so much trouble over it; he would send me as far as wind and water would carry me, so i would never hear from them again. i remembered the words of my poor old father upon his death-bed, when he gave me this bible: 'my son, the same god that made that bible learned me to read it, and learned me to endure hard trials patiently. remember, my son, the same god will do the same for you if you go to him for help;' and so he has. praise be to the lord forever!" he took from a box a bible, all spotted over with mold, without and within: "this bible has been manna to my soul for many years. god has learned me to read, as he did my poor father. he has been my support. i have prayed these many years for deliverance from bondage, and my faith told me it would come; but i didn't know it would come in my time. o, what a savior is our jesus! that dear wife was compelled to marry another man in these long years of separation. he was taken into the rebel army, and she came to the union camp. a few days ago we met at fort pillow; and there we met our two long lost children; and here we found this daughter and family. o, how wonderful are god's ways! o, my wife, my children! let us live nearer that almighty deliverer than ever before, and praise his holy name forever." and the tall figure sat down, amid sobs and tears. the spirit of that family sermon i can never forget. this noble man, uncle stephen, was but a few days before a slave; yet with the dignity of a patriarch he assumed his new relation. he was evidently a self-taught man, more intelligent, and using more correct language, than any i had met on the island. on leaving my tent, tickets were given with explanations of my mission, which was both new and strange to them. in another tent i found a young man who had attempted to escape to our lines more than a year before, but was overtaken and shot by his master, shivering the bones six inches above the ankle, making amputation necessary. he was beginning to use his wooden leg. his master was taken prisoner by our men a few days before, and he, with one hundred fellow-slaves, fell into the hands of the union army. he was fitted with a whole suit. this was done in but few instances, the general destitution forbidding it. it would have pleased the donors to see me with open boxes, taking out garment after garment, measuring and delivering, upon presentation of tickets previously given, to fifty or a hundred at a time; and to listen to the many thanks and hearty "god bless you!" as each garment was taken. at breakfast the adjutant told me of five little boys belonging to some of the fort pillow families that were almost naked, and that he had given one little fellow a pair of his own pants. i told him to bring them to the commissary tent any time from nine to twelve o'clock, as i had arranged to meet the children to whom i had given tickets; and if he brought them or gave them a slip of paper with his name, it would serve the same purpose. soon we were beside the boxes in our commissary tent measuring, fitting, and handing out, when up stepped the little fellow of eight summers with the tall man's pants, rolled over and over at the bottom, with one suspender tied around him, the other placed over his shoulder to hold them on. his eyes sparkled as a new suit was thrown over his arm; calling out, "see here, johnnie, what i got!" "yes, look at mine!" was the quick reply, while on the other side stood a little girl who exclaimed, in surprise, "oh, milla, my dress has a pocket, and see what i found," as she drew out a rag doll two inches long. then a dozen other little girls instituted a search and found similar treasures, which i recognized as coming from certain little girls in hudson, michigan. all were on tip-toe with excitement, and these remarks were flying through this crowd of little folks when the adjutant came to the tent door. laughing through tears, he said, "have you ever thought of the savior's words, 'inasmuch as ye have done it unto the _least_ of these, ye have done it unto me?'" "that thought had come to my mind before engaging in this mission, and it is that which drew me from my michigan home." "doesn't this pay you," he continued, "for coming all this distance, to see those sparkling eyes and light hearts dancing with joy?" "here is verified the declaration that it is more blessed to give than to receive," was my reply. a woman came one evening with the following queries: "missus, whar all dese clo'es come from? does gov'ment send 'em to us?" on listening to my explanation, "an' don't gov'ment pay you for bringin' 'em to us?" after all her questions had been disposed of she sat for a moment in a deep study; then said in surprise, "de norf mus' be mighty, mighty rich to send so much money down here to carry on de war and send so much to eat, and den da send so many clo'es an' keep so many men here too; indeed da mus' be mighty rich." they were preparing to open a school for them. henry roundtree, a missionary, was laboring among them, and would disburse clothing sent to that point. after spending over a week on this beautiful island, on my way to the steamer, i was hailed by a female voice calling out, "missus, missus, don't pass by dis yere way." turning in the direction of the call, i saw a very old woman sitting on a log, clad in a man's coat, hat, and shoes, with an old patched negro cotton skirt. on approaching her i remarked, as i took the bony hand, "you are very old." "can't tell how ole i is, only i knows i's been here great while. you see dat white house over de river dar? dat's been my home great many year, but massa drove me off, he say, 'case i's no 'count, gwine round wheezin' like an ole hoss, an' snap a gun at me an' say he shoot my brain out if i didn't go to de yankees. an' missus come out an' say she set fire to my cabin some night an' burn me up in it. 'go 'long to de yankees; da wants niggers, an' you ain't no 'count no how.' an' i tole 'em, 'wa'n't i 'count good many years ago?' but da say, 'clar out wid you.' an' i seed some boys fishing' on de bank, an' da fetch me over." looking down at her stockingless feet she said, "missus, i ain't had a suit o' clo'es in seven years." i told her if there was a woman's garment left she should have it. and i would tell the good people about her, and they would send her a suit of clothes. "tank you, missus; god bless you!" and i left the giant-like old woman, whose head was bleached by the fronts of eighty or ninety winters. while waiting on the gunboat for the steamer, i referred to the old woman i had seen, when one of the men turned to his comrade and said, "that's the same strange-appearing old woman we brought over," and he repeated the same story she related to me. said one, "such people ought to be made to bite the dust. her master took the oath of allegiance to save his property; but he has no more principle than a hyena to turn out such an old white-headed woman as that to die like a brute." such are some of the incidents that gradually changed the politics of the army. they made our butlers and hunters by scores. they saw that man's inhumanity to man was the outgrowth of slavery. they clearly perceived that the iron rod of oppression must be broken, or the unholy rebellion would succeed. at four p. m. i embarked for another field. on board the steamer were a number of officers and soldiers, and three women who were ex-slave owners. they had quietly listened to the conversation of the officers on establishing schools among the freed men, and taking them into the army as soldiers. i, too, had been a silent listener. after the officers had left the cabin, one of the women drew her chair near me, and in a subdued tone said: "do you believe it is right to set up schools among niggers?" "certainly i do," was my reply, "as they have as good a right to become intelligent as any other class of people." "do you think that it is right to make soldiers out of niggers?" "certainly, if it is right for any class of people." after looking around to see whether any officer was in hearing, she added: "and do you think it right to rob us of our niggers, as the yankees are doing?" "certainly, if you call it robbery to allow the negroes to go where they please." my replies were in my common tone of voice, yet it seemed to frighten her. she would take a look to see whether an officer was near. then would go on with her queries in an undertone. "i tell you it is mighty hard, for my pa paid his own money for our niggers; and that's not all they've robbed us of. they have taken our horses and cattle and sheep _and every thing_." as i had my little bible in my hand, i turned to the predicted destruction of babylon in revelation, and read, "fine flour, and wheat, and beasts, and sheep, and horses, and chariots, and slaves, and souls of men." "you see here," i said, "are the very articles you have named. and god is the same unchanging lord to-day." "but i tell you, madam, its mighty, mighty hard." in all this conversation she closely watched the officers, and often raised her handkerchief to her face while talking with me, as if to check the sound of her already stifled voice. how widely different were our positions, compared with six years before, when going down this river on an errand for a white fugitive from slavery. then my thoughts could find no place even in a whisper, and slave-holders were cursing and threatening abolitionists. what a turning of tables! now i could say all that was in my heart on the sin of slavery, and the slave-holder was now hushed. the coal-barge "l. s. haviland," that i saw on my other trip tied up a little way above memphis, was not now to be seen. i had not yet learned the fate of those tennessee slave-holders who had so often threatened my life, and a number of my friends had advised me to keep a proper distance from them, as this might be the time for their opportunity. when i left my home i had no idea of going as far as tennessee, or my children and friends would have feared for my safety; but, as for myself, i knew no fear. in memphis i found many hospitals filled with sick, wounded, and dying soldiers; and in better condition than i had anticipated, except the jackson hospital, which was one of the largest in the city. i asked permission of the guards to enter, but was informed their orders were very strict to allow no one to go in without permission. "very well," said i, "please inform me where i can find the clerk, and i will secure a permit." the surgeon in charge was just passing out of the main entrance, and the guard introduced me. i informed him of my wish to visit his hospital. in a very surly manner he inquired: "have you a son here?" "i have not," i answered. "then what do you want to go in here for? it is no place for a lady to step her foot over the threshold of a hospital." "i perceive you and i differ widely in that; but if you doubt my fitness to visit your patients, you can examine my papers from the governor of my state and a member of congress and others." "if you have no son here, i don't see that you have any business here." "every soldier is some mother's son, and i wish to visit them, and here are my papers; you can read them if you wish." throwing out his hand angrily, he said: "go along, then; go along." i went, but he took good care to bear me company. as we entered each ward, every soldier who was able to bear his weight sprang to his feet, and stood by his cot during our stay in the ward. i saw at once that it was in pursuance of an order. i had made it a point to shake hands with every soldier that was awake and conscious, but the surgeon hurried through without giving an opportunity to speak to a half-dozen in the whole hospital. one poor skeleton of a man sat bolstered on his cot, eating his dinner, and had on his plate a spoonful of cooked onion. "where did you get that onion?" cried the surgeon. "i paid my own money for it, doctor." "who said you might have it?"' "dr. spears." "very well, then;" and passed on. here my disgust filled up to the brim. i cared but little for his attempt to browbeat me; but when he treated a helpless soldier like this i could hardly keep my indignation from boiling over. the first words spoken to me after entering the hospital were: "do you want to go into the kitchen?" "i would like to pass through your kitchen," was my reply. "very unfavorable time, madam--very unfavorable; about dinner-time." very favorable, thought i, and went in. i could see at a glance that the large caldron of potatoes was boiled half an hour too long. their bread looked well, and i suppose it was good. as we passed out, taking memoranda and pencil, i said: "you have a very large hospital. how many will it accommodate?" "fifteen hundred, madam. very few, very few at present, only four hundred and eighty-four." "how many nurses have you?" "twenty-three." "no female nurses?" "no, madam. as i told you, a woman has no business to step inside of a hospital." "as i told you, we evidently differ in that respect. where i have found judicious female nurses it seems more home-like, and our soldiers feel more contented." "very few, very few judicious female nurses." "they exist, notwithstanding. how many surgeons have you?" "only four at present." "you are the surgeon in charge; please give me your name." "my name is surgeon powers, of the seventh missouri regiment." his name and figures were too plainly recorded to be effaced. here he turned a perfect somersault, if words could perform the feat. with an affected politeness, bowing himself almost double: "madam, i hope you will call again some time; call in the middle of the forenoon or afternoon--very unfavorable about meal-time." "if i remain a week or ten days longer in the city," i replied, "i shall do so." "i would be very happy to have you call again, madam; very happy to see you again." i left with a heavy heart, and called at the sanitary rooms to ascertain the location of five unvisited hospitals. i found the room filled with officers and a few generals of high rank. i introduced myself, as usual, by handing dr. warrener, sanitary agent, my papers. "then you are visiting the hospitals, with supplies, etc., are you? i am glad to see you, as we have had no visitor from so far north. how do you find them?" "i have found them," i answered, "more satisfactorily conducted than i anticipated, with but one exception." "have you visited the jackson?" "i have just come from there." "to-day is not the visiting day. did you see surgeon powers?" "i did." "did you get into that hospital without trouble?" "we had a parley." "what did he say to you?" i gave his objection and my reply in a low tone. to my annoyance, the doctor repeated it in a loud voice, and continued: "you certainly could have given no better reason than that every soldier is some mother's son. what do you think of surgeon powers?" i hesitated in view of all these officers; but my second thought was, no matter whether the president himself were present; and i frankly replied: "i think he is a tyrant brandy-cask. why do you allow such a man to occupy the responsible position of surgeon in charge of hundreds of the sick and wounded soldiers?" "we tried once to get him out, and failed. you ought to see the medical director, who is in the city." he gave me the location of the hospitals i desired, and i left. remembering the promise i made my son joseph, i returned to head-quarters, and spent the balance of the day in writing for soldiers and for myself. the following morning i resumed hospital visiting. on the street i met an officer, who reached his hand with a smile, saying, "you do not recognize me, but i recognize you as being the lady in dr. warrener's office yesterday, after visiting the jackson hospital." "i do not know but you thought me severe in my remarks concerning surgeon powers." "not at all--not by any means, for i had two sons under him six weeks, and they both declared they would rather die in the open field than be under the care of that drunken tyrant again." "why do you permit such a surgeon to have the care of the sick, wounded, and dying soldiers?" "well, it is difficult for us to do much with each other, but there is the medical director just ahead of us; you ought to see him; i'll introduce you. he is very much of a gentleman." the first query of the medical director, after reading my papers, was "have you visited the jackson hospital? and did you see surgeon powers?" "i undertook to visit it yesterday," i said, "but was hurried through in such haste, by surgeon powers, that i could not speak to any of the soldiers, or stop to write for them to their home friends, if they desired." "what do you think of surgeon powers?" "i think he is an unfeeling tyrant. the white of his eyes had the color of red flannel, and the unmistakable brandy breath made standing near him very unpleasant. besides, his ungentlemanly, morose treatment of helpless soldiers indicates his entire unfitness for the position he occupies. if the milk of human kindness is more loudly called for in one position than another, it is in the surgeon in charge of sick, wounded, and dying soldiers." "we know, mrs. haviland, this is true, and we made an effort to displace him once and failed, because the medical director over the whole of us in this division, next in rank to grant himself, is determined to hold him here. but if you will make out your report, with the recommendations from your governor and congressman backing it, we can make that efficient. you may make your report as strong as you please." i left him with cordial thanks, and soon the report was handed him. i visited all the hospitals in that post, and on my second visit to the jackson found surgeon powers filled to overflowing with affected politeness; but it did not brighten the bleared eye, or straighten the zigzag gait of the surgeon. a few weeks after i met a memphis officer, who informed me that surgeon powers was relieved of hospital work altogether very soon after i left the city. a few months later he filled a drunkard's grave. in one hospital in memphis i found in one corner a female soldier, charlie. she was in both bull run battles, and four others she named; besides, she had endured long marches. here she was taken violently ill with typhoid fever, and for the first time her sex became known. she was large and rather coarse-featured, and of indomitable will. she said the cause of her enlistment did not now exist, and she wanted to go home as soon as able. she intimated that her betrothed had recently died, and she had no desire to remain in the army. while in memphis a telegram came from president lincoln ordering four hundred colored men to be enlisted, and no more, until further orders. colonel eaton took this work for his breakfast spell. as he came in rather late for his morning meal he said, "i have enlisted the required number, and quite a company went away crying because they could not enlist. i comforted them by telling them that i presumed there would be another call soon." i had built a bed for myself in one corner of the commissary building, and as we were occupying the weakest point at the post, we were ordered to have no light in our tents, but before dark to have every needed article at our bedside, ready at a moment's warning to be conducted to fort pickering. soldiers were kept in readiness for action, as the enemy was threatening to retake memphis. at two, o'clock a. m. the loud cry, "halt!" at the corner where i was sleeping, aroused me. this was quickly followed by a still louder "halt! may be you don't know who i is; i holds a gun, an' her's off." "well-well, i only want to come to you; i don't want to go farther." the officer approached, saying, "that is right; if i had taken one step after you cried halt the third time, you should have shot me through, no matter who i am, if it was the president himself." at the breakfast table colonel eaton remarked: "a number of our new colored soldiers were put on picket guard last night on trial, and not one sleepy head was found among them. since we accept these men as soldiers i am confident it will do away the necessity of drafting men, as some think must soon be done." i spent a few days in visiting hospitals, often reading portions of scripture, and kneeling by the cot of the suffering and dying soldiers, imploring the great physician to heal the sin-sick soul. for some i wrote letters to their home friends, which i found was often very gratifying to poor homesick boys. one very sick with pneumonia wished me to write to his folks in kent county, michigan, that he was in the hospital from a little cold, but would soon be able to join his regiment again. i dared not write according to his directions, and told him i would finish his letter at head-quarters. when he asked my name, he wanted to know if i was a relative of rev. d. s. haviland, in kent county, michigan. when i told him he was my son, he held my hand in both of his and burst into a flood of tears, and said he had heard him preach many times, and thought he was such a good man. i saw his feelings were deeply affected, and i feared it would increase the fever, and i promised to come and see him again in a day or two. i sat by him with my hand upon his head and consoled him as best i could. when he became calm i left, and called on his physician for his opinion concerning him. he said he was still in a critical condition, but thought the disease was turning in his favor, and advised me not to write to his friends until two days more had passed, as he would then be able to judge better of his case. two days later i called again and found him much better, but the doctor thought the excitement of my leaving him increased the fever during the afternoon. he was now a little stronger, and he said i had better not let him know that i designed leaving the city. i finished the letter with greater encouragement than i could have done conscientiously on my first visit. as i was passing out one of the convalescents said, "frank, here is that woman you wanted to see;" and he came on a run. "are you from michigan?" i asked. "not quite," he said; "but i've been in michigan. i am from ohio, and that is its next neighbor;" and he seemed as glad as if he was meeting his mother. "o, how much you remind me of my mother! your advice to us boys is almost in the same words my mother gave me when i left her;" and tears spoke louder than words of his appreciation of visits from his mother's representative. i visited many camps of the freedmen, where there were two thousand, with daily additions. forty came into bethel camp one afternoon. i went among them, and said to the man i met first: "you concluded to use your freedom in coming into the union camps?" "freedom!" looking up in surprise. "yes; you know president lincoln has proclaimed all slaves free." "is dat so?" "certainly; you have heard about it, i suppose." "no, missus, we never hear nothing like it. we's starvin', and we come to get somfin' to eat. dat's what we come for. our people home tell us yankees want niggers to kill; an' da boils 'em up in great caldrons to eat, 'case da's starvin'. but all de white men gone into de army, an' lef' us all wid missus, an' da locks de bacon up for de sojers, an' gib us little han'ful o' meal a day, an' we's got weak an' trimbly. an' i tole my people we's gwine to die anyhow, an' we'd try de yankees." they were all so surprised at the idea of freedom that they could hardly credit the fact until their own people confirmed what i had told them. rations were given to that hungry company at once. i told them this did not look like killing off colored people. "no, missus, dis 'pears like makin' alive, instead of killin'. god bless sich people as dese, if dis be yankees." a couple of young men followed me from tent to tent, as i was reading portions of scripture, and advising them how to live in their new relation as a free people. i advised them to live soberly and honestly in the sight of all men; that our heavenly father looks upon all his children alike, and that our lord and savior died upon the cross for all alike, because he is no respecter of persons. the young men, asked to be excused for following me; "for," they said, "we never heard, white folks talk like you talks in our life. da never talks fur our own good, an' dis is so new we wants to ax you please excuse us." our head-quarters were most of the time at camp bethel; but i spent a portion of my time in camp shiloh, which was in sight. on the sabbath i attended a very large meeting in a grove of pecans, oaks, and magnolias. the minister was a colored man of considerable intelligence, could read quite well; and perhaps there were nearly or quite one hundred of our soldiers in attendance. i spoke to one man near the stand while they were singing, informing him that i would like to make a few remarks if their minister was willing. the minister said, before dismissing the congregation, he would give liberty for a white lady present to speak. "i do not know who she is. she may be here inquiring for some of her people; but we can tell better as to her object when we hear her;" and he invited me forward. i saw at once the minister took me to be one of those slave-holders who were coming into their camp almost daily to persuade their slaves back, though not one of them ever succeeded. i told them my object was to inquire after the health of this people, body, soul, and spirit--and my people were all who accept salvation through our lord and savior jesus christ; that our heavenly father made all the nations of the whole earth of one blood, and never designed that one race should hold another in bondage. i had hardly finished my first sentence before the minister and those near him were urging me to step to the top of their platform, as i had only taken one or two steps forward. "come up here; our people all want to see you." i had to obey. ten minutes' talk did not satisfy. the minister and others in that large congregation bade me go on; and ten or fifteen minutes more were occupied. at the close a few hundred of those whose families had been broken up by cruel separations came to me, and many tears were coursing down the sable cheeks of many gathered around me to shake my hands, which were actually lame and swollen for three days after. said the disappointed minister, "it 'pears like an angel dropped down 'mongst us, in place of the slave-missus come for her people." said one woman: "my ole missus come las' week to get all fifty-five of us back again, and she tried mighty hard to get us to go back wid her. den she went to general grant, an' he say, 'if your people want to go back they may.' den she try us again; but not one would go, 'case we knows her too well--she's mighty hard on us. den she went back to the general, an' begged an' cried, and held out her han's, and say, 'general, dese han's never was in dough--i never made a cake o' bread in my life; please let me have my cook.' an' she tuck on so i jus' trimble; i's feared he'd tell me to go wid her. but all her cryin' didn't help her. general say, 'i can't help you, madam; if your cook wants to go wid you she can; but she is free, an' can do as she likes about it.' an' she went off cryin'; an' we could jus' kiss de groun' general grant walks on ever since." among the most affecting scenes were meetings of members of families long separated. in passing out of this multitude my attention was attracted to a group who were singing, shaking hands, shouting, and reciting their afflictions and sore trials since they were parted. one woman found her sister, who was sold from her fifteen years before. they had not heard from each other till just here they met. "o sis' susie, you know my two nice boys was sole from me two year afore i was sole off dat plantation down de river, an' it 'peared like my heart was broke; an' missus had me hit fifty lashes 'case i cried so much. an' de lo'd has been my sun an shiel' all dis time. an' here i foun' my two boys; da's heap bigger, but da's my own dear boys. i's prayed long for freedom, an' god did come down and make us free. _glory_, glory be to his name!" and they embraced each other in wild excitement during some minutes. then they went to another part of the camp to meet some of their friends susie told her of. i hastened back 'to camp bethel, to witness the marriage of twenty couples that colonel eaton, who was a chaplain among them, was to marry with one ceremony. many of the men were of the newly-enlisted soldiers, and the officers thought they had better be legally married, although many of them had been married a number of years, but only according to slave law, which recognized no legal marriage among slaves. at the appointed hour the twenty couples stood in a row, each couple with right hands clasped; and among them one young couple, that being their first marriage. all gave affirmative answers at the same time; first the men, then the women. after the ceremony chaplain eaton offered an earnest prayer; all kneeling. then he shook hands with them to signify his congratulations, and i followed him in like manner. it was a novel scene, and yet solemn. on the morning i was to leave memphis i saw an old woman wringing the bottom of her cotton dress a few rods from the door. i inquired how her dress came so wet half a yard deep. "i come up in a leaky skiff las' night wid six boys dat do oberseer whip de yankee out, he say; an' da say da go to yankees now any how, an' i begged 'em to let me come, for da knows i has sich hard times. but da say, 'aunt peggy, de skiff leak so bad.' but i tole 'em i's comin' wid a basin, an' i reckon i dip fas' enough to keep us 'bove water. an' da let me come, an' it tuck all night to come seven miles up de river. dar was forty of us on dis plantation. massa is a big man in secesh army, an' sent more'n a hundred of our people 'way off to de big plantation: an', missus, da all wants to come mighty bad, an' begged us to go see de big man right soon, an' tell him da wants to do any thing he wants 'em to do, if he will only let 'em come. for missus is mighty rich, an' don't need us, 'case she's got barrels of meal, an' flour, an' plenty bacon in de smoke-house, da keeps locked up, da say for de secesh sojers. an' missus had us put a tin trunk of gole an' silver money, an' a big ches' of all her silver plate way up in de lof' few days ago. missus, do please go tell de big man how da all begged us so hard to ax him, soon as we got here, if he 'll let 'em come." i told her i would see the colonel, and inquired for the boys who came with her. she pointed to the six young men standing outside our door. i approached the young men, who were between twenty and thirty years of age, and shook hands with them, saying, "it seems your overseer didn't succeed in whipping the yankee out of you night before last." "no, indeed," said one; "he drove in the yankee deeper every lick;" and another said, "i reckon he'll find out this mornin' how much yankee he whipped out." i informed colonel eaton of his new comers; and of the earnest appeal of the old woman in behalf of the remaining thirty-three, and how she backed her pleading, with enumerating the abundance of every thing her mistress possessed. he said he would see general veach, and he might conclude to send a gun-boat for them. on may , , i called at dr. warrener's office on my way to general veach's office for transportation to cairo, but designed calling at island no. and columbus, kentucky. the doctor kindly offered to take my papers and get transportation and pass from the provost marshal for me, and allow me to rest the while. i was glad to accept the favor; but he soon returned, rather discouraged, and said, "i think the general rather cross today, and i don't know whether you'll get transportation or not. after reading your papers he asked where you were, and i told him you looked tired and were resting in my office, and i offered to do this errand for her, as it would save her a mile of walk. 'i'd like to see the lady,' he said, as he handed back your papers; and you'll have to go and see him." here was another narrow place. i took my papers to general veach in haste, as there was a boat which i was anxious to take going up the river that afternoon. i entered his office and handed him my papers, telling him i hoped to receive the favor of an order for transportation to cairo, with the privilege of stopping at island no. and columbus. he neither asked me a question nor opened my papers, but threw them to his clerk, with directions to give the order. then he sent it to the quartermaster to fill. on my return i called on the provost-marshal and secured my pass. said the doctor, "what did the general say?" "nothing," i answered; "he only looked at me when i gave him my papers, and passed them over to his clerk to make the order." "i think he might just as well have sent them by me; but the general hadn't seen a union woman for so long, he just wanted to take a look at one." i was soon on the steamer that took me from this city of many exciting scenes. here i learned the sequel of my tennessee correspondents, formerly mentioned, and was shown the house where they had both lain dead men. i found on the island many waiting for the remainder of my supplies. the number in camp had now reached about , . i also spent a little time at fort pillow, where a company of ex-slaves, thirty-seven in number, had just made their escape from their old home. they had traveled all night to get to our lines. they took two mules and two carts to bring their bundles and little folks. men, women, and larger children walked twenty-five miles, to get to fort pillow. "what time did you start?" i asked one of the tired women. "early moonrise," was the reply. that was about o'clock p. m., and they had made all possible speed to get to our lines, and seemed very much pleased to get clear of pursuers, as some in their neighborhood had been shot and killed in their attempt to come. the officers took charge of the mules and carts, and sent the people to island no. . here i took a steamer for columbus. after landing i saw a funeral procession of colored people, and a number of officers and soldiers. i joined the procession, and learned it was the only son of a slave mother who, two days previously, had left their plantation. he had heard that colored men were accepted as soldiers, and was exceedingly anxious to enlist. when they were nearly half across the river their young master reached the bank and bade them return or he'd shoot them; but the son pulled for the opposite shore, when a ball passed through his right arm, breaking the bone above the elbow. the mother took the oars and pulled with all her might, when a second ball entered the lungs of the son. they were met by a few of our soldiers, who took him from the skiff to the hospital, where he received the best surgical attendance, but without avail. much sympathy was manifested in behalf of the bereaved mother, who was left with two little girls. bereavement was no new trial for her. her husband had been sold from her a few years before. i asked her if these three children were all her family. "o, no, honey; i had two big boys sold jus' afore the war. don't know whar they went. an' now my poor boy is shot dead by that young massa i nussed with my own boy. they was both babies together. missus made me nuss her baby, an' set her little girl to watch me, fur fear i'd give my baby too much, no matter how hard he cried. many times i wasn't allowed to take him up, an' now that same boy has killed mine," and she buried her face in her faded calico apron until it was wet with tears. a soldier told me a large company of them were only waiting permission from their commander to go to that plantation and strip it. he said she seemed to be such a nice woman; that they all felt so indignant they hardly knew how to wait for orders. from this sad scene, walking to the soldier's home, my attention was arrested on seeing a white man with a ball and chain attached to his ankle, with brick and his ball in the wheelbarrow, wheeling toward the soldier's camp, guarded by a black soldier. as i stood looking at the black soldier walking leisurely beside the white man in irons, an officer accosted me with, "madam, that prisoner you see wheeling brick to our camp is a strong secessionist, and was a hard master over a large plantation with more than one hundred slaves, and he was taken prisoner, and all his slaves came into our camp. the younger men enlisted as soldiers, and that man made an attempt to escape and we put him in irons and set a black soldier, who had been his own slave, to guard him." "what a turning of tables!" i said. "yes, you will find the same turning of tables within our lines all over the south." at the door of a tent i saw a large, square block of iron, weighing sixty or eighty pounds, to which was attached a ring. i inquired of a colored man what it was for. "that belonged to our plantation, and when master had a mind to punish us he ordered us locked to that block, and from one to a dozen of us sometimes were locked to it with a long chain; and when we hoed corn we'd hoe the chain's length, then the one next the block had it to tote the length of the chain, and so on till we did our day's work. since we've been here we've seen nine of our masters chained to that same block and made to shovel sand on that fortification yonder. there were forty of us that belonged to our plantation standing in this yard looking on." "how did you feel to witness such a scene?" "o, i can't tell you, madam; but i cried like a baby." "why did you cry?" "o, to think what great things god is doing. man could never, never do it." "did the others feel as you did?" "o no, some laughed, and one man said, 'ah ha, you see now how sweet 'tis to tote the old block, don't you?'" "did he say that in his hearing?" "o no, we's five rods off." there were a number of houses burned down, may th, three miles beyond our lines. mrs. samantha plumer inquired of curlie, one of our boys of the home, if he would take us to that biggest house burning on the moss plantation. no sooner was the suggestion made than curlie got his ambulance ready for us, and we were soon in front of the smoldering mansion. the proprietor was raking over the debris for gold and silver or other imperishable treasure. among the ashes; were hand-cuffs, chains, shackles, and other slave-irons. he was occupying one of his slave cabins, as the long row was vacated by seventy of his former slaves. he was said to be one of the wealthiest planters in kentucky. one year previous to the war, report said he lost seven valuable slaves, and one from each of three adjoining plantations escaped at the same time. after a consultation over their loss they placed the blame of their escape on a carpenter from illinois, who had been a few weeks working at his trade in their midst. to be avenged on the poor carpenter, a band of men came upon him in the night, took him out of bed, gave him a coat of tar and feathers, and treated him to a ride on a rail-horse. then they furnished him with soap and lard with which to disrobe himself, and charged him to leave the state within twelve hours, never to be seen there again, or a calamity far exceeding this would be his portion. all his assertions that he knew nothing whatever of their slaves were of no avail. he left the state as requested, but wrote back to the chief leader, moss, that if an opportunity ever presented he would be avenged on those who had heaped upon him these abuses. mr. moss said he saw that same carpenter a few days previous to the house-burning, with three other men, in soldier's dress, but he did not believe he was a soldier, but only in borrowed clothes, as he did not think a union soldier would do so mean a thing. an officer remarked, however, that he was a hard master and a firm secessionist, but was now very tame. on our way back curlie informed us that he had taken us three miles beyond our lines, and we were very near being caught just opposite the line at the firing of the sundown gun. but with curlie's earnest pleading the guards consented to allow us to cross the line. in one cabin there were two quite intelligent mulatto women, better clad than any i had met in the camp, one of whom was the mother of three fine-looking children. i remarked to one of them that they had a better chance for life than others i had seen, and inquired how long they had been within our lines. one of them answered, "only ten days. thar was thirty-three when we left our plantation seven miles below memphis, 'bout three weeks ago, but some of our people stopped at memphis when we came up the river." as i was interested in her recital, she became more excited in giving details, and said: "mistess got mighty feared of black smoke, an' watched boats mighty close. one day as she was settin' on the sofa she say, mill, i reckon thar's a gunboat comin'; see de black smoke, an if they do come, i reckon they won't fin' that trunk o' money, an' ches' of silver plate you put up in the lof t'other day.' lookin' out for the boat, 'yes that's a gunboat sure. now, if the yankees do stop, you all run and hide, won't you?' i looked too, but didn't answer till i see the big rope flung on the bank. an' mistess got wild-like. 'yes, they are stoppin'. mill an' jule run, tell all the niggers in the quarters to run to the woods an' hide; quick, for they kills niggers. mill, why don't you go? i said, 'i ain't feared the yankees.' 'jule, you run and tell all the niggers to run to the woods, quick. yes, here they are coming, right up to the house. now, mill, you won't go with them, will you?' as the men had started for the house i felt safe, and said, 'i'll go if i have a chance.' 'jule, you won't go, will you?' 'i shall go if mill goes.' she began to wring her hands and cry. 'now, 'member i brought you up. you won't take your children away from me, will you, mill?' 'mistess, i shall take what childern i've got lef.' 'if they fine that trunk o' money or silver plate you'll say it's your'n, won't you?' 'mistess, i can't lie over that; you bo't that silver plate when you sole my three children.' 'now, jule, you'll say it's yourn, won't you?' 'i can't lie over that either.' an' she was cryin' an' wringin' her han's, an' weavin' to an' fro as she set thar. 'yes, here they come, an' they'll rob me of every thing. now, 'member i brought you up.' here come in four sojers with swords hangin' to their sides, an' never looked at mistess, but said to me, 'auntie, you want to go with us?' 'yes, sir,' i said, an' they look to jule an' say, 'you want to go?' 'yes, sir.' 'well, you can all go; an' hurry, for we shall stay but a little while.' an' jule jus' flew to the quarters, an' they all tied up beds an' every thing, an' tote 'em down, to the gunboats in a hurry. an' two sojers went up-stairs an' wa'n't gone but a few minutes, an' don't you think here they come, with that tin trunk o' money an' ches' of silver plate, an' broke 'em open an' tuck out a big platter an' water-pitcher an' a few other pieces an' say, 'see here, tom, haven't we foun' a prize of solid silver for gov'ment,' an' he put it all back. an' another open the trunk,' o, see here, jim; see what a mine of money we foun' for general veach,' as he tuck up a han'ful of gole an' silver money an' sif it through his fingers, droppin' in the trunk, sayin', 'ain't we got a pile o' money for gov'ment.' an' he han' it over to a sojer to tote to the gunboat. an' two ov 'em went down cellar an' come back with stone jars of butter, an' pezerves, an' opened 'em. 'tom, see here, what a lot of goodies we got; won't we live well?' an' he cover'd 'em up agin an' toted 'em to the gunboat. then they broke open the meal-room, an' rolled out barrels of meal and flour, saved for secesh sojers, an' rolled 'em down to the gunboat. an', last of all, they went to the smoke house, an' broke it open an' got a lot of bacon. 'now, auntie, you all ready,' they say? 'yes, sir,' i tell 'em. 'here's a roll of linsey for our cloze, shall we take it?' 'certainly, an' any thing else you'r a mine to.' as we started for the door mistess followed us cryin' an' wringin' her han's. 'now, mill an' jule, i know you'll suffer when you leave me.' one o' the sojers turn to her and said, 'they won't suffer again as they have done with you.' an' this was the firs' words she spoke after they come in, an' the firs' they said to her. an' we all got on the boat in a hurry; an' when we's fairly out in the middle' of the river, we all give three times three cheers for the gunboat boys, and three times three cheers for big yankee sojers, an' three times three cheers for gov'ment; an' i tell you every one of us, big and little, cheered loud and long and strong, an' made the old river just ring ag'in." she became so excited she acted the part of her mistress admirably in the half-bent, whining, crying, and wringing of hands, as she followed them to the door. "how did you feel about that silver plate that was bought with the price of your three children? didn't you think you ought to have it?" "o'no, i couldn't touch it. it was part o' my poor dear childern; but i didn't want mistess to keep it. i was glad to see it go to gov'ment." the tears coursed down her care-worn cheeks as she related the sale of her three older children. "i fell upon my knees afore master an' mistess, an' begged 'em not to sell my poor childern down the river, whar i could never see or hear from 'em any more. but master say it's none o' my business, an' i should stop my noise, or he'd have me punished. an' mistess say she won't have all this cryin' round her. 'your childern belongs to us, an' you know it; an' it's not for you to make all this fuss over it, either.' i said, 'mistess, wouldn't you grieve over your childern, if somebody take 'em from you?' 'you hush your sauce, or i'll have you punished. that's another thing; my childern's white.' an' then they had me punished." her husband was sent, with many others, to what they called the "big plantation," in the interior. she said her master was a "big man" in the secesh army. i found they called all officers big men. after she finished her story i told her i saw the seven she said went to memphis, a few days before they left, and how aunt peggy begged me so hard to tell the big man that they all wanted to come. and to impress me with the idea that the mistress could do without slaves, she told me about the trunk of money and chest of silver plate; but i had no more idea of its being confiscated than had aunt peggy in her appeal. my attention from this episode was arrested by another scene of a different character, but truly revolting--a young mother of only fourteen years, with a very sick infant, pale and emaciated herself; the grandmother of a very light complexion, and the great-grandmother a mulatto. all these four generations were the children of their old master, whose hair was white with age. he was the father of the great-grandmother, and of each generation to the fourth, and master, all in one. as revolting as this fact was, i was compelled to believe it, as his former slaves told me of his licentious character from his early youth to eighty years! he was never married, and was the owner of a large plantation, and his many slaves sought the first opportunity to make their escape. the condition of these women was truly appalling, and the history of their base and degraded master and father too revolting for the public eye or ear! i turned away with utter disgust at their recitals. the child soon died, and i thought it seemed a pity that its demented mother could not have gone with it; but i did what i could to relieve their wants. the hospitals at this post were tolerably well cared for, except one regimental hospital, where were a number of sick and emaciated soldiers, who had no pillows but their haversacks, and no covering but their overcoats, and they piteously begged for milk. i went to their surgeon, and inquired whether boiled milk would not be allowed for those men who were so low with camp diarrhea, and whether i could not bring them quilts and pillows. "madam, you can bring them milk, or any thing you've named; but i tell you, if you undertake to listen to all these soldiers' teasing, you'll have your hands full. as like as not, any way, they'll trade whatever you give them for whisky the first chance they have." i could not sleep until i secured the aid of two soldiers to go with me to carry milk, pillows, and quilts for those sick men. their tears of gratitude, as i handed each his bottle of milk, and placed a pillow under their heads, and a quilt for those who had only an overcoat for a covering, paid me well. i returned to the soldiers' home quite relieved, but wearied and sick, with a severe cough, that had followed me for more than a month. i found it necessary to hasten home to rest. i left this field of suffering and constant excitement may th, for dear home and anxious children and friends. a few days' rest restored health and strength, but we were not relieved from excitement. our principal, e a. haight, enlisted soon after closing the spring term of our school. preparation for another school-year was before me, beside the necessity of calling on friends in various places for supplies. i was informed by officers that i could now secure passes and transportation for an assistant as readily as for myself alone. my school vacation was fully occupied in preparing for the following academic year, and in looking for a congenial companion to share with me in this work,--one who was willing to sacrifice all upon our country's altar. chapter xi. sanitary work. we found a necessity for organized work, and formed a freedmen's relief association, in detroit, with captain e. b. ward, president; rev. william webb, vice-president; benjamin c. durfee, secretary; and francis raymond, treasurer. these did what they could in gathering supplies in that city for me to take south the coming autumn. brother aldrich was engaged to act as principal of raisin institute, and this gave me leisure to hold meetings in towns and county school-houses for soliciting help for my southern work. during vacation our two halls were made ready for opening the academic year, as usual, on the first wednesday in september, - . the school, though smaller than before the war, opened with fair prospects, and i felt at liberty to leave. the institution, being in competent hands, i obtained as a companion in labor one of the most devoted of christian woman, my dear sister, letitia backus, of pittsford, michigan. with a car-load of supplies we left our homes for fields of greatest suffering, where least help was found. well furnished with documents from our governor, austin p. blair, and two members of congress, we secured passes to chicago and return, then to cairo and return, and from thence to vicksburg, mississippi. waiting a few days at cairo, for our supplies to reach us, we visited the hospitals and camps. here we met a company of men who were called "jay-hawkers." they were all tall, large men. one of these carried the treasure-bag, but i do not think he was a judas to the government. a pillow-case was nearly half full of gold and silver watches, diamonds, and gold jewelry, which they said was confiscated for the government. they said wealth gave the rebellion strength, no matter in what it consisted. after the arrival of our supplies we took a steamer down the mississippi, and stopped a short time at columbus. a little before landing i discovered an irish woman had in her possession a six-quart tin pail of whisky, and a gallon jug that she seemed very careful to keep out of sight under the sofa; i took a seat by her side, and knew i could not be mistaken as to the contents of her pail and jug, and as i understood it was a forbidden article, i penciled on the margin of my official paper to the inspector to look well to the whisky the woman at my side had in her possession. as he came to inquire for my baggage to inspect, i told him where he would find it, and he would see by my papers what were their probable contents. taking a look at the lady by my side, as he handed back my papers he remarked, "i think i'll not take the trouble to inspect your baggage, as i see you are all right." as we were going ashore, my red-shawled companion carefully gathered her pail and jug under her shawl at each side of her, and hurried to bury herself in the crowd. the inspector followed closely, and as he took hold of the pail to see what she had hanging on her arm, in her effort to get away from him it fell on the cabin carpet. as the cover came off we had quite a shower of whisky about our feet. at this the jug was seized by the inspector, amid shouts of "good, good," and the laughter of the crowd, with muttering and swearing by the irish woman. she hastened out of the crowd, leaving her pail and jug behind her. at the soldiers' home we found samantha plummer and her excellent assistant. the following three days we spent in visiting hospitals. hospital no. was miserably cared for. the matron was a southern woman, who had lost her husband in the confederate army, but she professed to be a union woman, and said her husband would never have gone on that side but for compulsion. our officers seemed to pity her and her two daughters, and gave them a home in the hospital. the mother held the position of nurse, but not one of the three was a suitable person to be there. the sick and wounded soldiers did not look as if their beds or apparel had been changed in two weeks. the floor was filthy, and the scent was sufficient to sicken well people. from the appearance of the wash-boiler, running over with dried apples that were being boiled without care, i judged every thing to be done after the same style. i inquired of one of the convalescents in the yard when their supper hour was, and proposed to return to see how the brethren fared. sister backus was rather fearful i might make matters worse, as they might suspect we had an object in revisiting the hospital so soon; but we were on hand to see the burned and sour biscuits dealt out to those sick and wounded soldiers, with the half-stewed apples, and a choice given between rancid butter and a poor quality of black molasses. i hoped to see something better when the pail with a spout appeared, out of which was turned a substance half way between pudding and porridge, i asked if it was farina. "it's corn meal mush," and mush it was, running all through whatever was on the plate. i passed from one plate to another, tasting the biscuits and cutting pieces of apple to see if i could find one without an uncooked center, but with little success. in going around i came to half a dozen of the boys trying to while the time away with a pack of cards. having an armful of testaments, i proposed to make an exchange. this was readily agreed to, as each of them had left his home with one, but had lost it in battle or storm. i gave them advice to commit at least one verse from their testaments daily while in the army, and each promised to do so. all this time of investigating their supper and making this bargain, sister backus was busily engaging the attention of the matron. i left that hospital with a heavy heart, and spent a sleepless night. i told sister backus i must remain there until that hospital was renovated. i wanted to go into it and "make things fly," right and left, if there was no other way. in the morning i found the medical director, and asked if he had visited hospital no. recently. he said he had not, but thought the surgeon having charge of that hospital a very clever sort of a man. "i think there is not a single officer in that establishment," said i, "that is at all suitable to be there. perhaps that surgeon is too clever. i tell you he is defective, or he would not allow such a hospital as that under his charge. but i find i am ahead of myself. you may take me to be some nervous mother, but i only claim to be a representative of common-sense women. here are papers from the governor of my state, and from two members of congress." after reading them he said, "i will take up that hospital within two weeks, i think." "two weeks!" i exclaimed; "many of those soldiers will die before that time. i can not leave them for two weeks." "then i will tell you what i will do; i will bring the sickest ones here to this hospital, and put the rest on a boat and take them to mound city, to the united states hospital, and take up no. within three days." "that will do," i said; "i am satisfied with mound city hospital, and with this one. if you will do this i will go on to-day with our supplies for vicksburg, mississippi." "mrs. haviland, it shall be done within three days," he replied, and i left him with a lighter heart. we went on our way with a number of officers and soldiers on board. as we were on the boat over sunday, i asked permission of the captain to talk to the soldiers. he gave me leave, saying it was a very unsuitable place for ladies on the rear deck, over cattle, sheep, and hogs, but they would prepare a place as soon as possible. while preparation was being made, a young man who had been studying for the ministry of the cumberland presbyterian church, proposed to the captain to address the soldiers. as he was a minister the captain came and informed me that he had granted his request. i told him i supposed we could attend. "certainly, certainly, if you like, only as i told you, it is an unpleasant place for ladies." unpleasant as it was, we listened to a long sermon, and remained a few minutes longer to give the boys a mother's advice, as they were leaving their northern homes, not to allow themselves to become demoralized by the many dangers and hardships they would have to endure. about o'clock the boat stopped a little below napoleon, arkansas, to wood. as it was very dark, our torches were lighted, and we saw a light advancing so fast on the bank that i thought it must be borne on horseback. "no, it's too low," said a woman standing near me. but it went out as soon as it came to the landing, and our light was immediately extinguished, the cable was drawn back, the men leaped aboard, and the boat was wheeled so suddenly into the stream that there was great danger of bursting the boiler. we heard many inquiries as to what was the matter. but the fact ran quickly over the boat that there were guerrillas after us. the running lantern we saw was carried by an old white man, who overheard the talk of more than forty men, who were secreted in a clump of trees and bushes near the landing. they had planned to capture the first steamer that stopped to wood at that place, to take all on the boat as prisoners, strip it of everything on board, and let it float down the river. the old man told the men not to let it be known, if we were captured, that he had informed them of this, as it would cost him his life. such a scene of excitement i never witnessed; men, as well as women, turned pale, and their voices trembled. yet many of them flew to their card tables, expecting every moment to be shot into, and trembling with fear so as hardly to be able to hold their cards. the captain said if pouring tar into the furnace would send us beyond a bayou near by before they could overtake us, he thought we should escape. after passing that point our colonel came to me and asked after my companion. i told him as she was not well she had retired very early, and i thought she had better not know any thing of this excitement until morning, if we should escape; if not, it was time for her to become excited when we were taken. "how do you feel in such an hour as this?" he asked. "the god of daniel lives at this hour," i answered, "and in him i trust." "i see, you take it coolly," he replied, and looked surprised. i told him i pitied those card-players, for it was a hard play for them, while standing face to face with danger. "you see it is an effort," he replied, "to keep danger out of mind as much as possible." "but see their pale faces and trembling hands. o, what a poor substitute they have for substantial trust in an almighty power! you see that gentleman and his wife sitting on the other side of the cabin. they are calm and perfectly composed; they, too, have their pocket bible in hand. they are trusting children of the most high, no doubt." he thoughtfully looked over that crowded cabin a moment, and walked away. very few retired before o'clock, and those men and women were all that time making an effort to quiet their nerves at their card-table. the next morning our colonel called again with a little joke: "you meet danger so coolly, i think we had better take you with us to texas for a general." i was thankful for the improvement in sister backus's health by a good night's rest, and that we had escaped. without further trouble we reached vicksburg, but learned that the loudest cry for aid was in natchez, and we hastened there with our supplies. we were offered a home with lieutenant thirds and family, who had been invited to occupy rooms at judge bullock's. the judge was too strong a secessionist to take the iron-clad oath of allegiance, though solicited by his wife; for she feared they might lose their property by confiscation. to save it, he very blandly offered his parlor and best rooms in his large three-story brick house, where we found very comfortable quarters. through colonel young, we obtained the use of a good-sized store on main street for our goods, and the surgeon of the freedmen's camp provided for us a small room near the camp, where were congregated four thousand freedmen in condemned tents. these tents were so leaky that, from exposure, after heavy rains and wind, we had from five to fifteen deaths in a day. here we found constant work for head, heart, hands, and feet. but few days elapsed at any time without hearing the roar of battle near by, and sometimes the cloud of blue smoke met our eye. one battle was fought within two miles by the negro soldiers, only a few days after the terrible fort pillow massacre. they fought desperately. one of their officers told me they had to command their soldiers to stop, and they obeyed only at the point of the bayonet; for they mowed the enemy down like grass, although they lowered their colors and began to stack their arms. their officers told them to stop firing; but a number of soldiers replied, while reloading, "they hear no cry for quarter at fort pillow," and fired again. but when the enemy stacked their arms they were peremptorily ordered to stop. i didn't blame the boys for feeling as they did over that awful massacre. but strange as it seems, not one of our soldiers was killed, or even wounded. there was a white regiment in reserve, if needed; and the colored soldiers almost resented the idea that they needed any assistance whatever. there was great excitement in the freedmen's camp that day over their victory. said one woman, whose husband and two sons were soldiers in this battle: "why didn't you shoot away as long as one was lef'?" "our officers compelled us to stop." "i don't care for that; they need killin', _every one_." said i, "you wouldn't kill the women, would you?" "yes, i would," she answered; "for they's wusser'n the men." "well, there are the innocent little children--you wouldn't kill them, would you?" hesitating a little, she said: "yes, i would, madam; for i tell you nits make vermin." she and all her family had belonged to judge bullock's wife, and she was still living in her little cabin and doing the work for the family, as she had done heretofore, though she did not work so hard. she would take the time to do our washing for us. she said judge bullock was harder to please than her mistress; but he was afraid of our soldiers, and when natchez was taken he kept hid in a thicket of bushes in the garden a number of days. they took his meals to him when no one was in sight, expecting the yankees would kill every man they met; but as he found it otherwise he came into the house, and now he talked with us quite freely. their slaves were mostly house-servants, and better treated than many others. judge bullock was formerly from the north, and married in the south, and his wife inherited the slaves. their cook was a mulatto, of more than ordinary intelligence, and she told me of the most terrible scenes of barbarity that she had witnessed. the marks of cruelty were in that camp so frequently seen--men with broken shoulders and limbs--that it was heart-sickening to listen to the recital of their wrongs. one man i saw with a shred of an ear, and i inquired how his ear became torn like that. he hesitated to tell me, but one of his fellow-slaves said it was done by order of their master; that he was stripped and fastened by a large nail driven through his ear to a tree, and the overseer was directed to whip him on his naked body until his writhings tore his ear out, and that only ended the punishment. one man by the name of matthew lasley, living within two miles of this city, owned one hundred slaves, and was his own overseer. he worked his slaves early and late, and was proverbial for cruelty to them. they were not half fed or clothed. a few days after he had sold the wife and child of his slave jack, they were burning log heaps and clearing off a few acres of new ground. they had worked until about midnight, and were preparing to "turn in." jack had split an armful of kindling-wood, and was now ready to go to his lonely hut. then his utter desolation rolled in upon his mind. when his master stooped over to light his cigar, the thought came to him like a flash to kill him, and then he too would die, and so would end his bitter days. no sooner was the thought conceived than the act was done. the ax was buried in lasley's head; and he sank, a dead man, without uttering a word. jack came immediately to the city, tapped on the window of dr. smith's sleeping apartment, the son-in-law of lasley, and told him he wanted him to go at once to the new clearing with him. when the doctor went out jack told him that he had killed his master. "what did you do it for?" "master sole my wife and chile, an' i don't want to live any longer. now, master, you may shoot me, or take me to jail, or do any thing you're a min' to." "well, jack, i know you've had a hard time; but i shall have to take you to jail, any how, and see what the court will do." after ordering lasley's body to be taken care of, he returned to his wife and told her all, and added that he wondered he had not been killed long before, as it was what he had looked for. dr. smith employed one of the best lawyers in the city to plead jack's case, and had all the lasley slaves brought into court, not one of whom was without marks of cruelty--a broken arm or leg, an ear cut off, or an eye out. they were all in a nearly nude condition, three children under ten years of age entirely so. the daughter begged her husband to allow better clothes for them; but the doctor and the lawyer insisted upon their coming into court with just the clothing provided for them by their master the lawyer made an eloquent plea for jack, and pointed to the hundred slaves, maimed and crippled and almost naked, and jack was acquitted. lasley's extreme cruelty had created a public sentiment in jack's favor, so that unexpectedly to himself his life was saved. jack was hunting for his wife and child among the multitude, but had not yet succeeded in finding them. week after week was spent in making personal investigations, measuring and preparing bundles for those nearly naked. as new refugees were daily coming in, the officers found it necessary to organize a new camp over the river, in the rear of vidalia, louisiana, on the ralston plantation. as a few hundred were gathered there we went over and found them exceedingly destitute. there were twenty families, mostly of those recently enlisted as soldiers. some of them were almost ready to desert. said one, "they say we are free, and what sort of freedom is this, for us to see our families without a board, shingle, or canvas to cover their heads? we are concluding to leave our regiment and build something to shelter our wives and children. they haven't got a place to sleep at night except in the open field." we told them we would make their families our first care, and advised them not to leave. upon this they became more calm, and concluded to wait armpits, as i chose to keep my arms out in case of tipping over. here came brother reed, one of the teachers, offering to aid me; but he had no pass or transportation, and no time to get it. i called the attention of a passing general to my necessity for help, to be able to return before the firing of the sundown gun. he said if he was in command he would allow him to go with my load, and advised him to try it. on we hastened, but met an ambulance that captain howe had sent to the new camp for a sick woman with two small children. it was obliged to return, not being able to pass through the lines, as the provost marshal was not to be found. the supposition was very strong that the lines were closed, as it was the weakest point in the post, and the smoke of rebel fires was in sight on lake concordia. a battle had been fought a few days before, and another attack was-daily threatened. the driver and brother reed were doubting the propriety of crossing the river. "for if the lines are closed," they said, "the president himself would not be permitted to pass." but i told them as they did not positively know that the lines were closed, we had better cross. "it is your load, and if you say go we shall go," said brother reed. "i say go," was my decision. soon we were in front of the provost marshal's office. but he was not there, and no one knew where he was. after a long search, in accordance with my plea, some of the guards discovered and brought him back, reeling, with his head of long hair thoroughly decorated with feathers and straws. i met him in his office and read to him my papers, holding, them before his face as i would exhibit a picture to a two-year old baby. after explaining all, i made my request to pass his lines with my load of supplies. "who--who's there?" i told him who he was that so kindly offered to aid me in disbursing these supplies just as i was starting; and that a general advised me to take him with my load, as he would pass him, if in command. "well, well, i don'--don't--li-like--this--whole--whole-sa-sale business." but i pleaded for those suffering women and children with all the politeness i was capable of mastering, with disgust boiling over. with stuttering and mumbling his dislikes, and shaking his head, with the feathers and straws waving and nodding in every direction, he took his pen and scribbled a pass that was difficult to decipher. the next line of guards hardly knew what to do with it until i told them the provost marshal was drunk. "o, yes, and it's no new trick; go on." and without further difficulty we reached the group of sufferers, who were shivering as if in an ague fit. i threw to each family two blankets or quilts, and more than forty children were crawling between them within three minutes. i gave to each of those twenty women a suit of men's clothing that day to help them out of this intense suffering. i gave them also three rag-carpet blankets out of the four that were sent me by a woman who took up a new rag-carpet she had just put down, and cut it into four pieces after listening to the recital of the great suffering in these camps. she said she should put no more carpets on her floor as long as the war lasted. although i had seen so many marks of cruelty among these people, yet i said to myself, o that these poor people had remained in their old homes a little longer! surely they can not suffer there like this. a little girl came for me to go to the old blacksmith-shop used as a temporary hospital, as her mother thought her brother was dying, and another brother was very sick. i entered that shop, and listened to the groans of the dying. i repeated to myself, o that they had waited a little longer! four men and the little son of the distressed mother that sent for me were evidently dying, and four others were sick with pneumonia. the mother of these two sick boys was doing all she could for them all. i gave her ground mustard to make poultices, and ginger for those who had chills, and told her how to use them. i had a few pounds of each, and generally took a little package with me, especially after a storm. this miserable shelter leaked but little, but one side and one end were so open that we could throw a hat through the wall. i saw a pile of irons by the door. placing my foot on a queer double jointed ring, i said: "i wonder what that queer sort of a ring could have been used for," looking toward the old dilapidated cotton-gin near by. "that's a neck iron," said an old woman standing near me. "a neck-iron! what do you mean?" "why, it's an iron collar to wear on the neck." "but you are certainly mistaken," said i, picking it up; "you see these joints are riveted with iron as large as my finger, and it could never be taken off over one's head." "but we knows; dat's uncle tim's collar. an' he crawled off in dat fence-corner," pointing to the spot, "an' died thar, an' massa george had his head cut off to get de iron off." "is it possible for a human being to become so brutal as to cut a man's head off when he is dead?" she looked as if she thought i doubted her word, and said: "it didn't hurt uncle tim when he was dead as it did when de iron wore big sores way down to de bone, and da got full o' worms afore he died. his neck an' head all swell up, an' he prayed many, many prayers to god to come and take him out his misery." "how long did he wear it?" "'bout two years." "two years! it is impossible for any one to live that length of time with this rough heavy iron." [illustration: slave irons in possession of the author] "we work two seasons, any how, over in dat cotton-fiel'," pointing to the two-hundred-acre cotton-field at our right. i took up another iron, and inquired, "what sort of an iron is this?" "a knee-stiffener, to w'ar on de leg to keep 'em from runnin' off in dat swamp," pointing to the dark swamp bordering lake concordia, so fully draped with long southern moss that in many places in it nothing could be discovered three feet in the thicket. i went to the rear of the shop, with the ring under my shawl. here stood a dozen or more of old and crippled men and women. "did any of this company," i asked, "live on this plantation before the war?" "yes, missus, six of us live here. i live here seven year." i drew out the collar, and asked if any one could tell me what that was. one looked at another, and asked where i found it. "in that pile of irons by the door," i replied. one said, in a low tone, "dat's uncle tim's collar." "yes, missus, dat is iron collar to wear on de neck." "but you see it is fastened with heavy iron rivets." "yes, de way you see it is 'case massa george ralston order uncle tim's head cut off to get de collar." "i want this collar," i said, "and another heavy iron a woman called a knee-stiffener. this plantation is confiscated, and these irons belong to you as much as to any body. will you give them to me?" each seemed to wait for the others to speak, but the one to whom i had mostly directed my conversation at length replied: "i reckon you can have 'em; for we's had all we wants ov 'em." "i thank you; and if you can find any other slave-irons in that pile i wish you would pick them out for me to take home to michigan, to show what sort of jewelry the colored people had to wear down here." they turned over the heap, and found iron horns, hand-cuffs, etc., and explained how they were worn. they showed me also where the iron rod upon which was suspended a bell was cut off of uncle tim's collar. among the group was a crippled man walking with two canes, clad in tattered cotton clothes, that were hanging in frozen strings from his arms like icicles. i selected a whole suit for him, and a soldier's overcoat. he stepped in the rear of a cabin and changed, and came to me weeping. "i come to show you," he said; "dis is de best dressin' i's ever had in my life. an' i thanks you, an' praise god." as we were standing on the bank of the river waiting for the return of the ferry on her last trip that day, there were thirty or forty men waiting, who by their favorite gray appeared to be rebel citizens; but our many bristling bayonets kept them in subjection. the ferry soon took us over the river, and we were within our post before the sundown gun was fired. as i had brought the sick woman and two little children that captain howe had sent his ambulance for in the morning, in one wagon, i must go to his hospital with them. this made us so late that the guard said i could not be allowed to enter the camp without a permit from the officer of the night. i told him where i had been all day without a fire; and as he knew the storm had continued until late in the afternoon, and this sick woman whom the captain had sent for could not get through the lines in the morning, i hoped he would read my papers. he held up his lantern to see them; but as soon as he caught sight of my old portfolio he said, "go on, i know who you are; i've seen that before." i was permitted to leave my sick family in the hospital, and drove the two miles to our head-quarters by eight o'clock. although very much chilled, i felt relieved, notwithstanding i had witnessed such scenes of suffering and dying during that eventful day. one morning the little drummer-boy of twelve years of age marched into camp with seven men that he had taken prisoners, ragged and almost barefooted. the suffering men were glad to find comfortable quarters. occasionally we found them tamely submitting to be taken, on account of their sufferings for want of food and clothing. one entire company, who suffered themselves to be captured, told our officers if they would allow them to wear out of sight some sort of a union mark, so as not to meet with trouble from our soldiers, they would go and bring in their entire regiment, as they all wanted to come into our lines. they were furnished with a badge of national colors to wear under their coats. soon the whole regiment were with us. one of our officers said they were among our most efficient helps. one of them told me if they had known the real object of the war they would never have gone into it; for more than half of them had never owned a slave, and those who did were better off without them. they were surprised to find an attendance of supplies. they had always been told that all the difference between the northern people and their slaves was the color of their skin. there was great excitement during the last presidential campaign. the slave passed through terrible experiences during - . it seemed to be accepted as a settled fact, that if lincoln was elected it would result in war; and in many places regular drills were instituted. in natchez the half-grown slave boys got together on sunday afternoons, and drilled with sticks for guns. at first it attracted no particular attention, and the boys became as expert in handling their stick guns as were their masters. two slave men were overheard repeating what their master said, that if lincoln was elected he would free all the slaves, for he was a black republican; and they declared that if this was true they would go to the yankees and help to free their nation. this talk was sufficient to raise the report of an insurrection throughout all that part of the state, and a large vigilance committee was organized to meet once a week and report what they might hear by listening outside the negro cabins. all slave men or boys who were overheard to pray for freedom, or to say any thing indicating a desire to be free, were marked; and in the discussions of this large committee of a hundred men, every thing that had occurred during a few years past, in efforts among the slaves to learn to read and write, was magnified and construed as pointing toward a long and settled purpose among the slaves to rise in insurrection. a majority of this committee decided by whipping and other torture to compel confessions from all these marked slaves, and then to hang them. a number of the committee resigned because they would not consent to these severe measures. many negroes were dragged out of their cabins or yards without knowing the cause, stripped, tied to the whipping-post or taken to the calaboose, and given as many lashes as could be endured. at the close of each whipping the sufferer was called upon to make a full revelation of every sentence that he or she had heard in favor of liberty, or of the yankees, among their people, either in conversation or prayer, and by whom, with a promise to be released from further punishment. never was one released, but on saturday generally ten or twelve of these sufferers were thrown into a wagon and conveyed to the gallows, where they were placed in a row, and all were hanged at the same instant. some hundreds were thus hanged in the edge of the city, and on an adjoining plantation. i carefully investigated the facts, and gathered the following statement from both white and colored citizens. i have good reasons for placing entire confidence in its correctness. a large number of slaves were hanged, owned by the following persons: frank susetts, ; james susetts, ; dr. stanton, ; dr. moseby, ; widow albert dunbar, ; mrs. brady, ; widow e. baker, ; mrs. alexander, ; dr. george baldwin, ; stephen odell, ; g. grafton, ; james brown, ; mr. marshall, ; mr. robinson, ; melon davis, ; widow absalom sharp, ; miss mary dunbar, ; joseph reynolds, ; baker robinson, ; lee marshall, whipped to death ; mrs. chase, whipped to death ; a total of . i was told by a number of persons, both white and colored, that there were over four hundred tortured to death in this reign of terror, before natchez fell into union hands, but i put in my diary only such as i found were proven to be facts. miss mary dunbar was very much distressed over the loss of one of her three slaves who were hanged, and offered the vigilance committee ten thousand dollars for his release, but to no purpose. joseph reynolds also offered the committee $ , for the release of his two, but was denied. one little boy of twelve years of age was taken to the calaboose and whipped, then taken with the wagon-load of other victims of their unrelenting cruelty to the scaffold, followed by his mother in wild despair, praying as she went through the streets, tossing her hands upward: "o, god, save my poor boy! o, jesus master, pity my poor child! o, savior, look down upon my poor baby!" the woman who went with her to the scaffold said she cried these words over and over; "and when we got there," she said, "she fell on her knees before the head man, and begged for the life of her baby. but he kicked her on her head, and cursed her, and told her the boy had got to die. the boy exhorted his mother not to grieve so for him, 'for i'm going to jesus; meet me in heaven;' and he, with eleven others, were swung off. the mother cried out, 'oh, my god! my poor son!' and feinted." so perfect was this reign of terror that not even slave-owners, in many cases, dared to protest against this wholesale butchery. the repeated whippings mangled the bodies of many so badly that they were taken to the gallows in a dying state. one man died while being taken upon the scaffold; his sides were cut through to the entrails, and even a part of them protruded. i visited the calaboose, which had two apartments. the first entrance was large enough for two persons to be fastened to the strong iron staples. there was room for two men to each victim, one on each side, who, seated on a stool, could alternate the strokes upon the writhing sufferer. the floor of this calaboose was of hard wood, but it was so thoroughly stained with human gore that the grain of the wood could not be distinguished. into the second room not a ray of light entered except on opening the middle door. frank susetts was a millionaire in the city of baton rouge, louisiana, and made his boast that he had no fear of yankees, for he had gold enough to cover his front walk from the door to the gate, and could buy up any yankee who might attempt to trouble him. "there are two things," he said, "they can never do: first, make me poor; second, make me take the oath of allegiance." he owned nine plantations, besides very much city property. though hundreds of his slaves had left him, he felt himself secure in the abundance of his wealth. the government engineer, who had been casting about for the best place to locate a fort, had been looking over frank susetts's place and said it was the most elevated and desirable location he had found in the city, but he rather hesitated because of the magnificent buildings it would destroy. when susetts's independent words reached his ear he at once decided, and took his men the second time to look over the ground. standing near the palatial mansion, and within hearing of the owner, he said to his men, "yes, yes, this is the place for our fort." frank susetts approached him with the offer of thirty thousand dollars in gold if he would spare his place. "i can not accept it, sir," said the engineer. "i will give you fifty thousand dollars in gold if you will save it. it cost me one hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars to build this house and the out-houses." "should you offer all that you say it cost you, it would be of no consequence. we give you ten days to take away every thing movable from your premises, for this house will then be destroyed to make room for the fort. this is the site we have selected." at the expiration of the time set, it was in flames. frank susetts and wife stood a block distant weeping. two of their former slaves were looking at the conflagration. "ah," said one, "a little while ago it was massa susetts's time, when he had so many of our people hung; now it is god's time. praise de lo'd, he's here to-day for sure. glory to jesus, massa susetts's day is over; he can never have any more of our people hung." it was now the st day of march, . many complained of these turned tables. judge bullock remarked that he couldn't even go to meeting without a "pass;" just what used to be required of the six thousand freed slaves who were then in this city of refuge. painters were seen in various parts of the city dexterously using their brushes in wiping out standing advertisements for the sales of slaves. i saw a number of these whitewashed signs. in some cases the paint was too thin to hide them. "slaves, horses, mules, cattle, plantation utensils sold on reasonable terms." they knew these advertisements were not agreeable to northern eyes. but i fear the covering of many of these hearts was as frail as the thin whitewashing over these advertisements. on the ralston plantation we visited families, gave tickets, and directed them to meet us at the place and hour appointed. hundreds in squalid wretchedness were supplied. the following day, in the afternoon, all orphan children were to meet us. one hundred and twenty-two ragged children came. we placed them in two rows, the boys on one side and the girls on the other. selecting each an assistant, we commenced measuring and distributing, keeping them all standing in their respective places until we had given every one something, but yet too little to meet their necessary wants. there were at that time twenty-seven teachers and missionaries in the city representing nine states. six day-schools and three night-schools were established by them. two other schools were taught by colored teachers; one of these was a slave woman, who had taught a midnight school for years. it was opened at eleven or twelve o'clock at night, and closed at two o'clock a. m. every window and door was carefully closed to prevent discovery. in that little school hundreds of slaves learned to read and write a legible hand. after toiling all day for their masters they crept stealthily into this back alley, each with a bundle of pitch-pine splinters for lights. milla granson, the teacher, learned to read and write from the children of her indulgent master in her old kentucky home. her number of scholars was twelve at a time, and when she had taught these to read and write she dismissed them, and again took her apostolic number and brought them up to the extent of her ability, until she had graduated hundreds. a number of them wrote their own passes and started for canada, and she supposes succeeded, as they were never heard from. she was sold after her master's death, and brought to mississippi, and placed on a plantation as a field-hand; but, not being used to field-work, she found it impossible to keep up with the old hands, and the overseer whipped her severely. "o, how i longed to die!" she told me; "and sometimes i thought i would die from such cruel whippings upon my bared body. o, what a vale of tears this was for poor me! but one thing kept me from sinking, and that was the presence of my dear savior." her health so far gave way that she reeled with weakness as she went to and from her work; and her master saw she was failing, and gave her permission, to go into the kitchen a part of the time. "o, how thankful i was," she went on, "for this promotion! and i worked as hard to keep it as any congressman could work for some high office." at length her night-school project leaked out, and was for a time suspended; but it was not known that seven of the twelve years since leaving kentucky had been spent in this work. much excitement over her night-school was produced. the subject was discussed in their legislature, and a bill was passed, that it should not be held illegal for a slave to teach a slave. "all this time," said this dear woman, "i constantly prayed that god would overrule this to his own glory, and not allow those i had taught to read his word to suffer, as we had been threatened. i can not tell you how my heart leaped with praise to god when a gentleman called to me one day on the street, and said he would inform me that i could teach my midnight school if i chose, as they found, no law against a slave teaching a slave." this was accepted by that trembling teacher and scholars as a direct answer to prayer. she not only opened her night-school, but a sabbath-school. i found more intelligence among the colored residents of this city than any other southern city i had visited. milla granson used as good language as any of the white people. we found many little incidents to cheer in all our rounds of pitiable scenes of sorrow. we sometimes met men and women among these southerners of correct views on secession. one man said he never believed that slavery was right; all the arguments brought forward in its favor never convinced him. although he held a few slaves by inheritance, he never could buy or sell one. his black people remained with him, and he paid them wages now that they were free by law, and he was glad of it. as he was nearly sixty years of age he had managed to keep out of the army, but had to keep quiet on the subject of secession. from the first he thought it the height of folly to resort to arms, as the lord could not prosper their undertaking. i believe that man was a conscientious christian; very different in spirit from judge bullock, who said one day in rather a careless mood, "i think you have one class of men in your north the most despicable i ever knew." now, thought i, we abolitionists are going to take a blessing. "who are they?" i asked. "they are that class you call copperheads. they are too dastardly to come down here and help us fight, and they are too pusillanimous to fight for their own side." our daily work was very wearisome, having to walk from four to six miles each day. fresh arrivals daily required our attention, and after wind or rain pneumonia and deaths were frequent. bible-reading and prayer were also a part of our mission. one day, while sister backus was opening barrels and boxes, and sorting and arranging their contents in our store, i went with a load, in a recently confiscated stage-coach drawn by mules. one of the mules the colonel said he was afraid to allow me to ride after; but i thought a little mule could do but little harm with the experienced driver, and i ventured the ride, taking in a poor crippled man on the way, who was just coming into camp. he was clad in a few cotton rags that he had patched with old stocking-tops and bits of old tent-cloth, to hold them together, and it was impossible to detect the original fabric. in passing down the "paradise road" to the camp in natchez-under-the-hill, the unruly mule pranced, kicked, and reared, until both of them became unmanageable, and the dust rolled up a thick cloud, hiding the way before us, as well as the galloping mules. i believed that we should turn over at the short curve near the base of the hill, where was a number of large stumps; and that if we should strike one of them we should be dashed in pieces. but prayer for a guiding hand seemed in a moment to bring relief. we were overturned amid stumps, and were dragged a few rods on the side of the coach, when the canvas covering was detached from the wheels. our driver was dragged a few rods farther, while the crippled man and myself were doing our best to crawl from under the canvas. by this time fifteen or twenty men reached us. i was out and hauling the canvas off the groaning man, whose head and face were covered with blood. i told one of the men to run for a pail of water, for i thought the poor man must be dying. "o, no, it's all right,--it'll make me a better man," said he, while catching his breath, and wiping the blood from his mouth. "you had better sit down yourself; you are badly hurt," said one of the men. "o no, i am not hurt," was my reply. but as i was getting a little child's shirt ready for the men to wash the crippled man's head, i found the front breadth of my dress torn across, and i had to throw back my bonnet to see; but i knew my limbs were all sound. although it seemed as if we had turned many somersaults in a second, yet i never felt more vigorous. i knew the surgeon of that camp was within a few rods of us, and requested some one to go for him to care for my comrade. i saw a man carefully washing out the large gashes on his head, and i left for the surgeon, holding my torn dress-skirt in my hand. just as i reached his office he was jumping on his horse, starting for me. he exclaimed in surprise, "why, mrs. haviland! i've just this moment got the word that you were nearly killed, and i was going to see you." "i am all right," i said; "but i wish you would go and see to that crippled man, for i am afraid he is nearly killed." "very well, but i shall look after you first." by this time he was handling my arms, and pressing here and there on my body, i thought pretty harshly; for he either found or made some sore places. he ordered his ambulance, in which i was taken to head-quarters. as i was badly bruised, the surgeon urged me to take morphine. i was sure of not needing it, but promised to call for it if needed, and he allowed me to go without it. i found myself too lame to resume work for a couple of days; then i commenced again moderately, but carried marks of bruised flesh for a month or more. about two weeks after this, while investigating a new arrival of a company of slaves, i learned that some of them were shot by their pursuing masters, and one woman's babe was instantly killed in its mother's arms; but the mother succeeded in passing into our lines, with her dead child in her arms, to be buried, as she said, "_free_." a woman and a little boy of three years, with dresses torn with briers to shreds, and feet and limbs swollen and bleeding with scratches, came in, from whom i was getting her sad history. two gentlemen passing by, halted, and said one: "this looks as if these would have been much better off at their old homes. don't you think so?" "i think this picture shows great effort in escaping from their old home," i replied. "do you live here?" "i am only a temporary resident here. my home is in michigan." "may i ask your name?" i gave it, and he continued: "and so am i from michigan. i've heard of you before, i thought this was some good samaritan," giving his hand for a hearty shake. "and who is this?" i asked. "i'm dr.----, from one of our michigan cities. and what are you doing here?" "i am doing just the work you see before us." "yes, and i saw a span of mules trying their best to kill her two weeks ago, when they came sailing down that paradise road up yonder; but they couldn't do it," said his guide. i asked him what he was doing. he said he had just come to see if there was any thing he could do. i told him of the new camp on the ralston plantation, and of this camp of four thousand. i hoped he would look after these, as we proposed to leave soon for other fields of labor below. on march , , i took letters to post-office, and found one from our dear friend, addie johnson, assistant matron of soldiers' home, in columbus, kentucky. i went to general tuttle for an order for transportation to baton rouge, and, as usual, introduced myself by handing my official papers. being a very large man, he was in proportion consequential. "what do you want?" i told him i would like transportation to baton rouge. "i don't know," he said; "that i am here to make the government a great benevolent society, by giving every thoroughly loyal and earnest christian man or woman transportation." "is there not an order," i replied, "from adjutant-general thomas, granting us transportation, rations, and quarters?" "i have received no such order personally." i bade him good morning, and left his office, fully determined to bring him an order, although i knew he must have seen one. my purpose was to take the first boat to vicksburg, as general thomas was then in that city, to see whether his order was to be honored. passing colonel young's office, i called to see if he could grant the favor, and found that he could give the transportation desired, consequently i left the general without troubling him further. on my return i called at the other mission store, and met brother burlingame and isaac thorne, who also wished to go below, but were doubtful whether general tuttle would give them transportation they said they were waiting to learn of my success, and were surprised to find that colonel young had the power to grant it. we took the steamer "j. h. russell" for baton rouge. on march th sunday morning, we passed the mouth of red river, where was a gun boat, from which a few prisoners were taken aboard of our boat. a woman named crosly was also taken on board, to go to new orleans for the purpose of exposing those who had run through our lines contraband goods. there was a woman of property and standing on the boat, who still held her household servants, and made her boast that no one could even hire her slaves to leave her. "i'd like to see any one offer my niggers a book," she declared. "i reckon they'd take it as an insult. they'd tell you mighty quick they'd no use for books or schools. the niggers never will be as happy as they have been. they'll soon die out. it's fearful to see them die off as they do in these camps. they know nothing of taking care of themselves. they are cared for by us as tenderly as our own children. i tell you, they are the happiest people that live in this country. if they are sick the doctor is sent for, and they are cared for in every way, they know nothing of care." "if they are such a happy class of people, how was it that you had such a time of punishing and hanging them within the last two years?" i asked. "o, that had to be done to save our lives, because they were about to rise in an awful insurrection." "but what would induce them to rise in insurrection, when they are so happy and contented as you have described?" "o, there is always somebody ready to put the devil in their heads," was her ready reply. but mrs. crosly's report was of a very different character. she said, "there has never been the half told of this hell upon earth--the awful wickedness on these red river plantations, where i have lived ever since i was fifteen years old. if you knew what i have passed through, you would not wonder that there is nothing but a wreck left of me. i married a plantation blacksmith when a young girl of fifteen, and left my people in indiana, as my husband was hired by a rich slave-holder, mr. samuel lay, who lived on red river. we lived on his plantation many years, though he used to do a great deal in ironing negroes for neighboring planters." i told her of the slave-irons i had found on a deserted plantation, to take to my michigan home. "don't let the people here know it," she said, "or they will take them from you and drop them in the river; for they bury them, or throw them in the river or creek, to put them out of sight of yankees. when the city was taken they sent painters all over the city, with brushes and paint-buckets, to paint over all advertising signs of slaves for sale, and hid all slave-irons they could lay hands on." i told her that was done in natchez, when that city was taken. "and that is just what they did," she went on, "in vicksburg. among the slave-irons you found, were there any of those new-fashioned gags?" i told her that there were not. "you ought to get some of them. if i were at home i could get you two or three kinds; but you ought to see the new gags anyhow. they are made with barbs, as they make on fish-hooks, and they pierce the tongue if they attempt to speak or make a noise. they can't live many hours with one of them in their mouths, for the tongue swells up so. mr. lay had an old slave woman we called aunt hannah whipped, and gagged with that new gag, and left her all night in her cabin; and when i opened her door her tongue was swollen out of her mouth and looked so awful, i wouldn't have known her if she hadn't been in her own cabin. i told 'em she groaned so, i reckoned she was dying, and they sent for the doctor to come and cut the barbs out, and he told mr. lay she would have died in an hour longer. it was a long time before she recovered from it. but as near as she was to dying, the overseer left ben all night with that kind of a gag; and they found him dead in the morning. you of the north have no idea of the perfect hell upon earth we've had down here. mr. lay brought alice from kentucky, and she'd been a kitchen-maid, and never worked in the cotton-field till she came here. the overseer was a mighty hard man, and he drew that long whip of his over her shoulders so often because she couldn't keep up with the other hands, that she ran away in the bush and was gone two days before they caught her. then they whipped her awfully, and in two or three days they drove her out in the field. within a week she ran away again, and was gone about two weeks. they caught her with the help of bloodhounds; and when she was brought in, her arms were torn by the dogs, and i trembled for the poor girl, for i knew they'd nearly kill her. sure enough, the first i knew my husband had her at his shop, to iron her with a full set. there was a knee-stiffener, an iron collar with a bell, and a pair of handcuffs, with a chain between to allow her to use the hoe. when i saw the heavy irons i went to the shop and begged mr. crosly not to iron alice like that, for it would kill her, as she was badly torn by the dogs. but he swore at me, and told me to go back into the house, were i belonged; this was his business. i went back and cried over it till it appeared i couldn't live; and i went out again and begged him not to put on all these irons; for he knew they were heavier than the law allowed, and he would commit murder, for she could not live in this way. but he only swore at me the more. at this mrs. lay came out in a rage, and said she would see whether any one could come in and interfere with the punishment of any of her slaves, and ordered another slave to cut across both of her feet with a pocket-knife, through the skin, so that blood was left in her tracks. i turned away, for i thought they would murder the poor girl before my eyes; and i cried myself sick and couldn't sleep, for i thought she must die before morning. the cotton-field was opposite my window, and after breakfast i watched to see the hands go to their work; and, sure enough, there was poor alice hobbling out into the cotton-field. they had been at work but a little while when a heavy blow from the whip-handle on the back of her head brought her to the ground. 'o, my god!' i cried, to see that overseer hit her like that because she couldn't keep up her row. i prayed god that alice might die at once and be out of her misery; and, sure enough, they brought her out of that field dead! i was glad of it. poor girl! she could suffer no more under their hands." "and did not her death call forth some action from the law?" i asked. "nothing of the kind was ever noticed on our plantation. i tell you it was a perfect hell on earth down here; you don't know anything about it; and yet, if these things are told, they'll deny it, and call them black abolition lies, when it's god's truth, and they know it. there was uncle jack, poor fellow! he ran away, and they brought him in with the bounds, after he'd been gone a week, and they made him strip and lie down on his face, and fastened his hands and feet to iron rings. then a man sat on each side of him to do the whipping, alternating in their strokes from his feet to his head, then back to his feet, and so back and forth until they'd given him one hundred lashes. i passed by them, and saw his back cut up to a raw jelly, and the flesh twitched as you've seen newly killed beef. but this was not all. they took burning pitch-pine slivers and held them over his quivering flesh, dropping the melted blazing pitch from his head to his feet. after this awful torture, the two men carried him to his cabin, i thought, to die; and i had another all-night cry over uncle jack, he was not able to go out in the field again for two weeks." mrs. crosly related many other incidents in her own experience, some of which are too shocking for the public eye or ear. "my husband," she said, "bought two slave women, one of whom was the mother of two illegitimate children, that my children were compelled by their father to address as brother and sister. he also brought the mother to my apartments, and occupied my parlor bedroom with her for years--all to aggravate me. i didn't blame the woman molly, for she couldn't help herself. she and i cried together over this state of things for hours, many a time. she often begged my husband to let her live a virtuous life, but it was of no use. he would only threaten to punish her. poor thing! we felt sorry for each other, and she used to do all she could for me. i am so thankful she can now go where she pleases. she took her two children, and with the other woman went as soon as they could get through the lines. i am so glad all the slaves are free. mr. crosly has got our oldest boy with him in the army, and threatens to take my youngest boy of fourteen. but the union officers say they will confiscate our property and make it over to me and my boys, so that mr. crosly can not take it from me." the terrible scenes she had passed through, and witnessed, substantiated our oft expressed opinion that unlimited power on the part of slave-owners was equally degrading to the slave-holder and to the slave. even more: it fostered the worst passions of a depraved nature. her experience was no isolated one. such cases in many localities were neither few nor far between. on march th we learned, with surprise, that the bright light we saw the evening before, as we came from the soldiers' meeting, was the steamer "j. h. russell" burning to the water's edge. no lives were lost, but all the baggage of passengers and many mules, horses, cattle, and sheep and other government supplies were destroyed. o, how thankful we were that we exchanged boats when we did, and were safely landed here in baton rouge. "bless the lord, o my soul! and forget not all his benefits," was my first thought. how many favors are often bestowed in disguise! at three o'clock, p. m., i attended a meeting of colored people at the methodist episcopal church, which was built by themselves, and upon invitation addressed them. i spoke perhaps twenty minutes, taking for my theme psalm cxi, : "i know the lord will maintain the cause of the afflicted, and the right of the poor." at the close of the meeting the colored people gathered around us, and gave us such a hand-shaking and "god bless you" as we seldom find outside of this oppressed people. in the evening more than a dozen came to our lodgings and spent two hours recounting the trials of their slave-life, which were of thrilling interest. o, what a bitter draught was theirs, even to the very dregs! one poor man named henry, owned by john reese, near baton rouge, for the crime of visiting his wife and children oftener than once a month against his master's command, was ordered to be nailed to a tree by his ear, and whipped until it tore out. but even more awful scenes of persecution and outrage these people passed through, which we can not record. we closed our interview, after listening to their sad recitals, with prayer, in which all took part. a solemn season it was, to mingle our tears and voices with those who had passed through such scenes of suffering and were now praising the lord for freedom. on tuesday, th, we visited the general hospital in the noble asylum for the mute and blind. of the latter there were thirty inmates. they played on the piano and sang very sweetly, and we were interested in seeing the mutes converse with each other in their sign language. one little fellow was asked by the matron to give us their name for yankee. he quickly passed his fingers through each other, and we all laughed to see ourselves with such an unstable name. all seemed much pleased to receive our visit. we found here our sick and wounded soldiers with nothing but army supplies, boiled fat pork and bread. surgeon pole told us they were out of other supplies. we sent immediately to new orleans for dried fruit, crackers, etc., and within four days they came rolling in by the barrel. we left this marble-faced edifice to visit a few camps surrounding the city of baton rouge. by request i attended a six o'clock meeting in the chapel for soldiers at the general hospital, accompanied by rev. joel burlingame and rev. mr. merryfield. on wednesday, th, we spent some time in visiting and distributing tracts and testaments, and conversing with soldiers. we also visited a colored school of two hundred and twenty-four pupils. all were much engaged in study. we were invited to address them. sister backus and myself complied, and it seemed gratifying to them and satisfactory to us. we returned to our pleasant boarding place, wrote a letter, and made a number of calls. we found a woman who used to sympathise with eliza wilson in her slave-trials previous to her escape to the north. through her we heard from eliza's little girl, whom she left with her old master bissel. a few days before she had come to her aunt, in plaquemine, about nine miles, in the night, she heard that yankee soldiers were in possession of that town. she had been told that a certain road led to plaquemine, and took it in a moonlight night and found her aunt. although she was only about ten years of age, and could not remember her mother, yet this woman said the child had heard i was going to take her to her mother, and that she was nearly insane over it. i had previously sent word to them by a soldier who was a dispatch-bearer, that the mother was very anxious to get her child if she was within our lines; and when he returned to plaquemine he found the child and helped her to escape from bissel with much less trouble than her mother had had seven years before. about the close of the month we took a long walk to fort williams, where were three thousand sick and wounded soldiers. the scenes here were indescribable. the mingled language of acute distress, in prayer, groans, and occasional oaths from the profane, could be heard. one young man seemed too near death's door to survive. said he: "if i die it will be suddenly, upon the amputation of this arm. it is too late for me now; but if i am spared i will seek an interest in christ." but we had heard the cry of despair before, and could not give him up. the arm was taken off without causing instant death, as he was fearing. he then became an eager listener, and said he could now pray for pardon, and believed that the merciful redeemer would grant the earnest desire of his soul. we found a few men, whose lives were given up by the surgeon, who were trusting, and possessed the comforting assurance of a glorious future. as we were about to leave, another soldier attracted our attention, who said he was not a christian, but wished to be, and after repeating a few promises and praying with him we left. in tears, he requested us to see him again. while we were waiting for a boat for new orleans we again visited the hospital, and found both of those who were anxious at our previous visit rejoicing christians. i went to the office to inquire for a steamer for new orleans, and on leaving was accosted by a young man with the query whether i was looking for a boat. as he saw that i noticed the feather in his drab hat, and star, with stripes on the sleeves of his gray coat, he remarked that he was an exchanged prisoner, and was on his way to his home at atlanta, georgia. said i: "you appear like a young man of intelligence, and i hope by the time you reach your home you will conclude to cast your net on the right side." "we've been fishing on the right side these three years," he replied; "and we'll fight three, ten, or twenty years longer, if we live so long, but what we will have our rights--the right to hold our slave property without interference from northern abolitionists. you need not judge of our strength because you have a little strip of this river, and our folks are rather discouraged here, and tired of war. if you could see our troops in virginia, you'd see as hopeful and jolly a set of fellows as you ever saw. give up? no, never! i tell you, madam, we are determined to have our independence if we fight till we die." "i am sorry," i answered, "you can not be induced to adopt a course worthy of your zeal. young man, the worst wish i have for you is that you may be prepared to die, for the fiat of the almighty is against you. the sword and the boys in blue are going to bring you to terms. you will never again buy and sell men, women, and children like horses, cattle, and sheep in the market. the judgments of the lord are upon you for these things." "you needn't think god is on your side, for you've made our niggers our masters. look! within, four rods of us stand nigger pickets, with their bayonets, and we can't pass those bayonets without a pass--and our own niggers, too. i tell you, madam, if i could have my way, i'd have a rope around every nigger's neck, and hang 'em, or dam up this mississippi river with them;" and his black eyes flashed with fury. "only eight or ten miles from this river slaves are working for their masters as happily as ever." "we know that they are remaining on many plantations; but we know of a number of plantations that are worked by their former slaves because their former masters are paying them wages. but if they are as happy and contented as you describe, why do we see them daily coming into these camps, frequently for twenty to fifty miles, wading swamps and creeks, with swollen and bleeding feet? why all this painstaking to get away from their masters, if they are so attached to them?" "they are poisoned by the yankees. you talk about the justness of your cause--any thing but justice to put arms in the hands of these niggers, to be our masters--to set our slaves over us with gun and bayonet. god almighty will never prosper you--never." "i see i can say nothing that will avail with you. i perceive that it is beyond the power of man. hoping that a higher power may reach you, i bid you farewell." with these words, i turned away; but had not advanced five feet when he called out: "madam, i hope we'll get the same boat. i'd like to see you again; for i like to meet people who stand up for their own principles." widely differing from this captain's spirit was another, who was the owner of a large plantation, with numerous slaves, yet a strong union man, and his wife and daughters sympathized with him. before the fall of vicksburg he called all his slaves together, and told them this war would result in the freedom of every slave in the united states, and he wanted now to make an arrangement with them to work for him as heretofore. he promised to pay all the grown hands eight dollars a month, and board them with their families as he had done before, and to pay them at the close of each month. with tears of gratitude, they accepted his proposition. he told them that this arrangement must be kept secret, for their safety as well as his own; for they all knew there had always been a prejudice against him because he allowed them privileges that other planters adjoining them did not. they said to him, "your niggers think they are white," because he never would have an overseer on his plantation, and would not have whipping and punishing among his grown people, and the families among his slaves managed their own children. he came into our lines as soon as he could, to save his life; and he told us he had not visited his home for a long time, except at night, as his life had been threatened, and that his wife and daughters, for their own protection, kept loaded pistols at their bedside. he had also armed a number of his servants, as they were likewise exposed to an attack. he was a noble-appearing man, and said, in conversation: "mrs. haviland, i have always held the same views on the subject of slavery that you do; but it was against the law to free them and allow them to remain here, and we could not send them away without breaking up some of their families. but i rejoice that it has come to an end; and i know of others who rejoice, but they do so secretly." his wife came to see him while we were there, and seemed to be a woman of sterling principle. she said they had to watch day and night, fearing their buildings would be burned, and perhaps some of them murdered. we called on a widow and her two daughters who were in deep affliction on account of the bitterness of feeling toward them in consequence of their union principles. they were a christian family, and owned some property in the country, besides their residence in town. a number of our officers boarded with her. i was in her family a day or two, and as i left i took out my purse to pay her. "don't open that," she cried; "i can't take a farthing. you don't know what we have to endure. i have two brothers in the rebel army, and when they came home, because i told them they were fighting against god in fighting against the union, they swore at me and threatened to take my life; they said i was a southern yankee, and they were the worst of all. i expect they'll burn my house some night or get some one else to do it; and i know there are enough that would gladly do it. o, you can't tell how much good your prayer did us this morning. i do feel a daily necessity of looking to god to keep us. i want to make a request of you to remember us at god's throne, for we know not what a day may bring forth. do plead for us in prayer, my sister." i left her and her daughters bathed in tears. we the took steamer _niagara_ for new orleans, april d. it being dark, the captain concluded to wait till moonlight, when an order came to go up the river, near port hudson, for twenty soldiers and thirty thousand dollars in contraband goods with two men prisoners, who had been in charge of these goods for the rebels. while they were loading the goods sister backus and myself took a long walk to the residence of john buhler, aged seventy-five years, who lost a few weeks before one hundred and thirty slaves. the old man and his wife took us into their flower-garden, where were one hundred and twenty-five varieties of roses and many kinds of shrubbery, and the greatest variety of cactus i ever saw; many of them were six and eight feet high. one large pecan-tree was almost covered with a small yellow rose-climber in full bloom, presenting a beautiful appearance. they gathered nearly an armful of flowers for us, and took us into the room in which a bursting shell made sad havoc. they made many excuses for the weedy flower-beds in the yard and garden, as they now had no servants to keep them. two drunken women came aboard the boat and were put off by our captain, but through the influence of their friends came on again. we turned from this scene, and took a stroll to another residence, where we found the former slaves of the owner the sole occupants. they had a hearty laugh when i asked if the "smoke-house key was frowed in de well?" "yes, yes, missus," they answered; "we's got de managin'." we returned to baton rouge (the place where we halted some time is called west baton rouge), arriving late in the afternoon. we walked up to our old boarding-place, and took supper with our dear friends. on april d we arrived at new orleans at nine a. m., in time to attend a colored sunday-school. at its close i gave them a little talk. from thence we were piloted to the bethel methodist church (colored) and found a quarterly meeting being held. here we listened to a very interesting and intelligent discourse by rev. william dove. i made a few remarks on the comparison of present times with the former. at the close of the service many came forward to shake hands and tell us of the time when ministers and people were hauled out of this church of their own building and taken to jail. the free people were compelled to pay twenty-five dollars' fine, and slaves were punished with twenty-five lashes on the bare back, well laid on. this persecution the authorities deemed necessary in order to keep these poor people from rising in insurrection. they locked up their churches two years and a half, until the union soldiers unlocked them. though the authorities forbade their meeting at all, they often stole away two and three miles and held little meetings in deep ravines and in clumps of bushes and trees, to hide from their cruel pursuers; but they could not even there long escape their vigilant enemies. "_insurrection_! insurrection!" was constantly inflaming the guilty multitude. imprisoning, putting into stocks, and all sorts of punishments seemed to be the order of the day. a few months after the closing of their church the spotted fever broke out, slaying its thousands. an old pious colored woman said to one who was losing all his family, and called upon her to assist them: "now, who is plotting insurrection? who you gwine to take to jail now? who you gwine to whip an' hang now? you can't take god out to jail." they heard that their enemies had concluded to stop their praying, for it was thought to be through the prayers of the colored people that all this trouble was sent upon them; for the plague was almost entirely confined to the white people. this class of accusers became even more bitter than before. no one can look at this volume of history without calling to mind the hardness of heart of the ancient egyptians. chapter xii. mission work in new orleans. at new orleans, where we arrived april , , our home was a very pleasant one. beneath the windows of our room was a grove of fig-trees. we had the kindest of friends. we visited ten colored schools in the city, filled with eager learners. one was taught by mrs. brice, who had in charge sixty scholars. she had been teaching here three years, under much persecution, and stemmed the torrent of opposition, sometimes in secret, before the war. sister brice and her husband had been struggling in this city nearly five years, through this bitter hate to the north, contending for unionism everywhere, through civil, religious, and political life. we called on them, and spent two hours in eating oranges and listening to the fanaticisms and wild conceptions of this misguided people and terror-stricken multitude when the "yankee" soldiers marched up the streets from the gun-boats. schools were dismissed; the children cried as they ran home, telling those they met that the yankees had come to kill them and their mothers. but there were those who cried for joy at the sight of the national flag. the starting tear manifested the deep feeling of these friends as they attempted to relate the scene, but said it was impossible, as it was beyond description. it seemed like an oasis in a desert to meet such kindred spirits. we left them, with their urgent request to make, another call before we left the city. we were invited by the pastor to attend a love-feast meeting at half-past six o'clock, p. m., where we met a large congregation. the services were opened as usual. soon they were "breaking bread" with each other, shaking hands, and singing. many were weeping. some broke to each other the bread, exclaiming, "praise god for this day of liberty to worship god!" one old man said to one of the ministers, as he placed his hand on his shoulder: "bless god, my son, we don't have to keep watch at that door," pointing to it, "to tell us the patrollers are coming to take us to jail and fine us twenty-five dollars for prayin' and talkin' of the love of jesus. o no, we's free! yes, thank god for freedom!" clapping his hands, his shouts of "glory, glory, hallelujah!" were followed by others, until "glory, hallelujah to the lamb forever!" was heard from many voices. men clasped the necks of their brethren, and shook hands with the sisters, singing, weeping, shouting, jumping, and whirling. said one woman, as she clasped another, "o sister, don't you 'member when da tuck us over in dat jail dat night, an' said da would whip us if we didn't stop prayin'?" and then they both jumped and shouted, throwing up their hands in wild excitement. a half-hour was spent in these outbursts of long pent-up feelings; then they settled down into comparative quiet, and the pastor exhorted them to be brief in their remarks. perhaps an hour was spent in the relation of experiences, and the meeting closed with singing: "the jubilee has come; and we are free, we are free." then there was again the shaking of hands, and another half-hour was spent in overflowing manifestations, as at the opening of their meeting. this long-oppressed people realized their great change beyond our conceptions. at the christian commission rooms, no. carondelet street, dr. f. b. smith, agent, we met brother merrifield, of baton rouge, and brother horton, who took us to visit a school of sixty pupils, taught by two colored men, baptist ministers. they had opened it before the government or missionaries opened a school in this city for colored children. we had visited and addressed a number of other schools among these people of this city, one of which numbered over four hundred scholars, in a confiscated college; but this in interest surpassed them all. here in an old slave-pen, where hundreds and thousands had been cried off to the highest bidder, where the cries of parting mother and child had been heard and unheeded, where the pleadings of husbands and fathers were only answered by the lash, those many tears, sighs, and groans were exchanged for intellectual culture and religious instruction. here were sundry union flags waving and a large portrait of abraham lincoln hung on the wall behind the desk. the scene was inspiring. after returning, two colored women, genteelly dressed, and quite intelligent, called on us and gave us a thrilling history of the past. they gave us some startling facts of the efforts made to return slaves, who had come within our lines to their masters, by making friends of our officers and soldiers. men had enlisted from this state (louisiana) and mississippi as union soldiers from selfish motives. their sole object was to assist in getting their slaves back, by taking them out of houses when employed by colored people, and from the street when sent to market, and placing them in jail. after orders were passed to give rations to the families of colored soldiers, one young girl, whose name was rhoda, was doing well until she was overtaken with chills. her brother gave her a paper certifying he was a soldier, and requested rations for her, but she was arrested on the street, and lodged in jail, where she remained three months, sick with chills and fever, and without change of clothing, although her female friends made many efforts to get food and clothing to her. at length a deliverer came, who found three hundred miserable, vermin-eaten prisoners, and set them _free_. a more grateful company was never found. find fault who will with benjamin f. butler, this was just the work he did; and many lives were saved, and much suffering relieved, under his administration. we dined with, a widow who had paid $ , for herself, and lived in good style by boarding her friends, who paid her extra board-bills to assist her. a creole lady called to see us who could converse a little in english. the creoles in new orleans generally spoke french. this madam was a woman of wealth and position, and well pleased with the freedom of the slave. we heard of a project devised by many masters to massacre all the blacks. one brought in three hogsheads marked sugar. a little slave girl, hearing her master say at dinner-table, that he had one filled with loaded pistols, another with dirks, and the third with bowie-knives, went and told her mother. she was directed to be careful and listen, while busy about the room, to all her master said, and report to her. in this way she heard the plans that her master and his friends designed to carry into execution, and informed her mother. the plan was to paint a large company of their men black, who should assume the attitude of fight; then all were to cry out "_insurrection_! insurrection!" and fly to every negro man, woman, and child, and kill them all off. the mother made an errand down-town with her little girl, and called on general butler, to whom they told all. a party of officers and soldiers were dispatched at once, who visited that house, demanded the keys, and searched the premises. there they found the hogsheads, broke in the head of each, and found all as reported. the master was banished from the city, his family sent outside the lines, his property confiscated and his slaves set free. no wonder they disliked general butler, when he defeated their base designs. the convention which met in the city hall to frame a free constitution for louisiana created considerable excitement. many slave-owners were confident they would have all their slaves back again, or get pay for them. as there were no sanitary agents at brazier city, and we learned of much suffering there, we called at the christian commission rooms to make further inquiries, and found brother diossy had just sent both an agent and a teacher to that point. "but if you are hunting for destitute places," he told us, "i wish you would go to ship island, in the gulf of mexico, as there are soldiers and many prisoners there, and they have no chaplain or agent to look after their sanitary condition" while i was inclined to go, sister backus thought, in view of the very warm weather, and because we were so nearly worn out with several months constant toiling, we had better turn our faces homeward. i knew there was but little more than shadows left of us, yet i could not rid myself of the impression that it would be right to go; but i told her i would not draft her into service, or persuade her against her judgment. i met at these rooms brother merrifield and brother horton, and the chaplain of the michigan th infantry. by their request we attended a soldiers' prayer-meeting. near the close one soldier expressed his gratitude for the privilege of listening to the voice of mothers in counsels that reminded many of them of their own mothers far away. he could say no more for a moment, being overcome with emotion. "you may call me weak, and if this be weakness, then i am weak," he said. another requested prayer for his sick soldier brother, and for the preservation of the northern ladies who were laboring for them. after this meeting i called at the office for transportation; but there was no encouragement that i could get it for a number of days, "perhaps two weeks," as general banks had nearly all the boats up red river, in his fleet. but as i was passing the gulf office i called and found the steamer _clyde_ going out for ship island in four hours, and at once secured transportation for us both. i returned to our boarding-house, and reported what i had done, and told sister backus if she was willing to go the sea-breeze might do more to rest us than the labors would add to our weariness. she consented to accompany me, and we provided ourselves with half a bushel of reading matter at christian commission rooms, and secured the aid of a couple of soldiers to carry our books to the street-car, from thence to a steam-car that landed us at the _clyde_. as there was no berth for us we obtained a couple of blankets, but there being room for only one to lie down, we managed, by taking turns, to get considerable sleep. on april th, at ten a. m., we landed on ship island. it was of white sand, that resembled, at a distance, a huge snow-bank. we found a little sprinkle of brown sand, upon which grew a few scrubby trees and a species of cactus that spread out in clusters as large as a dinner-plate. the island is eight miles in length, and from one-fourth to three-fourths of a mile wide. the captain told us he should not leave until four o'clock, p.m., and we made use of our time accordingly. when we landed with our large market-basket heaping full of testaments and other reading matter, the gunboat boys and prisoners gathered around us like hungry children. prisoners in irons came holding the iron ball in one arm, while the other hand reached for a testament, crying out, "please give me a testament, i lost mine in battle;" "please give me one, i lost mine in a long march;" "please give me something to read, i lost my testament in a rain-storm." many hands were reached over the shoulders of others, until thirty or forty hands at a time were extended. we soon exhausted our basket-supply. we had a few in our satchels, but we reserved them for the hospital and military prison. as we had disposed of the most of our books in an hour, we spent an hour on the beach gathering sea shells until noon, then took our rations, and spent the remainder of our time in hospital-visiting, and in learning from the officers what was needed to be sent on our return to new orleans. while engaged in other matters, we found our boat had left us, and was steaming away perhaps a mile from us. sister backus was greatly disappointed at being left, and gave way to despondency; but i assured her it was all for the best, and that as the lord had heretofore provided for us, so he would provide for us now. we returned to the tent of mrs. green, a tidy mulatto woman, where we had left our satchels. as she met us and learned of our being left, and heard sister backus lament over "not having where to lay our heads," she quickly replied: "yes, you shall have a place for your heads. in that chest i have plenty of bedding, and i'll dress up this bed for you two. my husband can find a place with some of his comrades, and i'll make a bed for myself on the floor till the boat comes back." "there, sister backus," i said, "the lord is providing for us already." tears filled her eyes. she replied, "i will not doubt any more." mrs. green had a nice dinner prepared in the best style; table-linen of the finest damask, chinaware and solid silver spoons, pitcher, forks, and plated table knives, etc. i inquired how this came about, as i had not seen a table so richly set since coming into the army. her reply was, that both of their fathers were wealthy planters, who made them free when they died. her husband received by will twenty-five thousand dollars, and she also received from her father's estate a fine brick residence. they had it nicely furnished, and their property was valued at fifty thousand dollars. her husband was making in his business from seventy-five to one hundred dollars a month, but he was so confident that this war would result in the freedom of their race that he, with others, enlisted in a colored regiment for seven dollars a month, under the rebel government, with a secret understanding among themselves that they would all go in with the union army as soon as opportunity presented. the opportunity was furnished on the taking of new orleans by union troops. the regiment was officered by men of their own color, but the indignities they received at the hands of union commanders caused their officers to resign their positions. one of the many was on one occasion of an order by one of their captains for shoes and blankets for his destitute men. it was not honored, and he went in person to inform the commander how needy his men were. the reply was that he need not expect negro regiments to be supplied the same as white soldiers. this was thrown in their teeth by confederates: "you see what you get by going over to the yankees. we never served you like that," said a confederate. we found mr. green an intelligent and pleasant man. just as our dinner was ready, captain james noyce called to see us, and urged us to make our home with his family during our stay on the island. we told him of the kind offer of mrs. green. "i know," was his reply, "that mrs. green has the nicest things of any one on this island, but my wife and i want you with us." he said he should call for us in two hours, which he did; and we felt that our lots were cast in a pleasant place. there were two lieutenants boarding with them, both of whom, with the captain, appeared like men of sterling principle. while enjoying a very pleasant social visit with our new friends, sister backus espied the life of orange scott on their center table (a goods-box with a newspaper spread). in surprise she exclaimed: "sister haviland, here is the life of orange scott! isn't this home-like? away here in the gulf of mexico!" "do you know any thing of orange scott?" inquired our hostess. "i guess we do. we know all about him," replied sister backus. "you are not wesleyan methodists, are you?" "indeed we are, both of us." she almost flew at us, placing her hands on our shoulders. "i don't wonder you seemed so much like relatives. orange scott is my father, and mr. noyce and i are wesleyans," and she laughed and cried at the same time. the dear little homesick woman was overjoyed. she had been on the island a long time with her husband, and in poor health, sick and tired of army life, and longing for her northern home. yet she would not consent to leave her husband so long as he could stay in one place a sufficient time for her to be with him. but he was fearful it was impairing her health. on her account, as well as our own, we were thankful for the privilege of mingling with kindred spirits. the two lieutenants who boarded with them brought in their new mattresses to make a double bed for the captain and his wife, as they gave up their own bed to us during our stay. this left the lieutenants to sleep on the bare tent floor, with their blankets only. but we did not know of this arrangement until the day we left. april th was very windy. we could not go out for the drifting sand, without being thickly veiled. i walked to the beach, near the soldiers' burying-ground, and stood two hours watching the waves as they lashed the bars of sand. their briny spray bedewed the graves of soldiers, who had fallen far away from their kindred and their loved ones, in their northern homes. i could not repress the tear of sympathy as these reflections came to me, and i listened to the solemn moan of the ocean. yet here is the god of peace and love. "he plants his footsteps in the sea, and rides upon the storm." this evening we listened to lieutenant kingsley's thrilling description of the cruel irons he filed off from a number of slaves, who were too intelligent to be held without severe measures. he said these men made soldiers who hesitated not to brave the greatest dangers. his experience reminded us of the words of another: "beware the time when that chain shall break, that galls the flesh and spirit; when the yoke is thrown from the bended neck, that is chafed too much to hear it there's a god above, that looks with a frown, to see how long you have trodden him down." in distributing the remainder of our tracts and testaments to prisoners we met a number of very intelligent men, who appeared to be men of christian principles. i always made it a point to say nothing to a prisoner of the particular crime that placed him in confinement, but directed his thoughts to the lord jesus, the lover of sinners. as my sympathies became deeply enlisted in behalf of many of the prisoners in irons, i inquired of captain noyce, in whose charge they were, what crimes these soldiers had committed, that they should be confined in irons. "no crime," he answered. "then please tell me," i said, "why they are here?" "for drunkenness, being late at roll-call, absence without leave, and selling government property, mostly exchanging rations for groceries, such as sugar and tea." "is this possible?" i exclaimed. "all these trivial offenses have been settled in their own regiments wherever else i have been." "so they have wherever i have been, until i came here. but you seem almost to disbelieve my word. if you do, you can step into my office and examine the record for yourself. you will find these men sentenced from one year to thirty-eight for the offenses i have named." "i have no reason to doubt your word, but i will thank you for the privilege of examining that record. who pronounced these sentences?" "judge attocha." "who is judge attocha?" "he was a rebel captain, but after new orleans fell into our hands he took the oath of allegiance, and general banks promoted him by giving him the position of judge advocate." "that man is a rebel still," i said. "he is doing for the rebel cause more than when at the head of his company, in the rebel ranks. you say a few over , have passed through your hands here and on the dry tortugas. we read in the paper, the day we left new orleans, an order from president lincoln to draft men, and here are three whole regiments laid upon the shelf. are all these union soldiers?" "they are all union soldiers. we had a confederate here for murder, sentenced for a year. he was here only three months, when he was pardoned; and on your return to new orleans you may see him walking the streets as independent as yourself." "this is a flagrant wrong in holding these , men. why don't you report judge attocha?" "he outranks me, and should i presume to do it i would be put into a dungeon myself, and probably die there without an investigation." sister backus and i went into the office, and the captain brought us a great roll, as large around as a man's hat. i unrolled a few feet, and read the name, regiment, company, offense, and penalty of each man, thus: for drunkenness, fifteen years hard labor with ball and chain, and all wages forfeited, except three dollars a month; for selling government property, eight years hard labor, with ball and chain, and all wages forfeited except three dollars a month. some prisoners were sentenced to longer, others to shorter, terms; but upon all were imposed the same forfeitures, and all were put in irons. one man from near battle creek, michigan, was sentenced for life. his offense was simply "suspicious character." no other reason for his sentence was given. i handed this fearful record to sister backus, and we both read with heavy hearts. every free state was represented. what can we do, we asked ourselves, for these poor men, some of whom are sick and dying with scurvy? this was a query hard to answer. i retired to bed, but not to sleep, wrestling in prayer to him who hears the sighs of the prisoner to lead me to a door that would open for the , men in irons. the captain was a kind-hearted man, and told me that he had in many cases put the irons on so loosely that they could relieve themselves when out of his sight, but he charged them to be careful not to allow him to see them off. on account of the injustice of their sentences, he had favored them wherever he could do so, and keep his own record clear. the next day, april th, was sunday. the morning was clear and beautiful. sister backus said: "you are sick, or very weary; for you groaned in your sleep so much last night." "i am not conscious of having groaned," i said; "but i did not sleep a wink. i am distressed, and have spent the night in prayer for a guiding hand to open a door of relief for these prisoners, and i must see them before i leave this island. i am this morning bearing as heavy a heart as at any period of this deadly strife." "try and dismiss this subject if possible," she returned, "as they have appointed a meeting for us in the regiment, and i presume there will be an opportunity for you to see the prisoners." as best i could, i dismissed the all-absorbing theme; and according to previous arrangement we met the regiment, with a few gun-boat soldiers and the officers. we enjoyed a favored season, and found a liberty of spirit our dear redeemer only can give. after closing the services to the peace of my own mind, and to the apparent satisfaction of the large congregation, captain james noyce came to me and said: "you are certainly too weary to visit the prisoners now." "o no," was my reply, "if you will allow me that privilege." "they are in very large barracks, and it is a very unpleasant place for a lady to visit; but if it is your wish, these gun-boat officers wanted me to ask you if you had any objections to their going." "not at all; all can go who wish." captain noyce and wife took us to the barracks, where the prisoners were arranged in rows, six men deep, on both sides and at the end, leaving an aisle three feet in width between. in every berth there was a man in a horizontal position; and all were in irons, either in handcuffs with chain, or in a clog for the ankle, to which was attached the chain and ball. what a scene! the click of the irons at the least move greeted our ears. we walked midway of the long aisle, and looked over the sad faces before us. upon the necks of those who stood near vermin were to be seen. filthy and ragged were many of these poor boys. some had been there a year, without change of raiment. i could say nothing of the injustice of their punishment; but i exhorted them to come forth from this furnace of affliction with higher, nobler, and holier aspirations than ever before, and to lift up their heads in hope of better days, although the heavens might then seem as brass and the earth as bars of iron. i spoke a few minutes, and as i closed my remarks i turned to sister backus, standing by, and asked her to say a few words of encouragement, but she declined. she said that all she could do was to weep with those who wept. i knelt to pour out the overflowings of a full heart in prayer, and as i did so they all knelt with me, amid the clank and clatter of irons that made it necessary to wait a moment to be heard. as we were leaving, two prisoners advanced a few steps toward us and said, "in behalf of our fellow-prisoners, we return to you our thanks for the kind words which you have spoken to us, and pray god to restore you safe to your northern homes." we bade them adieu, with many tears. after leaving this place we visited other quarters equally large, with similar experiences. i had become very much interested in a number with whom i conversed, who were very thankful for the testaments we gave them. they gave evidence of possessing an earnest trust in god and of enjoying the cleansing power of the blood of his dear son. accompanied by the captain and his wife, on monday we visited the light-house, and ascended the flight of steps of sixty-four feet. the weather was clear and calm, and we had a fine view of the gulf of mexico on one side and the grand expanse of the ocean on the other. after dinner with the same party, accompanied by lieutenant kingsley, we took a ten-oar row-boat and went to see the burial-ground of four hundred deceased soldiers. the graves were all plainly marked with head-boards. these soldiers were mostly from maine and new york, with a few from new jersey, wisconsin, and michigan. this was another solemn place for reflection. the soldiers' grave-yard on this island differs somewhat from all others. here their funeral dirge will never cease; the requiem of the ocean's surge will ever sound as if saying, "sleep on undisturbed until the last trump shall wake the nations of the dead!" we returned to our boat, and pursued our way to the extremity of the island. here the picket-guards were much pleased to see us. they had been on the island about two years, ever since it was taken from the confederates. we gathered a basket of shells, and our men gathered a quantity of crabs for breakfast. we were presented with some beautiful shells by one of the pickets. we returned home, having had a ten miles' ride. we passed the wreck of a ship burned many years ago, which gave this island its name. we could clearly see its charred cabin twenty or thirty feet below the surface. so clear was the water it did not seem more than eight or ten feet deep over the white sand, upon which beautiful shell-fish were crawling, as if to beautify the grand scene so new to us. in a long conversation with lieutenant kingsley concerning his religious experience, he said he was not satisfied with his attainments in the divine life, and very earnestly requested to be remembered at a throne of grace. the moon rose full and clear on the sparkling face of the deep, reminding us of david's sublime thoughts when he exclaims in the eighth psalm: "when i consider thy heavens, the work of thy fingers, the moon and the stars, which thou hast ordained; what is man, that thou art mindful of him? and the son of man, that thou visitest him? for thou hast made him a little lower than the angels, and hast crowned him with glory and honor." after our return we enjoyed a season of prayer, in which lieutenant kingsley was earnestly remembered, and he expressed himself greatly encouraged. leaving all those burdened souls with the lord jesus, who cares for all that he has redeemed with his own precious blood, i retired to rest. the next day one of the prisoners came to inform me that their keeper had granted them the privilege of asking me if i would take a petition from them to general weitzel, former commander of seventy of their number. they had heard he was then in new orleans, and they thought if he could do any thing for their release he would, as he was a very kind officer. i cordially assented to his request, of course, and he thanked me with tears. in company with the captain and wife we visited the gigantic fort that had been two years in building, but was not yet completed. it was to cost two million dollars. the brick wall at the base is six feet thick, and about two hundred and fifty men were employed on it when we were there. it is constructed to mount forty cannons. at supper i received a request from lieutenant foster, who was sick, to visit him. i found him in low spirits. he wished me to write a request to his wife to come to him, which i did. i read to him some extracts from an excellent little work, "the soldier's armor," and a chapter in the best of all books, closing with prayer. lieutenant foster seemed a devout christian man, and expressed great satisfaction with this interview. the captain smiled on my return, saving i had "better remain with them and be their chaplain." on april th we made a few calls, and two of the soldiers' wives came for us to dine with them. i made a copy of the record of the soldier prisoners, as a specimen of their alleged crimes, and the penalties imposed upon them. one of the prisoners brought me their petition, which reads as follows: "ship island, april , . "major-general weitzel: _sir_,--we whose names are affixed, prisoners on ship island; respectfully beg our release, and that we be allowed to return to our respective regiments. we are here for various military offenses, and for nothing criminal. nearly all of us have participated in the engagements under your lead in this department, both on the battle-field and on the long, wearisome marches we have been called to undergo; and we have always followed cheerfully wherever you have led. we naturally feel that you are the proper person to appeal to to give us one more chance to redeem ourselves. and we solemnly assure you that we never will, by any unsoldier-like act, give you any occasion to regret any act of clemency that you may exercise toward us. many of us have families dependent on us for support, and are suffering for our forfeited wages. many of us are already suffering from that dread scourge--the scurvy--which must increase to a fearful extent in this tropical climate as the season advances and sweep, us away. and now that the campaign is open and advancing, and men are needed, we hope we may be permitted to return to the field, and by future faithfulness in our country's cause be able to return to our homes with what all good men so highly prize-_untarnished characters_. should you exercise your influence in our favor in procuring our release, rest assured you will ever be remembered with gratitude." this petition was signed by "moses fuller," sentenced to three years' hard labor, with belt and chain, and forfeited wages, except three dollars a month, charged with selling government property, to wit: exchanging his surplus rations; but judge attocha would listen to no witness in the case. sixty-nine other names were appended to this petition. our anxiously looked for steamer, the _clyde_, came in view, but it was too windy for it to land until noon. it brought about thirty prisoners, who had come in with a flag of truce, mostly white refugees. one family was from mobile. the woman said the suffering from the war was not much there, and all she knew any thing about had enough to eat and wear. "but i reckon poor people suffer," she said, evidently wishing us to understand she was not poor. she had two servants to wait on her and five children. but her servants seemed to think they were free here, and said they should leave her unless she paid them wages. there were a number of slaves who came here for freedom. i called on colonel grosvenor, the commandant of the post, who appeared like a kind-hearted officer, and he approved of the petition. the next day, april th, we took the _clyde_ for new orleans, after being a week on the island. on our way to the boat a soldier came running to overtake us, with a message from another soldier that he had that morning found peace in believing. he would have come himself, only that he was on picket-guard and could not leave; but he wanted us to know that our mission was not in vain. as ship island receded from view sister backus, as well as myself, felt thankful that our heavenly father had ordered all things well in regard to our having been left "'way off in the gulf of mexico." we reached our pleasant new orleans home, at elder rogers's april th, and were as kindly received as if we had been friends of many years' standing. the next day, after a good night's rest, we made an effort to find general weitzel, but failed. at two p.m., we attended prayer-meeting and had a rich season of communing with our heavenly father. there were present two chaplains, one of whom had been at various points in arkansas, and he gave a thrilling account of some engagements his regiment had had with the enemy. the other was just from the dreadful fight at alexandria, up the river. it is reported and believed by thousands that the rebel general came to general banks with a flag of truce and informed him that, unless he withdrew his colored troops, he should take no prisoners and give no quarter. report said further that they were withdrawn and were not permitted to advance on the enemy, as they desired, and the consequence was an awful slaughter of our northern men. the colored troops complained of inactivity in the field more than any thing else. we found along the whole length of the river fortifications built, streets in cities cleaned, and the greater part of manual labor performed by colored soldiers. we renewed our efforts to find general weitzel, visiting all the offices of the army we could hear of. some reported that he was up red river assisting general banks, but at length, with thoroughly blistered feet, i found him. i introduced myself, as usual, by handing him my papers from governor blair and f. c. beaman, member of congress. after looking them over, he asked: "what can i do for you?" "i hope you can do something," i said, "toward releasing three thousand of our soldiers now confined on ship island and the dry tortugas, seventy of whom have served under you; and here is a petition from them." he took it, and read the petition, and not more than a half-dozen names perhaps, before he became too much excited to read further. "mrs. haviland," he said, "these are as noble soldiers as i ever had serve under me. i don't think moses fuller, or any of the others, is capable of doing a wrong act. they are the most conscientious men i ever knew. judge attocha has no right to give these sentences; he has no business in this department of the work." "can't you do something for their release?" i asked. "if i were in command i would tell you very quick; but general banks is the one you ought to see." "i am aware of that; but he is beyond my reach up red river. and they told me they sent him a petition similar to this three months ago; but they had heard nothing from it." "i will do what i can toward getting up a committee to investigate and report these facts." "do you think you can accomplish any thing in their favor?" "i fear it is doubtful, but will do what i can." this was but little relief to me; but what could i do further? i called at the christian commission rooms, discouraged and weary, while sister backus returned to our quarters. these rooms i found well filled with officers, among whom were generals of high rank, indicated by the eagles and stars on their shoulders. "here comes mrs. haviland, from ship island. and how did you find things there?" said brother diossy. "sad enough," was my reply; and i handed him a copy of the petition that i gave general weitzel, with the extract of the record of fifteen prisoners, detailing the offense and penalty of each. the officers gathered around to see and hear. "this is too bad," said one. "can't you do something for these soldiers?" i inquired. "i wish i could; but i can't leave my post." said another, "it is a pity some one doesn't." i turned to him with, "can't you do something for their release?" "it is the same with me," he answered; "i can not leave my post." "some one ought to see to their release. can not you see to their release?" "i tell you, madam, it is hard to do much for each other." "gentlemen," i responded, "i have learned one thing thoroughly since being with the army, and that is, it is almost impossible to get one officer to touch another's red-tape. but position or no position, head or no head, these flagrant wrongs ought to be plowed up beam deep. here comes an order from president lincoln for drafting men, and judge attocha has laid three thousand on the shelf, when all they ask is to be permitted to return to their respective regiments. that man is serving the rebel cause more effectually than when at the head of his company in the rebel ranks, by decimating the union army; and here you have it in a tangible form. i am informed that judge attocha was a rebel captain. he is a rebel still, and in the exercise of this authority is banishing your soldiers for trivial military offenses, in irons, with forfeited wages; for which their families are now suffering." the thought struck me, what will these officers think, to see a little old woman talking to them like this? for i addressed them as i would a group of ten-year-old boys. i had lost all reverence for shoulder-straps, and cast a glance over my audience, when i saw a number in tears. surely there are hearts here that feel, i thought to myself. i turned to brother diossy, and said, "you can leave your position, and get another to occupy your place here?" "yes, i could, if it would avail any thing; but it would be impossible for me to accomplish what you have done on ship island." "why? the idea seems to me perfectly preposterous." "i will tell you why. there is so much wire-pulling here in the army. i would be suspected of trying to displace an officer for the position for myself, or for a friend standing behind me. consequently i could not have examined the record as you did." "that is true," rejoined a general. "i presume there is not one of us that could have had access to those records that you had, for the reason that mr. diossy has given. they know you have no such object in view, but see you as a sort of soldiers' mother; and records, or any sort of investigation, would be opened to you when it would be closed to us." i told them i had not viewed it from that stand-point. one of the officers, a very large man, six feet and four inches tall, i should judge, stepped up to me in officer-like style. "what do you propose to do with facts you gathered on ship island?" i looked up in his face, a little hesitating. "i say, madam, what do you propose to do with these papers?" "i can hardly answer intelligently," i replied; "but i will tell you one thing i do propose to do, and that is, to take these facts from one officer to another, over all the rounds of the ladder, until they reach the highest official at washington, but what justice shall be done to those poor soldiers in irons." he settled back, with softened tone. "well, it ought to be done." the commanding appearance and tone, with the changed mellow voice, of that officer is still vividly remembered. there were two chaplains in this company who said they would unite with general weitzel on the committee he proposed, and they could learn within a week whether they could accomplish any thing in their behalf. if favorable, chaplain conway said he would write me at adrian, as we were soon to return to our homes, and would write, as i requested, by two boats in succession, as guerrillas were at that time frequently interrupting boats. if no letter was received within two weeks i was to accept it as granted that nothing could be done for them in that department. at o'clock we attended prayer-meeting, where we met many soldiers and two chaplains. i was called upon to give a sketch of our ship island visit, and at the close a frail and spoke encouraging words to them, in passing through this transition state. from them we went to the river bank to see five hundred prisoners of war, captured up red river. many of them were citizens of new orleans. on returning we went to a meeting of the colored people, where we found uncle tom's spirit waiting confidently for the "better day a-coming." a number of white soldiers present encouraged us with kind words. after refreshments we attended another meeting, and listened to an instructive sermon by a colored chaplain, of the second "corps d'afrique," as the colored regiments were called in that part of the country. he was the first colored man who received an appointment from the government. at p.m. we visited the colored sabbath-school of seven hundred at the medical college. chaplain conway superintended. colonel hanks, general banks's wife, and a number of other visitors were present. dr. john p. newman addressed the school, and gave a thrilling narrative of his visit to the holy land, exhibiting the native scrip, sandals, girdle, goat-skin bottle, a palestine lantern, and sundry other curiosities. after a few encouraging remarks by col. hanks, the superintendent unexpectedly called upon me to address the school. after the session closed i was introduced to mrs. banks, who wished me to write out the sketch of the facts i had gathered on ship island for her to send to her husband. this i did. she said that judge attocha promised general banks that he would do all in his power for the union cause, and now in this way he was paying him for his promotion. after giving my statements to mrs. banks, and the petition to general weitzel, i felt that i could leave for home on the first boat going north; yet we had but little hope of success in behalf of the , prisoners in this department. we took passage on the hospital transport _thomas_, bound for cairo, with eighty wounded soldiers from the red river expedition, all discharged or furloughed for home. medical inspector stipp kindly gave us a state-room. we were grateful to our heavenly father for the many kind friends we everywhere found, although surrounded by bitter enemies. the boat did not design stopping until it reached baton rouge; but i wanted to stop at plaquemine to get the little girl matilda, previously mentioned, to take to her mother, who had made her escape a few years before. after breakfast, dressing wounds was the order of the day. i kept off the flies during the process, as it was very difficult otherwise to keep them away, the stench being so great. poor boys! there were all sorts of wounds among them,--saber-cuts and bullet-wounds in the head, neck, shoulders, arms, hands, body, legs, and feet, of all shapes and sizes. o what horrid mangling! yet the same patience that so remarkably characterized the union soldier everywhere was seen here. it was hard to restrain tears in their presence, but we gave vent to them when in our state-room. i was unexpectedly called for at plaquemine, as i was informed that medical inspector stipp had ordered the _thomas_ to stop for me. they were already landing before they found me. i caught up my bonnet and shawl and threw them on while hastening through the cabin. sister backus ran with me to the plank, where we snatched a parting kiss. i jumped ashore, sister backus, surgeons, and a few others waving good-by signals with their handkerchiefs. the _thomas_ pushed out into the channel, and the next moment found me without my official papers, pocket-book, or portfolio; all were gone on to baton rouge with my friend letitia backus. in my haste they had been forgotten. as i was inquiring for the name of eliza's sister of a colored picket, he recognized me at once, being from detroit. he said he had beard me speak in the colored church in that city, and urged me to speak for them the next evening in their confiscated methodist episcopal church. i consented, and found the two sisters, with little matilda, almost wild with delight. i soon had the pleasure of introducing my detroit acquaintance, who called with a few other young men that knew me; and here, too, i was surrounded by friends, but they expressed fears of my not securing transportation to baton rouge, because their commander was cross and was known to issue but few orders for transportation. but i went to his office and told him what my business was in the army, and why i called there; that, on leaving the floating hospital in haste, i forgot my official papers, and consequently had nothing by which he could judge whether my statement was correct or not. i, however, had presumed to call on him to see if i could secure transportation for myself and that little girl of twelve years. "well, i think your motherly face will take you to baton rouge," he answered. "there is a regular packet running to that city, and i will send a note by you to the captain that will secure your passage, although it is not a government boat. the captain has received favors from me, and will gladly make this return." he handed me a paper that requested a state-room and board for us, for which continued thankfulness filled my heart. the friends of eliza and of another escaped slave, fleming, came in to inquire after them, and to tell long stories of the efforts put forth for their capture. but bissel, slaughter, and "old eaton," as they called him, only had the opportunity of gratifying themselves in threats. the colored minister in the regiment took much pains in circulating notice of the meeting, and the church was well filled. we enjoyed the presence of the lord jesus in our midst. there were those there who had felt the bitter pangs of family separations, with cruel treatment, who wept for joy in speaking of the precious boon of freedom. some of them were fearful that it would last no longer than the war; but i assured them, as officers and soldiers had done, that it was a fixed fact. the packet _bank_ came in at five o'clock, p. m., april st, when we took leave of kind friends who accompanied us to the boat. after a pleasant trip, we were received with joy on our safe arrival at baton rouge. the next day we visited the forty-eighth illinois regiment, and distributed a quantity of reading matter. we also attended the funeral of a deceased soldier, where the privilege was granted me of making some remarks. i endeavored to enforce the solemn truth, "it is appointed unto man once to die, and after this the judgment." i exhorted those present to prepare to live in friendship with god, as that alone would enable them to gain the victory over death. on april d we visited the jail, in company with brother merrifield, and distributed testaments and tracts, which were gladly received. here we met a rebel captain, who said he was a rebel of the strongest kind; had been fighting to establish his government, and should do it again if he lived to get to his regiment. i told him i had no hope in his case, unless he would accept the truth contained in the testament, which i presented to him, and said that if he would read carefully and prayerfully, and drink in its spirit and practice its teachings, he would find a religion pure and undefiled. "madam," he answered, "if i thought reading that book carefully and prayerfully, and accepting pure and undefiled religion, would lead me to lay down arms in defense of the confederate government, i would never read a word in it or take one thought of religion; no, not to save my soul." this he uttered with a change from a flushed to a blanched countenance. we afterwards learned he was a captain of a guerrilla band, and had been sentenced to be shot, but the sentence had been commuted. a union man who was a citizen here knew him, and said he ordered a union man out of his buggy, and shot him dead; then he bayoneted him through and through, in the presence of his wife and child; then ordered them out, took the horse and buggy, and left the distracted wife and child to wait by the mangled body, until a passer by hastened to the city and sent a hearse for the body. on the way to town for burial, the same band of guerrillas captured the team and hearse, and left again the distressed mother and child to get the mutilated body of the husband and father taken to burial as best they could. "such horrible deeds," said a union man of this city, "will continue until government takes a more decided policy." on sunday morning, april th, we attended the sunrise prayer-meeting among the colored people, and more earnest prayers i never heard for union soldiers: never heard more earnest pleading for the triumph of liberty. god was truly overshadowing his own. before the rising of the sun, there was a large congregation. at nine o'clock we were invited to make some opening remarks in brother tucker's sabbath-school of three hundred children. then we were conducted to another sabbath-school, where we were invited to make a few closing remarks. at o'clock we attended a meeting led by chaplain berge. on returning to our boarding-place, we were called upon by brother merrifield, who accompanied us into the fort to address the colored troops. sister backus referred to the importance of making themselves intelligent, so that when their rights were established as citizens, they would be prepared to vote understandingly. this brought smiles from the officers, and frowns from a few of the white soldiers. we also attended a meeting conducted by the chaplain of the general hospital, who preached a very appropriate sermon for officers as well as soldiers. he warned against the truckling, time-serving, and cotton-speculating manifestations in this war, and also the influence of southern women in sympathy with the rebellion. this was the sixth religious service we attended during the day, in four of which we had taken an active part. we retired to rest until the : o'clock meeting at the methodist episcopal church, now turned over to chaplain brakeman, who was called away the previous day. he had left an urgent request for me to address the soldiers on sabbath evening; but i told the chaplain who brought the word we could make no further engagements, as we were waiting hourly for a boat going up the river. before six, a steamer stopped, and we took passage for natchez, as we had business to see to concerning an orphan asylum. one of the chaplains said if we could realize the good it was doing the soldiers, we would visit them oftener; that there were more conversions during the week after we left than in many months previously. an exhortation from a mother reminded the soldiers of home and home influences. we had a conversation with a colored captain, who had just resigned on account of the constant indignities heaped upon the colored troops. he was a man of wealth and intelligence, and gave us an account of a review by general sherman, after general butler left. when general sherman came to him, he stopped to look at the bars on his shoulders, and gruffly asked, "are you a captain?" "yes, sir," was the reply. "o, you are too black for a captain," said the general. at fort hudson, when our troops were retreating under a galling fire, a colored captain, with his men, at the risk of his life, ran to bring out general sherman, who was badly wounded, and would have died but for the daring feat of the colored soldiers. the colored captain lost his life, but general sherman was rescued. since then he has spoken highly of colored soldiers, and of the brave captains that led them. my informant said that after general banks assumed command they hoped for better treatment, but their hopes were vain. as the men in december and january were in want of shoes and clothing, he told general banks that they were not in a suitable condition to work on the fortifications where the detachment was ordered, but no attention was paid to him. he inquired why his men could not be supplied the same as the white soldiers. the reply he received was, "don't you know you are niggers, and must not expect the same treatment?" "from that moment," he said, "i resolved to resign; but after waiting a little, and seeing no better prospects, i did so, and shall not resume arms until we can be treated as men." in new orleans two regiments of free colored men were raised in forty-eight hours. they were officered by men of their color in grades as high as major by general butler, who said they were as good officers as he held under him. we arrived in natchez on the th, where we met rejoicing friends. we found a number of the missionaries sick, among them sister burlingame. the day following we spent chiefly in writing, and distributing testaments and tracts among soldiers. in the evening we attended a protracted meeting, conducted by two sisters. they acquitted themselves nobly, and had three conversions. they exhorted earnestly and prayed fervently. they invited us to take part with them. one of the ministers told me they had worked in this meeting until they were tired out, and then gave it over to these mothers in the church, whose labors the lord was blessing in the conversion of precious souls. we made an effort to secure a house for an orphan asylum. rebel sympathizers were making trouble all along the line of our work. they tried every plan that could be devised to drive the refugees back to their old plantations. an infamous "health order" was issued, compelling every colored person, not employed by responsible parties in the city or suburbs, to go into the "corral," or colored camp. many were employed by colored citizens, who were doing all they could to find work for them. but on the day this order took effect soldiers were sent to hunt them out of all such places, as no colored party was deemed responsible; and all who were not actual members of these colored families were driven out at the point of union bayonets. they gathered two hundred and fifty, mostly women and children, and drove them through the streets of natchez on a chilly, rainy day, and marched them into the camp of four thousand in condemned tents. one of the colored citizens told me that she was paying her woman wages, and allowing her to have her three children with her, but the soldiers drove her out into the rain. men and women tantalized them as they were marching through the streets, saying: "that's the way the yankees treat you, is it? you'd better come back to us; we never treated you like that." many of the women went into camp crying. said an old colored man: "never min', thar's a better day a comin'. 'twould be strange if uncle sam hadn't a few naughty boys." he was one of the group that was driven in. we heard, april th, that there was a skirmish near our lines the evening before. a party of scouts had shot into the pickets, and they retreated; but we did not learn whether any were killed. news came to us of calvin fairbanks's release from the kentucky penitentiary. we trusted that the same deliverer would open the prison-door for the three thousand soldiers on the two islands in the gulf. at nine o'clock a. m., may st, we attended the organization of the fifth colored sabbath-school in the city. at eleven a. m. we went to wall street church, and listened to an interesting discourse by chaplain trask, of the fourth illinois regiment. at two p. m., at the colored methodist episcopal church, we heard brother burlingame. after a short exhortation by brother fitzhugh, twelve came forward for prayer, and some were blessed with pardon. at six p. m. we attended a soldiers' meeting at wall street church, in which we took a part; also a number of soldiers spoke and prayed. between meetings i wrote a letter for a colored man to his wife, who is still a slave in woodville, twenty miles distant. i was sick with a chill and fever may d, and the nearest to being homesick since i left michigan. the next day i was better. here i met joseph warner, with whom i had been acquainted from his childhood. he was a lessee at waterproof. he had a large plantation, and two hundred hands employed. he was twice taken by guerrillas. he told them they could hang or shoot him, but they might rest assured that forty of their men's lives would pay for his, and forty men stood ready to take his place; and they let him go each time. a distressed mother came to us to inquire for her two daughters, that her mistress had sent to texas to elude the effects of the proclamation of emancipation. she had begged her mistress to allow them to remain in town, if she could not have them with her. the mistress said, "no you shall never have your girls with you again, not even to give you a drink of water if you are dying." this was at the retaking of baton rouge, when the mistress considered herself again in full power; but she was soon to suffer herself. when that city was retaken by union men, the only son of the mistress was burned to death in the house at which he was boarding. upon this she fell into fits. yet, pharaoh-like, she persisted in keeping the slave-girls in texas. a number of missionaries called on us, and urged me to remain with them a few weeks longer; but for two reasons i had to decline: first, those three thousand soldier prisoners were daily on my mind; and, second, my poor health made it a duty to return home. skirmishing four miles off took place may th, and we could see the blue smoke of battle. the shooting seemed near us. how little this terrible war was realized in our own free state homes! i met on the street a mulatto girl seventeen years old, weeping, and inquired the cause of her grief. she said her owner, mrs. morehead, had been beating her. "why do you remain with her?" i asked. "she keeps my baby locked up," was her reply; "and she says if i leave i shall never have him." i told her that i could take her to the provost-marshal, who would give her an order for her child. at this she cheered up, and went with me, and received an order, in case she could not get it without. she said she would go back and pack her few things in her old trunk, and then watch her opportunity when the mistress was out to bring her baby to the freedmen's store. after the child was secured i sent a soldier with her, who brought her trunk, without letting any one in the hotel know of her movements. only a short time elapsed before we saw mrs. morehead in front of the hotel, looking up and down the street for her delphine, who kept herself hid in the freedmen's store with her little charlie, about two years old. just before the war mr. morehead had brought her away from her mother in st. louis, missouri, and the height of her ambition was to get back there. i secured transportation for herself and child to cairo, and paid her fare to st. louis. but she was in constant fear of her former owners. her history was a sad one. she was bought for their hotel fancy girl, and the father of her child was her own master. the child resembled his father so much that he was frequently taken by strangers to be the child of the mistress. the mother was two-thirds white; and the roman, nose, straight hair, and white skin of the child would not give a stranger the least idea that he had even the sixteenth part of african blood in his veins. as a boat was expected to arrive within an hour, we took leave of the many kind friends, and repaired to the wharf-boat. soon mrs. morehead followed, and called for delphine; but the trembling girl caught her babe and hid. but as her mistress repeated the calls, she at length came to me with the child, asking, "what shall i do? i would rather throw myself and baby into the river than go back to her." said her mistress, "i tell you, del., i've got an officer to come and take you to jail for stealing." i told delphine she could rest assured that none of the officers would trouble her, for they informed me they should not notice her mistress's complaints, let them be what they would, as they had had more trouble with that rebel family than a little ever since they occupied the city. i told her to leave charlie on the boat, and go out on the levee and tell her mistress plainly that she was going to st. louis to her mother, and not be so excited. she did so, and mrs. morehead kept her nearly an hour, trying to coax, hire, and frighten her, but without avail. delphine all this while was trembling with fear. i believe if she had seen an officer coming with her mistress, she would have thrown herself and child into the river. mrs. morehead at length came upon the wharf-boat. when delphine saw her coming she snatched up her child, and ran to the rear of the boat, and the mistress after her. again she came to me with "what shall i do?" i replied, "sit down here by me and hold your child, and she will not dare touch you." she trembled as if having an ague fit. soon a her mistress stood before us in a rage, and turned to me: "you came into my kitchen with an order, and took her, when she was doing better than you ever dare do." "i never went into your kitchen," i said. "a soldier went with her for her trunk. i understood an officer called on you and called for her child, at her request, before she came to me." "it's a lie. delphine lied about me." said sister backus, "i shouldn't think you would want such a person about you, if that is true." "well, the child seems so near to me. i've always had the care of it." she left us at length with a threat that she would bring the officers to take her to jail for stealing. the _kennet_ came in at o'clock a. m., may th, bound for st. louis, missouri, and we went aboard. as we pushed out from shore, delphine clapped her hands. "now i know mistress morehead can trouble me no more; thank god, i've got my charlie too! nobody knows what i have gone through since i've been in this city." we arrived in vicksburg may th, and took breakfast at the soldiers' home, where we met ex-governor harvey, a soldiers' friend. here was a lady who had charge of the body of her brother, killed up red river, taking the remains back to iowa. after spending a little time in this large city of soldiers, whose tents whitened the adjoining fields, we left. on the day this city fell into union hands, report said, there was an old man very confident of the success of the confederate government, and he said that god could not let it fail; if he did, he would never believe there is a god. when, the gun-boats came in, and he was told the city was taken, he would not believe it, until he rose up from his chair and saw marching columns of soldiers, with their bayonets glistening in the fourth of july sun. he immediately sank back in his chair in a faint, and soon died. may th was a sort of a war sabbath. the night before our boat ran aground, and it took three hours to get her off. many of the passengers dressed, and made ready to escape at the first possible chance, in case she should become wrecked. we were told that at one time the water was three feet deep in her hull. by making great effort the men succeeded in pumping it out. she run slowly, being a very large boat. we had a variety of passengers on board, officers of various ranks, soldiers, missionaries, preachers, and a few secessionists. major-general hunter remained with us two days. quite an excitement arose over the arrest of a smuggler of goods through our lines. he was thought to be connected with the little steamer _baltic_. there was a major and a provost-marshal, from baton rouge, who followed up the matter. when the prisoner was brought to the rear of the boat, with his hands tied, it created much feeling among a dozen colored people, until they heard the major ask him if he had taken the oath of allegiance. he answered gruffly, "no, and i never will." this led the major to ask other questions concerning the trade of the _baltic_. "i will tell you nothing about it, if i stand here till i die, and you may go to--." this brought the sympathy of the colored people, as well as of the rest of us, down below zero. said one colored man, "let him stand there, then, until he dies." but within an hour he consented to be sworn to tell the truth, and nothing but the truth, and the major examined him in the presence of many witnesses, major-general hunter one of them. on monday i introduced myself to general hunter, as usual, by my letters. "how long have you been in the army," he asked, "and how far?" in reply to his queries i gave him a sketch of our work. i mentioned general tuttle's refusal to grant us transportation, the wrongs of the colored soldiers, and the history of the three thousand prisoners on ship island and dry tortugas, and stated the fact that some missionaries and missionary teachers had advised me to say nothing of these wrongs, however flagrant. i also called his attention to the printed order placed in our hands, that we were not to report any movements in the army, either verbally or by writing, and asked his advice whether it was wiser to report or to keep silent. "mrs. haviland," he replied, "i am glad you have been in the army so long, and i am glad you went so far, and i will explain that order. "you have observed movements of troops from one place to another just on the eve of battle. these are the matters you are not to report; but the wrongs you have met you may proclaim on your arrival at home from the house-tops." i thanked him for this advice, for it was to me a great relief. it seemed to trouble him. after pacing the cabin to and fro a few minutes, he came to me and said: "mrs. haviland, we have had a good deal of sifting done in the army, and more must be done yet. did general tuttle see those papers you gave me?" "he did," i answered. "copperheads have no business in the army in the exercise of such authority as this. general tuttle ran for governor on the copperhead ticket in iowa last year. what right has a copperhead to be lifted up here, where loyal men are needed? i have never seen the least cause to abandon my first conclusion, that the only way to crush this rebellion was to emancipate and arm the slaves; and if i could have been permitted to carry out my plan of taking kentucky into my field, as my rank and position entitled me to do, i should have proclaimed freedom to the slaves as fast as i reached them. the strength i could have gathered from the slave population would soon have been two hundred thousand men, and that number of stand of arms was all i asked. but the vacillating policy of the government would not permit it. i saw clearly that this was the only policy that would prove successful, and i thought every body else must see it when i first proclaimed it in south carolina. it seemed there were others who took a different view, and my order was superseded." said sister backus, "you have the satisfaction of knowing that your policy had to be adopted before the nation could succeed." "o, yes," replied he reluctantly; "but it is with regret that i think of the drafting of thousands, which might have been avoided just as well as not. there was no necessity for the draft." sister backus remarked, "as a nation, we must suffer defeats until it reaches the right position, not only in arming colored men, but in paying them just wages; for they make as good soldiers as white men." a bystander said, "i don't know that they make as good soldiers as white men, from the fact that they are not so intelligent. here is general hunter, and i presume he will say the same thing"--turning to him for an answer. in a decided tone the general said, "i shall say no such thing. they make the best of soldiers; for, first, they are kind and docile; and, second, they are apt to learn. they learn military tactics very readily, and ought to have the same wages as any other soldier. all along this river i find one continued series of wrongs inflicted upon the negro." we told him of the infamous order by dr. kelley, sanctioned by general tuttle, and published under the specious guise of "health order," to drive the slaves back to their masters. he shook his head in disgust. "why does the head of this serpent rise up at almost every point? when it appeared in the department under my command i crushed it at once." at the mouth of red river three women came aboard, by permission of the gunboat officers stationed there. their object was to hire men, whom they wanted to gather cane for working up into weaving reeds. one of them reported to dr. long that she had been watching a couple of ladies on our boat, and she believed them spies, for they seemed to have a great deal of writing to do. dr. long happened to know enough about the ladies reported as spies to allow sister backus and myself to pass unmolested. but these ladies were themselves suspected of being spies. we reached the city of memphis may th. sister backus had been quite sick for three days, but was now a little better. we called at the christian commission rooms, and got a market-basket full of reading matter for distribution. the next day was quite cold and freezing. we stopped at columbus a short time. here we secured a paper giving an account of the terrible slaughter at fredericksburg. rumor had it that fifteen thousand were killed and wounded; that lee was driven back thirty miles; grant and butler were said to be pushing on to richmond, and were now within a short day's march of the rebel capital. general hunter was quite sanguine in hope that richmond would soon fall. on may th we arrived at cairo, and took leave of the friends whom our few days' acquaintance had made dear. we reached home on the th, amid the rejoicing of dear children and friends. it is no wonder the soldiers we met were delighted to see a northern face, for it reminded them of their home associations. intercession unceasing went up for the three thousand soldier prisoners banished to the gulf islands. the mail had brought nothing from new orleans. by this i was to understand that nothing could be done for them there. congress was still in session, and i immediately wrote a full account of their wrongs to congressman beaman, and urged the presentation of the case to the war department. without giving myself time to rest, i hastened to detroit, to report our work and give an account of the unjust sentences of those prisoners at ship island and the tortugas. while making my statements in captain e. b. ward's office, he took them down to forward them to b. f. wade, chairman of the committee on the conduct of the war; but he said, "you must go to washington and report these facts to the committee in person." i told him i had written the full details to my friend, f. c. beaman, member of congress, and i thought he would do all that could be done. he answered, "i shall send these items to b. f. wade, and our letters will make good entering wedges; but the living tongue will do more than the pen." i told him i was ready to go or do any thing i could for their release, but still hoped to hear from new orleans. i would wait a week longer and rest. then, if i had means, i would go. he said he would see to that, and i returned to my home. within a week i received a note from him, stating that he had just received a letter from b. f. wade, requesting me to come at once and bring my extracts from the record i had examined on ship island. i was soon on my way to detroit, and at nine o'clock, a. m., on the following day, i was in captain ward's office, ready to take the boat for cleveland on my way to washington. i waited but a few minutes when the captain came in with a letter, which he threw in my lap, saying, "there is a letter for you to read." the first sentence was, "the exhibition of these letters before secretary stanton has proved sufficient. judge attocha was dismissed immediately, and a committee is to be appointed to investigate and release those prisoners at once. there is therefore no necessity for mrs. haviland's presence on that score. general tuttle is already relieved." on reading these glad words, i remarked that i never had been a shouting methodist, but i felt more like shouting over these glad tidings than i ever had done in all my life. if i had not been spoiled for singing by being raised a quaker, i would have sung the doxology. i wrote an article for the detroit _tribune_ containing these facts, and stating the prospects of the immediate release of the three thousand prisoners on ship island and dry tortugas. i sent the paper to captain j. noyce, and very soon received a reply that my letter, with the _tribune_, was the first intimation they had received of any thing being done in their behalf. he said, "i sent the letter and paper to the prisoners, and they eagerly read them in all their companies, until i doubt whether a whole sentence can be found together." a few weeks later i received another letter from captain noyce, in which he stated that the committee was investigating, and that but one person in seventy-five was found unworthy of being released at once; but that very soon all would be restored to their regiments. chapter xiii. freedmen's aid commission. our freedmen's aid commission was enlarged in june, . dr. george duffield was made president; drs. hogarth and chase, vice-presidents; david preston, treasurer; and b. c. durfee, secretary. the board of directors appointed me its agent, and allowed me a salary of forty dollars a month. this is the first remuneration i received for my labors; but seeing unfaithful officers dismissed, prisoners released, and the suffering and dying relieved, was a satisfaction far exceeding dollars and cents. i received invitations to address congregations in large towns, where much was done in gathering supplies. at a union thanksgiving meeting in jackson, $ was collected, and at a similar meeting at grass lake, the same day, $ ; at luce's hall, grand rapids, $ ; at methodist episcopal church, pontiac, $ ; and at leoni wesleyan methodist conference, $ . . many other liberal donations were also received. auxiliaries were organized, and i prepared to return to the field of desolation, whither duty seemed to be loudly calling me. i concluded to suspend raisin institute until the close of the war. i received propositions from a number of graduates of the michigan university to take it in charge; but the care of preparing for another academic year was more than i could properly undertake, and do justice to the limitless field of mission work that was open before us. in september i had a car-load of supplies ready, and $ in money. of this amount, $ was placed in my hands by friends at adrian, with the request of the donors that it should be retained in my own hands for disbursement on reaching the scene of suffering. at chicago appeals were made to the soldiers' aid society and christian commission for aid in the freedmen's department, and also to myself personally, on account of the great distress in kansas after general price's raid through missouri, followed by colonels lane and jennison, who drove thousands of poor whites and freedmen into that young state. i decided to hasten thither, with mrs. lee, of hillsdale, as an assistant. at leavenworth we met j. r. brown, half-brother of captain john brown, of ossawatomie, who had charge of both white refugees and freedmen and a sort of soldiers' home, under general curtis. he kindly offered me headquarters in his establishment, consisting of two large two-story frame buildings, with one hundred occupants each. i called on general curtis, who telegraphed for my goods to be forwarded in preference to other army supplies, and gave me passes through the state to fort scott. my object was to investigate all intermediate towns where refugees and freedmen were congregated. he also gave me liberty to use an order he had given j. r. brown, to call upon quarter-masters for half, whole, or quarter rations, wherever suffering for food existed. these investigations enabled me to judge of the amount of aid needed at each point. as my supplies had not reached me, j. r. brown filled two large trunks with sanitary supplies for the greatest sufferers. thus supplied, i took the stage for fort scott. my first halt was at quindaro, a small town built on rocky bluffs and in deep ravines. a few years previously it was designed by a few speculators to be an important landing on the mississippi; and they built a few stone houses, a long wood store-house, and a number of small log-houses, which had been left untenanted, but were now filled with white refugees and freedmen, a large majority were women and children. the able-bodied men among the freedmen were in the union army, but many of the men whose refugee families were here were in the confederate army. general price had made terrible havoc of all who were suspected of being favorable to the union. then followed colonels lane and jennison, who made as great havoc of the remainder. those who fled for their lives were crowded into every niche of available room. in one open log-house i found twenty-three wretched inmates. four of them were women, two of whom were sick from exposure in husking corn during cold, snowy weather. eight of the children had the measles, and three of them died; two others seemed near death's door. two women were hauling a small tree-top to their door to chop for night-wood. the feet of these poor women were exposed to the mud and snow, which was melting. o, what squalid wretchedness was here! not a bed, chair, table, or whole dish in this gloomy abode! i inquired how they slept. i was shown a rag-carpet on the fence, which they obtained for washing for one of the neighbors. this was spread before a large fire-place, and all lay down upon that but two, who kept up the fire, and watched to keep those asleep from burning. they said the man who owned the adjoining wood-land kindly allowed them all the wood they needed that was on the ground. they borrowed an ax to chop it. i found the four women had husked corn on shares until two were sick with pneumonia; and the corn, boiled without salt, was all they had to eat during the five weeks they had been there. now they were nearly out, and what to do they knew not, as they were forbidden to go into the field to husk more. i made out an order for rations, and measured their bare feet for shoes and stockings. i took one of the women to the post-office, where i had left my trunks, and gave her four army-blankets, six knit woolen socks, six pairs of drawers, four pairs of stockings, and two pairs of shoes, which were all i had to fit them. as i piled the above articles upon the shoulders and arms of the poor woman she wept for joy. the postmaster said, "is this your business here?" on receiving an affirmative reply, he said, with tearful eye: "to-morrow morning the ground will be frozen, and i will go with you where the most of these poor people are." i procured lodging with a widow johnson and her son, who was with captain john brown's party all through the border-ruffian troubles. my kind friend regretted my having made the mile and a half walk to the log-house in the field and back to the post-office before supper, as i had not taken refreshments since leaving leavenworth, very early. but when i told her of the distress i found, she rejoiced with me at the partial relief i had given them. after a good rest and an early breakfast, i went with the kind postmaster to visit the most wretched tenements of both white and colored, and found eighty-one to report for rations to the commander in wyandotte. the postmaster and mr. johnson agreed to go with their team every week and distribute to the destitute; and if others were found equally needy they would report them to me on my return. after descending steep cliffs and climbing rugged rocks until past noon, we returned for dinner; but before it was finished the stage came along, and i took it for wyandotte, where we arrived late in the evening. the weather for october was cold, and freezing quite hard. when i informed mrs. halford, the landlady of the garno house, of my errand, she was much pleased, and said that her duties forbade her to assist me, but she would do her part in giving me a welcome home while in their town. she introduced me to a family of benevolent ladies, who promised to aid me in my investigations, but did not think i would find the suffering in their city that i found in quindaro. one of my new friends went with me to a neighborhood where there were new arrivals, and found many in a perishing condition with cold and hunger. from thence we went to old stables and sheds crowded with destitute human beings, both white and colored. the dear friend who volunteered to guide to these children of want wept herself sick as we listened to the stories of their flight from homes in missouri and arkansas. here was a woman, named melinda dale, with six small children and a sick husband, who had to flee for their lives. a few pieces of old tent-cloth, picked up about an old camp, made their bed. children were crying for bread, the mother was sick with grief, and the father had a high fever. a blanket was given them, with a few loaves of bread; and after the reading of scripture and prayer we left for the relief of others. our next call was upon the wife and five small children of lieutenant miller, who was supposed to be in a rebel prison. the wife was in great distress, not knowing whether her husband was living or perishing by starvation. he was taken prisoner one year before and she and her children were in a starving condition. they occupied an old sibley tent. these were also, with many others, reported for rations, and immediate relief was given. a few weeks previously rations were withheld, which caused great suffering with many. i gave rations to barbara stewart, with two sick children, whose husband was murdered by guerillas because he was known to be a union man. i next called on green f. bethel, who left his arkansas home with a large family, consisting of his wife, nine children, and aged mother. all except himself were taken down with the measles, soon after passing through fort scott. his mother soon died, and was buried by the way-side. a day later his wife and infant child died, and were also buried by the way. not long after the last three children died, and were also buried by the road-side. he said, "o, what sorrow was mine! one-half of my family are gone! the light of my household seemed vanishing! were it not for the help of my lord i should have fainted under this sweeping affliction. my wife and mother were christians many years. we were members of the cumberland presbyterian church." we found the poor man in a hard chill. it came on every third day, and was followed with high fever. the two intervening days he was able to use his team in little jobs of hauling, and thus he kept his children and team alive. i inquired why he did not make his condition known to the citizens of that town. he said no one knew any thing about him, and there were so many making pretensions to loyalty who were not loyal, that none would know but he was of that class. "my wife's brother," he said, "came with his family when we did, and he also lost his wife on the way, following the union soldiers. our lives were threatened, and the rope was placed around my neck once, but by the entreaties of my wife and children the rebels concluded to let me go a day or two longer; then if i would not join with them in supporting the confederate government, i was to be hung or shot. the same threat was made to my brother-in-law, and we hid in the woods three weeks, before we left in the night for the lines of the union soldiers. we started with two wagons, and had nine horses and three cows. but they gave out one after another, and we had to leave them all on the way, except the youngest and best team, which i have yet. i have a good farm, and so has my brother-in-law; but if we are ever permitted to return to our homes, it is doubtful whether we shall find a building left." he wept freely, as well as his children. the oldest daughter, amy, of seventeen, leaned her head upon my shoulder, and wept aloud. she said, "we could all bear this furnace of affliction much better if our dear mother had been spared us." with prayer we left this house of mourning, with a request for the afflicted brother to call at head-quarters for the rations i should report for the six in his family. said he, on taking the parting hand, "one favor i ask of you, my dear sister; and that is, your continued prayers that the lord may open a way for us where there now seems to be no way." my friend who served as guide said, "my head aches with weeping, in witnessing these heart-rending scenes. i must decline going with you farther this afternoon. i shall be obliged to take my bed. i do not see how you live, as you meet similar scenes so frequently." these visits made us quite late for dinner, but my kind hostess kept it waiting for me. with interest, she sat by my side to listen to a report of my morning calls. she was surprised to learn of so much suffering near them. after dinner i resumed my work. on my way i met a woman shivering in an ague chill, thinly clad, and weeping. i inquired for the cause of her grief. she said she had been hunting for washing or something to do, to purchase bread for her three little children, for they had had nothing to eat for a whole day. i told her i would call on her before night. i found a number in as great distress as in my morning calls. one man, who lost his wife, leaving him with six small children, had found work six miles away; but he returned at night to care for his little ones. the oldest child, ten years of age, was left during the day in charge of the five younger ones. for the sake of furnishing bread for his children, he walked the twelve miles back and forth daily. i found the woman whom i had met on the street in a high fever, with an infant of eight months in her arms, and two of her children crying for bread. i took them a few loaves, and gave her an order for rations. the husband had been pressed into service when they had been but two weeks from home, and was not allowed to see his wife and children to say good bye. she had heard nothing from him since. in the corner lay a crippled discharged colored soldier, who was also suffering for food. i stepped into a grocery and purchased sugar and crackers for the sick and for the children. my next call was on another woman with six children. her husband had been in the army a long time, and she had not heard from him. she feared he was suffering in a rebel prison. near this cabin was agnes everett, with five children between the ages of fifteen months and twelve years. her two youngest children were in a starving condition--the baby, she said, had been too sick to allow her to do much in procuring food. her boy of twelve years was her only dependence in getting little jobs of wood-sawing or doing chores for cold victuals, or a pint of meal which she made into porridge. the little emaciated baby was fed with the porridge. its face was wrinkled like an old person's of ninety years. its eyes were sunken and glassy; its hands looked more like birds' claws than like human hands. "don't, clarkie; poor little fannie is so sick she must have this," said the mother to the little fellow who watched the mother when her attention was occupied for a chance to snatch a floating lump. as i looked upon these famishing children i could not refrain from weeping. her husband and grown son were in the army. she had been looking for money from them for a number of months, but had heard nothing from them. i gave them two loaves of bread for their supper, and directed them to meet me at the post-office the next day at ten o'clock a. m., and i would give her an order for six half rations until she received help from her husband. this closed my day's work. on my return to the garno house, mrs. halford informed me that the lady who went with me in the morning was sick, for she had hardly ceased weeping over those pitiful families we visited in the morning. at the time appointed i met a number at the post-office, among whom was agnes everett, to receive orders for half, quarter, or whole rations, and gave out a few articles of clothing. as i gave agnes the order for rations, i charged her strictly to give the two younger children no strong food for a few days, but only a little at a time and often, especially the youngest, as it would live but a few hours if she allowed it to eat all it craved. a number of gentlemen listened to my charge, and as the little group left the office one of them inquired where i was from. with my reply i gave them my papers from the governor and members of congress of michigan. after reading they introduced themselves,--dr. wood, dr. speck, lawyer james, and others. dr. speck informed me of a family whose youngest child actually starved to death three days before. he was called when it was dying, but too late to save it. he said, "there were two other families who would have died soon if the citizens had not rendered the aid needed; and there would have been another death by starvation before we should have known it, here in our midst, but it took you to come from michigan to find it out." lawyer james said there was a family on the hill opposite the ferry he would like to see visited, but there were so many crowding in here of late that it seemed as if they had done all they possibly could. they were rejoiced to learn of the liberty granted, by general curtis to issue orders for rations. said dr. wood, "the freedmen are seeking for work, no matter what kind, but the white refugees are the most do-nothing set i ever saw." while i acknowledged his position true in most cases, yet there were noble exceptions and i mentioned the bethel family and stated their condition. one gentleman said he would look after that family. in confirmation of his remarks i told of a family of poor whites in quindaro who were asked to assist a neighbor in sickness. as there were the mother and two grown daughters, it was supposed one of them could be secured a few days with the promise of provisions or money; but the mother contemptuously tossed her head to one side and drawled out the reply, "i reckon we hain't come down so low yet as to work" i told them they must come up high enough to work before i could do any thing for them, and left them to sit in their own filth and rags. my order from general curtis was to report none for rations who could obtain work for wages. i passed on to other scenes of sorrow too numerous to narrate here. one hundred and four rations i ordered in wyandotte. this timely relief given, i crossed the river, and in kansas city, missouri, met brother copeland and wife, who were efficient agents and teachers in that field. i secured a pass to lawrence, where, late in the evening, i was directed to a family that had suffered much in the union cause. this was the important stamping ground of captain john brown. this city had passed through two terrible raids during the war. it is here that quantrell rushed upon the unsuspecting citizens with a host of confederate soldiers about daylight, and murdered men at their own doors, and when they could not call them out they rushed into their houses and made terrible havoc of human life. there was a woman here who was a spy. she had been in the city a few weeks taking horse-back rides two hours each morning, ostensibly for her health, but probably to report the most favorable time for attack. she was never seen after the raid. i attended the methodist episcopal church, where seventy wounded, dying, and dead soldiers and citizens were brought in after that raid. the stains of blood were still left on the floor and some of the seats. the house where i was kindly invited to make my home was entered, and the owner, brother hockins, was demanded. his wife told them she saw him run up the hill a few moments before, which was true; but on seeing the confederate soldiers entering the town he hastened back to his house and ran down to the cellar. a squad of them entered and placed the bayonet at his wife, and threatened her life if she did not tell the whereabouts of her husband; but she persisted in pointing up the hill. they went down the cellar, but returned without finding him, and set the house on fire. then they ran up the hill after him. she succeeded in putting out the fire, and went into the cellar and called her husband. he answered from between the earth and the floor. this was his hiding-place until the union soldiers rescued the city from further trouble. a strong union force was now kept at this point. i found fewer suffering for want of rations at this town than in other places i had visited, and took the stage for fort scott. we were advised to keep out of sight any appearance of watches or any sort of jewelry, as guerrillas were sometimes lurking in the woods and attacked the stages. we came in sight of indians on horses who darted into the woods, fearing we were guerrillas, who had stolen or robbed them of their ponies. one man shouted, "we are all for the union." this was on price's track, where they lost their horses, and did not dare come in sight. late at night we reached fort scott. my first call was on colonel blair, commander of the post, who, with his wife, kindly offered me a home with them while i remained at that point. they introduced me to dr. slocum, who gave a sketch of the terrible destitution of the forty thousand refugees and freedmen, who passed through this great thoroughfare. many of them had stopped here. he took me to a number of the destitute families, and gave directions to others, and left me to my work. here was a great number of the poor whites, called "clay-eaters," who complained about government dealing rations to colored people. i heard one of them, say that "if niggers would stay where they belonged, with their masters, they would have more white-bread and beef." i told them, i had learned that many of their husbands were fighting against the government while the husbands of many of the colored women were fighting to sustain it, and i should favor those who were on the side of the government. i asked them why they did not themselves remain in their old homes? "we came 'case our men was conscripted," they said. one woman and her daughter of eighteen had each a filthy, ragged bed quilt over her shoulders, and their faces were so swarthy that their eyes and teeth presented as great a contrast as those whose natural skin was of darker hue. as the little boy of four years had no shoes, and i had a pair left that would fit him, i told the mother to wash his feet and try them. "sal, bring me that cup thar," said the woman. their drinking cup with water was brought. "han' me that rag thar," and she wet her hand and wet the feet, and was wiping off the mud, when i told her they were not washed; to look at the mud on the bottom of his feet and between his toes. "o, yez'm," she drawled out, and wet one end of the rag in the cup, and made a second effort. when the shoes were put on, he could not walk without holding to his mother or sister. they were probably the first he had ever had. most of the day was spent in visiting this class of persons--the most ignorant, listless, and degraded of any people i had ever met. on giving a description of the ignorance and filth, of the poor whites i called on, colonel blair inquired "what would you do with them?" "i would keep body and soul together till spring opens," i answered, "and then load up your great army wagons, and take them out upon the rich prairies and dump them out, giving them the homely adage, 'root, pig, or die.'" the greatest difficulty in managing this class was to get them to do any thing. not so with colored people; they would do any thing they could find to do. i found in this camp of two thousand, a colored woman of an earnest christian principle. colonel blair gave her an excellent character. he said that i might place implicit confidence in any statement she would make. her history was a novel one. she ran away from a cruel master to the indians, and married an old indian, and had four children. she said her husband came in great excitement and asked her if she wanted to run away to the yankees? she said no, because she thought they were another tribe of indians. he ran out, and soon came back, and said, "if you run, go quick. i am old; they can't rob me of many days, but they sha'n't have the children to punish." he threw them on a horse and ran off into the woods. she supposed her old master had found her out, and ran another way. then she heard that her husband was dead, but the lord hid her from the cruel master, though he broke up her family. after spending three days in this place, including sunday, i took the monday morning stage for leavenworth. in sending packages to all these places, to reliable friends with whom i had made acquaintance, i requested that no clothing be given to healthy men and women who refused to do work when they could get it. in one of the hospitals at leavenworth were two confederates, one of whom had recently become a christian. he said when he went into this army he knew not for what they were fighting, but when he learned the real cause, he was for the union, and should do all he could for it. during the month of december, we relieved four hundred and forty-four families. there were thirty children in both buildings under my care. by request of j. r. brown, the freedmen's aid commission of michigan consented to allow me to take charge of white refugees in connection with the freedmen. general curtis detailed a sergeant for my assistant. another important helper was a noble young woman, amanda a. way, who opened a school for children of inmates of the two buildings. i found it difficult to bring into school the white children, and only by a requisition could i accomplish it, or induce the mothers to wash the hands and faces, and comb the hair of their children, to fit them for school. this, like all previous fields of army mission work, was a laborious one. our sundays were spent in teaching a large class in three sabbath-schools, besides attending the public services and generally taking part in them. at the close of one of the meetings a deacon and his wife rushed through the crowd to me, and gave such an exhibition of joy that it drew the attention of the congregation. he gave a glowing account of my visit to little rock, arkansas, and of my life-long work for their down-trodden people. the hand-shaking for half an hour made my hands lame for three days. the deacon bought himself when a young man, and acquired a property worth four thousand dollars. slave-holders often said that he knew too much, and thought he was a damage to their slaves. if they lost any, they charged him with aiding them away. he was often lodged in jail and fines imposed upon him. at length he sold his property at half its value to come to kansas, where he could breathe freely. on new year's day i found a poor woman in the last stages of consumption. she could not speak a loud word. i hired another poor woman to care for her, by giving bed and wearing clothes for herself and children. i left them in tears, saying, "we thank you, honey, and praise god. when my poor mother died in that old out-cellar, neither father nor one of us was permitted to give her a cup of cold water, but the last words she was heard to say was, 'i'm going home to die no more.'" i visited ten families and sent four boxes more of supplies to fort scott. the next day i took a barrel of hospital supplies to fort leavenworth. my supplies were now low, and the money nearly spent. i received a letter from the chairman of the committee having charge of preparations for the ladies' state freedmen's fair, to be held in detroit, soliciting relics of the war. j. r. brown proposed that i should attend the fair and take his brother's sharp-shooter, that the captain carried through the border-ruffian conflict in kansas, and during his movement at harper's ferry. after a few days' reflection i reached the conclusion to go. general curtis gave me a pass to detroit and return. the john brown gun created much interest. besides this relic, the fifty pounds of slave-irons, which we picked up on deserted plantations in the far south, were exhibited in this fair. a petition from lenawee county was sent to the committee having charge of the fair, to place the avails of our county, one thousand dollars, in my hands for distribution. this money relieved much suffering, and no doubt saved many lives. during my visit home i sold raisin institute and ten acres of land, with an excellent orchard, to the state freedmen's aid commission for an orphans' home. i donated three hundred dollars of the purchase money to this enterprise, stipulating that the premises were to be used for no other purpose. in my absence the friends gave the asylum the name of "haviland home for homeless and destitute children." this home i intended as a nucleus for a state orphan asylum, as the war had increased the necessity for such an institution. after two weeks' absence i returned with supplies. spring was lessening the suffering, yet sickness from long exposures still prevailed. miss fidelia phillips, a teacher, came with a letter from the michigan freedmen's aid commission, for us to locate and secure board, which duty fell upon me. i hired a conveyance and took her to oskaloosa, jefferson county, and found board for her in the kind family of dr. j. nelson, who proposed to assist the colored people in securing a house for the school at once. i found here a poor sick woman with her five children, who was ordered out of her cabin, as she could no longer pay the rent. dr. nelson promised to see that she was not disturbed until she was able to be moved, when he would take the family to leavenworth to go with me to our home for homeless children in michigan. her husband was in the army, and she had not heard from him since he enlisted. on my return to leavenworth i received an order from our freedmen's aid commission, to send twenty-five children with five mothers to assist in caring for them. i accompanied them as far as quincy, illinois, with mrs. lee and a teacher who had been in the work a few months. they pursued their journey, and i went back. on april th the sad news reached us of the assassination of president lincoln! a nation in mourning! every house of any note or size was draped with black. we were now preparing to close the two refugee buildings before leaving for michigan. i offered the women the best dresses for finding their own places for work, and by this means many found places, if only to work for their board till they could do better. a good old woman we called aunt phoebe came to us with her four grandchildren, and begged to go to michigan with me. she said the father of the children ran away to enlist in the army, and his master followed him. after an absence of three days, he returned with the report that he had got sight at him, and ordered him to come to him, but he refused, and he shot him dead. at this report his wife (the daughter of aunt phoebe), gave a scream and fainted. both master and mistress were very severe, and whipped her severely for making so much fuss, as they called her grief. she sank under their severity, and died, leaving her infant, a week old, with her mother. within a few days the oldest boy was taken with small-pox, but as he was not very near the other sick children, dr. carpenter thought the others would escape. i rolled him in a couple of quilts and sent him to the pest-house. aunt phoebe wept bitterly, as she said she should probably never see jerry again, and he was such a good boy to help her take care of the other children. a few days later she was taken with a low type of lung fever. i had one of the colored women in the place nurse her. the white refugee women took but little notice of my offer of best dresses, in finding homes for themselves. i found these women of the lowest class of humanity. i called on general curtis, and told him i had expended my fund of lecturing material upon these white women in the refugee building, and now i had come to report to him as i had of late threatened them, that, while i was willing to do to the extent of my ability in relieving and improving the most degraded, i could not consent to keep under my charge a house of ill-fame. "i will give you a good honest guard day and night over that building," said the noble general. this did more than all things else to scatter them. they swore they would not be tyrannized over by that yankee woman any longer, and left, very much to my relief. within four weeks our little small-pox boy was returned, but not as safe as the surgeon reported i took him into the wash-room and gave him a thorough cleansing, before taking him to see his grandmother, who wept for joy. i spent a few days in revisiting quindaro, lawrence, wyandotte, and kansas city. i found seven homeless children, and a mother of three of them who wished to go with me to michigan. during the day and night i was in kansas city i was taken with a severe attack of pneumonia. i called on an army surgeon for mustard, of which, i placed a plaster over the seat of the pain, that had become so severe as to cut every breath. i could neither lie down nor sit still, but walked the room. placing the children in charge of the mother, i telegraphed my sergeant to meet me at the boat with a hack. i took the boat for leavenworth, where the carriage met me, and i was taken to our home, with a high fever, but the pain not quite so severe, as the mustard was serving its purpose. dr. carpenter said i could not go to michigan under a month. although my side remained very sore, yet i managed to sell the furniture. i took a hack to general curtis's office, and managed to secure transportation for seventy-five, myself and mrs. lee included. there were three sick children, and i very much doubted the propriety of removing them. dr. carpenter said they would be more likely to live than if taken to the hospital, as i proposed. we left the city may th, with a cloud resting over the nation. my health was still poor, and we had three sick children, whose mother was with them; three other children began to complain of chills and fever soon after leaving. these cases soon developed in measles, but my haste to reach home urged me to proceed against my better judgment. while it looked like presumption in others, i felt safe, as prayer for guidance was my daily bread. while waiting at st. joseph, missouri, for the train, i obtained rations for the company. susan b. anthony had provided a lunch-basket, well filled, for mrs. lee and myself, to serve for the entire journey. while we were handing around rations, various remarks were made as to what i was going to do with all this company. said one, "i reckon, she's got a big plantation to stock with a picked set of young niggers, she's going to train to her own liking." said another, "i am going to ask where she is going with them." at length one ventured, "will you please excuse me, madam, if i ask you where you are taking all this company?" "certainly," was my answer; "i am glad to inform you. i am taking these orphan children, who have been picked up on the streets, and out of freedmen's homes, to an orphan school in michigan. by order of the state freedmen's aid commission, they will be sent to school until good homes can be secured for them, where they will be taught habits of industry, as well as to improve their intellects. we of the north think they can learn, if an opportunity is provided." at this he was much pleased, and, as it was communicated to other bystanders, a number came to congratulate me in my good work. one, who had a large number of slaves, said he wished they were with me, "as it would be a right smart of a while before it'll be settled here to have schools for 'em." all stood ready to put the sick ones on the train. mrs. lee took care of the sick during the night, and i had them in charge during the day. after our arrival at quincy, illinois, and our transportation papers were filled out for chicago, with a little difficulty i secured the largest coach for the seventy-five passengers. by p. m. all were in their beds. a few men were disposed to trouble us, because we did not allow them to enter. i called for the night policeman, and told him of four drunken men who were disposed to give us trouble, and as the train was not going out until eleven o'clock i appealed to him for aid. he assured me we should not receive further annoyance from them. we arrived in chicago thirty minutes before the michigan train left for adrian. i bought tickets for four omnibus loads, but the drivers were determined to crowd them all into two. as they were putting little folks from four to eight years old on the tops i ordered them down. "we are capable of taking care of these children, madam," said they; "you take that one." "so am i capable of taking care of them," i replied, "and of you too; i paid for four omnibuses and must have them." they had their own sport over their countermanded orders. we arrived at adrian june st, and met the superintendent of the "haviland home" with teams for the women and children. here my heavy burden fell off, and i dropped into the home of my children to get the rest which i so much needed. a few week's rest restored my health. meanwhile i visited our state prison, and one of the convicts, thomas lean, requested an interview with me, which was granted by the officer. he appealed to me to aid him in securing his pardon, as he had served seven years of his term of fifteen. he pleaded as earnestly in behalf of his wife and two little children as for himself. i told him i would do what i could, but as efforts had been made twice before, i thought success quite doubtful. i drafted a petition, and secured a letter of recommendation from governor blair, and a strong letter from judge ross wilkins, who gave the sentence, and from the prosecuting attorney who acted in behalf of the united states in his case, and also secured fifty other names to the petition. with six hundred dollars placed in my hands by mrs. campbell and mrs. pappineau, committee who had charge of the funds of the freedmen's fair, i left for washington, d. c., august d. at pittsburg i spent one night, and on the following day visited the state prison at allegheny city. the next morning i took the early train for baltimore, and from thence to annapolis, to learn the result of elizabeth l. comstock's petition in behalf of fifteen convicts in the maryland penitentiary for aiding slaves to escape from bondage. i found ten of those men had been pardoned, but as four of them had used weapons in defending themselves, and one had taken a span of horses which the friends engaged in their behalf deemed theft, they were retained in prison. i found another on the governor's record for the same offense. i took the names of the six on my list, as the governor thought they were as worthy of release as the others, since the weapons were designed for self-defense, and the horses were only used to take them to the river, and were left to return to their owners. i saw the names of the friends who co-operated with e. l. comstock on the petition, and called on james bains, who introduced me to judge bond. the judge said he thought i was correct in my views as to the worthiness of the six men presented for his recommendation to the governor for clemency, and that he would attend to it soon. said the friend: "if thou feel'st easy to petition for their pardon i think thou hadst better remain with us until it is accomplished, as they have such an amount of business on hand at this time." the judge seemed to think himself distrusted, and said: "mrs. haviland, i will attend to this within a week." with this assurance i told the judge and the friend that i should feel easy to pursue my journey the first of the week. from this office i was accompanied to the penitentiary and introduced to the warden, who sent a guide to conduct me through the shops and granted me the privilege of addressing the sixty-eight female convicts. a large majority of them were colored, placed there by their former owners for trivial offenses, the real cause being that of leaving them, but ostensibly for stealing a dress, a pair of shoes, or a dollar or two, etc. one smart-looking octoroon girl of eighteen years was about to be whipped by her mistress, but she had heard of the proclamation of emancipation and concluded that she had been whipped long enough, and snatched the cowhide from the mistress and whipped her. for this she was arrested, had a sham trial, and a sentence of nine years' imprisonment in the penitentiary. one man told me that the mistress reported that the girl half killed her, but he saw her riding out within four days after the whipping, and she looked as well as usual. i visited a very sick white woman in her cell, to whom i read a portion of scripture, and at her request led in prayer. she said she was going to meet her judge, in whom she trusted. jesus hears the cry of a repentant sinner, and she was confident. the following day was the sabbath, and i accompanied my friend to the penitentiary, where he opened the sabbath-school and invited me to teach a class of thirty men. there were nearly five hundred inmates in prison. as we were leaving the yard a request from the warden reached me to conduct the funeral service of the woman i had visited. she died within a few hours after i left. three o'clock p.m. was the hour appointed. i met them in their chapel, that was well filled, some ladies of the city being present. many of the convicts were much affected. they also manifested great interest at the meeting on the previous day. on the following day i arrived at washington. i found the white house perfectly besieged with pardon-seekers from ex-slave states. i called on a number of the officials, who said that the severity of thomas lean's sentence made the case look dark. i told them of one who had robbed the mail of five thousand dollars and was pardoned in three years, whose term was ten years. but he had wealthy and influential friends to intercede for him, while this man robbed the mail of forty-two dollars and had served over seven years of the fifteen, and was poor. besides, his wife was in poor health, and was supporting herself and two small children. i was advised to take the letters, with petition, to postmaster-general dennison, from whom i secured a recommendation for his pardon. from thence i went to the capitol and secured the names of hon. f. c. beaman, member of congress, senator z. chandler, and all other michigan members of both houses to my petition; and through mr. wade, the president's house-keeper, i secured an audience with the president, who took my letters with the petition and said he would refer them to the attorney-general, and do what seemed best in the case. i then left him with his room crowded with southern pardon-seekers. while in the postmaster-general's office the chief clerk said, "come into this, office at nine a.m., next wednesday, as i think that will be his pardoning day, and you will learn the result." i waited until eleven a.m., fearing for the worst. as i opened the office-door the clerk threw up both hands, crying, "your man is pardoned! your man is pardoned! come and see the notice in this morning's paper." a hearty hand-shaking followed the good news. i told him i did not know that he had taken such an interest in my cause. he replied, "i have had an interest in this case from the first time you came into this office." a few days after i received a note from the pardoned man conveying his tearful thanks. here was another burden laid aside, for which grateful thanks were tendered to the healer of broken hearts. i received a permit from secretary stanton to trade at the government store, where new goods were being sold at auction rates. for five hundred dollars i purchased two thousand dollars' worth of supplies to disburse among the sick, crippled, and aged, both colored and white. there were many in washington and georgetown relieved from great suffering. i learned of much suffering at harper's ferry, and took four hundred dollars' worth to that point. on my way i called at the baltimore penitentiary. as i entered the warden's office he informed me that our men had been released ten days before, except one, who was going out within a week. another burden left me. these men were making efforts to free their families by flight, and were caught and received long sentences, according to the number in their families. three men of the six had bought themselves, and in their efforts to free their families received from ten to thirty years' sentence, although two of these families were recovered by their owners. they all looked like intelligent men. i took an early train for harper's ferry. in the seat opposite sat a presbyterian d. d., with his body-servant, who was very attentive in bringing him his coffee, books, or roll of manuscript "how far are you going on this road, madam?" inquired our dignitary. on informing him he inquired, "have you friends there?" "i have," i said, "but i never saw them. they are the poorest of the poor, the sick, lame, and blind, of all classes, black, white, red, or yellow. i draw no lines of demarcation." "well, madam, that is a noble work, and god will bless you in it. i am now on my way to vicksburg. i preached in that city a number of years. i own a plantation near that city, and had forty slaves. a little before vicksburg fell i moved with them to richmond, virginia, and when that city fell i set them free, and they are now as free as myself. madam, i will tell you what your duty is. it is to go to new york, philadelphia, and boston, and gather up fifty thousand dollars, and follow sherman's track through to the gulf. you will find plenty of suffering to relieve among both white and black; and you can do it. those cities i have named are wealthy, i have been there myself. i spent a few months in new york, and i know you can gather up that amount easy, and it's your duty, madam; and god will bless you in it." the consequential air be assumed would give one an impression that he, at least, considered himself, inspired with power from on high. he did not feel quite satisfied without repeating his command on our arrival at harper's ferry: "do as i have told you, madam, and god will bless you; good by." i found my goods had just arrived, and the commander of the post kindly offered to store the bales of supplies and furnish an ambulance and driver whenever i desired. my first inquiry was for a boarding place, as the house where the colonel was boarding was full. mrs. johnson was about opening a boarding-house, and i called on her for a few days' board. "where are you from?" "from washington," was my reply, "with supplies for the poor freedmen and whites who are in a suffering condition." "oh, you are a bureau woman then. we don't have nothin' to do with bureau folks. i can't board you." after being directed to two others, who made like inquiries, and received like replies, i found i was going to have an all-day job on hand in feeling the public pulse at harper's ferry. after making eight calls, chatting a while at each place pleasantly, for i would talk in no other way, although i was told in nearly every place that no one in that town would disgrace himself by walking on the streets with a nigger teacher, or speaking to one, on my way to report my unsuccessful day's work to the colonel, it being after sunset, i found an army surgeon sitting on his front porch. "have you found no place for dinner?" he asked. "o no," i said, "i have been amusing myself over confederate fever that i find runs too high for health in your town." "my mother-in-law is away," he answered, "but my wife and i will give you our room to-night, and we will see that you have supper at once." at mrs. bilson's (the mother-in-law) i remained during the week. at the close of the week i attended a quarterly-meeting of the methodist episcopal church. when the minister invited all who loved the lord jesus to testify, i, with others, accepted and took part. at the close he came and inquired who i was. i introduced myself as usual. after reading my papers from the governor, members of congress, and a few ministers of michigan, i received a number of invitations to their houses, which gave me an opportunity to relate my first day's experience in their town. they made a number of excuses. among them was the fact that miss mann (horace mann's sister), kept herself exclusively with the colored people. she not only taught their school, but boarded with them, and made no calls on white people. they acknowledged that those upon whom i had called were not in sympathy with the union. here, as in other places, were those in extreme suffering, both white and colored. one blind man, and an old white man and his wife, were too sick to take care of each other. one sick woman, whose husband was in the army, had no fire, only as the little girl of three years old gathered old boots and shoes around an old camp with which to build it. all of these cases were relieved. one day it rained too hard to be out. a little girl brought an umbrella with a request from her folks for me to call on them. i went and met about a dozen men and women, who wished to consult with me. the troops were liable to be withdrawn. if so, their lives would not be safe an hour. a few nights before a mob broke their windows and rushed into their grocery and took sacks of flour and meal, pies, cakes, and crackers, and strewed them over the street, in front of their grocery, and broke up their chairs and tables, and swore that no nigger should have a business place on main street. they threw stones and brickbats into their living rooms, and the men, women, and children ran to the soldiers for protection, with bleeding bruises that were bound up at the time of my call. a sad picture they presented with their broken furniture and injured bodies. "what use is there in gathering more? can you tell us what to do? you see our lives are in danger as it is. if the troops shall be withdrawn, what shall we do?" there was a free-will baptist just arrived, who proposed opening a mission school in that town, and had just sent word that he wanted to meet them at their prayer-meeting. of this i, as well as they, was glad to hear. i met with them, and was pleased with the christian spirit of this brother, and the prospect of his school among them seemed like a silver lining in their dark cloud. we learned of his success in opening and continuing that school, which a few years after assumed the character of an academy. the following day i took the train for washington, and was accompanied to the depot by a number of the citizens, who manifested very kindly feelings, i was told by some to be sure to call on them if i ever visited their town again, and they would see that a weeks or a months board should cost me nothing. one man and his wife pointed to their brick house to which i could come, and be more than welcome. i left them, and soon met kindred spirits in washington. chapter xiv. home mission work. there were many sick, crippled, aged, and blind sufferers in washington to visit and relieve, but the severest trial i endured was encountering the virus of disloyalty wherever i went. women were more outspoken than men, because they could dare be. men were more subtle and appeared more pliant, only to hoodwink government. they said in secret, "we'll yet gain by the _ballot_, with the help of northern sympathizers, what we failed to accomplish with the bullet." by order of president johnson the colored soldiers were every where discharged and withdrawn from forts and garrisons, at the request of their former masters, only to be left to their unrelenting hate. one colored man returned to the plantation of his wife's master, and asked him if he could take his wife and children to himself, as he had means, after two years of service to support them. the only answer he received was the contents of a pistol, that took his life instantly! i heard of similar murders in this vicinity, of which no notice was taken by the state authorities. i visited a number of large schools in alexandria, september th, and was invited to address them. two of these were kept in two of the largest slave-pens in the city. alexandria was one of the greatest slave marts in virginia. in the avery slave-pen there was a dungeon-like room, designed for one standing, with iron staples to which the wrists were locked, and a sort of stocks for the feet, when a stream of cold water was pumped over the nude form of the refractory slave, from ten minutes to an hour or more, according to the offense. they told me they had known them taken down chilled to death. it was said to be one of the most cruel punishments. they showed me the stump of the whipping post, where hundreds of writhing victims had suffered this kind of torture. but it did seem as if the better day was coming, to see a hundred and fifty-three black children here so eager to learn, and to hear them read so well after only four months' schooling. i met a woman on the street in deep mourning who was weeping. i inquired the cause of her grief. she said: "i have been to visit the grave of my only son. his father died a few months ago, and this darling son was my only child. he died in the union army; but what does all this terrible sacrifice amount to? president johnson is giving strength to the rebels. every rebel general has been pardoned, and the vast amount of land restored to them is increasing their power. you see, wherever troops are withdrawn they commit murders, and no notice is taken of it. i feel as though my son's life and thousands of other precious lives have been sacrificed for nothing." i could say but little to comfort that poor, broken-hearted, widowed, childless mother. i could only commend her to our heavenly father, who alone can console the widow's aching heart. on september th i took a steamer for richmond, virginia, and arrived on the th at fredericksburg. here were standing many chimneys, showing us the waste places and burned houses in this small but quaint old city. i called at the teachers' boarding-house, kept by a good union family, wm. j. jeffries. mrs. king accompanied me to the soldiers' hospital. here, as elsewhere, the poor suffering soldier seemed rejoiced to see and hear the representative of their mothers. after reading the scripture and prayer i left a number in tears. here was the home of general washington's mother. i visited the house, and a feeling of solemnity came over me as we passed through her sitting room into the large bed-room, where report said she died. near by is her tomb. the pedestal only stands erect, but badly marred by the chisel in chipping off pieces, by hundreds of visitors our teachers inquired if i would not like a chip from the tomb. i told them that no chisel or hammer should be applied for me; but i picked up a little piece at its base. we had gone but few rods before a carriage drove to the tomb, and the chisel and hammer were flaking off keepsakes for four men. the long block of marble designed to have been placed on the pedestal lay near it half buried in the ground where it had lain nearly or quite a century. after inspecting the rebel earth-works and rifle-pits, i visited miss strausburg's school of poor white children, quite unlike any colored school i had visited any where, as to order. they commenced to sneer at me the moment i entered, but their teacher invited me to speak to the school, and they became at once quiet and respectful. little james stone asked permission to sing for me, and he sang a religious hymn in which nearly all the school joined. to my surprise they sang the "red, white and blue" and "the soldier's farewell to his mother," for which i thanked them. in passing along the street after the school was dismissed, many of the children came out with their mothers, pointing toward me. at two places i halted to speak to them and their mothers, which pleased them very much. the next day i visited a few union families, who gave some interesting facts concerning their trials. i left two dollars with one sick woman, who wept as i left her. i called at major johnson's headquarters. he was very anxious to send on an orphan baby one year old to camp lee orphanage, in richmond. he gave me a paper that would secure its admission. on arriving at richmond i left my charge at the orphanage. as no name was on the paper, or was given to me with the child, the matron, mrs. gibbons, named him haviland gibbons. i visited the orphanage a number of times. the matron said the little fellow learned his name very readily. here was a pair of twin boys, about two years old, very black and smart. as they quarreled so much of the time, judge fitzhugh proposed to name them abe and jeff, after the two presidents. though a strong confederate, he said they were smarter than any white children he ever saw, and to prove his position he called them out to dance, as he had taught them to step the figure. he sang for them, and they danced to his music. "there, i'll venture to say," he said, "you never saw two white children of their age do that. i tell you the negro race is naturally smarter than the anglo-saxon." i told him i was surprised at this remark, when he had told me a few minutes before that the negroes would soon die out, because they could not take care of themselves. "that is true," he rejoined, "and i have written a book in which i take the same position, and can prove it. they will do more work than white people can, but they lack calculation; hence the necessity of their being under the supervision of the whites." we have the planning faculty, and they have the ability to do the work. there is therefore a necessity for both races to work together to be a successful people. i repeat what i told you before, that we never shall prosper separated. the power of governing must remain with the anglo-saxon race, and god has so designed. the yankees have made a sad mistake in freeing the slave, for in time they will become extinct; but god will never suffer this state of things to remain, and you will see the south in power in two years, and the north minus the power she now wields. i cited him to black men in canada, who had escaped from slavery and who had acquired wealth, and to one of the wealthiest livery men in their own city. i also referred to a shoemaker who had been free but a few months. his credit was sufficient to purchase ten dollars' worth of stock, which he made up and sold, paying for his stock; he then made another purchase and was hard at work to purchase a little home. his wife was washing and house-cleaning, with the same object in view. they told me they allowed themselves meat but once a week, and lived on corn-bread, mush, and molasses, and that they intended to live and work in this way until they should succeed. "does not this look like calculation?" i asked. "i admit," he said, "there are isolated cases, but it is not the rule." he gave me his book to read, entitled "sociology of the south, by j. fitzhugh, att'y." i found it a perfect bundle of inconsistencies. he goes into a labored argument against free-labor, free-schools, free-press and free-speech, as destructive to a prosperous people. he claimed to be a cousin of gerrit smith's wife, and said that they were crazy over slavery. he also claimed that president johnson was doing all he could for them, and that through him they were going to have their rights restored. he knew of men who had gathered half a bushel of confederate money, and said they should keep it until it would be worth as much as greenbacks. he also knew men who had bills of sale of negroes, a foot deep, that they were keeping to recover their slaves, or pay for them; and he was confident that it would be accomplished within two years. this i found to be a very general feeling among the most prominent confederates. on september th i visited a number of sick that i supplied with bedding and clothing. i walked six miles that day, and then went to the office of the freedmen's bureau, where i was furnished with an ambulance and driver to take things to the sufferers i had visited. after spending several days in this work, visiting schools and giving attention to many sufferers, i returned, weary in body but restful in mind, and thankful that the friends of humanity had made me the almoner of their gifts. on october d i spent some time in libby prison. my sanitary goods were stored in one apartment of it. the prisoners were under guards, and were permitted to assist me in opening, closing, and moving barrels and boxes, a portion of which i prepared to take to ashland. one of the keepers took me to the long, deep tunnel which the union prisoners had dug under the building to escape from their terrible sufferings. to look at the great risk they were running in their fruitless effort to escape, speaks loudly of the desperation to which they were driven. my guide gave me a few of the hand-cuffs that our officers removed from some of the emaciated prisoners when richmond was taken. the doors of castle thunder and libby were opened, and the hand-cuffs were placed on their cruel keepers, who had made a boast of killing as many yankees in these prisons as their troops were killing in battle. i went out some distance, october d, to an old camp, where a school was organized in an old slave-pen. here was the stump of the whipping-post cut even with the ground. i was shown where stood the auction-block. as i listened to a history of cruelties inflicted here i did not wonder that our nation was compelled to pass through this baptism of blood. pointing to a large plantation in sight, said one: "there lives my old master, who said in the beginning of this war, 'before my children shall ever be disgraced with work i will wade in blood to the horse's bridle.' he did fight hard as long as the war lasted. but last week he told his two sons that they must go to work or die. he came into my shoe-shop the other day with his feet almost bare, and i took the best pair of boots i had and gave them to him. i know he thought of old days, for i did." after talking to the children at school i visited the aged and sick. anthony wilson, very aged, said, "dun kno' how ole i is. white folks say i's more'n eighty. had heaps o' ups an' downs; good many more downs dan ups; my big family all tore to pieces two times." i gave him a whole suit of clothes. "bress de good lo'd," he exclaimed, "dis is de best suit i eber had; dis i reckon is my freedom suit." mary brackson, also very old, had two little grandchildren with her. their mother was sold down the river when the youngest was a year old. her life had been a sad one. she was crippled with rheumatism, and her arm had been broken by an overseer's club. i gave her a bed-tick, quilt, blanket, and a few clothes for herself and grandchildren. then i visited and relieved four other families, to whom i gave advice, and with the most i read and offered prayer, which always seemed to be a great comfort to them. two days after i took a train with supplies for ashland. i arrived in the afternoon and met an excellent union family, formerly from england, judge james, whose house was battered on each side with bullets and shells in the severe battle fought at that place. this town, the home of some strong political men, seemed dilapidated and forsaken. judge james's wife and daughter were noble women, and i found a very pleasant home in this family. they directed me to the most suffering families and individuals. my first call was on charlotte boles, whose reply to the query for her age was, "i dun kno'; missus 'specks i's eighty, large odd." she had served three generations. "i's had so many children," she said, "i can't tell till i call de names: pomp, jim, tom, sol, sue, dick, an' dilcy; den some babies i's got in heaven. i seed heap o' trouble in my time. i nursed at de breas' eleven of my firs' massar's chillen, isaac wiston, and six of his gran'-chillen. i dress 'em firs', an' some on 'em for de grave. my secon' massar, william winfield, jun., da have six chillen, an' i dress 'em all firs', and most all at las' for de grave. o my god, i can neber, neber tell de trouble i's had. o how hard i prayed for freedom, an' de lord come at las'. i's praise his name. de one dat i nurst when a babie ordered me whipped 'case i cried so much when da sole my chillen down de riber. but i hear dat de war free five of my chillen, an' i's prayin' god to sen' 'em to poor me." notwithstanding her great age her mind was unusually clear, and the frequent starting tear manifested strong maternal affection. there was not a house, yard, or grove but bore the mark of shell or bullet. an exciting scene passed before us october th. young mrs. pollard, daughter of my host, who had became the wife of the noted confederate editor of the most rabid paper in richmond, had been forbidden to visit or even to correspond with her parents. her husband said if she should attempt it, it would be at her peril. she found him to be inconstant, as he had become the paramour of a cyprian in new york city, where he spent several weeks writing a book on the bravery of confederate soldiers. "when she discovered these facts, with her heart full of grief, she told him the reports she had heard of his inconstancy. he acknowledged all, and entreated her pardon. but he soon became as cruel as ever. during his absence in new york she took her son of less than two years and came to her father's house, a poor, heart broken woman. a divorce was immediately sued for, and she received a summons to appear in court in richmond. although her father was there to receive her, she feared mr. pollard would take her life, also her father's, at their parting. she threw her arms around her mother's neck and wept upon her shoulders; then, sobbing, said, as she rested her head upon my shoulders: "mrs. haviland, you won't leave me after our arrival in richmond until i am with my father, will you?" with an assurance that i would remain at her side until her father took her under his protection, she left her babe with her mother and we departed for richmond. we met her father, with whom i felt she would be safe. i find these extremes of love and hate more prevalent in the south than in the north. on the th of october, after visiting fifteen suffering families, i called at the office for an ambulance and driver to go to libby prison for supplies. these were obtained and distributed, and such gratitude from the recipients i never found elsewhere. same of them wept aloud. a number of the women kissed my hands as i left them, and the hearty "god bless you, honey," was an everyday blessing from these poor-crushed spirits. one of our officers came to me with the urgent request of two women, living in a large brick house, to see me. i obeyed the summons at once. as i rang the door-bell, a genteelly dressed lady in black satin met me at the door. i inquired if there were two ladies here who had sent for me? she replied in the affirmative. by this time the other lady appeared in the hall, also dressed in rich silk. "what are your greatest needs," i asked, "that will come within my power to supply?" "we want money, madam," they said, "and must have it." "are any of your family sick?" "no, madam, but money we must have." "will rations answer your purpose?" "no, madam, we want no such thing; we want _money_, and must have it." i told them i had no money to disburse, and only supplied food and clothing to those who were suffering from greatest destitution, and left them without being invited inside their house. i saw at once they were most accustomed to the imperative mood. the captain came to me a few days after and inquired if i found it in the way of my duty to relieve the wants of those two ladies? i told him i asked them a few questions and did not think it worth the money demanded. he said they had sent for him, and a number of other officers, making the same demand, and as they had not succeeded they sent for me, and he was not disappointed at the result. as i was passing their news depot, i saw blazoned in red letters, "no _new nation_ sold here" i stepped in and inquired for their best paper. the _examiner_ was handed me, edited by pollard, the whilom son-in-law of judge james, one of the most rabid confederate sheets in richmond. i inquired where the _new nation_ was sold. they said nowhere, unless a few "niggers" might be found selling it on, the street. one of them poured forth a long catalogue of epithets: "arrant liar," "reckless villain," and finally a "crazy scamp." as i was passing the street one day, and saw "new nation," i thought i would call on the "insane editor," mr. hunnicutt. i ascended to the third story, where i found the busy editor and his son. they were surprised to see a lady of sufficient moral courage to call on them. the editor exhibited a pile of anonymous letters, threatening his life. he was an outspoken union man, and had received over one hundred of these nameless letters within three months. he was a native of virginia, and said: "the union of the states is a fixed fact, and i will advocate it squarely, though it cost me my life, but union principles must and will prevail." i left a dollar for a subscription to the _new nation_ for six months. as i was about to leave, said he, with tearful eye: "a select few in this city meet once a week for a prayer-meeting, but i can not attend it in the evening, as it is unsafe for me to be out after dark." i told him i had received a secret invitation, and had attended each meeting since my first knowledge of this praying band. i told him it was one of the most solemn meetings i had ever attended. as in the days of the apostles, we met in an upper room at the hour of prayer, where i had heard the editor of the _new nation_ remembered. "i know," he said, "that i have friends in this city, and some i know are secretly friends for fear of this bitter spirit that reigns to a fearful extent. don't forget to pray for me and my family. i dare not bring my wife and daughter to this city." my work kept me here many days. november th i spent mostly at the sanitary rooms in libby prison, with miss morris, a french lady, who served as a spy for the union generals. report had it that she was writing a book of her exploits. a soldier told me he saw her a prisoner in southern hands before the fall of new orleans. but she managed to make her escape from that city, and in disguise revisited it, and reported to our generals. she could speak french and german better than our own language. she often disguised herself most effectually. her french politeness would have been quite annoying to me had it not been for the faithful assistance she rendered in seeking out the sick and dying, not hesitating to enter filthy alleys, dark, cold cellars, or with me to climb rickety flights of stairs into dark attics. i have found in almost every place one or more christian women who kindly offered to assist me, but few would dare visit those filthy places, fearing contagious diseases. having had the small pox, and all other common contagious diseases, with my very plain habits of living, i dared to visit the sick and dying in any of these loathsome places, many of which i found in richmond. the next day, being sunday, was spent as usual in attending sabbath-schools. i spoke in two of them, and in one meeting. at night i was at camp lee orphanage with annie gibbons, the matron, who had an interesting group of little folks. as they gathered around the table, at the tap of the bell, with clasped hands and closed eyes, they repeated the verse: "lord, teach a little child to pray, thy grace to me impart," etc. i met a colored man from raleigh, north carolina, who gave a few items of andrew johnson's early history, in regard to his apprenticeship in tailoring. if there was a dance within reach, black or white, it was all the same to "andy,"--he was sure to be there. his boss, mr. selby, lectured him about his late hours, and to evade these lectures he often "turned in" with handy luckett, a steady old slave man, whose bed was in the loft of j. o. rork's carriage house. at a shoe-shop, i met john blevins, a noble appearing john brown sort of man whose sentence was forty years in the virginia penitentiary in richmond. his crime was, aiding slaves to their god-given rights. he had served sixteen years when richmond was taken. the union soldiers opened the prison door, and john blevins, with four hundred other prisoners, walked out free men. his intelligence speaks of better days. he is sixty years of age, and hard treatment had added ten years to his appearance. during the first few years of his prison life he could tell when a master had lost his slaves, as they would then place him in the dungeon, where he was kept for weeks at a time, to compel him to give the names of other abolitionists, but they never succeeded. he was at this time teaching a colored school. out of school-hours, he worked in the shoe-shop, and was trying to make enough to purchase for himself a suit of clothes, when he designed returning to his home in philadelphia. he had just heard from a family that he assisted to their liberty, some of whom had become quite wealthy, and were trying to find him. he had written to them and was expecting to receive assistance. whenever he went out on the streets he was annoyed by half-grown boys hooting after him, "old john brown, nigger thief." at the time he was arrested, they took all of his money, amounting to five hundred and fifty seven dollars. i visited a baptist sabbath-school where three thousand members were enrolled. over one thousand five hundred were present. they were addressed by professor johnson, who introduced and invited me to address the school. they very cautiously discussed the coming holidays, as they had never held one there on their own account. they decided to observe thanksgiving, christmas, and celebrate the proclamation of freedom on new year's day. their minister advised his people to be very careful in word and deed, so as not to give the least occasion for misconstruing their motives. some of the white people said it ought not to be allowed. they feared an "uprising," but our soldiers said they should have the privilege. i visited howard grove hospital, under the charge of miss marcia colton, matron. she was a missionary among the choctaw indians nine years, and was a noble, self-sacrificing woman. the surgeon of the hospital was d. r. browery. i found a little boy of about eight years, whose mother he said was "done dead." he knew nothing of his father. i took him to camp lee orphanage. here and there i find kindred spirits, but none more devoted to the cause of christ than sister marcia colton. she gave herself entirely to the advancement of his cause during nine years of labor among the poor, despised indians. during the terrible conflicts of the war she unreservedly gave herself to the suffering and dying soldier, and she said that when, no longer called for in that field her life was just as cheerfully given to uplifting the lowly among the freed slaves of the south. on visiting the state penitentiary, the keeper hesitated about allowing me admittance. said he: "i am afraid you'll give a bad report of us, as did miss dix, who gave us a bad name, and i thought of her as you entered my office. you look like her, and i am afraid of you. you know we don't have our prisons like yours of the north, like grand palaces, with flower-yards; and i reckon i had better not let you in." i told him i perceived they were rebuilding the part burned awhile ago, and would make due allowance for bad house-keeping. "well, if you'll do that, i reckon i'll have to risk you, for you'll see we are whitewashing the old cells and other parts of the prison, and then you must make allowance for its age. it was built in , and is the first penitentiary in the world, and you northerners have had all these sixty-five years to improve in, and then your gardens about your prisons are all so grand that i am a little afraid of your report. but, steward, you may take her through, and well see what she'll do for us." i discovered a contrast, it is true. but, as in other places in the south, they seem a century behind the times. i found here, as in our state prisons, a majority of the convicts were left orphans in childhood. the number of inmates was at that time two hundred and twenty-four. i called on the general in command to inquire for oliver williams, whose wife requested me to see if i could find him. she was in washington, d. c., and had not heard from him for a long while. i found he had been sentenced to three months imprisonment to hard labor, with ball and chain, but the time had now expired. the general referred me to fortress monroe, as the military prisoners had been removed to that prison. he advised me to call on governor pierpont, who gave the same reference, and gave me some interesting items concerning this state. he said that, but for slavery, virginia would have been one of the richest states in the union in mines. colored men were then making a dollar a day in gathering gold dust without the facilities of enterprising men with capital. there were also silver, copper, nickel, and a fine quality of kaolin or porcelain clay. he exhibited a specimen of each metal, and two bowls made of the native kaolin, a very fine material. to show the absorbing interest in slave-dealing he gave the figures of income, as shown during the discussions in their state convention in . the _metropolitan press_ reported that "the income from slaves for the last twenty years amounted to twenty millions of dollars annually, and from all other products eight million dollars annually." this governor pierpont believed to be a true estimate. i called at sarah e. smiley's teachers' home. here i found rachel snell, daughter of richard snell of lockport, new york, my old childhood home. with this group of kindred spirits i spent a refreshing season during a hard rain. new year's day, , was long dreaded by a large majority of the white citizens of richmond. great excitement prevailed over its celebration by the colored people. soldiers were seen in every direction. a few companies of colored men went on the common to organize for the day's procession. the citizens were excited over that, and said they were preparing for "insurrection." they had permission from the governor to form in front of the state house. in the park were rustic seats of ancient style, chipped off and notched here and there, yet a colored person had never been allowed inside unless as the body servant of his master. but now their banners of various devices were floating, interspersed with united states flags. each society had its motto, such as, "peace, liberty, and freedom with all mankind;" "union, liberty's protecting society;" "peace, good will to all mankind;" "in union there is strength;" "in god we trust." on a blue satin banner were initials of a benevolent protective association. the religious exercises were opened in the morning by reading the eighth chapter of deuteronomy and singing an appropriate hymn. the text of the minister's discourse was a part of the second verse, "and thou shalt remember all the way which the lord thy god led thee forty years in the wilderness." the minister could read quite well, though his life had been spent in slavery. he presented the past and present prospects of his people in a clear and affecting manner, and the necessity of remembering the past, to be fully prepared to praise god for the precious boon of freedom he had bestowed upon their race. there were four very large congregations opened this morning in a similar manner, and songs of praise were heard from the marching multitudes wending their way to the state house park. there was shooting from a hotel window. two of the suspected men were taken to libby prison. with the soldiers on the alert, and an increased force of policemen, they had no further trouble. at the meeting of fifteen thousand or more in the park good order prevailed. i passed along through the moving masses, a silent listener to many outburstings of joy, contrasting with past sorrows--a great change indeed. editor hunnicutt, of the _new nation_, was called upon to make a speech, and he exhorted them to cultivate industry, honesty, and virtue. he was followed by a number of others. at three o'clock the crowds began to disperse, so as to reach their homes before nightfall. it is passing strange why the white people here were so much excited over this celebration. there were two colored baptist churches burned two nights before, and on the night previous threats were made that all who took part in the celebration would lose their places of business. the episcopalian rector came after ten p. m. the same night to advise the two teachers, mrs. starky and miss hicks, to continue their school, and persuade the scholars to remain, and take no part in it themselves whatever, as the white people said this rejoicing was over the fall of richmond and the downfall of the confederacy. this idea was dwelt upon to such an extent that the committee of arrangements printed circulars and scattered through town during the week previous, stating their object in full, "that it was only to celebrate the day that god gave freedom to their race, and nothing more." but _"insurrection,"_ "_uprising_ among the negroes," had been household words since the days of nat turner. the rebel flag was carried past sarah e. smiley's mission home for teachers twice that day. had the fact been reported at head-quarters, the bearers would have found themselves in the military prison. as the army was being disbanded, and rations curtailed, and the suffering for want of them equaled that for clothing, i was informed by the general in command that there were more calls for rations by white than the colored people since the fall of richmond. said he: "i will mention a few to show the importance of investigation. daniel lacy had nine houses and servants and applied for and drew rations for his whole family. john kimbo had servants out at work and drew rations for all his family, and had a number of houses. mrs. mary ann moseby had a grocery store well supplied, and drew rations and sold them. mrs. elizabeth hunt also kept a full grocery, and drew rations to sell. mrs. sophia coach, whose husband was a plasterer, drew rations. mrs. miller represented herself as a widow, and drew rations all the season, but i found out that she had a husband at home all this time. mrs. houston had a husband, but represented herself a widow, and drew rations and wood, as did all the others. the whole of two blocks drew rations, and most of them wood. joseph mayo, who is mayor of the city, and was when it fell into union hands, drew rations, and owns a number of houses, and has servants. ten years ago his slave margaret's babe died with the croup, and he charged her with choking it to death, and had her hung on the scaffold after being whipped almost to death. he sent one of his slave women to the penitentiary six months ago, for a trivial offense. i heard by one of her friends, that she said it was a relief, for she was treated better there than at her master's. she is so rejoiced to learn that when she comes out she will be a free woman, and never again be compelled to serve that cruel master. but what contrasts we find here in both races! i have never found as much lying, misrepresentation, and cheating, among the negroes as among the white people, in my experience in this four years of war. our records show more rations, wood, and coal issued to the whites than to the blacks in the state of virginia." i was careful to take down these items, in writing, as he gave them, in his office. o, what changes, what reverses, were here experienced. a. r. brooks, who bought himself fourteen years ago, was now a wealthy man, owned ten horses, and six fine hacks and carriages, and his former master, by the fall of the confederate government, was reduced almost to beggary. a few months ago he sold his plantation of three thousand acres for confederate money, and is now penniless. last february his wife died, and his former slave, a. r. brooks, bore the entire expense of her burial. he said he praised the lord for giving him the ability to do it. but how greatly was that wealthy planter, henry a. winfy, now changed in his prospects, when, a few months before, he considered himself the owner of three thousand acres, "well stocked" with slaves to work it. with every day come new scenes, and yet such a similarity; investigating, relieving, reading scriptures, advising, and often by the cot of the sick and dying. i often felt myself a stranger in a strange land, and yet i was never alone. although, boisterous waves dashed around me, yet the dear savior was near at hand. i learned of much suffering on the peninsula, and decided to take the rest of my supplies down the james river to williamsburg. while arranging my packages for leaving libby, a multitude of people were thronging the street near the prison. i inquired for the cause of this excitement, and was informed that a union soldier was about to be executed for murdering a man for his money, horse, and buggy. as he was led out of prison upon the scaffold i hurried away, trembling with the terrible thought that a young life was about to be taken. as it was impossible for me to speak to him i hastened to escape the sound of the drop, but did not succeed. the horrors of war no pen can describe, no tongue can utter, no pencil can paint. the demoralizing influence over the soldier is dreadful. no doubt desertion was this fellow's aim, and, to serve his purpose, he fell into this strong temptation and crime. desertion cost the life of one whom i saw in mississippi sitting on a white-pine coffin and followed by his armed comrades, who were soon to take his life. it was then as now, too late to speak a word to that soldier-boy. and i hastened to outdistance the report of the guns that took his life. but i failed, as in the present sad event. i called on a number of friends and co-laborers in richmond; for here, as in every place, i have found kindred spirits. i spent the night with dear sisters in christ, who labored in his vineyard to uplift the lowly. scripture reading and prayer closed this eventful day. on march d, at six o'clock a. m., i left richmond and took the steamer _martin_ at the rockets, followed by my friend, mrs. morris, with a basket of fresh cakes, apples, oranges, and a bottle of wine. i asked her to excuse me for objecting to the bottle of wine, as i never drank it. "o, indeed, you must take it; your royal highness may be ill, and you may find it quite proper to take a little wine for your 'stomach's sake.' don't, my dear madam, refuse your most humble servant the privilege of presenting this basket and its contents, wine and all, to my royal madam." and i saw by the starting tear that she would feel quite hurt if i refused her, and accepted her gift. as we steamed down the river i saw many little hillocks where were buried the fallen soldiers who left their northern homes with high hopes of saving the nation's life from the hand of treason. here they fell long before richmond was taken. we passed burmuda hundred and city point, upon which stood general grant's headquarters. next came harrison's landing, near president harrison's birth-place, an ancient appearing building situated upon a high bluff. at wilson's landing and clarmount landing there was a high bank, upon which lived one of the wealthiest men in the state of virginia, william allen, who adopted the name of his father-in-law for the sake of his immense wealth. william allen, sen., had no son, but an only daughter, and he offered his entire estate to any young man whom his daughter might be pleased to accept, if he would assume his name; he cared not how poor he might be, if he was only respectable. the daughter had many suitors, but at length a young man won this bride and adopted the whole name--william allen. at the death of the father-in-law he came into possession of thirteen plantations and over four thousand slaves. all these plantations were managed by overseers. one man told me he had seen him take a keg of gold and silver coins down to the sand-bank, with a company of his comrades, on a holiday spree, and when they were all thoroughly drunk he would take up a handful of gold and silver pieces, throw them in the sand, and tell them to scramble, and he that got the most was the best fellow. he, with the rest, "scrambled," as he called it. william allen declared that the yankees had robbed him of fifty thousand dollars worth of negroes under ten years of age, and more than one hundred and fifty thousand dollars' worth of slaves above that age. at twelve o'clock we landed at jamestown. in this old, dilapidated place were yet standing brick walls of three old buildings open to the birds and the bats. the brick of these half-torn down buildings were transported from england more than two hundred years ago. i saw a piece of a marble slab from the graveyard dated , broken in pieces by soldiers for relics. we were soon met by the ambulance-driver, and he took us through a nice field of wheat owned by william allen, just referred to, who was one of our passengers to the ancient city of williamsburg. here was a large insane asylum, built of imported bricks from england, with a marble front, erected, by lord bottetourt, governor of the colony. it was founded in . the tower was ninety-six feet high, and the number of inmates one hundred and one, forty-two of whom were colored. robert m. garrett was the physician and superintendent. this is the oldest institution of the kind in the union. in the front yard of this asylum stands, in life-size, the statue of lord bottetourt. as we were passing through the apartments we listened to a very sweet voice singing a hymn. said my guide, "mr. scott is singing for you. he is general winfield scott's nephew. he bet both of his plantations that the confederates would succeed in this war, and when richmond fell he became insane and was brought here two weeks ago." i was shown an old brick church in which was a colored school of one hundred and ninety-six scholars, taught by miss barton, of connecticut, and a gentleman from michigan. here i found myself at home at once. there were here, previous to the late war, two institutions of learning--the william and mary college at one end of the main street, and at the other, three and a quarter miles distant, the female seminary. the college was burned in the war of , again in the war of , and, for the third time, a few months before i was there. there was no school now in the female seminary, and it looked as if waiting for repairs. here is the old ivy-bound church in which george washington was married. the bricks of this building were also brought from england. this town was the capital of tins state previous to its removal to richmond. i walked nearly two miles to fort magruder, where i found a colored school of one hundred and fifty-eight members, taught by maggie thorpe and martha haines, of new york, under the auspices of the society of friends. to accommodate men and women who could not leave their work during the day they opened a night school, and had fifty of that class. half of these did not know their letters when their school opened in february, and could then read quite fluently in the second and third readers. a few miles further there was another school of thirty scholars who had made commendable progress. the teachers informed me that there were many very old people on the oldest plantation near king's mill, who needed help. i was furnished with an ambulance, in which i took a bale of bedding and clothing, and went from cabin to cabin to visit twenty-seven aged people, from sixty to a hundred and five years of age. after learning their most urgent needs, i selected supplies for each. when i expressed my surprise at seeing the old plantation with such a grove of woods, uncle bob jones, the oldest of them all, said: "missus, all dat woods on dat side i helped clar off when firs' woods was thar, beech, maple an' linn wood, only now an' agin a pine. den we work it till it wore out, an' wouldn't noffin grow on it, an' we lef it to grow up to dose pines you see." "is this possible?" i said. "i saw men chopping sawmill logs as i came through that wood." "yes, missus," he answered; "shure's you are bo'n, my sweat lies dar under dem big tree roots. my milla an' me was married when we's chillen, an' we's had a good many chillen, but de lo'd knows whar da's gone to; da sole down de riber, many, many year ago. but we prayed to lo'd jesus to take keer on 'em all dese years, an' we'll go home to glory soon." in answer to my query as to his age, he said: "massa moses' book say i's a hundred an' five, an' my milla's a hundred an' three. i might slip count a year or two, but i reckon not." i never before met one couple living to this advanced age. i gave them the best new quilt i had, made by a class of sabbath-school girls, from eight to fifteen years of age, in wayne county, michigan. the names of the little girls were written on the blocks they pieced. the old man was quite blind, but he felt of it; then he exclaimed: "missus, did you say little white gals made this? lo'd bless the little angels! honey, look at dis; we's neber had sich a nice bed-kiver in all our lives." to this she assented: "i see it's a beauty; we's neber had sich a kiver afore, missus; tell de sweet little angels we'll pray for 'em as long as we live." "yes, tell 'em we won't stop prayin' for 'em when we gits up yonder, in de mansions," rejoined the old man. it seemed to them wonderful that white girls should make such a nice quilt for black folks, and they were in an ecstasy over the surprise. aunt milla could see to do considerable work in their little garden patch, that some of the younger men among them had spaded for her. every thing about their little cabin was neat and clean, and their clothes were well patched. uncle bob had been off this plantation but twice in his life; then he went to williamsburg. it was affecting to see these old, worn-out slaves rejoicing over freedom, but it seemed to be more on account of their children and of their race. they had passed through many hard trial but their faith was strong that they were soon going to rest with jesus. a colored man brought two cripples to me, in his cart, for relief and their wants were supplied. he said he wished i could see two old men who were living in the mill. one of them was an old soldier in the jackson war. my ambulance friend took me to the old brick mill that was the first one built in that country, they said more than a hundred and fifty years ago. the roof was covered with thick moss. the cedar shingles, as well as bricks, were brought from england. i found here an intelligent mulatto man of about sixty years who had had a fever sore a little above the ankle a number of years. he was the eldest of twenty seven children. his mother had thirteen pairs of twins and he the only single child, and they were all sold to slave-dealers of the lower states. "when my mother died in the cold cellar' he told me 'i begged to see her but my old master said he would shoot me if i dared to set foot on his plantation case i'd been with yankees and she died one year ago without a child to give her a sip of water. my wife and seven children belong to another man who said he would shoot my brains out if i dared to come on his plantation. but i pray god to help my wife to go to the soldiers before they are all gone and get them to help her to come to me with our children. i was one of the slaves that master promised freedom, at the close of general jackson's war and the general promised us ten dollars a month besides during service which was one year and eight mouths. there were five regiments of colored men. some got their freedom as promised but my master and many others were more severe than ever. on my return home i reminded my master of the promise of freedom by him and general jackson but i found it unsafe to say any thing more about it. we thought general jackson ought to have seen the promise made good, as long as he promised freedom as well as our masters. he gave us credit for being among the best soldiers he had. but we never would have fought as we did had it not been for freedom ahead. we pledged ourselves to each other, that we never would fight for white folks again, unless we knew our freedom was sure. and never would our people have gone into this war had it not been for the proclamation of emancipation from the president of the whole united states." this man was the most intelligent and used the best language of any colored person of his age i met in this portion of virginia. his mother's name was maria sampson. she lived and died in king william county, virginia. there were twenty sons and seven daughters of her own. yet, through wicked enactments, her master tore from her every one, and claimed her own body besides, as a valuable piece of property. my next visit was to an old brick kitchen. in the "loft," lived two aged sisters of seventy-five and eighty years, whose youngest brother, of about sixty years, was insane. his sisters said about twenty years ago he "lost his mind." his wife and children were all sold from him down the river, and he grieved so long over it, he lost his mind, and never came right since. as i entered, i took him by the hand and inquired for the aged women in that house; he pointed to the stairway. as i was going up the stairs, he danced to and fro, slapping his hands, "glory, hallelujah to the lamb!" i paused to look at him. his sisters met me at the head of the stairs, and said, "don't mind him, he has no mind, and is rejoicin' to see a white woman come up these stairs, for it's a new thing. i reckon there hain't been a white woman up here more'n twenty year, an' he don't know how to tell his gladness.". they said he was good to bring them wood and water, and take care of himself in washing and patching his own clothes. i presented him a suit, and when he found they would fit him, the dancing and singing were resumed. i should judge from the history his sisters gave of him, and from his high forehead, that he had been a man of more than ordinary talent. these sisters, too, had been made widows and childless by slavery's cruel hand. this i found to be the hard lot of all these old people. they told me of many cruel over-seers, that would take the life of a slave, to get their names up as "boss overseers." i told them i had heard of instances where an overseer was missing occasionally. one old man dropped his head, then looking up said, in a hesitating manner, "i's knowed that in my time, but massar keep it mighty still, an' say de overseer runned away, an' he git one right soon agin." i talked and read, and offered prayer with these stripped and lonely ones. during my three weeks' stay in williamsburg, fort magruder, and vicinity, i had a number of meetings with these newly freed slaves, three of them in those old slave-pens in which were large schools taught. i took a stroll through the old graveyard which surrounded the old ivy-covered church. the marble slabs were mostly in a horizontal position, with quaint inscriptions. in these j, or i, was often found in place of the figure . the spelling, too, we should call badly warped. i copied a few of the epitaphs, as follows: here lyes the body of mr john collett, who departed this life february th, , aged years sacred to the memory of james nicholson, late stuard of william and mary college. was born in the town of invenck, north britton, ano , died the nd of january, . frugality--industry, and simplicity of manners and independence of soul adorned his character and procured universal esteem. reader, learn from this example as the most exalted station may be debased by vice, so there is no situation in life on which virtue will not confer dignity. mrs. catharine stephenson died april ; born in nottinghamshire, . her body now slumbers along with the dead; her savior hath called, to him she has gone, be ye also ready to follow her soon. under this marble lieth the body of thomas ludwell, esq., secretary of virginia, who was born at britton in of summerset in the kingdom of england, and departed this life in the year ; and near this place lye the bodies of richard kerdp, esq, his predecessor in ye secretary's office and sr. thomas lunsford, kt., in memory of whom this marble is placed by order of philip ludwell, esq., nephew of the said thomas ludwell, in the year . as yorktown was an important post, after three weeks' work in this section, i repaired to that ancient place. there i found two large camps. a few large freedmen's schools were established under the auspices of philadelphia friends, and of these jacob vining had supervision. two others were under the supervision of the american missionary association. both were doing a noble work for these people, who were like hungry children, grasping at the food handed them by these christian teachers. we had a very large meeting in the old barracks fitted up for school and meetings. there were more than could get inside, and groups stood at the door and outside the windows. here i met two young men who had walked all the way from beyond fort magruder, eighteen miles, to attend this meeting. they were more intelligent than the larger portion of life-long slaves. they were encouraged in the future prospect of freedom. they said the white people declared they would soon have all their slaves back again, the same as they had before the war. said one, "they talk it so strong it makes us trimble. for we-uns think they'd be harder on us than ever." i told them to look at that strong fort built by confederates, which they had said "all the yankees of the north could never take." "and where is it now?" i said. "you may rest assured it will be as i repeated to-day, 'except the lord keep the city the watchman walketh but in vain; except the lord build the house they labor in vain who build it.' the lord will never permit the house of bondage to be rebuilt, for the cup of our nation's wickedness has been filled to the brim. they will never again barter for paltry gold the bodies and souls of those whom christ died to redeem with his own precious blood. no, never." they wept, while talking over the past, with new hopes before them of their future. they said they were well paid for their long walk, though they should work the next day with blistered feet. they were working for their old owner, as he had promised to pay them. they had sometimes felt fearful as to the final result of this war. if there were doubts, they would go as far north as they could while they were enjoying their present liberty. a number lingered to talk with me on the prospect of freedom or slavery for them, telling me of the positive expressions of their former masters, and of their threats of having them all back again within a few months. they wanted to know what the prospect was in washington. "do you think we are sure to come out of the wilderness?" said one. "will this sun of freedom, now peepin' troo de black cloud, come cl'ar out, an' make a bright day?" said another. i found many of these people in trouble, because they saw plainly the old slave spirit reviving, and they were trembling with fear; but others had stronger faith. there was one poor woman, whose husband and four children were sold to a trader, to be taken down the river in a gang. when the news came to her master's home that richmond had fallen, she said: "missus an' all was cryin', and say da catch jeff. davis. an' i hurried de supper on de table; an' i say, missus, can dilla wait on table till i go to de bush-spring an' git a bucket o' cool water?' she say, 'hurry, mill; an' i seed 'em all down to table afore i starts. den i walks slow till i git out o' sight, when i runn'd wid all my might till i git to de spring, an' look all 'round, an' i jump up an' scream, 'glory, glory, hallelujah to jesus! i's free! i's free! glory to god, you come down an' free us; no big man could do it.' an' i got sort o' scared, afeared somebody hear me, an' i takes another good look, an' fall on de groun', an' roll over, an' kiss de groun' fo' de lord's sake, i's so full o' praise to massar jesus. he do all dis great work. de soul buyers can neber take my two chillen lef' me; no, neber can take 'em from me no mo';" and the tears fell thick and fast as she told me how she clung to her husband, then to her children, as the trader took them to the slave-pen to lock up till they were ready to start for the river. her mistress ordered her to be whipped because she cried so long for her husband and children. i did not wonder at her ecstasy. a poor old slave, called aunt sally, came to me april th; crippled with rheumatism, and walking as well as she could with two canes. she asked for a blanket or quilt, saying that one old blanket had been her only bed for seven years. i told her i should pass her home the next day, and would bring her some things. she said, "i mus' hurry back, or missus will fin' me out. you gib 'em to the man choppin' wood in de yard; he'll put 'em in de cellar for me. missus is mighty hard on you alls;" and she hobbled back as fast as she could with two canes. but her mistress found out that she had been to see me, and told her she should never set her foot inside her yard again, neither should a yankee. the day following i took a package for aunt sally, containing a straw bed-tick, quilt, blanket, and a good suit of clothes; for i had learned that mrs. pendleton, the daughter of ex-president taylor, was a hard mistress. aunt sally had served her father, and helped bring up his children, and was now seventy-five or eighty years old. from the cold, damp cellar, with only one blanket to cover her, she had become badly crippled, and was left to die, like an old worn-out horse. the colored man near the fence of the back yard told me i would find aunt sally in a little cabin he pointed out, with two old colored people. i found her crying. she said her mistress had turned her out, and told her she should never come inside her yard, nor eat a kernel of the corn that she had planted in ground all spaded by herself, and it was growing so nice. the old people very kindly offered to share with her. he was a cobbler, and made all he could, but he said they had but one bed. i furnished one for her, and gave the old people a quilt and a few needed garments for their kindness to aunt sally. they, too, had been stripped of all their large family, as well as aunt sally of hers. as i passed mrs. pendleton's front yard i saw a large bloodhound on the door-step as sentinel. even a look at him from the street brought a threatening growl. here, too, were william and phillis davis, over eighty years of age, they think. they had fourteen children, "all sold down the river," they said, "except those we's got in heaven. we's glad they's safe, an' we trus' de jubilee trumpet will retch their ears, way down souf, we don't know whar. we's cried for freedom many years, an' it come at last," said the old, tottering man. eva mercer, over seventy five years of age, had a large family. her husband and all her children were sold twenty years ago. she has been left to perish alone, and had had no underclothes for seven years. she was supplied, and made more comfortable than she had been for years. david cary, one hundred years old, in great suffering, was relieved. he, too, had a large family. three wives were sold from him, and his children, one, two, and three at a time, were sent down the river, never to be heard from again. he said he forgot a great many things every day, "but i can never forget the grief i passed through in parting with my good wives and chillens." pross tabb, ninety years old, was turned out of his cabin, and came to the captain crying. he said, "massar tabb turn me out to die by de roadside. i begged him to let me build me a cabin in de woods, and he say if i cut a stick in his woods he'll shoot me." the captain informed j. p. tabb that he would violate the martial law, and be fined and imprisoned, if he turned that old man out of his cabin, where he had lived and served him many years. the poor lone man was permitted to remain. j. p. tabb owned twelve thousand acres of land, and had called himself master of one hundred and sixty slaves; now all had left him. sunday, may d, was a beautiful sabbath. in the morning i attended service at the school-house, conducted by a baptist minister, who examined nine new converts. among them was a little girl, susan monroe, eight years old. the preacher asked her, "what have you got to say 'bout jesus, sis?" "he tuck de han' cuffs off my han's," she replied, "an' de spancels off my feet, an' jesus made me free." with a few other satisfactory answers he passed to the next, a man of forty, perhaps: "and what have you to tell us?" "it 'peared," he said, "like i's so heavy here, on my heart. i could do nuffin but groan, 'massar jesus have pity on poor me;' an' as i was a walkin' 'long de road, he cum sure, an' poured hisself all over me, an' cover over my han's an' my feet, an' made me all over new. i say is dis me? glory, hallalujah! dis is me. i went on an' met sis molly. 'what's de matter o' me? it's all full tide here,' i says. 'why honey,' she answered, 'you's got 'ligion; praise de lord! now keep de pure stuff, don't trade it off for de devil.' an' by de help o' de lord, i don't do any sich tradin'." the next was queried. "ah, i's played de fool," he said, "in jist dat kind o' tradin'. i's an ole backslider. ole satan had me, sure, an' i cried, 'massar jesus, save me from dat horrible pit,' an' he fotch me out, an' put dese feet on de rock, and here i means to stan'." others were examined, and a season of prayer followed. their prayers were marked for their originality and earnestness. said one woman, "oh lord, do please hitch up your cheer a little nearer your winder--draw aside your curtain, an' look down 'pon us poor creturs, an' gib your table-cloth a good shake, dat we may pick up a few crumbs." there were many of these much more intelligent than i supposed i should find them, and used as good language as the white people. house-servants and body-servants were more intelligent than those who lived only in the field. they were very imaginative, and talked with god. one woman in giving a sketch of slave life, said a young girl went to a night meeting contrary to orders, and for so doing was stripped naked and whipped in the presence of the other slaves, the master himself plying the lash. while she cried for mercy her master replied, "i'll give you mercy." "good lord do come and help me." "yes, i'll help you" (and kept plying the lash). "do, lord, come now; if you ha'n't time send jesus." "yes, i'm your jesus," retorted the inhuman persecutor, and he continued to ply the lash until thirty strokes were well laid on. the colonel commanding this post called on me with a request to go to gloucester court-house, to look after the condition of the freedmen there. there were several very old, crippled people in gloucester, in almost a nude condition. i agreed to go, and the colonel went to procure a buggy, as his own was broken; but he failed to get one, though more than a double price was offered, because he was a yankee. he returned discouraged, as he was unwilling to send me in a virginia cart, the only government conveyance. i told him i had frequently seen the wealthiest ladies sitting on straw, with no other seat in the cart. "o yes," he answered, "the f. f. v.'s ride in that way here. but you look too much like my mother to see you go in that style. i could not bear to have your children in michigan know that i sent their mother out to ride thirty miles in that way;" and tears filled his eyes, as he referred to his own mother in his far off northern home. i told him if i could accomplish any good by going, i was more than willing to take the cart-ride, as i could make a seat with my bale of clothing, and thus i went. i crossed york river at gloucester point, and stepped into a store to wait for our soldier driver. here a southern brigadier-general addressed me in the following style: "i reckon you are from the north, madam." "i am from the state of michigan," i said, "but more directly from washington." "you northern people can not be satisfied with robbing us of millions of dollars in slaves, that were just as much our property as your horses and cattle, but you stole our sheep and horses, or any thing else you could get hands on; and yet that was not enough. now you have a bill in congress to rob us of our land, and of course it will pass. then we'll go to work and mix up a little cake to bake for our families, and you'll come and snatch even that away from us." "you probably refer," i said, "to the bill just introduced, to allow the _leaders_ in this rebellion no more than twenty thousand dollars' worth of real estate, confiscating the balance, to sell in parcels to the soldiers and poor people, black or white, on liberal terms, to liquidate the _war debt_. this debt would never have been contracted, had not the south brought on the war. you fired upon sumter; you determined to sever the union. it was a bargain of your own making. you determined to make slavery the chief corner stone of the republic, but another stone, _liberty_, has ground it to powder. we had better accept the situation as we find it, and not call each other thieves and robbers because your chief corner-stone is no more. god never designed that we should make merchandise of human beings. in the written word we find that god made of one blood all the nations of the earth. we find there no lines of distinction because of color or condition. now let us drop slavery and hold it no longer as the bone of contention, and live henceforward a united nation." with flushed face and flashing eyes he said, "_never_, never shall we give up our rights. we acknowledge you have overpowered us, but you have not, and _never will_, conquer us; we shall yet in some way secure our _rights_ as southerners, notwithstanding all your northern preaching." "if you carry out your position," i rejoined, "you will unite with some foreign power to break up our government, or to grind its republican form into powder and scatter it to the four winds." "of course we should, and you can't blame us for doing that. it is just exactly what we shall do if we have the chance." after a few minutes unpleasant talk of this sort our soldier drove in front of the door for me. we borrowed a little box, upon which a coffee sack of clothing was laid, and we thus made a comparatively comfortable seat. we reached gloucester, and, on may th, went to the office of captain mcconnell. he was engaged all the morning in hearing complaints on the part of the freedmen and in adjusting their wrongs. some of them were pitiable cases of outrage, but we can not report them here. there were eight difficulties settled within the few hours that i remained in the office. i resumed visiting and supplying the wants of the destitute as far as my means would allow. there were some old and crippled people here in the same condition as those whom i had relieved in other places in this part of the state. as usual, i took with me my bible, for these colored people had none, because they had never been permitted to learn to read. many of them gave thrilling sketches of their experiences in slave-life. on may th, at four o'clock p. m., i found myself back at old yorktown. here i visited the cave in which general cornwallis was found. the old wood house in which the treaty was signed is covered with thick moss. a two-story brick building was washington's head-quarters after he took possession of yorktown. it was also the head-quarters of the union generals after it fell into their hands. here was the stamping-ground of two great armies. the contention was not now with british red-coats, as in the revolution, but with our brethren in gray. richard lee, an ex-slave-holder, undertook to whip a colored man with the help of his overseer, after the old style, but in the struggle he found himself cut in two or three places, and the blood was flowing pretty freely from the overseer. the colored man told them whipping days were past, and he came out of the affray with but few scratches. his offense was refusing to work on sunday afternoon. they entered no complaint at the office of the freedmen's bureau, and the colored man went about his business unmolested. after taking leave of many dear friends at this place, through the kindness of sister ailsgood, the matron of the teachers' home, i was conveyed to the boat in lieutenant massy's carriage. we enjoyed a beautiful run on the chesapeake. among our passengers for norfolk was a young lady who seemed bright and gay, but had nearly spoiled herself with affectation. she was going to visit her aunt previous to entering upon her new duties in teaching a school. "i never did do any thing of the kind," she told me; "but pa says i must; now that we have lost all our servants by this awful war. but i don't know how i'll do. do you think i can teach a small school?" receiving a word of encouragement, she went on: "i reckon i'll have to try. we've always had a lady preceptress at our house, besides the nurse, to take care of us." a few minutes after i saw her weeping bitterly, as if her heart was nearly broken. placing my hand upon her shoulder i inquired if she had heard bad news that was grieving her? she sobbed and sighed with quite an effort in commanding her feelings to speak. "no; do you see that man yonder with a light hat on?" "yes." "well, he winked at me, and i was never so insulted in my life." and she burst again into tears. "don't grieve over that," i said; "i wouldn't look at him." "but i never was so insulted. i'm so glad my brother ain't here; i tell you there'd be trouble." "never mind; don't notice him." "won't you stand by me?" "yes; i'll stand here," i answered. and she soon became calm, when i thought it safe to leave. but a few moments later i saw her weeping as hard as ever. i went across the cabin to her relief the third time and inquired, "what is the trouble now?" "he winked at me again, and i never, never was so insulted. i know if my brother was here he'd shoot him, for he'd never stand this." i stood by her this time till i saw her in the ladies' dressing-room, by her request remaining between her and the object of her fears, who was at least fifteen feet from us, sitting in the farthest end of the cabin. after she had washed and combed her hair she asked, "how does my hair look? i never combed my hair myself. our nurse did that always, until six months ago our last servant left us, i don't know if it looks well anyhow, for i don't know how to dress it. and do my eyes look as if i'd been crying?" "not to be noticed," i said. "you look all right." "will you see if that fellow has gone out?" on the report that he had left she returned. i inquired if she was alone. "o, no, not entirely; pa put me under the care of a splendid man; i reckon he's on deck; o, he's such a beautiful gentleman; he was pa's overseer a good many years; pa thought he couldn't carry on our plantation without him; when i see him i'll be all right. i reckon you've heard of my pa. everybody knows him--mr. hampton--in gloucester county, one of the most splendid counties in the state. were you ever in gloucester county?" "i was there last week," i answered. "isn't it the most beautiful county you ever saw?" i replied, "nature has done enough to make it so." "it was a grand county before the war," she said. "everybody thinks it's the best county in the state of virginia." but my opinion widely differed from hers. it seemed to me one of the darkest and most god-forsaken corners of the earth. but the influence of slavery had its deleterious effects upon whites as well as blacks. laura hampton knew nothing of self-reliance. all she knew was to be a consequential young lady of distinction, full of exalted qualifying adjectives in the superlative degree. but she was not so much to blame as her parents for her simpering and tossing the head with overstocked affectation. she was to be pitied for her unfortunate surroundings. her "splendid man," a "beautiful gentleman," was a coarse, burly headed "legree" in appearance. i arrived at norfolk at four o'clock p. m., and found a pleasant home at the tyler house. here, i met eighteen teachers, with whom i enjoyed a refreshing prayer-meeting, led by s. j. whiting, a missionary, who gave an interesting sketch of his experience in the meudi mission in africa. i gave an account of the work accomplished through the blessing of god in the mississippi valley, while i was accompanied by my dear sister backus, and spoke of trials i had recently passed through. here were kindred spirits, with whom we held sweet communion, and with our heavenly father, who is ever near at hand. while in this part of the state, i saw a white woman who had been cruelly assaulted and beaten with a raw-hide by her sister and niece for associating with the teachers of our freedmen's schools. they thought she had disgraced the family; but she said she would not turn away from those christian ladies, however her own kindred might treat her. o the wrongs and outrages which the spirit of slavery inflicted not only on the blacks, but also on the white people of the south! chapter xv. experiences among freedmen. i was told by general armstrong, commander of the post in elizabeth city, that twenty-five thousand inhabitants had been supplied with food, and that more whites than blacks had called for rations. there were six thousand freedmen in this district. twenty-six hundred of their children were in schools; and thirteen hundred were half or entire orphans, that drew rations. they had had no civil court here since march th, and no justice was shown to freedmen. there was as much complaint here as elsewhere about their unwillingness to work; but the general said it was only because they got no pay. a few plantations were rented here by northerners; but they made no complaint for want of hands, and had more applications for work than they could furnish. general armstrong secured a carriage, may th, to take his wife and myself to the downey school, a few miles distant, to see what a noble work the two stewart sisters were there doing. he took us to a large farm of eight hundred and six acres, rented by a northern man by the name of jackson, who said he had worked it three years, and had taken it for two years longer. he had no difficulty in keeping good help. "all these people want is fair and kind treatment" he said, "to make good and faithful hands the year around. i can not employ all who come for work. i have seen them leave weeping over their disappointment." near this place was the school conducted by the two sisters, emily and jennie stewart, of south hill, steuben county, new york. they had one hundred and eighty-five scholars, and were doing a grand work among the white people in that community. two young men were converted through their instrumentality, and were exerting a powerful influence over the white people. they were attending the school, to which a number of white families sent their children. it widely differs from all others i have visited in the south. these earnest christian girls were emphatically teaching a school of christ on week-days as well as on the sabbath. the two young men referred to had the ministry in view, and were very earnest in their exhortations. i addressed the school, and conversed with those young white men, who seemed in a very tender frame of mind. these dear sisters urged me to spend a week with them; and general armstrong kindly offered to send his conveyance for me at the close of the week, or whenever i might fix the time. but as my supplies were out, i wished to hasten back to washington. during the day's ride we passed the place of a large sabbath school, which was first opened by a soldier, w. badger, jun., a faithful laborer in this work. it had flourished ever since. we visited a number of plantations with which the general was unacquainted. he hailed a passer-by to inquire the distance to the old brick church. "o, you're smash up to it," he said. i looked up to see it, when he continued, "'t ain't but two miles ahead." the general thought it was three miles, at least, before we reached the old colonial church, built one hundred and twenty-five years ago, out of brick brought from england. we passed through, a forest of young pines that had been rented three years to colored people in five and ten acre lots. they were to receive one-fourth of all they raised, and pay the remainder as rent. said the general, as we came opposite a ten-acre lot where a man, his wife, and daughter were all hard at work grubbing. "that man will hardly get a meager subsistence from one-fourth of that land." and he inquired of the man if he expected to get his living off the fourth of that lot. "i reckon so," was the answer. "after we gets the crop in my wife and gal can tend it, and i'll get work by the day while its growin'." sunday, may th, was a pleasant sabbath. i attended a large meeting, and listened to a very interesting discourse by a freedman. at the close he earnestly exhorted his hearers to purity of life in their new freedom. he wanted to see all filthy habits left behind with bondage. "do not let us take with us," he said, "any habit of drinking--not even using tobacco. let us search ourselves, and see if we are worshiping god with clean hearts and mouths." opportunity being offered, i made a few remarks from ii chronicles, xv: , "and they entered into covenant to seek the lord god of their fathers with all their heart and with all their soul." after meeting, minister and people gathered around me to shake my hands, until they were lame a number of days. said one, "da's took de bridle off our heads, an' let us loose to serve god." near the place was the zion methodist church, that had been used occasionally for _auction sales of slaves_. there were thirty acres here, purchased by colored people, laid out in two-acre lots. most of them had built little cabins, but others were working out by the day to earn means to pay for their lots before they built. in the evening i visited a school of twenty-five adults, who could not attend during the day. a number of them read for me very intelligibly. james wright did not know his letters at christmas, but could now read fluently. he was sixty years of age. robert bell, aged fifty, who did not know his letters in march, could now read in the second reader. captain flagg and wife invited me to take another ride out in the country where colored people had rented land. on our way we met five carts laden with f. f. v.'s. the captain inquired of one man how far it was to providence church. "sir," he answered, "you are slap-jam on to it; only a mile and a half, sure." as usual we went twice the distance; the captain said he always calculated a virginia mile to be double the length of ours. this church had been built one hundred years before with brick brought from england. we called on six families. said one woman, "i tried hard to serve god forty years ago, but mighty idle; massa's lash so sharp, 'peared like we poor creturs never rest till we drop in our graves." we visited ex-governor henry a. wise's plantation of five hundred acres, with fifty cabins in the negro quarters. this was confiscated. there were many of his former slaves here, aged and helpless, and a successful school was taught in his dwelling-house. here were seventeen schools under the charge of the american missionary association, which were taught by eleven lady teachers and six gentlemen. h. c. perry was the superintendent of schools in norfolk district. the taylor plantation was the next which we visited. it contained seventeen thousand acres, seven hundred acres of which were worked, and ready for renting to freedmen. in captain flagg's district there were three thousand four hundred and eighty-six freed children attending day-school, and five hundred and one scholars in the night-schools. one hundred and ninety-two of these were over sixteen years of age. the above included seven counties: norfolk, princess ann, nansemond, isle of wight, southampton, accomack, and northampton, the last two on the eastern shore of chesapeake bay. it is well to note the _income_ of these confiscated plantations, that had, up to may , , been returned to original owners. there had been paid over by captain flagg to government toward liquidating the war debt, thirteen thousand dollars. all of this was the avails of negro help on the government farms, except the wise and taylor plantations, that were still occupied for the benefit of the aged, sick, blind, and crippled men, women, and orphans. i returned to washington, where i found a request that i should take fifteen colored orphans to our home in michigan. the commissioners having charge of money sent here by all the free states, for sanitary purposes, proposed to place five hundred dollars in my hands for the two orphan asylums in michigan, out of the nine hundred dollars that came from our state. this was to be equally divided between detroit orphan asylum and the one in raisin institute, known at that time as haviland home. a majority of the commissioners objected to its being placed in the hands of a woman, to select goods to be purchased at auction rates. consequently, a young man was sent with me to see that wise selections were made for the little homeless waifs for whom the relief was designed. being somewhat acquainted, with my work, he said he was ashamed of the vote of the board, in distrusting my ability to select goods for the little children of the asylums, when i had been at this work all my life, and constantly during three years past. but i told him i was thankful to get the five hundred dollars, and could waive their notions of woman's inability very comfortably. he assented to all the selections i made, and i arranged to return home with the fifteen orphans and forty laborers, who wished to go to cleveland, ohio, where their friends had gone for work and reported to them favorably. i found in these people a strong attachment to their own color; hence the unwillingness for a few to go a great distance without a prospect of others to follow. it was a heavy pressure of persecution that could drive them from their old southern homes to washington for protection, and the heavy pressure of want staring them in the face that could induce them to leave for northern states to find work. fifteen thousand were then huddled in and about washington. hundreds could not get work at ten cents a day, besides rations. general o. o. howard gave transportation for many car-loads to go to the states of new york, pennsylvania, ohio, and other free states. but the freedmen could not be persuaded to go into the former slave states, after having left them. general howard said northern humanitarians ought to have a share in this christian enterprise of furnishing work for the able-bodied and assisting to care for these indigent children; and he urged me to bring as many as practicable. mrs. ricks knew of fifteen who wished to follow their friends that had gone to ohio, and said she would assist me in going through to adrian, where joseph mckenzie had spoken to me for eight or ten strong men for his brickyard. if they had families he said he would help them in building houses on his own land, and if both were suited he would eventually sell lots to them. while calling on f. c. beaman, member of congress, and wife, i was urged to rest three or four days, at least, before leaving for home. but i told them i must hasten home to rest. transportation was secured for fifty-five adults and fifteen orphans. before we reached altoona i found rations had not been provided for adults, and that we must purchase at least seventy-five loaves of bread at that town. as the train halted a few minutes, i left for the bakery, but found that it had been removed a block further. we went on a run, and secured the bread; and i sent the men running with it, so as to reach the cars before they should start. but i was left behind, with three young men who refused to desert me. the men with the bread reached the cars just as they were beginning to move. mrs. ricks being with them, i was easy as to their condition. i found i had better keep as quiet as possible, as i was threatened with an attack of dysentery. but transportation, with my official papers, had all gone on, and there was not a soul in altoona that i ever knew. yet i was not discouraged, but took the three young men with me to the railroad superintendent's office, and told the superintendent i had come on a queer errand, and told my short story. "and now i solicit the favor of a pass for myself and these three young men. but you do not know whether i have given you a truthful representation, for i have not so much as a scratch of a pen with me to prove it." said he: "you say your name is laura s. haviland. did you not secure a pass to chicago and return, three years ago, of mr. campbell, at adrian?" "i did," was my reply, "as i was going south with sanitary supplies." "i thought i had seen you before," he said. "i was his chief clerk, and made out those passes for you; and i will give you a pass, as you request. would you like to telegraph to the lady assistant?" "i suppose," i said, "she will stop over at pittsburg until i overtake them; but it would be a favor if their baggage could be properly rechecked at pittsburg to stop over one train at cleveland, as a portion of the adults are to stop there." "i will telegraph the freight agent to take special care in rechecking their baggage, and request the operators to telegraph to railroad authorities at cleveland that this car-load of blacks in charge of mrs. ricks are to wait over one train for you." i told him if that could be done without fail it would be a great favor, as i was sick, and mrs. ricks would have time to send these colored people up town to their friends. he telegraphed all these directions, and also requested the ticket agent to meet me with the passes. while waiting for the train i was furnished with a sofa by the kind matron who kept the ladies' waiting-room. i was met at the pittsburg depot with passes, and conducted to the waiting-room for a few moments, when the young man came to assist me on the right car. by this time my fever ran high, but higher still on reaching cleveland, and finding that all had gone on to adrian. here tickets to adrian were waiting for me. i met brother j. berry at adrian depot, who informed me that all were cared for. i left all with the lord and the good people of adrian, who knew nothing of my trying experiences. my children were urgent to send for the doctor at once. i insisted on my water treatment, but promised to comply with their request if not materially better in twelve hours. a few days of rest and quiet restored my health. although adrian was a little alarmed at this new experience of army stampedes, yet in due time places were found for all to work, and eventually many of them became owners of their own homes. the children of soldiers and other homeless waifs, needed attention, and i found more than a dozen in our orphans' home without a shirt for a change. but sister annie berry donated forty yards of heavy sheeting, and within two weeks we had a hundred yards made up into substantial garments for these little homeless ones. my health being still too poor for hard work, i spent a few weeks with my son, joseph b. haviland, at acme, grand traverse county. on my return home, i found our commission had concluded to close the asylum work, and expend its means in supporting schools in the south. they had sold the west hall, and it had been removed to tecumseh, and they were about to sell the team and other property. i now stated the motive i had when i gave the deed with a proviso, and said that removing the building was a wrong step for our commission to take, in view of the proviso. i met the commission in detroit, and laid before them my object, and my desire to make it a state asylum, for the children of soldiers and all others who were in our county poor-houses, that were mere nurseries for the prison. i had inquired of superintendents of penitentiaries, how many of the convicts had been left orphans in childhood; and the average in virginia, maryland, pennsylvania, and our michigan state prison was more than three-fourths. emma a. hall, matron of the female prisoners in the detroit house of correction, informed me that every girl and woman under her care had been left an orphan in childhood. in view of this record, and of there being a greater number of that class since the war than ever before, i had felt the necessity for this asylum. george duffield, d. d., the president of our commission, replied: "we know not but this check is of the lord, for we are finding it hard work to secure homes for the forty children now in the home who are under ten years of age." and he moved that a month be allowed me to make satisfactory arrangements according to my design. while i was endeavoring to secure ten-dollar subscriptions to effect this result, j. r. shipherd, secretary, of the western division american missionary association, sent an agent to purchase the asylum and continue it in its present form. he stated the american missionary association could not take it with the proviso, but would pay me two hundred and fifty dollars of the five hundred dollars i had agreed to deduct out of the two thousand dollars purchase money, if i should relinquish the proviso. i feared the result, thinking the enterprise might be only an experiment, and might close at some future period, leaving these children a public burden. but j. r. shipherd pledged his word that no child of whom the american missionary association should take control should become a public burden, and would further agree to expend on the building and grounds, at least from three thousand to five thousand dollars within a year and a half or two years at longest. from the confidence i had in the association i yielded, though reluctantly. the agent desired me to take charge of the asylum as matron, ten days or two weeks, as mr. shipherd could secure a matron from vicksburg, mississippi, in that time. i agreed to do this free of charge. mrs. edgerton, whom se engaged as matron, arrived in four weeks. it was now late in october, and my winter cough began to trouble me. this the southern winters had melted away during three winters past, and i concluded to resign my agency in our state freedmen's aid commission and work under the auspices of american missionary association of the middle division. i secured transportation from general o. o. howard to atlanta, georgia, and again left my dear ones at home for that field. i spent a few days with my dear friends, levi and catharine coffin, at cincinnati. as the secretary, brother cravath, was on an investigating tour in the south, levi coffin proposed that i should go to work over the river, in covington and newport, kentucky, as there were a few thousand freedmen congregated in those towns. he introduced me to a lieutenant, in whose charge the freedmen's department was left, who took me to a number of barracks, where the sick and suffering were occupying bunks with a bed sack that had, when possible, been filled with hay, leaves, or husks. one poor woman had nothing in her sack, and that was all she had for her bed, aside from an old condemned blanket. she was suffering intensely with rheumatism. her limbs and hands were all drawn out of shape, thus disabling her from dressing herself. i purchased some hay immediately and had her moved so as to have her bed-sack filled, and then furnished her with a warm quilt. i procured quantity of thick red flannel and made her a long-sleeved garment to reach over her feet, and made it before i slept. the next morning i took it to her and saw it on her. the poor woman could say nothing for weeping, but after commanding her feelings, she said, "this is more than i deserve. all the sufferin' i's had all the year is nothin' compared to the sufferin' of my jesus for poor me." the colored woman who had the care of her said she never had seen such patience in all her life. the next day i took her another flannel garment, and relieved many others during the month i spent in this field. our lieutenant was an excellent man. one day he wished me to go with him to see his old building that he had ordered fitted up for a school for three hundred freed children in that part of his district. but he found that nothing had been done. "upon my word," he exclaimed, "not a stroke, not a stone, not a window. o, i can't stand this red tape; i just want to leave every other duty and pitch into this house. i know i am too impulsive, but that is the way of an irishman. i have often thought peter was an irishman, he was so impulsive." i spent the greater portion of new-year's day, , in calling upon twelve families and taking to the sick and aged ones, blankets and clothing. i walked nearly a mile to the ferry, and called at the mission-rooms, where i found the secretary, e, m. cravath, just returned from his southern tour. he thought my work was most needed in memphis, tennessee. i received from him my commission for that field. i met in his office rev. a. scofield and daughter, just driven from camp nelson, by returned secessionists. after a very busy new-year's day, i returned to levi coffin's for the night, and the next day left for memphis, which i reached on the th, spending two days in cairo. in the evening i attended a large colored church, and at the close of the service introduced my work. the meeting, as usual, was very demonstrative. the home assigned me was a mission home, with thirteen teachers, joseph barnum, formerly of oberlin, ohio, being superintendent. it was a rich treat to meet several who had been co-workers in the field of clashing arms and roar of cannonading. but few can realize the strength of the tie that binds those who have labored together in the lion's den. one of the teachers being sick, at the request of the superintendent i temporarily took her place. on my way to school, one morning, i was conducted to the place where lay twelve dead bodies till the third day after the terrible riot which occurred a few months previously. one of the bodies was half burned. i was shown another corner of the streets where lay six bodies more at the same time. o what horrible scenes were enacted then. my conductor pointed to a charred spot of earth where had stood a cabin in which lay a very sick woman, whose daughter of sixteen years stood in the door pleading with the infuriated mob not to burn their house for her mother was near dying, and it was impossible for her to carry her out. one fiend caught her up on his bayonet and tossed her into the midst of the flames of an adjoining cabin. in a moment her screams of agony were hushed by the crackling flames. fire was then thrown into the dying woman's cabin, and both mother and daughter perished. their charred bodies were taken out by their friends and buried with others slaughtered in the riot of may, . in that riot there were forty-six negroes killed, seventy-five wounded, five rapes were committed, ten persons maltreated, and one hundred robbed, and ninety-one houses and cabins burned, besides four churches and twelve school-houses reduced to ashes. these facts were given me by white witnesses as well as colored, and they probably may be found in general kiddoo's military record, as he was one of the officers with armed soldiers who quelled the terrible riot. i was soon relieved of school duty, and as i received a few boxes of goods, a portion of which were from england, i found constant employment in the ever-varying mission work. the grandmother of a little girl who had died a few days before was very sick and in great distress of mind when i entered her cabin, she said imploringly, "o missus, do pray for poor me. can god forgive sich an ole sinner as me? can i fin' jesus so quick as poor mary jane did afore she died? i knows she went so happy; i prayed all night, but 'pears like so dark; don't see de place o' de candle." i read to her of the readiness of jesus to forgive, and how he forgave the thief on the cross, because he repented and looked to jesus in faith even in his last moments. as i knelt by her cot i implored unbounded mercy in the spirit's teaching this precious soul the way to enter in through the door. i left her more calm. she lingered a few days, but her mind became clear from the shadow of a cloud. she died in the triumphs of faith, leaving, she said, her little lambs with the dear shepherd, "dat hunted de lost sheep an' foun' her 'mid de wolves, dat scratch her mightily." the children were taken to the orphanage. while pursuing this work our lives were daily threatened, and some had fears of another riot. one union woman on our block told me that she had often spent sleepless nights on our account. she had heard such frequent threats that "nigger teachers should be cleared out, as well as free niggers," that she expected every day would be our last, and every pistol shot she heard in the night, or the alarm of fire, she listened and looked in the direction of our mission house. but i told her i did not believe we should have another riot; i believed the god of daniel was able and willing to protect us, and that in him was my confidence. "but you don't know these people as i do," she said, "for i have always lived here. i have sometimes thought i would not tell you. and then i made up my mind that i would, so you could be more on your guard; because they threatened, just as they do now, before that awful riot a few months ago." the teachers who were my room-mates said they had heard of the same threats, but there were soldiers near at hand now, and when the riot broke out there were so few here they had to be called from other points to quell it. on april th i visited the sick and relieved eight families. then i went over old fort pickering and through the freedmen's hospital, containing one hundred and eighty-eight inmates, four of them cripples, and fifteen very old. of one i inquired how old she was: "i's goin' on two hundred," she answered. "massa's book say i's one hundred and eight, an' dat is eight years for another hundred, ain't it? dey name me esther jane. i was sole at sheriff's sale for debt to massa sparks. in de ole war massa george washington was a mighty kind man. he boarded wid massa sparks four or five weeks. he wore short breeches an' knee-buckles an' a cocked hat i kep' his room clar'd up." she was not as blind as a number who were much younger. but her skin was full of fine as well as deep wrinkles, and of an ashen hue. i gave a little sugar and some crackers to many of them. i returned to find a colored man who had been directed to me. he had made his escape the night before from his old master, who seemed to have no more idea of his leaving him than if there had been no proclamation of freedom. his wife had been sick a long time, and he stayed to take care of her till she died, then he watched an opportunity to bring his two little children with him. but his master he supposed was also watching, for he soon overtook him with help and took his children away from him, and his bundle of clothes that he was going to put on when he got far enough from the house to feel safe with his children. he said it was his best suit. the shirt and drawers he had on were good, and they constituted his entire wardrobe. i laid out a number of garments, and told him to go into the store-room and select a whole suit that would best fit him. the next thing to be done was to accompany him to colonel palmer's office, where he told his own pitiful story, and the colonel asked him if he could take care of his children if he got them. "if you'll be so good as to help me get them, these hands," (holding them out toward the colonel) "shall take as good care of them as they do of me," and his eyes filled with tears. i left him with the colonel, who told him he would send with him an escort of soldiers the next morning, "and the master will not dare refuse to give up the children on reading the note i shall send him." a little excitement existed over the murder of mr. errickson, a union man, who fled to memphis with his family for safety during the war. a few weeks before the present time, he returned to his home in summerville. he had been home but a few days before he was shot dead in front of a store. his poor wife and two daughters were almost insane over his untimely death. he thought the country was becoming more quiet, and he could risk going quietly to their home. there was a very smart colored woman in town who witnessed his murder. she was at memphis ostensibly to do a little trading; but her errand was to inquire of the real friends of the colored people which man they had better vote for--parson brownlow or the conservative candidate--for governor. the men did not dare to come, for fear they would be mistrusted; and she came to learn from union men their choice for governor, to take back word, and report at summerville. i was one day passing the old barracks of soldiers, then occupied by freedmen. i heard distressing groans, and called to see whence they came. i found an old man of ninety-seven years, called "uncle philip," in great bodily distress. "how long have you been suffering like this?" i inquired. "only two years," he said. "two years must seem a great while." "o no, it's only a little minute, compared with eternity of rest in glorious mansions jesus went to prepare for me; for i knows i's got a home thar', missus, i knows it, 'case i's seen it, an' i feels it." "how long have you felt this evidence?" "i seen it cl'ar as sunshine when i was ten year ole. my massa was a mighty wicked, swearin', cruel man. an' his overseer was a mighty big wicked black man; his name was munday. an' all the seventy-five grown han's on the plantation was mighty wicked too. i hear so much swearin' i had a bad ide' of god and jesus; i reckon'd they's some great men, that sent people to a mighty bad place. one day a methodis' minister stop to massa malachi's for dinner. when he lef' massa call me to bring his hoss to 'im. an' de preacher put his han' on my head an' say, 'philip is a smart little boy. an' if you'll ask god to make you good he'll do it. then when you die you'll go to that great, beautiful city up yonder, where it's all light and beautiful. here little philip has to go 'round among stubs and stones, barefoot; there he'll walk the golden streets in silver slippers. here he wears his slip; there he'll be dressed in a beautiful white robe. here he goes bareheaded; there he'll wear a beautiful crown, all glittering with stars. wouldn't you like to go to such a beautiful city as that when you die?' 'yes, sir,' i say. 'well, ask god to make you good, and that will be your home; for jesus loves little children.' an' he jump'd on his hoss and rode away, while i stood thar, wonderin' what sort of a man that could be, that knew so much 'bout god and heaven. now i must fin' god, to ask 'im to make me good; an' f'om this man's 'scription, he must be settin' on some cloud. day and night i watch for 'im; an' when i looked upon the stars i wondered if these sparklin' stars was what god put in de crowns he put on de heads of all good people an' good chillen. "one day aunt milla, the cook, sent me to pick up an armful of wood for her. while i stood lookin' up to de clouds, huntin' for god, i hear a sweet soft voice say, 'chile, pray.' i look all 'mong de tree-tops, to see who's thar, an' it say, 'chile, pray,' again. an' i was sure somebody up in de tree-tops, an' i got scared, an' drop my armful of wood, an' run to aunt milla, all out o' bref. 'what ails you, phil? what's the matter?' she said. 'somebody's in de tree-tops, an' say, "chile, pray."' 'hush, chile,' aunt milla said, 'dat's god talkin to you.' 'no 't ain't. i's been huntin' for god a good many days, an' can't fin' im.' 'honey, you can't see god wid de eyes you sees aunt milla. god is a great good spirit dat knows all 'bout what you want, an' what you're thinkin' 'bout. i wish i was a christian, but i ain't. i's hearn christians talk, an' i knows dat god's talkin' to you, honey. now, you go by yourse'f, alone like, an' ask god to make you good, as you say you want to, an' he'll do it, sure.' "here was a new thought, dat i could fin' god, an' not see 'im. but i did as aunt milla tole me. it 'peared like i must fin' god. my heart ached like, all thro' me, i's so anxious. only a few days after i was totin' an armful o' plates to the dinin'-room for aunt milla. all at once i's so happy i didn't know myse'f. i drop my plates, an' broke i don't know how many. but i didn't stop for plates; i shouted, 'bless massa jesus! glory! glory hallelujah to god! i 'a foun' 'im; i knows it's god.' i got hold of my papa and mamma, an' tole 'em to ask god to make 'em good, an' he'd do it; an' took hold of my little mate july, 'bout my age, an' tole 'im he mus' pray, an' i'd pray for 'im. in a few days he got 'ligion too. an' two young white ladies, massa malachi's nieces, lived thar', an' learned us to sing the sweet hymn: "'my savior, my almighty friend, when i begin thy praise, where shall the growing numbers end, the numbers of thy grace?' an' i tole july we'd have prayer-meetin's in our cabin of nights, an' de ole folks gathered 'round us, an' our cabin was full. massa malachi murphy was angry 'bout it; sometimes he'd scold, sometimes make fun o' me, an' call me de 'big preacher, howlin' phil.' but as all dat didn't put me down, he call me to 'im an' say, 'you shall stop this prayin' an' singin' in your cabin, or i'll whip you to death,' an' he swore i was ruinin' his plantation. my papa an' mamma tried to get me to stop. they said, 'you know massa malachi will do jus' as he say.' 'o no, i can't stop prayin' to jesus, he's so good to poor me. i can't stop prayin', i said. but we did stop our prayer-meetin's in our cabin, but we had our night meetin's in a deep ravine over a quarter of a mile away. forty or fifty of our fellow slaves would, meet us thar to hear us pray an' sing. at las' massa set de overseer, munday, to watch us, an' he found us out. he ordered munday to bring july an' me to 'im afore sun up. when we come in sight of de yard we seen two ropes hangin' to a big tree limb, an' i stop an' look to july, an' to de woods, wid a half a min' to run. but july says, 'we knows we can't stop prayin', an' we knows what we'll take jus' as well firs' as las'.' then i was 'shamed to think i was firs' in de cause, an' july stronger'n me. an' we went through de gate an' stood afore massa, settin' in de back door in his night shirt. he began to swear we was ruinin' his whole plantation, an' now he was goin' to have us whipped to death. 'now you see you've got to die or stop prayin'; will you stop this d----d prayin'?' 'o massa, do please let me pray to god, do please.' 'strip off your slip, tie 'im up thar, mun, an' give 'im a full round.' it was done accordin' to order; twenty lashes with the bull whip, an' twenty strokes with the paddle. turning to july, he said, 'will you stop prayin' or die?' 'massa, do please let me pray to god,' said july. with an oath, he was bidden to take off his slip, an' tied to the other rope with a rail at the lower end, nearly touching the ground. the paddle was an inch board four inches wide, three or four feet long, whittled at one end for the handle, having six or eight inches bored full of holes, each hole drawing a blister at every stroke. the full round was given to july as ordered, twenty lashes with the bull whip and twenty strokes with the paddle. with an oath he turned again to me, 'now, have you got enough to stop your praying or will the devil die?' 'o massa, do please let me pray to god, he is so good,' i answered. 'mun, give 'im another full round,' and twenty lashes with the whip, and twenty strokes with the paddle was again given. again he queried july, who gave the same reply as before, and the full round was ordered and given again. then he ordered him to be cut down, swearing that he would whip him to death the next time he heard of his praying. but he swore he'd have the little devil, phil, whipped to death now, as he was first in this 'devilish' praying. as i expected to die, i prayed all through this terrible ordeal that jesus would come near to help me endure it, in his name. "i felt him like he was by my side," continued uncle philip, as the tears dropped thick and fast, often stopping a moment to find utterance. "massa bid july go home an' behave, an' he order' de overseer to give me another round unless i'd promise to stop prayin'. but it 'peared like i felt stronger in de lo'd, an' i give de same answer, and i can't tell how long i was whipped an' paddled, for when i cum to, i was cut down, and layin' in de blood on de groun'--i fainted away. massa was lookin' at me thar in his night shirt; i see him as cl'ar as if't was done yesterday. he swore i should never cum in his sight again, or cum inside dat gate, pointing to it. i prayed in my heart for god to give me strength to git up and walk to de quarters, for the pain an' loss of blood made me so weak an' faint. but de good lo'd was thar, an' i presently got strong enough to get up an' took my slip in han', an' staggered out dat yard, and cum up to july. he stop on de way to see if i was 'live. when we pass de quarters all along, de old men an' women stood at their doors cryin'. when we got out o' sight of de great house, one ole man an' 'oman called us to 'em an' oiled our backs. da said we was all cut up to a jelly, an' put soft cloth over de gashes. our people tried harder'n ever to stop our prayin' an' singin', caze massa malachi sure to kill us. "a few days after massa sent for me, an' i 'spected he'd finish me dis time sure. but i felt jesus was close by me; i was weak in de body, but strong in de lo'd. i obeyed, as i stood all trimbly afore 'im. 'well, howlin' preacher, if you are boun' to preach you shall preach,' an' he swore i should have enough of it. 'next sunday, at eleven o'clock you shall preach; i'm going to invite all the white folks an' black people 'round here to cum to hear de big preacher. i'm going to have a pulpit built under that big tree' (pointing to one in the yard two rods from the one the ropes were tied to when we was whipped). 'now we'll have a big meetin' to hear de big preacher. you understan', do you?' 'yes, massa,' i say, an' he sent me away. i tol' july what massa said. 'now we mus' pray to god to sen' a minister, an' pray god to soften massa's heart, to let 'im preach, for you knows massa malachi mil do jus' as he says he will, an' god will answer our prayer.' at nights i went to one plantation an' july went to another, an' we tried to git some christian man or some christian woman to promise to preach if massa would consent. but not one would promise. they all knew it was just for sport. sunday morning came with a great parade of hauling boards, an' a pulpit was built." uncle philip said it looked more terrifying to him than would a gallows if built for his own hanging. people gathered from all directions, both white and colored, and filled the whole yard. the hour of eleven brought the master to the door in his arm-chair, with his family bible in his lap. taking his watch from his pockets, he called out, "come on, my big preacher." "i obeyed the command," said uncle philip, "as i stood afore 'im. 'now we are to hear this howling preacher,' he said, sneeringly, 'ad you can't preach without the bible, an' i'll hold it wide open, an' you must look right at me when you preach. the time is up; go to your pulpit.' i asked july if he would go up with me and help me sing-- "'my savior, my almighty friend' nodding an assent, we went on. it 'peared like i was too weak to go up four or five steps. i trimbled an' sweat all over. but once i was up my strength cum to me, and we sung so loud de people say da hear ev'ry word all over dat great yard. by de time we got to de las' line of third verse de people was cryin' for mercy an' down on dair knees crying, 'lo'd, what shall i do to be saved? 'lo'd have mercy on me, a sinner!' 'be merciful to poor me, or i'm lost.' these cries we hear'n from every side. i never felt happier or bolder in my life, while tears of joy ran down as i faced my ole massa. he slam de door shut, an' da said he jumped between two feather-beds to keep from hearin' de cries of de people. i tell you, honey, de lo'd made dat hymn my sin-killer on dat blessed day, long, long to be 'membered." "and did you preach?" i asked. "preach, chile; de lo'd did all de preachin' dat day. we finish' de hymn, an' we went down an' talked an' prayed wid de seekers, an' we staid dar all night, an' afore next mornin' twenty-three was converted an' praisin' god. massa call for me, an' i 'spected my time cum now anyhow. but i was ready for death or life. i went without fear of any thing. he looked at me as mile as a lamb, an' said, 'phil, my boy, you may preach, pray, or sing as much as you please, an' go where you please, an' you shall never be hit another lick as long as i live.' i bowed low an' said, 'thanky, massa malachi; god bless you, massa.' i praised god as i turned away from, him who had caused me so much sufferin'. "but god turned it into a great blessin'. he dismissed his overseer, an' never 'lowed one of his slaves to be punish' after that great day. in one year seventy-three on dat plantation was converted. two nieces of massa's was 'mong 'em, besides a few other white folks. but massa malachi tried to git 'em to give up 'ligion, an' sent 'em to dancin' frolics. an' da come to me for advice as if i was deir brover. i tole em massa malachi took keer of 'em, 'caze day was orphans, an' de sin would res' on de uncle dat make 'em go agin deir will, and not on dem. two years after one of 'em got married an' moved thirty miles away, an' she got leave of massa to let me go an' stay a week or two at a time. at las', poor gal, she died of consumption, and sent for me a month afore she died to stay wid her, an' she often asked me to pray wid her. o how happy she died, in full faith in de 'ligion she foun' on de blessed day massa compel me to preach, little thinkin' he was 'pointin' a meetin' for de lo'd of hosts instead of little phil. but my people on other plantations often sent for me to preach, but i never call it preachin', only 'ligious talks. da would have me help organize churches all 'roun' thar. in four years we organized seven churches an' the cause prospered. "at las' so many persecutions an' sufferin' was goin' on i got disheartened. i began to question whether it wan't me causin' all dis sufferin', an' i stop goin' to prayer-meetin' four months, an' de ministers an' christian men an' christian women come to see me an' say, 'brodder philip, why don't you come to meetin', as you use' to?' i tole 'em, 'caze i didn't feel like it. said one man, 'i's feared de devil's got hold of you.' i tole 'im i 'spected he'd had hold o' me a long while, for i felt bad enough to be his work. i tole 'im massa malachi made me preach, an' god didn't have nothin' to do wid it, for he knew massa was a wicked man." these doubts and fears seemed to follow uncle philip day and night, until, as, he said, his distress was great. then, he fell into an insensible, lifeless state, in which he lay fourteen days. said he: "my mother dressed me for de grave; but as my limbs did not stiffen, mada malachi sent for a doctor who placed a glass before my face, an' moisture gathered on it. he tole 'em it was not entirely cole over de heart, an' da mus'n't bury me until decomposition took place, cuze it might be a trance. an' da kep' me in de kitchen wid aunt milla, de cook, to watch me. it 'peared like i's goin' down into a horrible place of awful soun's an' rattlin' of chains; an' i prayed mightily for help, an' jesus reached down an' took my han' an' lifted me up to a glorious palace so beautiful, an' every thing was light. steps seemed built out of light, somehow made into sub'sance, i can't 'escribe it. my guide tole me i was wrong to doubt, when god had been so good to me in all my hard trials. he showed me de windows dat let light down to dis earth, an' to de churches i helpt organize. it seemed like bein' led from place to place into a mighty big country. when i seen 'em all dress' in pure white robes an' singin' such splendid music, i look at myself and see how filthy an' ragged i look; i say to my guide, 'i can never go in dat company.' 'yes you can when jesus wash you in his blood. all you see was as filthy an' ragged as you. but da is made clean.' an' we crossed over a line like, an' firs' i know i's in de pure white robe too, an' singin' wid all dat great company. o i can't 'escribe, how happy i felt in rangin' wid my guide de fields of light an' sich glorious visions. at las' he said, 'you mus' go back to earth an' teach your people de way to dis glorious home, dat is your home if you be faithful in readin' dis book.' i said, 'i am a slave back thar, an' can't read.' 'but this book you can read,' an' he laid de open book on my outstretched lef' arm; de tip of de golden leaves reach the tip of my fingers, an' the other tip of the leaves touch my head. he took me two or three little steps, an' i thought i was back to earth, an' i ask aunt milla for a drink as i was so thirsty. and she said de bucket of water was on de bench, an' my little cup by it. "when i cum to myse'f i was standin' by de bucket drinkin' out o' my cup. but nobody was in de house but mina, a little gal 'bout eight year ole, massa bought out of a drove was passin' by de kitchen door, and run to the fiel' shoutin' all de way 'phil's alive! phil's alive!' an' all de han's on de plantation cum runnin' to de house, an' my mother caught me firs', 'praise god, my chile's alive.' de firs' i said, 'i's been wrong to doubt god, i never, never will doubt him any more.' i never can, for i's had a glimpse of hell, and have been in dat beautiful world of light." i have given uncle philip's narrative in his own language as i took it down in my note-book at the time of my interviews with him. his was indeed a green old age; his mind remarkably clear, and his memory retentive. from time to time, as i read a chapter or a psalm, he often referred to certain passages that he had dwelt upon since i had left him. in relating his history be often shed tears; at one time with his elbows resting upon his knees, and face buried in the calico 'kerchief until it was wet. at another time he was just raising himself up from the kneeling position--when i came in. "i's jus' bin prayin' for you," he said. "i did't know as you's so near, but i felt your spirit. it sort o' lifs me up to talk wid you. i prayed dat de good seed you's sowin' 'mong our people may lodge in good groun' an' bring a hundred fol'. de men you talked to on de bridge 'bout swearin' never'll forgit your words. you's doin' more for our poor, ignorant people dan you knows on." he lived about a year after i left memphis, tennessee. i sent him occasionally two or three dollars, through superintendent barnum or his wife, who often called to see his wants supplied. the last words he uttered were a few lines of one of his favorite hymns, "give me wings," and his happy spirit took its flight; having faithfully read the book he said he had always kept in his heart. i was often forcibly impressed while conversing with that aged saint. how manifest is the power of our wonderful, in his dealing with his followers, just according to their needs. that poor ignorant man could not read the written word, but god took his own way to lead and instruct him, to fit him for an instrument in his hand of turning many souls to the knowledge of the truth as it is in jesus. on may , , i took the cars for home. having instructions from the american missionary association and transportation, i took fifteen homeless orphans to our asylum in my former school, raisin institute. i left this field of arduous toiling, often passing the former residence of john p. and thomas k. chester, who had so often threatened my life. both closed their earthly career by untimely deaths. i reached home on the th, praising the god of daniel for his keeping power in the lion's den. chapter xvi. "state public school." after my return my health gave way, as did also that of our worthy agent, catherine taylor. she endured great suffering from inflammation of the sciatic nerve, and was entirely disabled from labor for months. late in the autumn our supplies ran very low, and our self-sacrificing president was also in poor health. she, with a few other members of the board, visited the asylum, and found nothing on hand but corn-meal and turnips, which, with a little milk that was made into a gravy, was all there was to keep the children from starving. our president ran in debt twenty-six dollars at the mill and grocery; but on thanksgiving-day a collection of sixty-six dollars was taken for the asylum. this liquidated the debt, and furnished the necessary food for the time being. but winter was approaching, and the failing health of the workers seemed to forebode the necessity of closing our asylum work. mrs. catherine rice corresponded with friends of the work in grand rapids, asking them to unite with us in a petition to the state legislature to establish a state manual labor school in grand rapids, as the friends in that city were arranging for a local orphan asylum. the subject was discussed in the board, but a small majority voted against uniting their local interests with the state work. during this time, all new material sent in for clothing was exchanged for food, and jane a. smith and our faithful teacher applied to a few friends and received temporary aid. on december , , we found the provisions too short to last for two weeks. the question came up, what shall be done for the twenty children for whom no homes are provided? under the circumstances, there seemed no alternative but to return the children to their respective county infirmaries. when this decision was reached by the board of managers, and made known to the matron and teacher, on the evening of their week-day prayer-meeting, the matron informed the children of it. eleven of them had made a profession of religion, and had given evidence of having found him who said, "suffer little children to come unto me, and forbid them not" each of these offered earnest prayer for god to help them live so faithfully that he would make friends for them, to bring them something to eat, "so we won't have to go back to the county poor-house." all this time my children and friends had not allowed me to know the condition of the asylum. our firm friend, rebecca bennett, and our president called on my physician to ask permission to see me for advice as to whom they could write for aid. he replied, "with your calm and judicious manner, i can risk you." but they came far short of making a full revelation of the true state of things. i advised them to write the superintendent of the congregationalist sabbath-school at, franklin center, and to the pastor of the methodist episcopal church in tecumseh. they proposed that i should dictate to my daughter what to write. this was done, and my appeal was read in their respective congregations. within a week two sleigh-loads, containing grain, flour, meal, and beef, and a whole dressed sheep, came from those places. the drivers rolled in barrel after barrel from each of the sleighs, and said they would bring more before this was gone. one little boy of eleven years said: "mrs. smith, don't you think god sent all this 'cause we prayed so hard the other night?" "my child," she answered, "the lord has heard our prayers, and has answered; and, although it is snowing hard, yet you must hurry, and hitch jack to the buggy as quick as possible, so that we can let mrs. haviland know this; for i have been afraid she has been worse since she learned we were so nearly out." soon she came into my room with the glad tidings: "do not take another anxious thought over our asylum. we had more supplies come to us to-day than we have had for two months--two heavy sleigh-loads." we clasped each others' hands and wept for joy, and praised god, from whom all blessings flow. this news revived the spirits of those whose hands were hanging down, and gave them courage to reappoint officers. rev. dr. asa mahan's wife served as president, with other officers, duly elected. a petition to the legislature was drafted and industriously circulated, and printed copies were sent to a number of the superintendents of counties who had favored our project. though the legislature was in session, and there was not time to circulate it as extensively as desirable, yet dr. mahan and others thought it might succeed, although there were heavy drafts upon our legislature of - . the state prison was to be enlarged, the insane asylum to be improved, and additions to ann arbor university made, while there were still other calls for appropriations. all these made the success of our scheme look doubtful to many. all i could do was to continue in prayer that senators and representatives might feel the importance of looking after the pressing wants of our future men and women, soon to fill our vacated places. i found many children in the county poor-house through the debauchery of their fathers, and occasionally mothers. the improvement, both in conduct and in morals, of the neglected little waifs whom we had gathered into our asylum, urged us on in our work; for we realized that our experiment was a success. our friends were thus encouraged to press forward with the petition. dr. mahan and his wife, our president, went before the legislature with the view of pressing our claims. members of the senate and house proposed to grant dr. mahan one evening in representing the project, and left it in the hands of the committee on petitions. senator randall, of coldwater, put it in the form of a bill that covered the spirit and requests of the petition. being chairman of the committee on bills, he presented it in the senate. it was passed in that body, to our great joy, and soon after was passed in the house, and received the governor's signature, making it a law. though only thirty thousand dollars were appropriated by the legislature with which to commence operations, yet i knew the state would carry on the work hereafter. the site for the new asylum was to be selected at whatever desirable locality offered the most liberal donations. as coldwater offered thirty thousand dollars toward the new enterprise, it was located in that city. while the buildings for the state school were being erected, our asylum was moved into the city of adrian, as at that point it was more convenient for the sisters composing the board of managers to care for it. when the "state public school" should be opened, all in our asylum not provided with homes were to be transferred to it. my health improved sufficiently to enable me to make a few appeals to bring up arrears in our work. the matron and myself had received but very little, as all went to the support of the children. i cared but little for myself; but for sister smith, who had been such a faithful, mother to these poor children, i was more anxious. at length i secured permission of my tender care-takers--my two daughters--to go among my friends in detroit. to most of them i appealed by letter, and made but one personal call. that was more particularly in the interest of a prisoner for whom i solicited a pardon. this was at length granted. governor baldwin had known of my asylum work, and inquired after its interests. he gave me twenty dollars towards it. mr. crapo's son gave me twenty-five dollars, and captain e. b. ward fifty dollars. others responded to my letters, and i obtained over two hundred dollars. the great fires in chicago and northern michigan stopped farther work of this character; but we did what we could toward canceling arrearages, being confident that were it not for the continued and faithful toiling of jane a. smith the asylum would have died during my long and serious illness. it must have died, even after its removal to adrian, had it not been for a faithful few. a few months after the state public school was opened at coldwater, in charge of professor truesdell, superintendent, and miss emma a. hall, matron. i went into the school as seamstress and nurse, and remained there nearly two years. instead of overhauling, cutting, and making over second-hand clothes for the three hundred little homeless waifs we had cared for in our orphans' home, we were now well supplied with bolts of substantial new material, out of which we made comfortable bedding and clothing. here we had no care about furnishing, and no anxious fear for their support. with pleasure we saw the vast contrast in conveniences and supplies compared with our little rill in which we so long paddled our own canoe, and in which faithful laborers were still at work. it matters not by whom this great work was accomplished; it matters not by what agencies our prayer of more than four years long, previous to the adopting of this work by the state, was answered. through an overruling power clouds and icebergs vanished, and in lieu thereof the massive brick buildings of the state public school in coldwater were raised, instead of the old raisin institute, where it drew its first breath. chapter xvii. christian labor and results. it seemed refreshing to meet with sympathizing friends after toiling for months among false brethren. it was a relief to enjoy a few days of freedom from care. after asking a few friends to sign an article of agreement to pay one dollar a year during five years for the orphan asylum, and mailing a couple of letters to levi coffin and rev. e. m. cravath, of cincinnati, i took from the office a drop-letter from mr. burton kent, county superintendent of the poor, containing the following notice: "mrs. laura s. haviland,--many persons transported by you last year have become a county charge, and it has become an intolerable burden to the tax-payers. any person bringing a child or indigent person into this county without being legally indentured, shall be prosecuted to the full extent of the law." within five minutes after reading the above notice i was on my way to our county poor-house, three miles from town. to my surprise i found that no colored child had been there, and of the fifty-one inmates but three were colored, and only one man (mr. morris brown) who came with me the previous summer had been received. he was discharged in a short time. a stay at the infirmary for two months and a half was a _burden_, but was it "intolerable to the tax-payers" of our county? i felt that i must search diligently to discover all the facts. i called on mr. helms, who said there was widow with four or five children that was sick a couple of weeks, and he had supplied her with a load of wood and groceries. i asked for the cost, but as it was not convenient for him to give the figures then, he said he would furnish them the following tuesday. mr. young had told him that he had buried a family. i called to learn what family it was in his ward. he gave the name of the man who died after a short illness, and to whom he had taken a load of wood, a small sack of flour, and some other groceries. i inquired if he had taken these things to them more than once. he said he had not, as his wife was all there was to look after, and she took care of herself after her husband's death. he gave me the expenses--eight dollars and ninety-six cents. i called on mr. helms at three appointed times, and failed to get his precise figures, but, placing them at highest rates, from all i could gather it could not have been more than thirty-five dollars. i wrote an article for the adrian _times_, in which i stated the figures, and informed the citizens and tax-payers of lenawee county that this orphan asylum was under the auspices of the american missionary association, which was responsible for its support. i solicited some mathematician to give us the fraction of a mill to each taxpayer as his share of this "intolerable burden upon the tax-payers." our county superintendents of the poor, burton kent and alice warren, the officials from whom i received the notice, were surprised to learn that the american missionary association was the responsible party. but all these threats sprang from prejudiced parties, and clearly indicated the necessity of a few strokes of the reconstruction brush north of mason and dixon's line, as well as south of it, to obliterate the color-line. friends here and there paid me a dollar on their pledge of a dollar a year, and our colored friends in the city of adrian--sarah lewis, with her brothers and mr. wilson, managers of a festival--realized thirty-two dollars and sixty-one cents, cash, and fifty pounds of meat, beans, fruit and clothing, valued at fifty dollars. july the fourth was a merry day for the forty little folks at the asylum. at dark fire-crackers, torpedoes and sky-rockets flew in every direction for an hour, when all were arranged in a semicircle and sang "john brown," "red white and blue," "rally 'round the flag, boys," and a few temperance songs, in great glee. it was a happy group. we had a few visitors, who left us the happier for seeing the children and listening to their sweet voices in song. i was often engaged in procuring good homes for these orphans. a few homes were found that were not suitable, and the children were withdrawn and placed in other homes. on september th i met mrs. edgerton, the matron of our asylum, with t. d. allen, of kalamazoo, agent under j. r. shipherd, secretary of the american missionary association, who were authorized to build a school-room for the asylum. heretofore the children's play-room had been used for the school during the warm season. as the american missionary association was doing a great work in the late slave states in maintaining freedmen's schools, the officers concluded to solicit aid, in the state of michigan for the building of the much needed school-room. they urged me to engage in this work, but i thought that i had done my share, in giving the time i had to soliciting money for the purchase of supplies. besides elizabeth l. comstock had given one thousand dollars in money, with which to enlarge the little farm to thirty-five acres, buy a horse, and furnish the little folks with hats, etc. then i wanted to look for a home, as i was becoming rather weary of singing the old song, "no foot of land do i possess, no cottage in this wilderness." this had been my condition for nearly three years; but with all my pleading, i failed to be released. as it was already cooler weather, and winter would soon overtake us, t. d. allen said i had worked long enough without reward, save that of blessing these little homeless waifs, and now, if i would take hold of this enterprise, i should be paid the same amount he was receiving. at length i agreed to spend a week or two at least, and took from him the bill of all the kinds of lumber needed, and left for detroit. judge f. c. beaman furnished me with a letter of introduction, indorsed by rev. dr. george duffield, of detroit. i called, as he advised, on samuel pitts, who subscribed one hundred dollars in lumber. i selected out of my bill what was first called for to enable the carpenters already engaged to commence their work. i then called on mr. cooper, freight agent, to secure, if possible, free transportation to adrian; to him i gave my introductory letter. when he glanced at the heading, without reading it, he gave it a toss on his table toward me, with a look of disgust, saying, "i've seen that thing before, and i've nothing to do with it." "that is a mistake," said i; "that paper is from f. c. beaman, and not a week old." "if i'm not _very much_ mistaken i've seen it before." "well, you are very much mistaken, for i brought it to this city with me yesterday, and i have not been in your office until this minute. but i am not soliciting money. i only called to see if i can secure free transportation for one hundred dollars' worth of lumber to adrian for an orphan school-room, as forty little homeless waifs, under our care, have no school-room, except a wood-house and play-room. the cold weather will soon overtake us." he listened patiently to my short speech, and said he had no authority to grant such a favor; that i would have to write to c. h. hatch, then in chicago. "i know he would grant it," i said, "for he granted this quarter pass on his road for my mission work," showing the pass. he turned it over and spent double the time in examining it that he did on my introductory letter, and said, slowly, "i think i will risk sending this car-load," and wrote an order to his assistant to send it forthwith to adrian. i thankfully returned to my duty of calling on the list of the benevolently inclined wealthy persons whose names dr. duffield and j. f. conover had furnished. rev. dr. hogarth, mr. raymond, the book-merchant, and rev. dr. duffield gave sufficient to pay the cartage of the lumber to the depot. soon it was on its way. i dined at moses sutton's, who gave $ , and his sister annie $ . mr. brooks gave me $ in lumber. mr. bronson gave five thousand shingles; another gave $ . in shingles. after a few days at home i returned, october th, to detroit, and toiled, like the fishermen, nearly all day, and caught nothing. weary, and almost discouraged, i was about to retire to my resting-place at augustus leggett's, when one gave $ , another $ . the following day i called on c. merrill, who gave $ ; another gave $ ; mr. r. c. renuick gave $ ; mr. whitney gave $ . weariness coaxed me to another sweet resting-place, the home of my dear friends j. f. and hannah conover. i called on a few persons whose names had been given me by mr. palmer, from whom i received $ ; and from a few others i received $ . john bagley gave $ ; another gave $ ; rev. j. a. baughman, $ ; and mr. king, his son-in-law, $ . i also called on governor crapo, who gave $ . others gave $ , $ , and $ , until i had forty dollars more to aid in constructing our school-room. we secured sufficient means to build our school-room. in all, with the favors granted by the michigan southern and lake shore railroad, we received about four hundred dollars. through the kindness of my friend, l. tabor, esq., who purchased a house and small lot for me, i again had a place for my children to occupy, which i could call my home; for which i praised the lord, from whom all blessings flow. as our orphan asylum was now in a good condition, mrs. edgerton, the matron, said the secretaries of the three divisions of the missionary association, chicago, cincinnati, and new york, met and voted her one hundred dollars a month, with which to carry forward this asylum. she deemed this an ample supply, with what had been raised on the place. she said it was then on a more substantial basis than it had been during the year she had had it in charge. through general o. o. howard i learned that mission work was much needed in charleston, south carolina, and received from him transportation to that city by way of washington, district of columbia. my health being now restored, on january , , i left my sweet home and loved ones at three o'clock p. m., and spent the night in toledo, with my old friends, william merritt and wife. i attended with them the prayer-meeting in the new colored church. i arrived at pittsburg with but little detention. passing through the mountains, we found the snow deeper than when i left michigan. at seven a. m. we passed the wreck of three cars which had run off the embankment and were still burning. among the killed taken from the wreck was a woman partially burnt. i did not learn the number of killed and injured. among these dead and dying i should probably have been had i not spent the night in toledo, as this was the train, i would have been on had i remained on the one i left. o, how sad to look upon this smoldering wreck, from which i had so narrowly escaped! this was the third accident of this kind which i had thus providentially missed in my travels by river and rail of three thousand miles. many are the dangers, seen and unseen, through which i have passed, and the remembrance of this disaster calls forth a renewed song of deliverance and praise for the guiding hand that preserves through the vicissitudes of this ever-changing life. i arrived in washington early in the morning, and took breakfast with my friend dr. glenan. here i found my brother, harvey smith, and his son, who were teaching freedmen's schools, and with them i spent the sabbath, in the evening i attended the colored methodist episcopal church, and was invited to address the large meeting. i spoke half an hour, and told the history of uncle philip, and how, amidst the persecutions and sorrows to which his slave-life subjected him, he had kept his hand in the hand of his savior all these ninety-seven years. while speaking of his being whipped until he fainted, a few wept aloud, and after meeting a number came to tell me of their being whipped for praying. one woman was whipped until she fainted, and one man was kept in the stocks all night after being whipped, and came near dying. his master told him he "would whip the praying devil out of him," using the same words that uncle philip's master used to him. the surgeon-in-chief, dr. reynolds, wished me to remain in washington another day, and thought general howard would permit me to stay there for a time, to engage in sanitary work. i had an interview with the general, who thought i was most needed in washington, during the winter season at least. he gave me authority to visit the free soup-houses, and investigate the sanitary work generally. after reading my commission, i told him i had a request to make, and that was that the authority with which i was vested, might be kept secret. to investigate to the best advantage was my object. i was also appointed to examine, as far as practicable, the condition of applicants for charity, and the manner in which the charity was applied. my office was furnished, and board was allowed me at the head-quarters of the freedmen's hospital in campbell camp. on february eth i called at josephine griffin's relief office before o'clock a. m. between sixty and seventy persons called on her, mostly for work. i followed a number of the applicants for soup-tickets to their homes. in visiting twenty families during the day, i found a number of persona in squalid wretchedness. one man was very sick with a high fever, and unconscious. he had received no help, because unable to make personal application, and he had no family to intercede for him. his bed was a pile of rags in the corner on the floor. i called for the bureau physician and saw that he had suitable bed-clothing and food. the physician said he must have died within two or three days in that condition. among the applicants for relief was an irishwoman, who had a brick house she was renting, except the back room, which she occupied, and had another nearly finished. she and her family for whom she was begging soup, lived in good style. the fourth day of my investigations revealed great deficiency in properly looking after applicants for aid. the greatest sufferers were often too diffident to ask for help. the soup-houses were generally well managed. i called as one whom curiosity had drawn into the motley crowd, and was treated to a taste of fine soup, even at the "savage soup-house," where i saw two caldrons of soup. the one from which i was served might well tempt the palate of an epicure, but the other looked too forbidding for a human stomach. i soon found the good soup was being given to the white applicants, who were first served, while the colored people, standing in the yard, were waiting their time. policeman ross told a shivering colored man to go inside and put his pail on the farther block for soup. "i shall be sent out," he replied. "i tell you to go in," said the policeman; "i'll see to that." he obeyed the order, only to receive curses: "you know better than to come yet; another thing you know, this soup is for white folks, the other is for niggers." at this, policeman roes canoe in: "i have seen," said he, "fish made of one and flesh of another long enough. here are women and children standing out on the ice and snow, waiting all this afternoon for you to serve the white people first. another thing i'd like to know, why is this difference in the soup? that black stuff is hardly fit for pigs to eat, mr. savage, and you know it." "our citizens furnish material for this soup," replied he, "and our citizens shall have it." "doesn't general howard furnish a hundred pounds of beef and two hundred loaves of bread each day? and on saturday it is double. another thing i'd like to know--are these not our citizens?" pointing toward the yard full of colored people. "there are ten thousand too many of 'em, and it's none of your business; i shall do as i please." "i will let you know; i shall make it my business to report you to general howard." mr. savage poured out a horrid volley of oaths at him, adding that all his reporting would make no difference with him. one irish woman received three loaves of bread, four quarts of soup, and a large piece of meat. after nearly all, both white and colored, were served, the lieutenant policeman left, but mr. ross remained until the end of the disbursing. i was tempted to cheer the policeman for his bravery, but thought silence the better part of valor. when aunt chloe's "cl'arin' up time" was come, i took my departure. i saw the policeman standing near the gate, and said in low tone, as i passed out, "i thank you for your words." "stop; do you live here?" he said. "temporarily." "go slowly till i get my club, so i can catch up. i want to see you." he soon overtook me, and inquired whether i was one of the visiting committee. i told him that i was authorized by general howard to inspect the soup-houses. he asked whether i was going to report savage "i am on my way," i said, "to the general's office for that purpose." "i will give you my name and number," he replied, "and will run to see the lieutenant of police, who will give his name and number for reference also; i'll overtake you by the time you reach pennsylvania avenue" and off he ran. as i wished to inspect the poor soup more thoroughly, i called at a cabin, the home of the poor man that the policeman compelled to go in and demand the good soup. i found his quart of excuse for soup, on the stove to cook the half raw bits of turnips and potatoes. i tasted of what the policeman said was hardly fit for pigs, and fully agreed with his assertion, for the man said it made them sick to eat it without cooking it over. this man had been sick with pneumonia, and his mother very sick with it at this time i hurried to the nearest grocery, where i bought crackers, sugar, rice, bread, tea, and mustard for a plaster to put on her side. the man had received only a slice of bread with his quart of soup, for the seven reported in his family, four of whom were sick. when i reached the avenue, i met the policeman who had nearly run himself out of breath. he was delayed in hunting for the lieutenant, who sent word that he would call on the general to confirm my report if necessary, and gave his name and number. the result of the report was, that a notice was sent at once to mr. savage that there must be no difference in giving to the poor, either in quality or quantity at his soup-house, and that the difference mad between white and colored, as reported to him, could not continue. in reply, mr. savage denied having made any difference in his soup-house, and charged the reporter with being an arrant liar, and he also made the same statement in the _daily chronicle_. i wrote a confirmation of my report, using his own words in connection with the remarks of policeman ross, and took it to dr. reyburn, burgeon-in-chief in the sanitary work. the doctor approved my statement, and wrote a few lines of preface himself. as i used mr. boss's name, i called on him, who also approved, and referred to the lieutenant of police, who was present; and both sanctioned my report. this was published in the _chronicle_. at this savage raved, and swore he would arrest me for defamation. neither did the policeman whose name i used as reference go unscathed. the chief of the police force requested mr. ross to see me and learn by what authority i was acting, as there seemed to be none indicated in my article in the _chronicle_. mr. ross said the chief of police did not doubt my authority, but would like to know, if i had no objection. i presented my paper, with a request that the matter should be held as confidential, as i did not wish to make it public. after reading the paper he said: "i think you are authorized to inspect the work of the whole of us; i see in this the whole field is included. would you object to my taking this to the chief of police, if i bring it back within, an hour or two? we may in some cases render you assistance." i had no objection, and he took it. i found their assistance in a few cases very important, as well as convenient. but with all the savage threats, nothing was done, and not even a reference was made to the subject in either of the papers. surgeon reyburn told me, as he was passing a corner where a group of secessionists were discussing the subject quite freely, that one man said, "why don't savage do something about that soup-house affair, and not be a numb-head, and let that woman wind him around her finger like that?" another said, "if i'd lied once over that old soup-house, i'd lie again, before i'd hold still and take all that" he changed his soup-house policy for a little while; but the complaints among secession friends and white customers caused him soon afterward to backslide. mr. carpenter, treasurer of the provident aid society, wrote a letter to george savage that he thought might improve him. but surgeon reyburn sent for me, and requested me to prepare for running the fourth ward soup-house, as he had heard they were going to discharge george savage. i called on mr. shepherd, the proper authority to discharge him. he said that in a week or two all the soup-houses would close for the season, and, as savage had received letters that he thought he would improve by, he would release me from the task of running the soup-house. i therefore continued visiting and relieving the sick and suffering. i met in my rounds dr. cook, who said there was a child frozen to death in kendal green barracks, nearly two miles away. neither the doctor nor myself knew who had charge there. i went, and found a child of ten months old that had chilled to death. the mother said hers was the fourth child in that row of cabins that had died; and that none of them were allowed more than two four-foot sticks of fire-wood for twenty-four hours. i called at the other cabins, and found them without fire, and all told the same story of lack of wood and no coal. there was neither bedding nor clothing enough among them all to make a single family comfortable. the mother of the dead child had been to see the superintendent of the poor of the city to get a coffin. with shoes but little better than none, she had waded through melting snow until her dress was wet four inches, at least, around the bottom. i inquired who the superintendent of this camp and barracks was, and they said, major thompson. i went to his head-quarters, but found that he and his family had gone to the capital to learn how president johnson's impeachment trial was likely to end. i repaired to general c. h. howard's office, and reported the condition of these families. he sent me back in his ambulance, with fifty loaves of bread, a coffin for the dead child, and two quilts and a few blankets for the destitute, with instructions to give the bread, except one loaf to each of the four families i had visited, to major townsend, a man that i had met in the sabbath-school he superintended. he was surprised to find those families under his care in such a condition. the general furthermore requested me to make a thorough investigation of kendal green barracks and camp. the following day i visited forty families, and found twelve sick, and not sufficiently supplied. i listened to many sad stories by a white man, who had been one of major townsend's police guards while he had charge of campbell camp, before i went to washington. i was informed that the major had charged his two police guards to bring the woman that was interfering with his camp to his office till he returned, if she should come again in his absence. although they were quite cross, they did not take me to the major's head-quarters, as i told them i was calling by request. the major had no more idea of who the intruder was than i knew who the superintendent was until i made my report to the general, when he informed me that it was not thompson, but major townsend, to whom i had been introduced in a colored sabbath-school. but as he knew by the supplies which i took to the families that they came from head-quarters, he called on general howard, and from him learned who the inspector was, and he told the general he would aid me in calling on the poor who needed aid. while he spent most of the day in calling at my office and going to see the general, i was visiting the barracks. for sundry misdemeanors while in office the major was relieved, and another appointed in his stead. though i did not think he was the right man for the place, yet i felt sorry for his excellent family. his wife and two young lady daughters i had called on, and was much pleased with their self-sacrificing christian spirit. there was much excitement in washington during a portion of may, on account of the impeachment and trial of president johnson. at length, on the th of the month, the news spread that he was acquitted of the high charges made against him by the house of representatives, and that his power was left uncurtailed. but he had turned his back upon our brave soldiers, who bled and died to save the nation's life, and made no serious effort to put an end to the kuklux outrages in the southern states. for this reason many demanded that he be removed from his office. with them his acquittal foreboded ill; but we hoped for the best. uncle dodson, aged sixty-five years, a plantation preacher and a resident of campbell camp, caused great excitement when he found his long-lost wife and she found her long-lost husband. twenty years before the husband and wife were torn apart by the unrelenting slave-master. weeping and begging to be sold together, while kneeling at the master's feet, they were only answered by a kick and the lash. now they met again. in the front yard the wife came running to him crying out, "o ben dodson, is dis you? i am your own betty." and she clasped him closely. "glory! glory! hallalujah! dis is my betty, shuah," he said, pushing her away to look at her face. "i foun' you at las'. i's hunted an' hunted till i track you up here. i's boun' to hunt till i fin' you if you's alive." and they both wept tears of joy. "ah, betty, we cried harder'n dis when da sole us apart down dar in egyp'." and another, outburst of joy followed. they were soon happily living together in their own little cabin. the old man had some queer scripture quotations. one he recited in meeting twice before i had an opportunity of correcting him, and that was, "adam called his wife's name eve because she was the mother of all evil." as uncle dodson often wished me to read a chapter in their chapel meetings "an 'splain it to us," i took occasion to read the third chapter of genesis, and when i read, "because she was the mother of all living," he called out "ebil, ebil, sistah hab'lin." uncle dodson was learning to read, and could read easy words in the first reader. i placed the bible before him and pointed to the word "living." "dat is so in dis place," he acknowledged, "but it's some place in de bible." "father dodson," i said, "i have read every word in this bible a number of times, and there is no such sentence between the two lids that adam called his wife's name eve because she was the mother of all evil," and a smile ran through the entire congregation. i added that it was not a wonder that these poor people should misquote scripture, as a few years ago many of them were not allowed to learn to read. at this three of that company testified to being punished severely for learning their letters of a little white boy. i told them it was a greater wonder that they had passed through such privations and retained as much intelligence as they possessed. "o yes, well do i 'member when i was punish' too," said another, "for tryin' to learn to read." turning to a young exhorter sitting by him, uncle dodson said, "brodder davis, i've labored in de gospel mor'n forty years wid de white ministers and wid de black ministers, an' i neber foun' one so deep in de scriptur' as sistah hablin." we continued our exercises with good satisfaction. another of father dodson's comforting passages was, "blessed is the corpse that the rain falls on." if the departed one had left no other evidence of being, prepared for the great change, then a rain on the day of the funeral was sufficient. i found this was quite generally accepted as a sure evidence with many of them. as i was passing through the hospital yard a number of the convalescents were in a group discussing the subject of charity, thinking that some one had been too harshly judged. said one man, "paul said faith, hope, and charity. an' de greates' of 'em all was char'ty. an' i knows what a bigger man nor paul said, better man too." "an' who dat, an' what he say?" rejoined another. "he say, 'judge not an' ye shan't be judged.'" "an' who said dat?" "'t was george washington." on inquiry i found his parents lived many years in the vicinity of mount vernon, and probably the colored people heard george washington repeat that text, and it was handed down among them as an original saying of the father of his country, in their minds a greater and better man than paul. while engaged in my work, as the weather became very warm, i often rested an hour or two in the capitol to listen to the many witnesses who testified to the awful condition of our soldiers at andersonville prison, under henry wirtz. at the statement made concerning his stabbing and shooting the soldiers for leaning against the "dead line," the guilty man, wirtz, shook as he arose from the sofa upon which he was reclining, and swore "that was a lie;" but general auger, the president of the court, told him that he had nothing to say, and bade him sit down, which he did with cursing in great excitement. i some-times spent two or three hours in listening to the tale of the heartless cruelties that unprincipled wretch had committed. one woman, whose son died in that prison, was listening one afternoon. she stood in the corridor, and as he passed with his guards for the ambulance, which was to bear him back to the prison, she followed with her best weapon, a large umbrella. this she nimbly used, thrusting the pointed end into his side or back, or wherever she could hit him, saying, "you rascal, you villain, you murderer, you murdered my son in andersonville." her thrusts were in such quick succession that he begged the guards to protect him; but they did not interfere with the bereaved woman until they got the prisoner into the ambulance. while i did not feel like following her example because of his murdering my cousin, yet i told general auger that it was well for henry wirtz that his case was not tried by mothers and sisters of the thousands who had suffered and died under his cruelties. said the general, "i do not know but it would be the best thing for him if mothers and sisters were his judges." but if they were the ones to give the decision, _justice_ and _mercy_ would never kiss each other over him. i never was an advocate of capital punishment, but i must acknowledge i did feel at times, while listening to henry wirtz's trial, that i would like to see that tiger in human form take a _hemp swing._ but when at last he received his sentence and swore he "always thought the american eagle was a d--- buzzard," i had no desire to mingle with the multitude to witness the execution, though he well deserved the execration of all. on may th i received a note from mrs. edgerton, stating that a peremptory order from rev. j. r. shipherd, secretary of the american missionary association at chicago, had been received, to close the asylum immediately. from her note i learned that this was the day for the auction sale of the asylum personal property. i was confident that forty or fifty little folks could not at once be properly situated in compliance with such an order, and wrote j. r. shipherd a proposition, reminding him of his verbal pledge and proposed terms on which we could reopen the asylum for all for whom no suitable homes might be found. i also wrote an appeal to rev. geo. whipple, of the new york division, and sent with it a copy of the proposition i had made to j. r. shipherd. i received in reply a request to remit to that division the reply i should receive from j. r. shipherd, or a copy, by the first mail, for they thought my proposition would be accepted. i wrote them they should have whatever reply i might receive from j. r. shipherd, but i did not look for any word whatever from him. in the mean time i received a letter from adrian informing me that four of the little children were already in the county poor-house, and that others would soon be taken there, that four of the younger ones were left in the streets of adrian to find their own homes among colored people, and that four were left with a poor colored family who were promised pay for keeping them until other homes could be found. four more were also left with a white family in palmyra, with the promise of pay until other arrangements were made. one little girl of ten years was left with a woman of ill-fame and of drinking habits, and the little girl had been seen drunk. i wrote to rev. e. m. cravath, secretary of the middle division, at cincinnati, and to levi coffin, and learned in reply that eight of the little children were found one morning sitting on the stone steps of the office of the american missionary association, with a note in the hand of the oldest, aged ten or eleven years, the purport of which was, "these children were sent by you to the asylum near adrian, michigan. it has closed. you must take care of them." they said that mrs. edgerton brought them from the asylum, and sent them here in the express wagon. the office being locked, the driver left them on the steps at o'clock a. m. as they had eaten nothing during the night, levi coffin furnished them with food, while rev. e. m. cravath went to the colored orphan asylum of the city, and made arrangements by paying the board of managers one hundred dollars for their admittance. the letter from levi coffin contained the following queries: "what ails michigan, that she can not care for thirty or forty of these poor little homeless orphans, when we have had a few thousands to look after in this great thoroughfare? where is the christianity and philanthropy of your great state, to send these children back to us, who took them from those crowded camps, where there was so much suffering and dying, for the purpose of their being properly trained, and fitted for usefulness, amid humane surroundings?" they soon found the whys and wherefores in my letter and appeal to allow the asylum to be reopened. after writing a number of letters to the new york division, containing a full account of the condition of the children, and sending them a copy of the letter from adrian, i inquired whether as a christian body they could allow these children over whom they had assumed control, and for whom they were responsible, to be turned out into the streets, to be lodged in the county poor-house, and to be left in the house of ill-fame, and appealed to them as christian men to make some suitable arrangements for them. their reply was: "we can not afford to allow this condition of those children. we have not received a communication in this office that has produced the deep feeling that your last letter has. we have telegraphed mr. shipherd to dispose of nothing more connected with that asylum. how long would it be before it could he reopened, should we replace it in the hands of its friend?" i answered, "it shall be re-opened as soon as i receive official authority from your association to do it, and i will resign my position in this work." in reply to this, the rev. mr. smith, a member of the new york division, came to washington and authorized me to secure a part of the asylum building, and reopen it for the children that were in improper houses. i secured a pass by way of cincinnati, in accordance with the request of levi coffin and rev. e. m. cravath, of the middle division. they had secured good homes for two of the children. i took the others home. the secretaries and a few other members of the three divisions met in oberlin to consider further concerning the asylum that had been so unwisely closed. at the close of this consultation i received a letter from mr. whipple, of new york, in which he stated that there was much sympathy expressed for me in behalf of the asylum by all except mr. shipherd, who said he had done nothing of which i or any one else had any right to complain. he was ordered to return twenty-three boxes and packages of asylum goods to me, as i was acting under their orders in reopening the home; and they sent me fifty dollars for supplies. i gathered in between twenty-five and thirty children that had previously belonged to the home, and bought back what furniture i could that had been sold at a great sacrifice. the corporation appointed me general superintendent of the asylum, and engaged me to devote my whole time to it. although to provide means to carry it on was no small task, yet the burden to me seemed light compared with its importance. it had cost great anxiety and effort to accomplish what we had already done. i secured a horse, repaired the buggy, and employed our soldier, charlie taft, whose health was much impaired from service in the army. he offered to spend the winter with us, and render what assistance he could, for his board. just now our prospects were brighter than at any period since raisin institute was converted into a home for harmless little people, to train for useful citizens, instead of tramps, or inmates of prisons. but, alas! we were doomed to a heavy draft upon our faith. after a very busy day of measuring, cutting, and fitting garments for the little ones, i went in haste to place a bundle of patches in the box in the hall room. it was now dark twilight, and i mistook the cellar door for that of the hall. passing through, i fell headlong seven feet against the corner of a hard-wood beam. i received many bruises, and the concussion fractured both the inner and outer layers of the left temporal bone, and severed the temporal artery. i was taken up insensible, and it was supposed that life was extinct; but in a few moments signs of life appeared, and a physician was immediately sent for. great consternation prevailed among the children, and much sympathy was expressed, as well as many prayers offered by them in my behalf. brother smart, pastor of the methodist episcopal church in adrian, was then holding a series of meetings; and being told of the accident at the evening meeting, he said: "elder jacokes informs me that sister haviland is supposed to be in a dying state from a dangerous fall in the orphan asylum this evening. i propose to pursue my subject no further, but to turn this meeting into a season of prayer for her restoration, if in accordance with the lord's will; if not, that her mantle may fall upon another, to carry forward that enterprise. the lord can hear and answer here as readily as by her bedside." he then led in fervent supplication, followed by a few others. said a friend present: "the announcement fell upon us like an electric shock, and i never heard brother smart, or those who followed, pray with such power. then brother bird arose and said, 'i feel confident that we shall have an answer to our prayers, that sister haviland will be restored or another take her place.'" my dear sister in christ, elizabeth l. comstock, was at that time laboring in the master's vineyard in chicago. hearing of the accident by means of the telegram sent to my daughter residing in that city, she mentioned it at the moody noon prayer-meeting, and requested prayer for my restoration, if it were the lord's will. i was made the subject of prayer also at pittsford wesleyan methodist protracted meeting. a letter came from rev. e. m. cravath, of cincinnati, addressed to me. in answer, my daughter, l. j. brownell, wrote that "mother is unconscious from a dangerous fall, and we (her children) are earnestly praying for her restoration. if our heavenly father sees meet to grant our petition, you will receive a reply from her when practicable." the immediate reply was: "you may rest assured our all-wise father will restore your mother if he has further work for her to do. you may also be assured that her friends in this city are uniting in prayer with her children for her recovery." i was so nearly conscious at one time that i heard some one say, "she will never speak again." the thought struck me forcibly that i was going to get well, and yet i had no sense of being ill. but i reflected that my children must be very sad at the thought of giving me up, and i would try to say, "i am going to get well." with all the effort i could command i could not utter a syllable. then i tried to see if my children were present; but i seemed to be in a pure, soft, white cloud, such as we sometimes see floating in the ethereal blue, where i could discover no countenance of those moving around my bed. consequently i gave over the effort, and was again lost to all consciousness until three days and nights had passed. then the first returning consciousness was the passing away of that beautiful white cloud, and i recognized my three daughters standing before me. one of them said, "mother looks as if she knew us." why, yes, i thought, they are my daughters; but what are their names? and what is my name? then i surveyed the room. the papered wall, maps, pictures, and furniture all looked familiar; but where am i? am i in some large city, or in a country place? i am advanced in years; and what have i done in all my life? but i could recall nothing. while in this mental soliloquy, it came to me what my name was, and that this was the orphan asylum. "do you know me, mother?" said my daughter jane. it was a matter of reflection before i could utter the word "yes," and then a study to give her name. at length i pronounced it. another daughter made the same query, and i had the answer, "yes," ready, but it seemed a hard study again to recollect the name mira. the same effort brought to my lips the name of esther when she addressed me. "don't have the least anxiety or care," she said, "about this orphan asylum, for the friends have brought gram, flour, meal, meat, and groceries in abundance." o what a relief these words brought! surely the lord is the father of the fatherless. after studying for words i said, "what is the matter?" for i felt that my head was very sore, and my face swollen. when told that i had fallen down cellar and was badly hurt, i was surprised, for i could recall nothing of the fall. after calling to mind the various residences of my daughters, and words to inquire how they knew of the accident, i was told that my son-in-law telegraphed them. at length i reached the conclusion that i became stunned by the bruise on my head, and fell asleep and slept my senses all away, and that was the reason i did not know any thing. i thought, must i learn to read again? shall i ever know any thing? how sad it will be not to know how to read or do any thing; but i will leave all in the hands of the dear savior. they gave me medicine that i knew i had taken. did i not take this an hour ago? "o no, mother, not since yesterday." what day of the week is to-day? "monday." then to-morrow will be tuesday. "yes." i have got so far, i will remember that, thought i. again another dose of medicine was given. did i take this yesterday? "you took this two hours ago." it is certain that i do not know any thing. how sad it will be when i get well of this hurt (as i had no doubt but i should) and not know any thing. but, then, the second thought of leaving it with the lord was a resting-place. but consciousness was gradually restored. the next day my son daniel came; but he did not dare to approach the front door, fearing that a tie of crepe on the knob would be the first to tell him the sad story of his mother's departure he was met at the back door by his three sisters, one of whom informed him of a faint hope of my recovery, as there was evidence of returning consciousness. a day later the fourth daughter, anna h. camburo, arrived. i was thus permitted to meet all my children save one, whose infant son had died the day after the news reached him of my fall. but as the children daily informed their brother joseph of increasing hope of my recovery, he, of my six children, was the only absent one. through their tender care and the blessing of god, in answer to many earnest prayers, i was spared to toil on a few years longer. to him alone be all the praise! my savior never seemed nearer. it was january, , , when i fully realized that consciousness was restored. i renewed my entire consecration to the service of my lord and master. all was peace and quiet within. the inmates of the asylum, between twenty-five and thirty, were so quiet that it seemed as if no more than my own children were moving around me. during the second week, through my dear friend elizabeth l. comstock, seventy-five dollars was sent to us from friends in chicago. a few days later thirty dollars came from the same city. the fourth week after the fall i was removed to my home in the city of adrian, accompanied by my five children, three of whom then returned to their homes. in four months i had so far recovered as to be able to do moderate asylum work, and in one year i solicited and received one thousand dollars for the asylum, aside from the means sent during my inability to labor. this kept the asylum in supplies, we hardly knew how, only as it came from the father of the fatherless. within ten days after my arrival at home i received three checks of fifty dollars each from the cincinnati branch of the american missionary association, from the friends' sabbath-school, in syracuse, new york, and from john stanton, washington, d.c. in all this severe trial i had no regrets in making this scheme another specialty in my life-work. i visited nine county poor-houses, learning the number of children in each, and noting their condition, with the view of reporting to our next legislature. in three of the county houses were girls, half idiotic, who had become mothers. in one there were twenty children of school-age, sent to school four hours each day. as i followed the matron through the dormitory and other parts of the house, i saw by the filthy appearance of the sheets and pillows, as well as a want of order generally, a great need of system. as i was about to leave i remarked to the matron, "you have many unpleasant tasks to perform here." "la me, i guess we do," she said. "you have plenty of vermin to deal with, i suppose?" "indeed we do. you can scrape up quarts of 'em." i added her testimony to my report. then, after visiting many of the infirmaries on april th, i attended meetings of our county supervisors and superintendent of the poor. i reported our work, and presented an order for dues for the previous month. having arranged my monthly report, i presented it to the monthly meeting of our asylum association. i retired weary, and awoke to see dr. pearsall about to leave my room. he was giving directions to my two anxious daughters. to my surprise my son-in-law remarked, "mother is so much better, i will return home." here was a mystery i was unable to solve, and i insisted on knowing why the doctor was there, now nearly o'clock in the morning. i was informed that i had suffered an attack of apoplexy. i was not the least startled, but told them if i had had a fit of that character, i was liable to go at any time, and i wished to say a few things and then i would sleep: if i should be taken away in an unconscious state for them not to have the least uneasiness about me, as my way was clear. i wished my children to live nearer the savior, and meet their mother in a fairer clime than this, and i requested them to tell my dear absent children the same. i then directed how my little effects should be divided among my six children, and rested well in sleep until the usual hour of waking, and was able to dress in the afternoon. within ten days i rode to the asylum, made arrangements to rent the land of the asylum farm for the coming season, and wrote to brother g. a. olmstead to take my place in looking after its interests for a few months, as my physicians told me it was unsafe for me to continue mental labor, and i must rest at least six months. this was another heavy drawback upon our faith and work, as we had designed to circulate our petition during the remainder of the year, so as to have it ready to present to the next legislature. rev. g. a. olmstead undertook the work of soliciting, and kept the asylum comfortably supplied until his health failed. then a devoted and self-sacrificing sister, catharine taylor, took the field, while i spent six months visiting my children. the severest prescription i ever took from physician, was to _think of nothing._ but i succeeded admirably, and spent much time in drawing bits of clippings and rags of diverse colors through canvas, making domestic rugs for each of my children. i called upon various physicians, who gave it as their opinion that i could safely accomplish one-fourth of my former work, but i did not even reach that amount of labor. in a little over a month's work, with a petition to the legislature in my pocket, and at the home of anson barkus and wife, i was taken with another midnight fit, and was much longer unconscious than before, but i returned home the following afternoon, accompanied by brother backus. twenty-five miles ride on the car and a mile in the hack did not improve the strange pressure in my head. within a week i had five terrible spasms, lasting at times from five to twenty minutes; during consciousness i was not able to speak a word. when i appeared more comfortable, and my head more natural, greater hopes of my recovery were entertained by my physician and children. i thought these fits were faintings; for i felt as if i had waked out of sleep each time. but the purple fingernails on the last day led me to suppose that i would die in one of these faints. between the fits i most earnestly prayed that, if it was the lord's will, i might be restored to work for him a little longer; but, if otherwise, i would praise him still for taking me over the beautiful river. o what a mistake to call it a dark, deep river, when it is only a bright, rippling stream, just across which all is peace and joy for evermore! this was the constant breathing of my soul all day; and it vividly flashed upon my mind that fifteen years were added to hezekiah's life in answer to prayer. this prayer, followed by these words, ran through my mind during all that happy day. can death, that is called the last enemy, look pleasant? it did look pleasant to me. praise filled my soul. that day will never be forgotten as long as memory and reason endure. in the evening i slept three minutes, they said, by the watch, and when i awoke i could talk as easily as ever. from that day i improved in health. these spasms were caused by the pressure of blood in reopening the temporal artery, or forcing its way through a new channel. i again received the tenderest of nursing on the part of my four daughters, and praise is due only to him who is the prayer-hearing god. with the fervent prayers of that memorable day come the words of the poet: "'tis a glorious boon to die, a favor that can't be prized too high," because of an abundant entrance to be administered to us into the glorious mansions prepared by our lord and savior jesus christ. chapter xviii. present condition of the freedmen. our investigations have proved to the friends of the former slaves that their emigration from the south was not instituted and put into operation by their own choice, except as the force of circumstances, in their surroundings, pressed them into this remarkable movement. monthly reports of the kansas freedmen's relief association have also proved satisfactory to thousands of donors toward their relief. the increasing intelligence among the four millions and a half of slaves, declared free by the nation's pen in the hand of her president, abraham lincoln, they found did not bring with it the glorious sunlight of freedom the proclamation promised in its dawn. after fifteen years of patient hoping, waiting, and watching for the shaping of government, they saw clearly that their future condition as a race must be submissive vassalage, a war of races, or emigration. circulars were secretly distributed among themselves, until the conclusion was reached to wend their way northward, as their former masters' power had again become tyrannous. this power they were and are made to see and feel most keenly in many localities, a few incidents will show. elder perry bradley left carthage, leek county, mississippi, in january, , and testifies to the following facts: "in october, , twenty-five or thirty masked men went into peter watson's house, and took him from his bed, amid screams of 'murder' from his wife and seven children; but the only reply the wife and children received at the hands of the desperadoes was a beating. their boy of twelve years knocked one down with a chair. while the fighting was going on within, and in their efforts to hold their victim outside, he wrenched himself from their grasp--leaving his shirt in their hands--and ran through the woods to my house, around which colored men gathered and protected him. although twelve gun-shots followed him in the chase, yet none hit him. by the aid of friends he took the first train he could reach, which, to his surprise, took him twenty-five miles southward, instead of in a northern direction. at cassiasca, attala county, mississippi, not knowing whether they were friends or foes, he told them he wanted to go to kansas. they told him he should swear that he could not make a living there, before they would allow him to go north. as he found they were all democrats at that depot, he consented to their demand; consequently they brought the bible, and he took his oath 'that he could make a living there, but could not get it.' the democratic 'bull-dozers,' who had sworn they would hang him if they ever caught him, took his span of horses, wagon, three cows, and his crop of cotton, corn, sugar-cane, and potatoes (all matured), and gave his wife money with which to pay the fare for herself and seven children, the twenty-five miles on the cars to meet her husband. the colored men were told 'that if they would be democrats they could stay; but republicans and carpet-baggers could not live there.' "austin carter, a methodist preacher, was an earnest temperance worker, and was prospering in that part of his work. he was also a strong republican. he was shot dead in august, , near new forest station, scott county, mississippi, on the railroad running east and west between jackson and meridian, mississippi, while on his way home, between the hours of six and seven o'clock p. m. he received four shots in the back of his head, which instantly took his life. his wife and children knew nothing of it until the shocking tidings reached them the following morning. thomas graham, a wealthy merchant at forest station, reported that the man who shot him had gone to texas and could not be found or heard from; and nothing was done to find the murderer or to bring him to justice." elder perry bradley was told by a number of this class of democrats, at various places where he was accustomed to preach, that he could not live there and preach unless he would vote the democratic ticket and teach his people to do the same. said he, "in the town of hillsboro, at one of my meetings, the bulldozers came into the congregation and took me out of the meeting, held in a school-house one mile from hillsboro, on april , , at ten o'clock p. m., where i had preached during our day meetings without disturbance. captain hardy, leading the band, took me into the woods to an old deserted house, in which was their general or chief commander, warsham, who asked the following question: 'will you stop preaching to your people that christ died to make you all free, body, soul, and spirit?' 'i can not stop preaching god's truth as i find it in the bible,' was my answer. 'i want you to understand now that you can't preach such doctrine to our niggers,' was the rejoinder. he then directed them to give me two hundred lashes. they took me out in the front yard and drove four stakes in the ground, to which each wrist and foot was fastened. after being disrobed of my clothing and fastened, face downward, two men were selected to do the whipping, one on each side, alternating their strokes, while the rabble stood around until the two hundred lashes were given. then they were told to stop and let me up. too weak and trembling to stand, i was again queried whether i would not now preach the democratic doctrine and vote that ticket? i replied, 'i can not conscientiously make such a promise.' 'why not? 'because i do not believe there are democrats in heaven.' said their general, warsham, 'we'll turn him loose with this brushing; may be he'll conclude to behave himself after this.' turning to me he said, 'remember, this is but a light brushing compared with what you'll get next time; but well try you with this.' i returned to my home with my back cut in many deep gashes, the scars of which i shall carry to my grave. yet i praised god in remembrance that my loving savior suffered more than this for me, and that this suffering was in his cause. as soon as i was able to continue my work for my lord and master among my people i was again enabled to proclaim the riches of his grace. a few weeks after resuming my work i preached on the dan. lewis' place, in scott county, where i had held meetings undisturbed. but the same company sought me out, and took me out of an evening meeting into the woods about three miles distant to hang me. after due preparations were made they passed their whisky around, of which they all drank so freely that in their carousings they got into a fight, and while drawing pistols at each other young warsham, the acting captain, in whose charge i was left, cut the rope that bound my hands behind me, and told me to 'go.' and gladly i obeyed the order and left them engaged in their fight and too drunk to notice my escape. i left that land of darkness as soon as possible for this free kansas, and i have my family with me, for which i thank my deliverer from the jaws of the lion of oppression, and praise the lord of hosts for a free country, where i can vote as well as preach according to the dictates of my own conscience without the torturing whip or the hangman's rope." professor t. greener, of howard university, washington, d. c., who has been prominently identified in the new exodus lately returned from a trip to kansas, where he visited the colored colonies, and gathered information regarding the black emigrants. he reports them as doing well, constantly receiving accessions to their numbers, and well treated by their white neighbors. he says: "indications point to a continuance of emigration during the winter, and increase in the spring, not in consequence of any special effort on the part of those who favor this solution of the vexed southern question, but because the emigrants themselves are proving the best agents and propagandists among their friends south." professor greener is warm in his praise of governor john p. st. john and the people of kansas. a staff correspondent of the chicago _inter-ocean_, writing from topeka, kansas, december , , says: "during four weeks' travel through the state, i estimate the number of colored emigrants at fifteen, or twenty thousand. of these one-fifth probably are able to buy land, and are making good progress at farming. most of the others have found, through the freedmen's relief association, places as laborers, and are giving good satisfaction; and in no county are they applying for aid, nor are burdens upon corporate charities. the demand for laborers seems stretched to its fullest capacity, as the accumulation of refugees at the barracks (now nearly seven hundred), for whom no places can be found, clearly indicates. judging from what i learn from the refugees themselves, and from the increasing numbers, now from twenty-five to fifty arriving every day, we predict that the movement to kansas will soon assume such proportions as to astonish the country, and unless the tide can be turned, or the charity of the north be more readily bestowed, the suffering which the relief committee, although laboring faithfully with the means at their command, has not been entirely sufficient to relieve during the past cold weather, will soon be turned to general destitution and great suffering among the pauper refugees." the greatest crime in many portions of the south is being a republican. this has added largely to the emigration, and the tide has reached not only kansas, but the older states of the north. it has entered indiana, ohio, and illinois, and soon will find its way into wisconsin, iowa, and michigan. we find no political chicanery of the north in this universal uprising of the colored people of the south in leaving the home of their birth. but it is the mistaken policy of the south that is driving their laborers northward; that is, compelling them to flee to more congenial surroundings. it is among the wonders that they waited so long and so patiently for the better day to come. not long ago one thousand arrived in parsons, kansas, in the south-western part of the state. governor st. john gave them a temperance speech with other good advice. two hundred and twenty-five arrived in topeka, and while i was at the barracks over seventy came in from texas. hardly a day passed while i was there but we heard of fresh arrivals. eleven wagon-loads came into parsons, and two of the men came to topeka and reported the condition of many of them as very poor. we relieved within three weeks over one thousand persons. _the crime of being a republican_, in many portions of the south, is shown by the following testimonies. i interviewed an intelligent colored man, john s. scott, of anderson county, south carolina. he came well recommended as a well qualified teacher. he had taught twenty-eight terms of school in south carolina and six terms in georgia; but if he succeeded in collecting half his pay he did well. he handed me a package of certificates and commendations. his friends were about to run him for office, but his life was threatened, and he was informed that they were determined to have a "white man's government," and gave him to understand that if he got the office, his life would be worthless. abbeville district, in that state, was republican, and john owen was an influential colored republican. during the election he was arrested and placed in jail, under the charge of selling forty-eight pounds of twisted tobacco without license. when arraigned before the court it was proved that he had no such article, yet they fined him fifty dollars. he had raised tobacco, but it was still in the leaf. the fine was paid, and after the election he was released. in the seventh congressional district, on coosa river, september , , a white man by the name of burnam offered to purchase a small cotton farm near his, owned by a colored man, and offered him forty dollars for it. the owner replied, "i will sell to no man for that amount." nothing more was said on the subject, and the colored man purchased a few pounds of bacon of burnam and left for home. as he had to pass a little skirt of woods, burnam took his gun, crossed the woods, and came out ahead of the colored man and shot him dead! he remained at his home two weeks, when the excitement over the cold-blooded murder became unpleasant for him, and he left the neighborhood, and had not returned in march, , the date my informant left the country. the murdered man was a republican. sanford griffin was an honorably discharged soldier, and he testified that columbus seats was shot dead by frank phillips, in clarksville, tennessee. griffin made an effort to have the murderer arrested, but failed. no difference was known to exist between them, except on the subject of politics. seats was a republican, and could not be induced to vote the bourbon ticket. in the autumn of vincent andersen was brought into clarksville, montgomery county, tennessee, at eleven o'clock a. m. the following night a mob took him out of jail and hanged him on a locust tree on the nashville pike, near clarksville. this case griffin made an effort to bring before the court, but failed. the jailer, perkins, said the men who brought anderson to the jail, came in the night, and having overpowered him, forcibly took the jail key. but a girl of thirteen years testified that she saw the men in conversation with the jailer, and was confident they paid him money. vincent anderson had purchased ten acres of land, and had paid every installment promptly, and was on the way to the railroad station to make his last payment, when the mob took him to jail, until the darkness of night favored their wicked purpose of taking his life. he could not be prevailed upon to vote the bourbon ticket. one more incident this intelligent ex-union soldier gave to which he was a witness: a young white woman, miss smith, purchased a pistol and remarked, "i am going to kill a nigger before the week is out." during that week her father and farran, a colored man, had a dispute, but farran had no thought of any serious result from it. but as lydia farran, the wife of the colored man, was on her way to the field to help her husband, miss smith, the white girl of eighteen or twenty years of age, took the pistol she had purchased a day or two previously, and followed lydia and shot her dead! she left two little children, then a colored family got to their distracted father, who escaped for his life. he had not known of any difficulty between his wife and miss smith, or any other of the family, and could attribute the cool calculating murder of his wife to no other cause than the little difference of opinion that was expressed a few days previous to the fatal deed! sanford griffin succeeded in bringing this case before the court. but the charge of the judge to the jurors was, "you must bear in mind that miss smith was the weaker party, and if the shooting was in self-defense, it would be justifiable homicide." the jury so returned their verdict, and the case was dismissed. the freedmen's aid commission in kansas relieved the wants of many of these refugees from the south; but the number of colored people was so great that, until they could find places to work for others or for themselves, the commission had difficulty to care for them. a circular letter was issued, appealing to the friends of the cause for help. to this letter, sent out in december, , these few telling words, from our dear friend and christian philanthropist, elizabeth l. comstock, were added: "the treasury is nearly empty; city and barracks very much crowded; refugees coming in faster than we can care for them; money urgently needed for food, fuel, and medicine, and also to provide shelter." we take pleasure in announcing that our appeals from time to time met with responsive chords in many hearts, and relief was sent to the perishing. it is needless to speak further of the causes for emigration, so clearly set forth in the foregoing facts; but we give a late one, which in its section of country caused considerable anxiety and stir among this oppressed people. about the close of july an article appeared in the _mercury_, edited by colonel a. g. horn, at meridian, mississippi, in which occurs the following: "we would like to engrave a prophecy on stone, to be read by generations in the future. the negroes in these states will be slaves again or cease to be. their sole refuge from extinction will be in slavery to the white man." do not forget, dear reader, that though ignorant, as a large majority of ex-slaves are, yet their children read these sentiments, which are more outspoken than that which characterizes southern democracy; yet re-enlivened treason is nevertheless the true sentiment and ruling power of many places in ex-slave states. it is so accepted by the negroes, who, to avoid extinction or slavery, seek refuge amid physical and pecuniary hardships. indeed, this exodus from the south, is not ended--a move for freedom is not easily extinguished. to aid the reader fully to understand the needs of these poor people in the southern portion of kansas, i insert an appeal of a constant and self-sacrificing worker for them, daniel votaw, of independence, kansas: "it appears that the southern portion of this state is having a larger share of emigrants than any other part of it. for this reason i ask the philanthropist to send aid quickly. i believe clothing will come; but who will send money to buy bread? most of them say, 'just give corn-bread, and we are satisfied.' i have never seen nor heard so much gratitude come from any people as flows from the hearts of these poor colored refugees. our granaries are full, our groceries groan with the weight of provisions; but these sufferers have nothing to buy with. my blood almost runs chill when i remember that there are two excessive luxuries used by persons who call themselves men, that would, if rightly applied, fill this crying bill of want; namely, tobacco and whisky. come, erring brothers, to the rescue. can you not donate these expenses to this good cause? do it, and heaven will bless you. those who may send provisions, clothing, or money, will get a correct account, if a note of donor or shipper is found inside the package, to enable us to respond with a correct receipt." i have a letter from a colored man in mississippi, addressed to governor john p. st. john, which he turned over to me to answer. i give an extract: "please advise me what to do. the white men here say we have got to stay here, because we have no money to go with. we can organise with a little. since the white people mistrust our intentions, they hardly let us have bread to eat. as soon as we can go on a cheap scale, we are getting ready to leave. some of us are almost naked and starved. we are banding together without any instruction from you or any aid society. we are all republicans, and hard-working men, and men of trust we have to keep our intention secret or be shot; and we are not allowed to meet. we want to leave before the matter is found out by the bulldozers. there are forty widows in our band. they are work-women and farmers also. the white men here take our wives and daughters and serve them as they please, and we are shot if we say any thing about it and if we vote any other way than their way we can not live in our state or county. we are sure to leave, or be killed. they have driven away all northern whites and colored leaders. a little instruction from you will aid the committee greatly in our efforts in getting away. hoping to hear from you soon in regard to the request, we remain, very truly yours," etc. the foregoing from which i purposely omit the name and address of the writer is a sample of many hundreds of letters received by governor st john. many of them he placed in our hands to reply. but neither the governor nor our association could do any thing to bring these poor people to kansas. our sole object is to relieve them after their arrival. consequently, it is but little encouragement we could give these sorrowing hearts as to any preparations for leaving that poisoned land. one family told us "we were compelled to lay our plans in secret, and we left our bureau and two large pitchers standing in our cabin and took a night boat." what a misnomer to call our former slave states "free!" the cry has been, "the sooner northern carpet-baggers leave the south, the better for them, and the sooner the nigger finds his proper place, and keeps it the better for him." the following incidents will serve as data from which we have a right to judge of the manner used to bring the colored people into what they deem their proper place. but they are becoming too intelligent to endure subjugation when they can evade it by flight. robert robinson on the road between huntsville, alabama, and cold springs hired a colored man for three months, and he called at his store for his pay "all right," said robison, "step back and we'll look over the books and pay you." after entering the room the door was locked, and robinson placed a pistol at his head, while his brother beat him with a pine club, which disabled him from labor for three weeks. this was his pay. giles lester was taken to jail, and was in the hands of bailiff dantey. a mob of fifteen or twenty men took him out on friday night, to a piece of woods, and hanged him--not so as to break his neck at once; but they were three hours in beating him to death. a white man living near by said he never heard such cries and groans of agony in all his life as during those three hours. these atrocities were committed within two years past. during the mississippi riot that fiercely raged during - , the object of which was to secure a solid democratic vote at the presidential election, innocent men, without the shadow of provocation, were hauled out of their houses and shot, or hanged; and no legal notice was taken of the murderers, for they were men of property and standing. general j.r. chalmers was a leader in one band of these rioters, and is now honored with a seat in congress. the mob took henry alcorn out of his house to the woods and shot him, leaving the murdered man to be buried by his friends, who mourned over his sad fate. but there is no redress where this corrupt public sentiment takes the place of law. this band of rioters called up charlie green to cook for them all night at one of their places of rendezvous. at early morn, charlie being tired, fell asleep sitting on a dry-goods box. one of the party said he wanted to try his gun before starting, and discharged its contents into green's body, taking his life instantly! one or two instances of southern malignity and outrage were reported to me by one of these refugees. a woman residing near some of those whom i interviewed during my stay in kansas, in - , was called out by the "bourbons" or "regulators" who were in pursuit of her husband, and questioned as to his whereabouts. suspecting that their object was to take his life she refused to tell. upon this a rope was placed around her neck and tied to a horse's tail, and she was thus dragged to the nearest wood and hanged to the limb of a tree until she was dead. her husband made his escape as, best he could with his mother-less babe. there was a plantation in mississippi rented to six colored men, three of them with families. at christmas they called for a settlement. morgan, the proprietor, brought them into his debt, and swore "every nigger had eaten his head off." he took seven hundred bushels of wheat that they had raised, and fourteen fat hogs, the corn, and even the team and wagon they brought on the place. they concluded to resort to the civil authorities, hoping to recover a portion of the avails of the season's hard work. but morgan gained the suit. at this the colored men told him just what they thought of this wholesale robbery. within a week after the six men were taken out of their beds in the dead of night, by a company of masked "regulators," who stripped the bedsteads of their cords, with which they were hanged and then lashed to boards and sent floating down the mississippi river. a white cloth was fastened over their bosoms, upon which was written: "any one taking up these bodies to bury may expect the same fate." they were taken out of the river one hundred miles below. two of the widows sent for the bodies of their husbands, and a number whom i conversed with attended the funeral and read the notice on the linen, which had not been removed from their persons. surely we have a right, and it is our duty to ventilate these facts, though we may be deemed sensational. we can not be charged with political wire-pulling, as they are beyond our reach. but i ask, in the words of elizabeth h. chandler, who has long since gone to her rest and reward-- "shall we behold unheeding life's holiest feelings crushed? when woman's heart is bleeding, shall woman's voice be hushed?" is it a wonder the freedmen flee by hundreds and thousands? they are still coming into kansas. there are many sick and dying among them. let every man, woman, and child arise and work for the refugees, who are suffering for food, fuel, and clothing. there is great necessity for immediate and vigorous effort, in taking the place of the good samaritan in caring for the robbed and bruised stranger, who find many priests and levites passing by. during the winter all money and supplies for kansas refugees should be directed to elizabeth l. comstock, north topeka, kansas. our work is by every possible means aiding these poor people to help themselves, which they are doing wherever work can be found. but winter season overtaking them on the way to kansas, and no work to be obtained, the philanthropy of our north will not withhold her liberal hand. it is a debt which we owe to this people. comparatively few call for assistance who have been in the state a year, and most of these are aged grandparents, the sick, and widows with large families of small children. of those who came early in the spring of , many have raised from one hundred to four hundred bushels of corn each year, but they divide with their friends and relatives who follow them. some raised a few acres of cotton in their first year, and they are jubilant over their future outlook. they say, "kansas prairies will blossom as the rose, and whiten her thousands of acres with their favorite staple." one old man whose head was almost as white as the few acres of cotton he produced, said, "we'll 'stonish the nation wid thousands of snow-white acres of cotton in dis yere free kansas, raised wid black hands." i find they are writing back to their relatives and friends in the far off south, that they can raise cotton as successfully in kansas as in mississippi, alabama, and louisiana. in this prospect the door of hope is opening before them, as if by the almighty hand, which they accept as having led them to the "land of freedom," as they often express themselves. they are coming in larger numbers again, notwithstanding every possible effort of planters to keep them back, and false reports from their enemies in this state that the exodus had ended, but we who are in communication with other portions of the state know to the contrary, and all who come report more to follow. these poor people who, between march, , and march, , have made their escape from an oppression that seems almost incredible, and have come to kansas to live, now number more than fifty thousand, and still they come. like a great panorama, the scenes i witnessed in this state sixteen years ago, amid clashing arms, come back to me. suffering and dying then seemed the order of each day. true, there is a great deal of suffering and ignorance among these field hands still, but there is a marked improvement, both as to the intelligence of these masses and their personal comfort. are they not as intelligent as were the children of israel when they left egypt? they made a golden calf to worship after moses had left them a few days. all ignorant people are prone to depend upon leaders instead of relying on themselves. joseph fletcher, who came into kansas july , , i found by his papers to be an honorably discharged soldier from mississippi. he testifies to the following facts: "i saw one hundred men killed by shooting and hanging during the two years, and ; and my brother was one of them; i can point to their graves to-day in the two parishes i worked in. this was in the red river section, mississippi. their crime was their persistence in voting the republican ticket." a number of the representative men from those parishes were interviewed, and they testified to the same things a number of them had been soldiers. andrew j. jackson, directly from waterproof, mississippi, says: "fairfax was a smart, educated man. he owned his house and land, and gave a lot to the colored baptist church and mostly built it. but the bulldozers burned both house and church. he rebuilt his house. the republicans nominated him for senator, and the bourbon democrats found he would be elected. they threatened his life, and as he found snares were laid to entrap him, he made his escape to new orleans for safety. when, they learned as to his whereabouts, a number of men wrote for him to come back, and they would drop the matter and let the election go as it would; but he heeded neither their letters nor telegrams. one of his friends was fearful that he would heed their persuasions and went to see him, and told him not to listen to their sweet talk, for the bulldozers only wanted him back so that they might take his life. the white democrats continued to write to him to come back and advise the colored people not to go north, and they would promise to protect him, for every body wanted him to return and none would molest him. as he did not return for all their pledges, one man, who had always appeared very friendly with him, went to see him, and told him that all who had opposed him pledged their word and honor that he should not be disturbed in the least if he would only return and persuade the colored people not to go to kansas, as he had more influence over them than any other man. he assured him so confidently that he concluded to trust them, and returned to the bosom of his family on saturday; but before monday morning he was shot dead. the heart-rending scene can better be imagined than described." said one intelligent man, "we can do nothing to protect the virtue of our wives and daughters." near greenville, mississippi, a colored woman was passing through a little skirt of woods, when she was attacked by two white men, who violated her person; then, to prevent exposure, they murdered her in the most savage manner. they tied her clothes over her head and hanged her by her waist to a hickory sapling, and ripped open her bowels until a babe, that would within a few weeks have occupied its place in its mother's arms, fell to the ground. just at that juncture two colored men came in sight, and the white men dodged into the woods. this drew attention to the awful scene of the dying woman weltering in her gore. they hastened to cut her down, and just as she was breathing her last she whispered, "tell my husband." one watched the corpse while the other went to inform the husband. this barbarous murder, which took place in april, , was twice related to me in the same way by different women from the same neighborhood, who attended the funeral. as i related this to our friend, w. armour and wife, of kansas city, he remarked that the same incident had been told to him by some of the new arrivals. we repeat, who can wonder at their flight? on july th and th two boat-loads more of refugees, numbering four hundred persons, landed in lower kansas city. i heard it again repeated, "what shall we do? here in topeka are two hundred poor people waiting to go somewhere to get work, and only two hundred dollars in our treasury!" what shall we send them? more than fifty men and women were then out hunting work; many found it and rented cabins. we waited for a reply from the railroad authorities, to see if they would take two hundred passengers for that money to colorado. this association met and reached the conclusion to telegraph mr. w. armour and his co-laborers, at kansas city, to send the four hundred at that place to other points, as it was impossible to receive them in topeka until those already there were furnished with homes, or more money should come to our aid. i returned to kansas city, and found their hands and hearts full also, and heard the query repeated, "what are we to do for these poor people? we can not send them back, and they _must_ be fed until we hear from places to which we have telegraphed." favorable replies came for seventy-five families to colorado. the colored minister, elder watson, was to take them away, and visited st. louis to request the friends in that city to send no more in this direction for the present. a white woman called to see some of these poor people, and brought chicken broth for a very sick man. she said she was born in virginia, raised in georgia, where she had taught school, and also taught in mississippi and alabama. because she contended for the rights of the colored people, as they were free, she was ostracised and compelled to leave the south. said she, "i have seen them hung and shot like dogs. they can not tell you the half of what they suffer. i know it, for i have seen it." while i was still visiting among these people, the steamer _fannie lewis_ landed with one hundred and four more refugees from mississippi. here they had nothing for their covering except the open sky. we feared that, unless other states should rally to the rescue, nothing but suffering and death would be before them. kansas had domiciled about what she could for the present, unless further aid should be given from without. this state had hardly recovered from the sweeping devastation of war when drought swept over her rich prairies, and scarcely had she recovered from that drawback when the grasshoppers came and desolated her again. then the macedonian cry, "come over and help us," was heard and answered. again we raise this cry in behalf of this oppressed people, and it will meet a generous response. when forty thousand dependents were thrown into young kansas by price's raid through missouri, followed by colonels james lane and jennison, i received from general curtis the report that twenty thousand poor whites and as many freedmen were here to be cared for by government and the benevolence of the north. at that time of sore need michigan placed in my hands two thousand six hundred dollars in money, and from seven thousand to eight thousand dollars in supplies to relieve the perishing and dying of that day. the lesson is not forgotten, that it is more blessed to give than to receive. he alone who knows the end from the beginning can tell the future of our country, and of the five million of its inhabitants of african descent. yet eternal right must and will triumph. the debt our nation owes to the ex-slave should be paid. the hundred thousand colored soldiers who fought as bravely to save our nation's life as did their paler-faced brethren, and faced the cannon's mouth as fearlessly for the prize above all price--_liberty_--are worthy of consideration. they were ever true to our soldiers. many of our prisoners escaping from rebel dungeons were piloted by them into our lines. many black "aunties" took their last chicken and made broth for our sick union soldiers, as did the one i met in natchez, mississippi. she had been free a number of years, and had her yard full of geese, ducks, and chickens; but all went for union soldiers. she was a noble christian woman. she said, "i feels so sorry for a sick soldier, so far from their home. i feels happy for all i kin do for 'em. i knows jesus pay me." another colored woman whom i met at gloucester courthouse, in virginia, did the same. an ex-soldier wrote in a note, found in a box of valuable clothing sent to the refugees in kansas: "i send this as a small token of the gratitude i owe to the colored people for saving my life when i was sick and escaping from a loathsome rebel prison. they took care of me and conducted me safely to our union camp. this goes with a prayer that god will bless that suffering people." we have the testimony of many witnesses. among them is j. c. hartzell, d. d., of new orleans, editor of the _southwestern christian advocate_. he says, "the cruelties endured by the colored people of the south can not be _overdrawn_." he knew of a number of families that took homesteads on government lands and were doing well for themselves, but masked "bourbons" went in a company and drove them off, telling them they "had no business with homes of their own. the plantation was their place, and there they should go." one man undertook to defend himself and family with his gun, but receiving a serious wound from one of the bourbons, he hid from his pursuers. one of his white friends heard of what had befallen him, and took him to new orleans for safety, as he knew him to be an industrious and peaceable man. here he employed a skillful surgeon to treat him. our informant saw the bullet taken from his body, and thought his life could be saved. but he is sure to lose it if he returns to his own home. rev. j. c. hartzell said he had received letters from various places all over the south, written by intelligent colored ministers, that their churches were closed against them until after election. the same thing was told me by many of those i interviewed. the bourbons said their meetings were the hot-beds of emigration and republicanism. in some places they were forbidden to meet in their private houses for prayer-meetings, as their enemies said they met to make plans to go to kansas. is there no guarantee for life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness? what a state of society is this for a free country? our first duty as a government is protection. but if it is too weak for that, the second duty is to welcome the fleeing refugee and point him to work, or to the thousands of acres of good government land, and help him where he needs help to keep body and soul together during the few months it may require to make himself self-sustaining. from daniel votaw's report from independence, kansas, i extract the following: "thomas bell, of dallas county, texas, was hanged about october th for attempting to go with his family and a few neighbors to kansas. blood and rapine mark the fugitive. after supper, from meal furnished them for this purpose, they gave us a history of their trials in texas, which was truly sorrowful; and with the notes, mortgages, and credits given--to the whole amount, two thousand five hundred dollars--for their farms, they were compelled to leave and flee for their lives, as david did before saul." shot-gun rule still continued. philip fauber, recently from near baton kouge, louisiana, testifies as follows: "i rented land of bragg and james mcnealy, and was to have one-third of the crop and furnish team and seed. i took three bales of cotton to the weigher, who read my contract, and set aside one bale for me. but the mcnealys claimed the three bales, and i referred the matter to the justice of the peace, who, after reading the contract, sanctioned the decision of the weigher. but the mcnealys brought another officer, who asked to see the contract i handed him the paper, which he read and tore up and threw away, and mcnealy took possession of the last bale of cotton, which i told them was my only dependence for my family's support for the winter. on my way home through a little woods i received the contents of a shot-gun in my face, both eyes being put out. in great distress i felt my way home. the doctor took a number of shot out of my face, but he couldn't put my eyes back. i can now do nothing but depend upon others to feed and clothe me till god takes me from this dark world to that glorious world of light and peace. the old man, mcnealy denied shooting me, but he never said he did not know who did. but he and his two sons died within a few months after i was shot in the last sickness of bragg mcnealy he sent for me to tell me for the last time that he did not shoot me. still he would not tell who did." the industrious wife of this poor man whose face is speckled with shot scars, is anxious to get four or five acres of land to work herself, and support herself and blind husband. a. a. lacy, an intelligent colored man from new orleans, who came to us indorsed by a number of others from the same city, testifies to the facts related by him as follows: "may , , i called at the custom-house to report for duty to general a. s. badger, collector of customs, by whom i had been employed. he directed me to captain l. e. salles, the chief weigher, to whom i had reported a number of days, but failed to get work, and as i failed this time i asked if i had better continue calling for work. he replied, 'you had better call again.' as i was passing out of the door his partner, michael walsh, came to me (in a gruff, commanding tone), 'what is that you say, lacy?' 'nothing to you,' i replied; 'i was speaking to captain salles.' at this he gave a stab, and as i turned to see what he was hitting me for, he added two stabs more with cursing. as i was going down the steps i felt the warm blood running down my side, not yet realizing that i had been cut. i opened my vest and saw the flowing blood. i stepped into mr. blanchard's office, the assistant weigher, who was a republican, and showed him my side, with clothes saturated with blood. he was so shocked and excited that he was taken ill and died in just two weeks. he advised me to enter a complaint against michael walsh, which i did, and he was placed in jail in default of thousand dollar bond. i was sent to the hospital. as there were many friends and reporters calling on me, the surgeon forbade callers except immediate attendants and my wife. he said the deepest wound reached the left lung, and an eighth of an inch deeper would have produced instant death. on the tenth day i was allowed to be removed to my home, and pronounced to be convalescent. michael walsh was released from prison with no other mark of displeasure resting upon him for this attempt at murder than a few days' imprisonment. as soon as i was able to walk about i took a boat with friends whose lives had been threatened for kansas, where we arrived july , . i am only able to light work, for which i am thankful. yet it seems hard to lose all this time from the assassin's stab in a custom-house that belongs to the government i fought two years to sustain." uncle peter cox, an aged man of eighty-eight years, has a wen on the back of his neck, running between his shoulders, larger than a two-quart bowl, that has been over thirty years coming. it was caused by heavy lifting and continued hard work during his slave-life. he came to topeka, kansas, in july, , with his aged wife and deaf and dumb grandson of eighteen years. his advanced age and deformity induced me to inquire more closely into the cause of leaving his state (louisiana). after giving the sad history of his slave-life--the common lot of that class of goods and chattels--he said: "missus i stay'd thar as long as i could, when i seed my brodder in de lo'd hangin' on a tree not more'n a hundred rods from my house, near baton rouge. a sistah was hanged five miles off, on de plank road, in west baton rouge, in a little woods. her sistah followed her beggin' for her life, and tole de bulldosers she couldn't tell whar her husban' was that da's gwine to hang. but da swore she should hang if she didn't tell." giving his head a shake, while tears dropped thick and fast down the deeply furrowed cheeks, he continued: "o, missus, i couldn't live thar no longer. i's so distressed day an' night. de chief captain of dis ban' of murder's was henry castle, who wid his ban' of men was supported by mr. garrett, mr. fisher, an' mr. washington, who were merchants in baton rouge." but that poor grandfather's heart was filled with grief to overflowing when the faithful grandson was walking alone in the railroad track, and was run over by the cars and instantly killed. although the warning whistle was given the poor deaf boy heard it not. as he was all the aged pair had to depend upon for their living, it was to them a heavy stroke. no one can look over these testimonies without exclaiming, with david, "is there not a cause" for the flight of this persecuted people? we find many among them, like lazarus, begging for the crumbs that fall from the rich man's table; but let us not allow them to die in this land of plenty. yet, through all these dark clouds, we perceive the silver linings. the heaven-born cause of temperance is gaining a foothold in our southern states. a crusade against the liquor-traffic commenced in ohio, and has swept over michigan and other neighboring states, and is still going on conquering and to conquer. chapter xix. prospects of the freedmen. our last chapter contains the dark side of our picture. in this we present the brighter prospects for a long and sorely oppressed race. we first note what has been and is being done for the fifty thousand who have emigrated to kansas as i have been a co-laborer with elizabeth l. comstock more than two years in rescuing the perishing in their new homes, i speak from personal knowledge. during the first winter-- - --as mild as it was, more than one hundred refugees were found with frozen feet fingers. five were frozen to death coming through the indian territory with their teams. through faithful agents, with supplies forwarded from other states, and even from friends in england in response to appeals sent out by elizabeth l. comstock, very many sufferers were relieved. the goods from england were forwarded mostly by james clark, of street. over seventy thousand dollars' worth of supplies have passed through my hands for the relief of the refugees between september, , when i commenced working for them, and march, thirteen thousand dollars of this amount came from england, having been sent by friends or quakers besides money, we received new goods, as follows, warm, new blankets, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , new garments for women and girls, . . . . . . . . . . . . , new garments for men and boys, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , new garments for babies and small children, . . . . . . . , new knitted socks and hose, five hundred dozen pairs, . . , large quantity of sheets, pillow-cases, bed-quilts, towels etc, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , queensware--six large crates, one hundred and nineteen dozen plates in each, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , cups and saucers, nearly . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , bowls and mugs, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , platters, pitchers, and chamber wares, . . . . . . . . . . , scissors, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , sets of knives and forks, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , spoons, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , needles, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , knitting needles, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , rags, with sewing materials, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , papers of pins, six hundred and fifty dozen, and tape, , , tin-cups and basins, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , bed-ticks, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , wash-dishes and pans, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , woolen dresses for women and girls, valued at . . . . . . $ , new overcoats for men and boys, valued at . . . . . . . . $ three whole bolts of welch flannel (seventy-two yards each) $ two bolts heavy broadcloth, for overcoats, valued at . . . $ women's cloaks and shawls, valued at . . . . . . . . . . . $ , new red flannel, valued at . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $ muslins, valued at . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $ gray flannel and three hundred pairs mittens, valued at . $ buttons, hooks and eyes, cotton thread, silk, etc., . . . $ new pieces goods, chiefly cotton, valued at . . . . . . . $ , over ninety thousand dollars in money and supplies were distributed by the kansas relief association, until it was disbanded in may, , and its head-quarters removed to southern kansas, where thousands of these southern emigrants are congregated. that locality is more favorable to cotton raising. many of the refugees know but little of other business; hence the necessity for an agricultural, industrial, and educational institute, of which elizabeth l. comstock is the founder. at the present date (august, ) eight thousand dollars are invested. this includes the homestead fund. to meet the crying need of this people she, in connection with her daughter, caroline degreen, are untiring in their efforts to establish a permanent or systematized work. they have established this much needed institution on four hundred acres of good land, which is tilled by colored people, who receive pay for their work in provision, clothing, or money until they can purchase cheap land for their own homes. it has been no small task to disburse wisely the large supplies sent from every northern state and england in various portions of the state of kansas. it has been done through the instrumentality of self-sacrificing men and women. the noble women of topeka did their full share. they districted the city, appointed a large investigating committee, and gave tickets calling for the articles most needed in the families found in a suffering condition. by this plan impositions were avoided. while we have entered bitter complaints against our southern ex-slave states, we ought to call to mind many persecutions endured by the opponents of slavery in our own states of the north. i have still in remembrance the many mobs to which abolitionists were exposed for discussing their views. i have not forgotten the burning shame and disgrace upon our whole north because of the treatment it allowed to an earnest christian philanthropist, prudence crandall, of windham county, connecticut. she opened a school in canterbury green for girls, and was patronized by the best families, not only of that town, but of other counties and states. among those who sought the advantages of her school was a colored girl. but prudence was too thorough a quaker to regard the request of bitter prejudice on the part of her other patrons to dismiss her colored pupil. but she did not wait for them to execute their threat to withdraw their children. she sent them home. then she advertised her school as a boarding school for young ladies of color. the people felt insulted, and held indignation meetings and appointed committees to remonstrate with her. but she stood by her principles regardless of their remonstrance. the excitement in that town ran high. a town meeting was called to devise means to remove the nuisance. in miss crandall opened her school against the protest of an indignant populace. another town meeting was called, at which it was resolved, "that the establishment of a rendezvous, falsely denominated a school, was designed by its projectors as the theater to promulgate their disgusting theory of amalgamation and their pernicious sentiments of subverting the union. these pupils were to have been congregated here from all quarters under the false pretense of educating them, but really to scatter fire-brands, arrows, and death among brethren of our own blood." i well remember the voice of more than seven thousand, even at that day, who had never bowed the knee to the baal of slavery that was raised in favor of the course pursued by the noble woman. against one of these young colored girls the people were about to enforce an old vagrant law, requiring her to give security for her maintenance on penalty of being whipped on the naked body. thus they required her to return to her home in providence. canterbury did its best to drive prudence from her post. her neighbors refused to give her fresh water from their wells, though they knew their own sons had filled her well with stable refuse. her father was threatened with mob-violence. an appeal was sent to their legislature, and that body of wise men devised a wicked enactment which they called law, which was brought to bear upon her parents on this wise: an order was sent to her father, in substance, as follows: "mr. crandall, if you go to visit your daughter you are to be fined one hundred dollars for the first offense, two hundred dollars for the second offense, doubling the amount every time. mrs. crandall, if you go there you will be fined, and your daughter, almira, will be fined, and mr. may,--and those gentlemen from providence [messrs. george and henry benson], if they come here, will be fined at the same rate. and your daughter, the one that has established the school for colored females, will be taken up the same way as for stealing a horse or for burglary. her property will not be taken, but she will be put in jail, not having the liberty of the yard. there is no mercy to be shown about it." soon after this miss crandall was arrested and taken to jail for an alleged offense. her trial resulted in an acquittal, but her establishment was persecuted by every conceivable insult. she and her school were shut out from attendance at the congregational church, and religious services held in her own house were interrupted by volleys of rotten eggs and other missiles. at length the house was set on fire, but the blaze was soon extinguished. in , on september th, just as the family was retiring for the night, a body of men with iron bars surrounded the house, and simultaneously beat in the windows and doors. this shameful outrage was more than they could endure. prudence crandall was driven at last to close her interesting school and send her pupils home. then another town meeting was held, a sort of glorification, justifying themselves, and praising their legislature for passing the law for which they asked. all this abominable outrage i well remember, and am glad to see it called up in _scribner's magazine_ for december, . a scathing denunciation of the outrage was published in the boston liberator, edited by william lloyd garrison. prudence crandall did more for the cause of freedom by her persistence in the "higher law" doctrine of eternal right than the most eloquent antislavery lecturer could have accomplished in molding public sentiment of the whole north. her name became a household word in thousands of northern homes. when we see the changes forty and fifty years have wrought in the north, surely we may look forward in strong faith for like changes to take place over the south. it may take longer, but come it will. we note with pleasure the rapid strides of education among the colored people in sixteen years. in - i visited large schools in slave-pens that had become useless for the purposes for which they were designed. the stumps of their whipping-posts and the place of the dreaded auction block was vacated. although many of their public schools are not all that could be desired, yet they have them, and they are doing a good work. in virginia, beginning with , the colored children enrolled for successive years numbered as follows: , ; , ; , ; , ; , , , ; , ; and , . in south carolina the enrollment from was, , : , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; and , . in mississippi, beginning with , the enrollment was , ; , ; , ; and , . at the present we foot up the astonishing number of , pupils. maryland has appropriated two thousand dollars per annum for the support of normal schools for the training of colored teachers. an ex-confederate and ex-slave-holder of high degree subscribed five thousand dollars toward a college for colored people under the patronage of one of the colored churches in the state of georgia. all honor is due such noble deeds. may there be more to follow his good example. from the best authorities we have the figures of over a million communicants among the colored people in the united states. of those in the southern states we have as follows, at this date, : african methodists, . . . . . . . . . . , methodist episcopal church (colored), . , colored baptist church, . . . . . . . . , methodist episcopal zion church, . . . , methodist episcopal church, . . . . . . , almost every church in the north has contributed to educational purposes in the south, but they are doing none too much. the friends have done much toward supporting a school in helena, arkansas, under the supervision of lida clark, an untiring worker for that people. but we have not the figures of amounts. but the methodist episcopal church has done, and is still doing, a great work, as our figures will show, in building commodious schoolhouses in various states. schools of the freedmen's aid society of the methodist episcopal church for - : chartered institutions. teachers. pupils. central tennessee college, nashville, tenn., . . . clark university, atlanta, ga., . . . . . . . . . . chiflin university, orangeburg, s. c., . . . . . . new orleans university. new orleans, la., . . . . . shaw university, holly springs, miss., . . . . . . wiley university, marshall, texas, . . . . . . . . theological schools. centenary biblical institute, baltimore, md., . . . baker institute; orangeburg, s. c., . . . . . . . . ... ..... [footnote: pupils enumerated in the other schools] thompson biblical institute, n. orleans, la., . . . ... ..... [footnote: pupils enumerated in the other schools] medical college. meharry medical college, nashville, tenn., . . . . . institutions not chartered. bennett seminary, greensburg, n. c., . . . . . . . . cookman institute, jacksonville, fla., . . . . . . . haven normal school, waynesboro, ga., . . . . . . . . la grange seminary, la grange, ga., . . . . . . . . . meridian academy, meridian, miss., . . . . . . . . . rust normal school, huntsville, ala., . . . . . . . . walden seminary, little rock, ark., . . . . . . . . . west texas conf. seminary, austin, tex., . . . . . . la teche seminary, la teche, la., . . . . . . . . . . west tennessee seminary, mason, tenn., . . . . . . . we must here put in our claim for the fifty thousand emigrants in kansas from the south. the freedmen's relief work in kansas has been thoroughly organized and officered, and the contributions received for the refugees judiciously distributed. an agricultural and industrial school was established some time ago, and is meeting, so far, with good success. it will, if properly sustained, prove to be a blessing not only to the colored race, but to the state. from a circular issued in june last, by elizabeth l. comstock, one of the superintendents of this work, i extract the following paragraphs: "our first object is to employ those who come for work or for aid. we are strongly advised by their best friends, and the kind donors both sides the atlantic, not to give any thing (except in return for labor) to those who are able to work, especially during the warm weather. wages are paid regularly every saturday, and they come with their money to buy and select from the stock on hand what will suit themselves. second-hand clothing and bedding have a price affixed almost nominal. coats, cents each to $ , very few at $ ; pants, drawers, shirts, and vests, cents each; shoes, cents a pair; stockings and socks, two pairs for cents; women's dresses, , , , and cents each; children's clothes, to cents a garment; bed-quilts, comforters, and blankets, to cents; new ones, $ each, if very good. new shoes and other articles, provisions, etc., that we have to purchase we buy at wholesale, and try to supply them below the market price, some of them at half the retail price. thus what little is gained on the old clothes makes up in part what we lose on the new. we could employ more laborers if we had more money. the state of the treasury is low now. it seems hard to turn away any poor people who want to work. we should be very glad of help just now in the way of seed for sowing, money to provide food and shelter, and to finish up our buildings. we greatly desire to start several industries before winter, as blacksmith's shop, carpenter's shop, broom factory, etc., etc., that they may have work during the cold weather. we hope to have our school-house soon ready and to educate the children, and have an evening school for adults. "an important part of our work will be to train the women and girls in the various branches of household work, and sewing, knitting, etc. nor do we lose sight of the spiritual garden while providing for the intellectual fields and the physical wants. we greatly desire that this long-oppressed race, who have been kept in darkness and ignorance, should have the light of the glorious gospel, and should have the bible put into their hands, and be taught to read and understand it. of course we meet with some opposition in our work, as many a brave soldier has done before us, in battling for the right and for the colored race." we extract an item from the columbus _courier_ (kansas): "we are proud of the work of the 'agricultural, industrial, and educational institute,' and earnestly desire its success, and we feel proud of these good men and women who are led on by mrs. elizabeth l. comstock at their head, and mrs. laura . haviland, their secretary. characteristic spirits of the broad philanthropy of our beloved land, they need no commendation to sustain them. this has been their life-work, and they now select our state for their field of labor. j. e. picketing was chosen from a body of eighteen directors as its president, because of his experience in this kind of work, having at one time been a conductor on the 'under ground." he does not receive or ask for salary. he only presides at meetings of the board of directors, and has general oversight of the work in progress. his son, lindly, was selected by the board according to the expressed wish of mrs. comstock as superintendent. his wife is acting in the capacity of matron, but neither of them receives a salary, and they are to be paid by some friends of the work when it is established. but now pay is a matter of no consideration. charity does not require that these people should leave their comfortable homes and devote their time and energies to the laborious duties of their positions without some reward. "forty acres of the four hundred upon which the institute is located was purchased of lindly m. pickering, at one hundred dollars less than he could otherwise have obtained for it. it was selected for its improvements and its fine location, unsurpassed in the country. in conclusion, we desire to refer to the good management with which without ostentation its affairs are vigorously pushed forward, believing that the ever-living, ever-aggressive principle of right will sustain them and secure the success which so commendable an enterprise deserves. may heaven prosper the work of the nation's truest spirits and best and most respected citizens!" from the financial statement from april th to june , , we find that there has been received fur this industrial institute, in cash, $ , . . two large consignments of goods were received about the last date at columbus by elizabeth l. comstock for the same object. we appeal to the christian public to give us at least one school in kansas for the refugees. "sow thy seed in the morning, and in the evening withhold not thy hand, for thou knowest not whether this or that will prosper." "sowing the seed with an aching heart sowing the seed while the tear-drops start, sowing in hope till the reapers come, gladly to welcome the harvest home. o what shall the harvest be?" the end charles aldarondo, charles franks and the online distributed proofreading team bricks without straw _a novel_ by albion w. tourgee, ll.d., late judge of the superior court of north carolina this volume i gratefully dedicate to my wife; to whose unflinching courage, unfaltering faith, unfailing cheer, and steadfast love, i owe more than many volumes might declare. translation: [_from an ancient egyptian papyrus-roll, recently discovered._] it came to pass that when pharaoh had made an end of giving commandment that the children of israel should deliver the daily tale of bricks, but should not be furnished with any straw wherewith to make them, but should instead go into the fields and gather such stubble as might be left therein, that neoncapos, the king's jester, laughed. and when he was asked whereat he laughed, he answered, at the king's order. and thereupon he laughed the more. then was pharaoh, the king, exceeding wroth, and he gave commandment that an owl be given to neoncapos, the king's jester, and that he be set forth without the gate of the king's palace, and that he be forbidden to return, or to speak to any in all the land, save only unto the owl which had been given him, until such time as the bird should answer and tell him what he should say. then they that stood about the king, and all who saw neoncapos, cried out, what a fool's errand is this! so that the saying remains even unto this day. nevertheless, upon the next day came neoncapos again into the presence of pharaoh, the king. then was pharaoh greatly astonished, and he said, how is this? hath the bird spoken? and neoncapos, the king's jester, bowed himself unto the earth, and said, he hath, my lord. then was pharaoh, the king, filled with amazement, and said, tell me what he hath said unto thee. and neoncapos raised himself before the king, and answered him, and said: as i went out upon the errand whereunto thou hadst sent me forth, i remembered thy commandment to obey it. and i spake only unto the bird which thou gavest me, and said unto him: there was a certain great king which held a people in bondage, and set over them task-masters, and required of them all the bricks that they could make, man for man, and day by day; for the king was in great haste seeking to build a palace which should be greater and nobler than any in the world, and should remain to himself and his children a testimony of his glory forever. and it came to pass, at length, that the king gave commandment that no more straw should be given unto them that made the bricks, but that they should still deliver the tale which had been aforetime required of them. and thereupon the king's jester laughed. because he said to himself, if the laborers have not straw wherewith to attemper the clay, but only stubble and chaff gathered from the fields, will not the bricks be ill-made and lack strength and symmetry of form, so that the wall made thereof will not be true and strong, or fitly joined together? for the lack of a little straw it may be that the palace of the great king will fall upon him and all his people that dwell therein. thereupon the king was wroth with his fool, and his countenance was changed, and he spake harshly unto him, and-- it matters not what thou saidst unto the bird, said the king. what did the bird say unto thee? the bird, said neoncapos, bowing himself low before the king, the bird, my lord, looked at me in great amaze, and cried again and again, in an exceeding loud voice: _who! who-o! who-o-o!_ then was pharaoh exceeding wroth, and his anger burned within him, and he commanded that the fool should be taken and bound with cords, and cast into prison, while he should consider of a fit punishment for his impudent words. note.-a script attached to this manuscript, evidently of later date, informs us that the fool escaped the penalty of his folly by the disaster at the red sea. contents i. tri-nominate ii. the font iii. the junonian rite iv. mars meddles v. nunc pro tunc vi. the toga virilis vii. damon and pythias viii. a friendly prologue ix. a bruised reed x. an express trust xi. red wing xii. on the way ay to jericho xiii. negotiating a treaty xiv. born of the storm xv. to him and his heirs forever xvi. a child of the hills xvii. good-morrow and farewell xviii. "prime wrappers," xix. the shadow of the flag, xx. phantasmagoria, xxi. a child-man xxii. how the fallow was seeded xxiii. an offering of first-fruits xxiv. a black dbmocritus xxv. a double-headed argument xxvi. taken at his word xxvii. moses in the sunshine xxviii. in the path of the storm xxix. like and unlike xxx. an unbidden guest xxxi. a life for a life xxxii. a voice from the darkness xxxiii. a difference of opinion xxxiv. the majesty of the law xxxv. a particular tenancy lapses xxxvi. the beacon-light of love xxxvii. the "best friends" reveal themselves xxxviii. "the rose above the mould," xxxix. what the mist hid xl. dawning xli. q. e. d. xlii. through a cloud-rift xliii. a glad good-by xliv. putting this and that together xlv. another ox gored xlvi. backward and forward xlvii. breasting the torrent xlviii. the price of honor xlix. highly resolved l. face answereth unto face li. how sleep the brave? lii. redeemed out of the house of bondage liii. in the cyclone liv. a bolt out of the cloud lv. an unconditional surrender lvi. some old letters lvii. a sweet and bitter fruitage lviii. coming to the front lix. the shuttlecock of fate lx. the exodian lxi. what shall the end be? lxii. how? bricks without straw. chapter i. tri-nominate. "wal, i 'clar, now, jes de quarest ting ob 'bout all dis matter o' freedom is de way dat it sloshes roun' de names 'mong us cullud folks. h'yer i lib ober on de hyco twenty year er mo'--nobody but ole marse potem an' de lor', an' p'raps de debble beside, know 'zackly how long it mout hev been--an' didn't hev but one name in all dat yer time. an' i didn't hev no use for no mo' neither, kase dat wuz de one ole mahs'r gib me hisself, an' nobody on de libbin' yairth nebber hed no sech name afo' an' nebber like to agin. dat wuz allers de way ub ole mahs'r's names. dey used ter say dat he an' de debble made 'em up togedder while he wuz dribin' roun' in dat ole gig 'twixt de diff'ent plantations--on de dan an' de ro'noke, an' all 'bout whar de ole cuss could fine a piece o' cheap lan", dat would do ter raise niggers on an' pay for bringin' up, at de same time. he was a powerful smart man in his day, wuz ole kunnel potem desmit; but he speshully did beat anythin' a findin' names fer niggers. i reckon now, ef he'd 'a hed forty thousan' cullud folks, men an' wimmen, dar wouldn't ha' been no two on 'em hevin' de same name. dat's what folks used ter say 'bout him, ennyhow. dey sed he used ter say ez how he wasn't gwine ter hey his niggers mixed up wid nobody else's namin', an' he wouldn't no mo' 'low ob one black feller callin' ob anudder by enny nickname ner nothin' ub dat kine, on one o' his plantations, dan he would ob his takin' a mule, nary bit. dey du say dat when he used ter buy a boy er gal de berry fust ting he wuz gwine ter du wuz jes ter hev 'em up an' gib 'em a new name, out 'n out, an' a clean suit ob close ter 'member it by; an' den, jes by way ob a little 'freshment, he used ter make de oberseer gib 'em ten er twenty good licks, jes ter make sure ob der fergittin' de ole un dat dey'd hed afo'. dat's what my mammy sed, an' she allers 'clar'd dat tow'rd de las' she nebber could 'member what she was at de fus' no more'n ef she hed'nt been de same gal. "all he wanted ter know 'bout a nigger wuz jes his name, an' dey say he could tell straight away when an' whar he wuz born, whar he'd done lived, an' all 'bout him. he war a powerful man in der way ob names, shore. some on 'em wuz right quare, but den agin mos' all on 'em wuz right good, an' it war powerful handy hevin' no two on 'em alike. i've heard tell dat a heap o' folks wuz a takin' up wid his notion, an' i reckon dat ef de s'rrender hed only stood off long 'nuff dar wouldn't 'a been nary two niggers in de whole state hevin' de same names. dat _would_ hev been handy, all roun'! "when dat come, though, old mahs'r's plan warn't nowhar. lor' bress my soul, how de names did come a-brilin' roun'! i'd done got kinder used ter mine, hevin' bed it so long an' nebber knowin' myself by any udder, so't i didn't like ter change. 'sides dat, i couldn't see no use. i'd allers got 'long well 'nuff wid it--all on'y jes once, an' dat ar wuz so long ago i'd nigh about forgot it. dat showed what a debblish cute plan dat uv ole mahs'r's was, though. "lemme see, dat er wuz de fus er secon' year atter i wuz a plow-boy. hit wuz right in de height ob de season, an' marse war'--dat was de oberseer--he sent me to der cou't house ob an ebenin' to do some sort ob arrant for him. when i was a comin' home, jes about an hour ob sun, i rides up wid a sort o' hard-favored man in a gig, an' he looks at me an' at de hoss, when i goes ter ride by, mighty sharp like; an' fust i knows he axes me my name; an' i tole him. an' den he axes whar i lib; an' i tole him, "on de knapp-o'-reeds plantation." den he say, "'who you b'long to, ennyhow, boy?' "an' i tole him 'ole marse potem desmit, sah'--jes so like. "den he sez 'who's a oberseein' dar now?' "an' i sez, 'marse si war', sah?' "den he sez, 'an' how do all de ban's on knapp-o reeds git 'long wid ole marse potem an' marse si war'?' "an' i sez, 'oh, we gits 'long tol'able well wid marse war', sah.' "an' he sez, 'how yer likes old marse potem?' "an' i sez, jes fool like, 'we don't like him at all, sah.' "an' he sez, 'why?' "an' i sez, 'dunno sah.' "an' he sez, 'don't he feed?' "an' i sez, 'tol'able, i spose.' "an' he sez, 'whip much?' "an' i sez, 'mighty little, sah.' "an' he sez, 'work hard?' "an' i sez, 'yes, moderate, sah.' "an' he sez, 'eber seed him?' "an' i sez, 'not ez i knows on, sah.' "an' he sez, 'what for don't yer like him, den?' "an' i sez, 'dunno, on'y jes' kase he's sech a gran' rascal.' "den he larf fit ter kill, an' say, 'dat's so, dat's so, boy.' den he take out his pencil an' write a word er two on a slip o' paper an' say, "'h'yer, boy, yer gibs dat ter marse si war', soon ez yer gits home. d'yer heah?' "i tole him, 'yes, sah,' an' comes on home an' gibs dat ter marse si. quick ez he look at it he say, 'whar you git dat, boy? 'an' when i tole him he sez, 'you know who dat is? dat's old potem desmit! what you say to him, you little fool?' "den i tell marse war' all 'bout it, an' he lay down in de yard an' larf fit ter kill. all de same he gib me twenty licks 'cordin' ter de orders on dat little dam bit o' paper. an' i nebber tink o' dat widout cussin', sence. "dat ar, now am de only time i ebber fault my name. now what i want ter change it fer, er what i want ob enny mo'? i don't want 'em. an' i tell 'em so, ebbery time too, but dey 'jes fo'ce em on me like, an' what'll i do'bout it, i dunno. h'yer i'se got--lemme see--one--two--tree! fo' god, i don' know how many names i hez got! i'm dod-dinged now ef i know who i be ennyhow. ef ennybody ax me i'd jes hev ter go back ter ole mahs'r's name an' stop, kase i swar i wouldn't know which ob de udders ter pick an' chuse from. "i specs its all 'long o' freedom, though i can't see why a free nigger needs enny mo' name dan the same one hed in ole slave times. mus' be, though. i mind now dat all de pore white folks hez got some two tree names, but i allus thought dat wuz 'coz dey hedn't nuffin' else ter call dere can. must be a free feller needs mo' name, somehow. ef i keep on i reckon i'll git enuff atter a while. h'yer it's gwine on two year only sence de s'rrender, an' i'se got tree ob 'em sartain!" the speaker was a colored man, standing before his log-house in the evening of a day in june. his wife was the only listener to the monologue. he had been examining a paper which was sealed and stamped with official formality, and which had started him upon the train of thought he had pursued. the question he was trying in vain to answer was only the simplest and easiest of the thousand strange queries which freedom had so recently propounded to him and his race. chapter ii. the font. knapp-of-reeds was the name of a plantation which was one of the numerous possessions of p. desmit, colonel and esquire, of the county of horsford, in the northernmost of those states which good queen caroline was fortunate enough to have designated as memorials of her existence. the plantation was just upon that wavy line which separates the cotton region of the east from the tobacco belt that sweeps down the pleasant ranges of the piedmont region, east of the blue appalachians. or, to speak more correctly, the plantation was in that indeterminate belt which neither of the great staples could claim exclusively as its own--that delectable land where every conceivable product of the temperate zone grows, if not in its rankest luxuriance, at least in perfection and abundance. tobacco on the hillsides, corn upon the wide bottoms, cotton on the gray uplands, and wheat, oats, fruits, and grasses everywhere. five hundred acres of hill and bottom, forest and field, with what was termed the island, consisting of a hundred more, which had never been overflowed in the century of cultivation it had known, constituted a snug and valuable plantation. it had been the seat of an old family once, but extravagant living and neglect of its resources had compelled its sale, and it had passed into the hands of its present owner, of whose vast possessions it formed an insignificant part. colonel desmit was one of the men who applied purely business principles to the opportunities which the south afforded in the olden time, following everything to its logical conclusion, and measuring every opportunity by its money value. he was not of an ancient family. indeed, the paternal line stopped short with his own father, and the maternal one could only show one more link, and then became lost in malodorous tradition which hung about an old mud-daubed log-cabin on the most poverty-stricken portion of nubbin ridge. there was a rumor that the father had a left-handed kinship with the brutons, a family of great note in the public annals of the state. he certainly showed qualities which tended to confirm this tradition, and abilities which entitled him to be considered the peer of the best of that family, whose later generations were by no means the equals of former ones. untiring and unscrupulous, mr. peter smith rose from the position of a nameless son of an unknown father, to be as overseer for one of the wealthiest proprietors of that region, and finally, by a not unusual turn of fortune's wheel, became the owner of a large part of his employer's estates. thrifty in all things, he married in middle life, so well as nearly to double the fortune then acquired, and before his death had become one of the wealthiest men in his county. he was always hampered by a lack of education. he could read little and write less. in his later days he was appointed a justice of the peace, and was chosen one of the county court, or "court of pleas and quarter sessions," as it was technically called. these honors were so pleasant to him that he determined to give his only son a name which should commemorate this event. the boy was, therefore, christened after the opening words of his commission of the peace, and grew to manhood bearing the name potestatem dedimus [footnote: potestatem dedimus: "we give thee power, etc." the initial words of the clause conferring jurisdiction upon officers, in the old forms of judicial commissions. this name is fact, not fancy.] smith. this son was educated with care--the shrewd father feeling his own need--but was early instilled with his father's greed for gain, and the necessity for unusual exertion if he would achieve equal position with the old families who were to be his rivals. the young man proved a worthy disciple of his father. he married, it is true, without enhancing his fortune; but he secured what was worth almost as much for the promotion of his purposes as if he had doubled his belongings. aware of the ill-effects of so recent a bar sinister in his armorial bearings, he sought in marriage miss bertha bellamy, of belleville, in the state of virginia, who united in her azure veins at least a few drops of the blood of all the first families of that fine-bred aristocracy, from pocahontas's days until her own. the _role_ of the gentleman had been too much for the male line of the bellamys to sustain. horses and hounds and cards and high living had gradually eaten down their once magnificent patrimony, until pride and good blood and poverty were the only dowry that the females could command. miss bertha, having already arrived at the age of discretion, found that to match this against the wealth of young potestatem dedimus smith was as well as she could hope to do, and accepted him upon condition that the vulgar _smith_ should be changed to some less democratic name. the one paternal and two maternal ancestors had not made the very common surname peculiarly sacred to the young man, so the point was yielded; and by considerable persistency on the part of the young wife, "p. d. smith" was transformed without much trouble into "p. desmit," before the administrator had concluded the settlement of his father's estate. the vigor with which the young man devoted himself to affairs and the remarkable success which soon began to attend his exertions diverted attention from the name, and before he had reached middle life he was known over almost half the state as "colonel desmit," "old desmit," or "potem desmit," according to the degree of familiarity or respect desired to be displayed. hardly anybody remembered and none alluded to the fact that the millionaire of horsford was only two removes from old sal smith of nubbin ridge. on the other hand the rumor that he was in some mysterious manner remotely akin to the brutons was industriously circulated by the younger members of that high-bred house, and even "the judge," who was of about the same age as colonel desmit, had been heard more than once to call him "cousin." these things affected colonel desmit but little. he had set himself to improve his father's teachings and grow rich. he seemed to have the true midas touch. he added acre to acre, slave to slave, business to business, until his possessions were scattered from the mountains to the sea, and especially extended on both sides the border line in the piedmont region where he had been bred. it embraced every form of business known to the community of which he was a part, from the cattle ranges of the extreme west to the fisheries of the farthest east. he made his possessions a sort of self-supporting commonwealth in themselves. the cotton which he grew on his eastern farms was manufactured at his own factory, and distributed to his various plantations to be made into clothing for his slaves. wheat and corn and meat, raised upon some of his plantations, supplied others devoted to non-edible staples. the tobacco grown on the hyco and other plantations in that belt was manufactured at his own establishment, supplied his eastern laborers and those which wrought in the pine woods to the southward at the production of naval supplies. he had realized the dream of his own life and the aspiration of his father, the overseer, and had become one of the wealthiest men in the state. but he attended to all this himself. every overseer knew that he was liable any day or night to receive a visit from the untiring owner of all this wealth, who would require an instant accounting for every bit of the property under his charge. not only the presence and condition of every slave, mule, horse or other piece of stock must be accounted for, but the manner of its employment stated. he was an inflexible disciplinarian, who gave few orders, hated instructions, and only asked results. it was his custom to place an agent in charge of a business without directions, except to make it pay. his only care was to see that his property did not depreciate, and that the course adopted by the agent was one likely to produce good results. so long as this was the case he was satisfied. he never interfered, made no suggestions, found no fault. as soon as he became dissatisfied the agent was removed and another substituted. this was done without words or controversy, and it was a well-known rule that a man once discharged from such a trust could never enter his employ again. for an overseer to be dismissed by colonel desmit was to forfeit all chance for employment in that region, since it was looked upon as a certificate either of incapacity or untrustworthiness. colonel desmit was especially careful in regard to his slaves. his father had early shown him that no branch of business was, or could be, half so profitable as the rearing of slaves for market. "a healthy slave woman," the thrifty father had been accustomed to say, "will yield a thousand per cent upon her value, while she needs less care and involves less risk than any other species of property." the son, with a broader knowledge, had carried his father's instructions to more accurate and scientific results. he found that the segregation of large numbers of slaves upon a single plantation was not favorable either to the most rapid multiplication or economy of sustenance. he had carefully determined the fact that plantations of moderate extent, upon the high, well-watered uplands of the piedmont belt, were the most advantageous locations that could be found for the rearing of slaves. such plantations, largely worked by female slaves, could be made to return a small profit on the entire investment, without at all taking into account the increase of the human stock. this was, therefore, so much added profit. from careful study and observation he had deduced a specific formulary by which he measured the rate of gain. with a well-selected force, two thirds of which should be females, he calculated that with proper care such plantations could be made to pay, year by year, an interest of five per cent on the first cost, and, in addition, double the value of the working force every eight years. this conclusion he had arrived at from scientific study of the rates of mortality and increase, and in settling upon it he had cautiously left a large margin for contingencies. he was not accustomed to talk about his business, but when questioned as to his uniform success and remarkable prosperity, always attributed it to a system which he had inexorably followed, and which had never failed to return to him at least twenty per cent. per annum upon every dollar he had invested. so confident was he in regard to the success of this plan that he became a large but systematic borrower of money at the legal rate of six per cent, taking care that his maturing liabilities should, at no time, exceed a certain proportion of his available estate. by this means his wealth increased with marvelous rapidity. the success of his system depended, however, entirely upon the care bestowed upon his slaves. they were never neglected. though he had so many that of hundreds of them he did not know even the faces, he gave the closest attention to their hygienic condition, especially that of the women, who were encouraged by every means to bear children. it was a sure passport to favor with the master and the overseer: tasks were lightened; more abundant food provided; greater liberty enjoyed; and on the birth of a child a present of some sort was certain to be given the mother. the one book which colonel desmit never permitted anybody else to keep or see was the register of his slaves. he had invented for himself an elaborate system by which in a moment he could ascertain every element of the value of each of his more than a thousand slaves at the date of his last visitation or report. when an overseer was put in charge of a plantation he was given a list of the slaves assigned to it, by name and number, and was required to report every month the condition of each slave during the month previous, as to health and temper, and also the labor in which the same had been employed each day. it was only as to the condition of the slaves that the owner gave explicit directions to his head-men. "mighty few people know how to take care of a nigger," he was wont to say; and as he made the race a study and looked to them for his profits, he was attentive to their condition. among the requirements of his system was one that each slave born upon his plantations should be named only by himself; and this was done only on personal inspection. upon a visit to a plantation, therefore, one of his special duties always was to inspect, name, and register all slave children who had been born to his estate since his previous visitation. it was in the summer of that a traveler drove into the grove in front of the house at knapp-of-reeds, in the middle of a june afternoon, and uttered the usual halloo. he was answered after a moment's delay by a colored woman, who came out from the kitchen and exclaimed, "who's dah?" it was evident at once that visitors were not frequent at knapp-of-reeds. "where's mr. ware?" asked the stranger. "he's done gone out in de new-ground terbacker, long wid de han's," answered the woman. "where is the new-ground this year?" repeated the questioner. "jes' down on the p'int 'twixt de branch an' de hyco," she replied. "anybody you can send for him?" "wal, thar mout be some shaver dat's big enough to go, but marse war's dat keerful ter please marse desmit dat he takes 'em all outen de field afore dey can well toddle," said the woman doubtfully. "well, come and take my horse," said he, as he began to descend from his gig, "and send for mr. ware to come up at once." the woman came forward doubtfully and took the horse by the bit, while the traveler alighted. no sooner did he turn fully toward her than her face lighted up with a smile, and she said, "wal, dar, ef dat a'n't marse desmit hisself, i do believe! how d'ye do, mahs'r?" and the woman dropped a courtesy. "i'm very well, thank ye, lorency, an' glad to see you looking so peart," he responded pleasantly. "how's mr. ware and the people? all well, i hope." "all tol'able, mahs'r, thank ye." "well, tie the horse, and get me some dinner, gal. i haven't eaten since i left home." "la sakes!" said the woman in a tone of commiseration, though she had no idea whether it was twenty or forty miles he had driven since his breakfast. the man who sat upon the porch and waited for the coming of mr. silas ware, his overseer, was in the prime of life, of florid complexion, rugged habit, short stubbly hair--thick and bristling, that stood close and even on his round, heavy head from a little way above the beetling brows well down upon the bull-like neck which joined but hardly separated the massive head and herculean trunk. this hair, now almost white, had been a yellowish red, a hue which still showed in the eyebrows and in the stiff beard which was allowed to grow beneath the angle of his massive jaw, the rest of his face being clean shaven. the eyes were deep-sunk and of a clear, cold blue. his mouth broad, with firm, solid lips. dogged resolution, unconquerable will, cold-blooded selfishness, and a keen hog-cunning showed in his face, while his short, stout form--massive but not fleshy--betrayed a capacity to endure fatigue which few men could rival. "how d'ye, mr. ware?" he said as that worthy came striding in from the new-ground nervously chewing a mouthful of home-made twist, which he had replenished several times since leaving the field, without taking the precaution to provide stowage for the quantity he was taking aboard. "how d'ye, colonel?" said ware uneasily. "reckon you hardly expected me to day?" continued desmit, watching him closely. "no, i dare say not. they hardly ever do. fact is, i rarely ever know myself long enough before to send word." he laughed heartily, for his propensity for dropping in unawares upon his agents was so well known that he enjoyed their confusion almost as much as he valued the surprise as a means of ascertaining their attention to his interests. ware was one of his most trusted lieutenants, however, and everything that he had ever seen or heard satisfied him of the man's faithfulness. so he made haste to relieve him from embarrassment, for the tall, awkward, shambling fellow was perfectly overwhelmed. "it's a long time since i've been to see you, mr. ware--almost a year. there's mighty few men i'd let run a plantation that long without looking after them. your reports have been very correct, and the returns of your work very satisfactory. i hope the stock and hands are in good condition?" "i must say, colonel desmit," responded ware, gathering confidence, "though perhaps i oughtn't ter say it myself, that i've never seen 'em lookin' better. 'pears like everything hez been jest about ez favorable fer hands an' stock ez one could wish. the spring's work didn't seem ter worry the stock a mite, an' when the new feed come on there was plenty on't, an' the very best quality. so they shed off ez fine ez ever you see ennything in yer life, an' hev jest been a doin' the work in the crop without turnin' a hair." "glad to hear it, mr. ware," said desmit encouragingly. "and the hands," continued ware, "have jest been in prime condition. we lost horion, as i reported to you in--lemme see, february, i reckon--along o' rheumatism which he done cotch a runnin' away from that navigation company that you told me to send him to work for." "yes, i know. you told him to come home if they took him into virginia, as i directed, i suppose." "certainly, sir," said ware; "an' ez near ez i can learn they took him off way down below weldon somewheres, an' he lit out to come home jest at the time of the february 'fresh.' he had to steal his way afoot, and was might'ly used up when he got here, and died some little time afterward." "yes. the company will have to pay a good price for him. wasn't a better nor sounder nigger on the river," said desmit. "that ther warn't," replied ware. "the rest has all been well. lorency had a bad time over her baby, but she's 'round again as peart as ever." "so i see. and the crops?" "the best i've ever seed sence i've been here, colonel. never had such a stand of terbacker, and the corn looks prime. knapp-of-reeds has been doin' better 'n' better ever sence i've knowed it; but she's jest outdoin' herself this year." "haven't you got anything to drink, ware?" "i beg your _parding_, colonel; i was that flustered i done forgot my manners altogether," said ware apologetically. "i hev got a drap of apple that they say is right good for this region, and a trifle of corn that ain't nothing to brag on, though it does for the country right well." ware set out the liquor with a bowl of sugar from his sideboard as he spoke, and called to the kitchen for a glass and water. "that makes me think," said desmit. "here, you lorency, bring me that portmanty from the gig." when it was brought he unlocked it and took out a bottle, which he first held up to the light and gazed tenderly through, then drew the cork and smelled of its contents, shook his head knowingly, and then handed it to ware, who went through the same performance very solemnly. "here, gal," said desmit sharply, "bring us another tumbler. now, mr. ware," said he unctuously when it had been brought, "allow me, sir, to offer you some brandy which is thirty-five years old--pure french brandy, sir. put it in my portmanty specially for you, and like to have forgot it at the last. just try it, man." ware poured himself a dram, and swallowed it with a gravity which would have done honor to a more solemn occasion, after bowing low to his principal and saying earnestly, "colonel, your very good health." "and now," said desmit, "have the hands and stock brought up while i eat my dinner, if you please. i have a smart bit of travel before me yet to-day." the overseer's horn was at ware's lips in a moment, and before the master had finished his dinner every man, woman, and child on the plantation was in the yard, and every mule and horse was in the barn-lot ready to be brought out for his inspection. the great man sat on the back porch, and, calling up the slaves one by one, addressed some remark to each, gave every elder a quarter and every youngster a dime, until he came to the women. the first of these was lorency, the strapping cook, who had improved the time since her master's coming to make herself gay with her newest gown and a flaming new turban. she came forward pertly, with a young babe upon her arm. "well, lorency, mr. ware says you have made me a present since i was here?" "yah! yah! marse desmit, dat i hab! jes' de finest little nigger boy yer ebber sot eyes on. jes' you look at him now," she continued, holding up her brighteyed pickaninny. "ebber you see de beat ub dat? reg'lar ten pound, an' wuff two hundred dollars dis bressed minnit." "is that it, lorency?" said desmit, pointing to the child. "who ever saw such a thunder-cloud?" there was a boisterous laugh at the master's joke from the assembled crowd. nothing abashed, the good-natured mother replied, with ready wit, "dat so, marse kunnel. he's _brack_, he is. none ob yer bleached out yaller sort of coffee-cullud nigger 'bout _him_. de rale ole giniwine kind, dat a coal make a white mark on. yah i yah! what yer gwine ter name him, mahs'r? gib him a good name, now, none o' yer common mean ones, but jes' der bes' one yer got in yer book;" for colonel desmit was writing in a heavy clasped book which rested on a light stand beside him. "what is it, mahs'r?" "nimbus," replied the master. "wh--what?" asked the mother. "say dat agin', won't yer, mahs'r?" "nimbus--_nimbus_," repeated desmit. "wal, i swan ter gracious!" exclaimed the mother. "ef dat don't beat! h'yer! little--what's yer name? jes' ax yer mahs'r fer a silver dollar ter pay yer fer hevin' ter tote dat er name 'roun' ez long ez yer lives." she held the child toward its godfather and owner as she spoke, amid a roar of laughter from her fellow-servants. desmit good-naturedly threw a dollar into the child's lap, for which lorency courtesied, and then held out her hand. "what do you want now, gal?" asked desmit. "yer a'n't a gwine ter take sech a present ez dis from a pore cullud gal an' not so much ez giv' her someting ter remember hit by, is yer?" she asked with arch persistency. "there, there," said he laughing, as he gave her another dollar. "go on, or i shan't have a cent left." "all right, marse kunnel. thank ye, mahs'r," she said, as she walked off in triumph. "oh, hold on," said desmit; "how old is it, lorency?" "jes' sebben weeks ole dis bressed day, mahs'r," said the proud mother as she vanished into the kitchen to boast of her good-fortune in getting two silver dollars out of marse desmit instead of the one customarily given by him on such occasions. and so the record was made up in the brass-clasped book of colonel potestatem desmit, the only baptismal register of the colored man who twenty-six years afterward was wondering at the names which were seeking him against his will. _ --nimbus--of lorency--male--april th, --sound--knapp-of-reeds._ it was a queer baptismal entry, but a slave needed no more--indeed did not need that. it was not given for his sake, but only for the convenience of his godfather should the chattel ever seek to run away, or should it become desirable to exchange him for some other form of value. there was nothing harsh or brutal or degraded about it. mr. desmit was doing, in a business way, what the law not only allowed but encouraged him to do, and doing it because it paid. chapter iii. the junonian rite. "marse desmit?" "well?" "ef yer please, mahs'r, i wants ter marry?" "the devil you do!" "yes, sah, if you please, sah." "what's your name?" "nimbus." "so: you're the curer at knapp-of-reeds, i believe?" "yes, sah." "that last crop was well done. mr. ware says you're one of the best hands he has ever known." "thank ye, mahs'r," with a bow and scrape. "what's the gal's name?" "lugena, sah." "yes, vicey's gal--smart gal, too. well, as i've about concluded to keep you both--if you behave yourselves, that is, as well as you've been doing--i don't know as there's any reason why you shouldn't take up with her." "thank ye, mahs'r," very humbly, but very joyfully. the speakers were the black baby whom desmit had christened nimbus, grown straight and strong, and just turning his first score on the scale of life, and colonel desmit, grown a little older, a little grayer, a little fuller, and a great deal richer--if only the small cloud of war just rising on the horizon would blow over and leave his possessions intact. he believed it would, but he was a wise man and a cautious one, and he did not mean to be caught napping if it did not. nimbus had come from knapp-of-reeds to a plantation twenty miles away, upon a pass from mr. ware, on the errand his conversation disclosed. he was a fine figure of a man despite his ebon hue, and the master, looking at him, very naturally noted his straight, strong back, square shoulders, full, round neck, and shapely, well-balanced head. his face was rather heavy--grave, it would have been called if he had been white--and his whole figure and appearance showed an earnest and thoughtful temperament. he was as far from that volatile type which, through the mimicry of burnt-cork minstrels and the exaggerations of caricaturists, as well as the works of less disinterested portrayers of the race, have come to represent the negro to the unfamiliar mind, as the typical englishman is from the punch-and-judy figures which amuse him. the slave nimbus in a white skin would have been considered a man of great physical power and endurance, earnest purpose, and quiet, self-reliant character. such, in truth, he was. except the whipping he had received when but a lad, by his master's orders, no blow had ever been struck him. indeed, blows were rarely stricken on the plantations of colonel desmit; for while he required work, obedience, and discipline, he also fed well and clothed warmly, and allowed no overseer to use the lash for his own gratification, or except for good cause. it was well known that nothing would more surely secure dismissal from his service than the free use of the whip. not that he thought there was anything wrong or inhuman about the whipping-post, but it was entirely contrary to his policy. to keep a slave comfortable, healthy, and good-natured, according to colonel desmit's notion, was to increase his value, and thereby add to his owner's wealth. he knew that nimbus was a very valuable slave. he had always been attentive to his tasks, was a prime favorite with his overseer, and had already acquired the reputation of being one of the most expert and trusty men that the whole region could furnish, for a tobacco crop. every step in the process of growing and curing--from the preparation of the seed-bed to the burning of the coal-pit, and gauging the heat required in the mud-daubed barn for different kinds of leaf and in every stage of cure--was perfectly familiar to him, and he could always be trusted to see that it was properly and opportunely done. this fact, together with his quiet and contented disposition, added very greatly to his value. the master regarded him, therefore, with great satisfaction. he was willing to gratify him in any reasonable way, and so, after some rough jokes at his expense, wrote out his marriage-license in these words, in pencil, on the blank leaf of a notebook: mr. ware: nimbus and lugena want to take up with each other. you have a pretty full force now, but i have decided to keep them and sell some of the old ones--say vicey and lorency. neither have had any children for several years, and are yet strong, healthy women, who will bring nearly as much as the girl lugena. i shall make up a gang to go south in charge of winburn next week. you may send them over to louisburg on monday. you had better give nimbus the empty house near the tobacco-barn. we need a trusty man there. respectfully, p. desmit. so nimbus went home happy, and on the saturday night following, in accordance with this authority, with much mirth and clamor, and with the half-barbarous and half-christian ceremony--which the law did not recognize; which bound neither parties, nor master nor stranger; which gave nimbus no rights and lugena no privileges; which neither sanctified the union nor protected its offspring--the slave "boy" and "gal" "took up with each other," and began that farce which the victims of slavery were allowed to call "marriage." the sole purpose of permitting it was to raise children. the offspring were sometimes called "families," even in grave legal works; but there was no more of the family right of protection, duty of sustenance and care, or any other of the sacred elements which make the family a type of heaven, than attends the propagation of any other species of animate property. when its purpose had been served, the voice of the master effected instant divorce. so, on the monday morning thereafter the mothers of the so-called bride and groom, widowed by the inexorable demands of the master's interests, left husband and children, and those fair fields which represented all that they knew of the paradise which we call home, and with tears and groans started for that living tomb, the ever-devouring and insatiable "far south." chapter iv. mars meddles. louisburg, january , . mr. silas ware: dear sir: in ten days i have to furnish twenty hands to work on fortifications for the confederate government. i have tried every plan i could devise to avoid doing so, but can put it off no longer. i anticipated this long ago, and exchanged all the men i could possibly spare for women, thinking that would relieve me, but it makes no difference. they apportion the levy upon the number of slaves. i shall have to furnish more pretty soon. the trouble is to know who to send. i am afraid every devil of them will run away, but have concluded that if i send nimbus as a sort of headman of the gang, he may be able to bring them through. he is a very faithful fellow, with none of the fool-notions niggers sometimes get, i think. in fact, he is too dull to have such notions. at the same time he has a good deal of influence over the others. if you agree with this idea, send him to me at once. respectfully, p. desmit. in accordance with this order nimbus was sent on to have another interview with his master. the latter's wishes were explained, and he was asked if he could fulfil them. "dunno," he answered stolidly. "are you willing to try?" "s'pect i hev ter, ennyhow, ef yer say so." "now, nimbus, haven't i always been a good master to you?" reproachfully. no answer. "haven't i been kind to you always?" "yer made marse war' gib me twenty licks once." "well, weren't you saucy, nimbus? wouldn't you have done that to a nigger that called you a 'grand rascal' to your face?" "s'pecs i would, mahs'r." "of course you would. you know that very well. you've too much sense to remember that against me now. besides, if you are not willing to do this i shall have to sell you south to keep you out of the hands of the yanks." mr, desmit knew how to manage "niggers," and full well understood the terrors of being "sold south." he saw his advantage in the flush of apprehension which, before he had ceased speaking, made the jetty face before him absolutely ashen with terror. "don't do dat, marse desmit, ef _you_ please! don't do dat er wid nimbus! mind now, mahs'r, i'se got a wife an' babies." "so you have, and i know you don't want to leave them." "no more i don't, mahs'r," earnestly. "and you need not if you'll do as i want you to. see here, nimbus, if you'll do this i will promise that you and your family never shall be separated, and i'll give you fifty dollars now and a hundred dollars when you come back, if you'll just keep those other fool-niggers from trying--mind' i say _trying_--to run away and so getting shot. there's no such thing as getting to the yankees, and it would be a heap worse for them if they did, but you know they _are_ such fools they might try it and get killed--which would serve them right, only i should have to bear the loss." "all right, mahs'r, i do the best i can," said nimbus. "that's right," said the master. "here are fifty dollars," and he handed him a confederate bill of that denomination (gold value at that time, $ . ). mr. desmit did not feel entirely satisfied when nimbus and his twenty fellow-servants went off upon the train to work for the confederacy. however, he had done all he could except to warn the guards to be very careful, which he did not neglect to do. just forty days afterward a ragged, splashed and torn young ebony samson lifted the flap of a federal officer's tent upon one of the coast islands, stole silently in, and when he saw the officer's eyes fixed upon him. asked, "want ary boy, mahs'r?" the tone, as well as the form of speech, showed a new-comer. the officer knew that none of the colored men who had been upon the island any length of time would have ventured into his presence unannounced, or have made such an inquiry. "where did you come from?" he asked. "ober to der mainlan'," was the composed answer. "how did you get here?" "come in a boat." "run away?" "s'pose so." "where did you live?" "up de kentry--horsford county." "how did you come down here?" "ben wukkin' on de bres'wuks." "the dickens you have!" "yes, sah." "how did you get a boat, then?" "jes' tuk it--dry so." "anybody with you?" "no, mahs'r." "and you came across the sound alone in an open boat?" "yes, mahs'r; an' fru' de swamp widout any boat." "i should say so," laughed the officer, glancing at his clothes. "what did you come here for?" "jes'--_kase_." "didn't they tell you you'd be worse off with the yankees than you were with them?" "yes, sah." "didn't you believe them?" "dunno, sah." "what do you want to do?" "anything." "fight the rebs?" "wal, i kin du it." "what's your name?" "nimbus." "nimbus? good name--ha! ha: what else?" "nuffin' else." "nothing else? what was your old master's name?" "desmit--potem desmit." "well, then, that's yours, ain't it--your surname--nimbus desmit?" "reckon not, mahs'r." "no? why not?" "same reason his name ain't nimbus, i s'pose." "well," said the officer, laughing, "there may be something in that; but a soldier must have two names. suppose i call you george nimbus?" "yer kin call me jes' what yer choose, sah; but my name's nimbus all the same. no gawge nimbus, nor ennything nimbus, nor nimbus ennything--jes' nimbus; so. nigger got no use fer two names, nohow." the officer, perceiving that it was useless to argue the matter further, added his name to the muster-roll of a regiment, and he was duly sworn into the service of the united states as george nimbus, of company c, of the---massachusetts volunteer infantry, and was counted one of the quota which the town of great barringham, in the valley of the housatuck, was required to furnish to complete the pending call for troops to put down rebellion. by virtue of this fact, the said george nimbus became entitled to the sum of four hundred dollars bounty money offered by said town to such as should give themselves to complete its quota of "the boys in blue," in addition to his pay and bounty from the government. so, if it forced on him a new name, the service of freedom was not altogether without compensatory advantages. thus the slave nimbus was transformed into the "contraband" george nimbus, and became not only a soldier of fortune, but also the representative of a patriotic citizen of great barringham, who served his country by proxy, in the person of said contraband, faithfully and well until the end of the war, when the south fell--stricken at last most fatally by the dark hands which she had manacled, and overcome by their aid whose manhood she had refused to acknowledge. chapter v. nunc pro tunc. the first step in the progress from the prison-house of bondage to the citadel of liberty was a strange one. the war was over. the struggle for autonomy and the inviolability of slavery, on the part of the south, was ended, and fate had decided against them. with this arbitrament of war fell also the institution which had been its cause. slavery was abolished--by proclamation, by national enactment, by constitutional amendment--ay, by the sterner logic which forbade a nation to place shackles again upon hands which had been raised in her defence, which had fought for her life and at her request. so the slave was a slave no more. no other man could claim his service or restrain his volition. he might go or come, work or play, so far as his late master was concerned. but that was all. he could not contract, testify, marry or give in marriage. he had neither property, knowledge, right, or power. the whole four millions did not possess that number of dollars or of dollars' worth. whatever they had acquired in slavery was the master's, unless he had expressly made himself a trustee for their benefit. regarded from the legal standpoint it was, indeed, a strange position in which they were. a race despised, degraded, penniless, ignorant, houseless, homeless, fatherless, childless, nameless. husband or wife there was not one in four millions. not a child might call upon a father for aid, and no man of them all might lift his hand in a daughter's defence. uncle and aunt and cousin, home, family--none of these words had any place in the freedman's vocabulary. right he had, in the abstract; in the concrete, none. justice would not hear his voice. the law was still color-blinded by the past. the fruit of slavery--its first ripe harvest, gathered with swords and bloody bayonets, was before the nation which looked ignorantly on the fruits of the deliverance it had wrought. the north did not comprehend its work; the south could not comprehend its fate. the unbound slave looked to the future in dull, wondering hope. the first step in advance was taken neither by the nation nor by the freedmen. it was prompted by the voice of conscience, long hushed and hidden in the master's breast. it was the protest of christianity and morality against that which it had witnessed with complacency for many a generation. all at once it was perceived to be a great enormity that four millions of christian people, in a christian land, should dwell together without marriage rite or family tie. while they were slaves, the fact that they might be bought and sold had hidden this evil from the eye of morality, which had looked unabashed upon the unlicensed freedom of the quarters and the enormities of the barracoon. now all at once it was shocked beyond expression at the domestic relations of the freedmen. so they made haste in the first legislative assemblies that met in the various states, after the turmoil of war had ceased, to provide and enact: i. that all those who had sustained to each other the relation of husband and wife in the days of slavery, might, upon application to an officer named in each county, be registered as such husband and wife. . that all who did not so register within a certain time should be liable to indictment, if the relation continued thereafter. . that the effect of such registration should be to constitute such parties husband and wife, as of the date of their first assumption of marital relations. . that for every such couple registered the officer should be entitled to receive the sum of one half-dollar from the parties registered. there was a grim humor about this marriage of a race by wholesale, millions at a time, and _nunc pro tunc;_ but especially quaint was the idea of requiring each freed-man, who had just been torn, as it were naked, from the master's arms, to pay a snug fee for the simple privilege of entering upon that relation which the law had rigorously withheld from him until that moment. it was a strange remedy for a long-hidden and stubbornly denied disease, and many strange scenes were enacted in accordance with the provisions of this statute. many an aged couple, whose children had been lost in the obscure abysses of slavery, or had gone before them into the spirit land, old and feeble and gray-haired, wrought with patience day after day to earn at once their living and the money for this fee, and when they had procured it walked a score of miles in order that they might be "registered," and, for the brief period that remained to them of life, know that the law had sanctioned the relation which years of love and suffering had sanctified. it was the first act of freedom, the first step of legal recognition or manly responsibility! it was a proud hour and a proud fact for the race which had so long been bowed in thralldom and forbidden even the most common though the holiest of god's ordinances. what the law had taken little by little, as the science of christian slavery grew up under the brutality of our legal progress, the law returned in bulk. it was the first seal which was put on the slave's manhood--the first step upward from the brutishness of another's possession to the glory of independence. the race felt its importance as did no one else at that time. by hundreds and thousands they crowded the places appointed, to accept the honor offered to their posterity, and thereby unwittingly conferred undying honor upon themselves. few indeed were the unworthy ones who evaded the sacred responsibility thus laid upon them, and left their offspring to remain under the badge of shame. when carefully looked at it was but a scant cure, and threw the responsibility of illegitimacy where it did not belong, but it was a mighty step nevertheless. the distance from zero to unity is always infinity. the county clerk in and for the county of horsford sat behind the low wooden railing which he had been compelled to put across his office to protect him from the too near approach of those who crowded to this fountain of rehabilitating honor that had recently been opened therein. unused to anything beyond the plantation on which they had been reared, the temple of justice was as strange to their feet, and the ways and forms of ordinary business as marvelous to their minds as the etiquette of the king's palace to a peasant who has only looked from afar upon its pinnacled roof. the recent statute had imposed upon the clerk a labor of no little difficulty because of this very ignorance on the part of those whom he was required to serve; but he was well rewarded. the clerk was a man of portly presence, given to his ease, who smoked a long-stemmed pipe as he sat beside a table which, in addition to his papers and writing materials, held a bucket of water on which floated a clean gourd, in easy reach of his hand. "be you the clerk, sail?" said a straight young colored man, whose clothing had a hint of the soldier in it, as well as his respectful but unusually collected bearing. "yes," said the clerk, just glancing up, but not intermitting his work; "what do you want?" "if you please, sah, we wants to be married, lugena and me." "_registered_, you mean, i suppose?" "no, we don't, sah; we means _married_." "i can't marry you. you'll have to get a license and be married by a magistrate or a minister." "but i heard der was a law---" "have you been living together as man and wife?" "oh, yes, sah; dat we hab, dis smart while." "then you want to be registered. this is the place. got a half-dollar?" "yes, sah?" "let's have it." the colored man took out some bills, and with much difficulty endeavored to make a selection; finally, handing one doubtfully toward the clerk, he asked, "is dat a one-dollah, sah?" "no, that is a five, but i can change it." "no, i'se got it h'yer," said the other hastily, as he dove again into his pockets, brought out some pieces of fractional currency and handed them one by one to the officer until he said he had enough. "well," said the clerk as he took up his pen and prepared to fill out the blank, "what is your name?" "my name's nimbus, sah." "nimbus what?" "nimbus nuffin', sah; jes' nimbus." "but you must have another name?" "no i hain't. jes' wore dat fer twenty-odd years, an' nebber hed no udder." "who do you work for?" "wuk for myself, sah." "well, on whose land do you work?" "wuks on my own, sah. oh, i libs at home an' boa'ds at de same place, i does. an' my name's nimbus, jes' straight along, widout any tail ner handle." "what was your old master's name?" "desmit--colonel potem desmit." "i might have known that," said the clerk laughingly, "from the durned outlandish name. well, desmit is your surname, then, ain't it?" "no'taint, mister. what right i got ter his name? he nebber gib it ter me no more'n he did ter you er lugena h'yer." "pshaw, i can't stop to argue with you. here's your certificate." "will you please read it, sah? i hain't got no larnin'. ef you please, sah." the clerk, knowing it to be the quickest way to get rid of them, read rapidly over the certificate that nimbus and lugena desmit had been duly registered as husband and wife, under the provisions of an ordinance of the convention ratified on the---day of---, . "so you's done put in dat name--desmit?" "oh, i just had to, nimbus. the fact is, a man can't be married according to law without two names." "so hit appears; but ain't it quare dat i should hev ole mahs'r's name widout his gibbin' it ter me, ner my axin' fer it, mister?" "it may be, but that's the way, you see." "so hit seems. 'pears like i'm boun' ter hev mo' names 'n i knows what ter do wid, jes' kase i's free. but de chillen--yer hain't sed nary word about dem, mister." "oh, i've nothing to do with them." "but, see h'yer, mister, ain't de law a doin dis ter make dem lawful chillen?" "certainly." "an' how's de law ter know which is de lawful chillen ef hit ain't on dat ar paper?" "sure enough," said the clerk, with amusement. "that would have been a good idea, but, you see, nimbus, the law didn't go that far." "wal, hit ought ter hev gone dat fur. now, mister clerk, couldn't you jes' put dat on dis yer paper, jes' ter "commodate me, yer know." "perhaps so," good-naturedly, taking back the certificate; "what do you want me to write?" "wal, yer see, dese yer is our chillen. dis yer boy lone--axylone, marse desmit called him, but we calls him lone for short--he's gwine on fo'; dis yer gal wicey, she's two past; and dis little brack cuss lugena's a-holdin' on, we call cap'n, kase he bosses all on us--he's nigh 'bout a year; an' dat's all." the clerk entered the names and ages of the children on the back of the paper, with a short certificate that they were present, and were acknowledged as the children, and the only ones, of the parties named in the instrument. and so the slave nimbus was transformed, first into the "contraband" and mercenary soldier _george nimbus_, and then by marriage into _nimbus desmit_. chapter vi. the toga virilis. but the transformations of the slave were not yet ended. the time came when he was permitted to become a citizen. for two years he had led an inchoate, nondescript sort of existence: free without power or right; neither slave nor freeman; neither property nor citizen. he had been, meanwhile, a bone of contention between the provisional governments of the states and the military power which controlled them. the so-called state governments dragged him toward the whipping-post and the black codes and serfdom. they denied him his oath, fastened him to the land, compelled him to hire by the year, required the respectfulness of the old slave "mahs'r" and "missus," made his employer liable for his taxes, and allowed recoupment therefor; limited his avocations and restricted his opportunities. these would substitute serfdom for chattelism. on the other hand the freedman's bureau acted as his guardian and friend, looked after his interests in contracts, prohibited the law's barbarity, and insisted stubbornly that the freedman was a man, and must be treated as such. it needed only the robe of citizenship, it was thought, to enable him safely to dispense with the one of these agencies and defy the other. so the negro was transformed into a citizen, a voter, a political factor, by act of congress, with the aid and assistance of the military power. a great crowd had gathered at the little town of melton, which was one of the chief places of the county of horsford, for the people had been duly notified by official advertisement that on this day the board of registration appointed by the commander of the military district in which horsford county was situated would convene there, to take and record the names, and pass upon the qualifications, of all who desired to become voters of the new body politic which was to be erected therein, or of the old one which was to be reconstructed and rehabilitated out of the ruins which war had left. the first provision of the law was that every member of such board of registration should be able to take what was known in those days as the "iron-clad oath," that is, an oath that he had never engaged in, aided, or abetted any rebellion against the government of the united states. men who could do this were exceedingly difficult to find in some sections. of course there were abundance of colored men who could take this oath, but not one in a thousand of them could read or write. the military commander determined, however, to select in every registration district one of the most intelligent of this class, in order that he might look after the interests of his race, now for the first time to take part in any public or political movement. this would greatly increase the labors of the other members of the board, yet was thought not only just but necessary. as the labor of recording the voters of a county was no light one, especially as the lists had to be made out in triplicate, it was necessary to have some clerical ability on the board. these facts often made the composition of these boards somewhat heterogeneous and peculiar. the one which was to register the voters of horsford consisted of a little old white man, who had not enough of stamina or character to have done or said anything in aid of rebellion, and who, if he had done the very best he knew, ought yet to have been held guiltless of evil accomplished. in his younger days he had been an overseer, but in his later years had risen to the dignity of a landowner and the possession of one or two slaves. he wrestled with the mysteries of the printed page with a sad seriousness which made one regret his inability to remember what was at the top until he had arrived at the bottom. writing was a still more solemn business with him, but he was a brave man and would cheerfully undertake to transcribe a list of names, which he well knew that anything less than eternity would be too short to allow him to complete. he was a small, thin-haired, squeaky-voiced bachelor of fifty, and as full of good intentions as the road to perdition. if tommy glass ever did any evil it would not only be without intent but from sheer accident. with tommy was associated an old colored man, one of those known in that region as "old-issue free-niggers." old pharaoh ray was a venerable man. he had learned to read before the constitution of deprived the free-negro of his vote, and had read a little since. he wore an amazing pair of brass-mounted spectacles. his head was surmounted by a mass of snowy hair, and he was of erect and powerful figure despite the fact that he boasted a life of more than eighty years. he read about as fast and committed to memory more easily than his white associate, glass. in writing they were about a match; pharaoh wrote his name much more legibly than glass could, but glass accomplished the task in about three fourths of the time required by pharaoh. the third member of the board was captain theron pardee, a young man who had served in the federal army and afterward settled in an adjoining county. he was the chairman. he did the writing, questioning, and deciding, and as each voter had to be sworn he utilized his two associates by requiring them to administer the oaths and--look wise. the colored man in about two weeks learned these oaths so that he could repeat them. the white man did not commit the brief formulas in the four weeks they were on duty. the good people of melton were greatly outraged that this composite board should presume to come and pass upon the qualifications of its people as voters under the act of congress, and indeed it was a most ludicrous affair. the more they contemplated the outrage that was being done to them, by decreeing that none should vote who had once taken an oath to support the government of the united states and afterward aided the rebellion, the angrier they grew, until finally they declared that the registration should not be held. then there were some sharp words between the ex-federal soldier and the objectors. as no house could be procured for the purpose, he proposed to hold the registration on the porch of the hotel where he stopped, but the landlord objected. then he proposed to hold it on the sidewalk under a big tree, but the town authorities declared against it. however, he was proceeding there, when an influential citizen kindly came forward and offered the use of certain property under his control. there was some clamor, but the gentleman did not flinch. thither they adjourned, and the work went busily on. among others who came to be enrolled as citizens was our old friend nimbus. "where do you live?" asked the late northern soldier sharply, as nimbus came up in. his turn in the long line of those waiting for the same purpose. "down ter red wing, sah?" "where's that?" "oh, right down h'yer on hyco, sah." "in this county?" "oh, bless yer, yes, mister, should tink hit was. hit's not above five or six miles out from h'yer." "how old are you?" "wal, now, i don't know dat, not edzactly." "how old do you think--twenty-one?" "oh, la, yes; more nor dat, cap'." "born where?" "right h'yer in horsford, sah." "what is your name?" "nimbus." "nimbus what?" asked the officer, looking up. "nimbus nothin', sah; jes' straight along nimbus." "well, but--" said the officer, looking puzzled, "you must have some sort of surname." "no, sah, jes' one; nigger no use for two names." "yah! yah! yah!" echoed the dusky crowd behind him. "you's jes' right dah, you is! niggah mighty little use fer heap o' names. jes' like a mule--one name does him, an' mighty well off ef he's 'lowed ter keep dat." "his name's desmit," said a white man, the sheriff of the county, who stood leaning over the railing; "used to belong to old potem desmit, over to louisburg. mighty good nigger, too. i s'pec' ole man desmit felt about as bad at losing him as ary one he had." "powerful good hand in terbacker," said mr. glass, who was himself an expert in "yaller leaf." "ther' wasn't no better ennywhar' round." "i knows all about him," said another. "seed a man offer old desmit eighteen hundred dollars for him afore the war--state money--but he wouldn't tech it. reckon he wishes he had now." "yes," said the sheriff, "he's the best curer in the county. commands almost any price in the season, but is powerful independent, and gittin' right sassy. listen at him now?" "they say your name is desmit--nimbus desmit," said the officer; "is that so?" "no, tain't." "wasn't that your old master's name?" asked the sheriff roughly. "co'se it war," was the reply. "well, then, ain't it yours too?" "no, it ain't." "well, you just ask the gentleman if that ain't so," said the sheriff, motioning to the chairman of the board. "well," said that officer, with a peculiar smile, "i do not know that there is any law compelling a freedman to adopt his former master's name. he is without name in the law, a pure _nullius filius_--nobody's son. as a slave he had but one name. he _could_ have no surname, because he had no family. he was arraigned, tried, and executed as 'jim' or 'bill' or 'tom.' the volumes of the reports are full of such cases, as the state _vs._ 'dick' or 'sam.' the roman custom was for the freedman to take the name of some friend, benefactor, or patron. i do not see why the american freedman has not a right to choose his own surname." "that is not the custom here," said the sheriff, with some chagrin, he having begun the controversy. "very true," replied the chairman; "the custom--and a very proper and almost necessary one it seems--is to call the freedman by a former master's name. this distinguishes individuals. but when the freedman refuses to acknowledge the master's name as his, who can impose it on him? we are directed to register the names of parties, and while we might have the right to refuse one whom we found attempting to register under a false name, yet we have no power to make names for those applying. indeed, if this man insists that he has but one name, we must, for what i can see, register him by that alone." his associates looked wise, and nodded acquiescence in the views thus expressed. "den dat's what i chuse," said the would-be voter. "my name's nimbus--noffin' mo'." "but i should advise you to take another name to save trouble when you come to vote," said the chairman. his associates nodded solemnly again. "wal, now, marse cap'n, you jes' see h'yer. i don't want ter carry nobody's name widout his leave. s'pose i take ole marse war's name ober dar?" "you can take any one you choose. i shall write down the one you give me." "is you willin', marse war'?" "i've nothing to do with it, nimbus," said ware; "fix your own name." "wal sah," said nimbus, "i reckon i'll take dat ef i must hev enny mo' name. yer see he wuz my ole oberseer, mahs'r, an' wuz powerful good ter me, tu. i'd a heap ruther hev his name than marse desmit's; but i don't _want_ no name but nimbus, nohow. "all right," said the chairman, as he made the entry. "ware it is then." as there might be a poll held at red wing, where nimbus lived, he was given a certificate showing that _nimbus ware_ had been duly registered as an elector of the county of horsford and for the precinct of red wing. then the newly-named nimbus was solemnly sworn by the patriarchal pharaoh to bear true faith and allegiance to the government of the united states, and to uphold its constitution and the laws passed in conformity therewith; and thereby the recent slave became a component factor of the national life, a full-fledged citizen of the american republic. as he passed out, the sheriff said to those about him, in a low tone, "there'll be trouble with that nigger yet. he's too sassy. you'll see." "how so?" asked the chairman. "i thought you said he was industrious, thrifty, and honest." "oh, yes," was the reply, "there ain't a nigger in the county got a better character for honesty and hard work than he, but he's too important--has got the big head, as we call it." "i don't understand what you mean," said the chairman. "why he ain't respectful," said the other. "talks as independent as if he was a white man." "well, he has as much right to talk independently as a white man. he is just as free," said the chairman sharply. "yes; but he ain't white," said the sheriff doggedly, "and our people won't stand a nigger's puttin' on such airs. why, captain," he continued in a tone which showed that he felt that the fact he was about to announce must carry conviction even to the incredulous heart of the yankee officer. "you just ought to see his place down at red wing. damned if he ain't better fixed up than lots of white men in the county. he's got a good house, and a terbacker-barn, and a church, and a nigger school-house, and stock, and one of the finest crops of terbacker in the county. oh, i tell you, he's cutting a wide swath, he is." "you don't tell me," said the chairman with interest. "i am glad to hear it. there appears to be good stuff in the fellow. he seems to have his own ideas about things, too." "yes, that's the trouble," responded the sheriff. "our people ain't used to that and won't stand it. he's putting on altogether too much style for a nigger." "pshaw," said the chairman, "if there were more like him it would be better for everybody. a man like him is worth something for an example. if all the race were of his stamp there would be more hope." "the devil!" returned the sheriff, with a sneering laugh, "if they were all like him, a white man couldn't live in the country. they'd be so damned sassy and important that we'd have to kill the last one of 'em to have any peace." "fie, sheriff," laughed the chairman good-naturedly; "you seem to be vexed at the poor fellow for his thrift, and because he is doing well." "i am a white man, sir; and i don't like to see niggers gittin' above us. them's my sentiments," was the reply. "and that's the way our people feel." there was a half-suppressed murmur of applause among the group of white men at this. the chairman responded, "no doubt, and yet i believe you are wrong. now, i can't help liking the fellow for his sturdy manhood. he may be a trifle too positive, but it is a good fault. i think he has the elements of a good citizen, and i can't understand why you feel so toward him." there were some appreciative and good-natured cries of "dar now," "listen at him," "now you're talkin'," from the colored men at this reply. "oh, that's because you're a yankee," said the sheriff, with commiserating scorn. "you don't think, now, that it's any harm to talk that way before niggers and set them against the white people either, i suppose?" the chairman burst into a hearty laugh, as he replied, "no, indeed, i don't. if you call that setting the blacks against the whites, the sooner they are by the ears the better. if you are so thin-skinned that you can't allow a colored man to think, talk, act, and prosper like a man, the sooner you get over your squeamishness the better. for me, i am interested in this nimbus. we have to go to red wing and report on it as a place for holding a poll and i am bound to see more of him." "oh, you'll see enough of him if you go there, never fear," was the reply. there was a laugh from the white men about the sheriff, a sort of cheer from the colored men in waiting, and the business of the board went on without further reference to the new-made citizen. the slave who had been transformed into a "contraband" and mustered as a soldier under one name, married under another, and now enfranchised under a third, returned to his home to meditate upon his transformations--as we found him doing in our first chapter. the reason for these metamorphoses, and their consequences, might well puzzle a wiser head than that of the many-named but unlettered nimbus. chapter vii. damon and pythias. after his soliloquy in regard to his numerous names, as given in our first chapter, nimbus turned away from the gate near which he had been standing, crossed the yard in front of his house, and entered a small cabin which stood near it. "dar! 'liab," he said, as he entered and handed the paper which he had been examining to the person addressed, "i reckon i'se free now. i feel ez ef i wuz 'bout half free, ennyhow. i wuz a sojer, an' fought fer freedom. i've got my house an' bit o' lan', wife, chillen, crap, an' stock, an' it's all mine. an' now i'se done been registered, an' when de 'lection comes off, kin vote jes' ez hard an' ez well an' ez often ez ole marse desmit. i hain't felt free afore--leastways i hain't felt right certain on't; but now i reckon i'se all right, fact an' truth. what you tinks on't, 'liab?" the person addressed was sitting on a low seat under the one window which was cut into the west side of the snugly-built log cabin. the heavy wooden shutter swung back over the bench. on the other side of the room was a low cot, and a single splint-bottomed chair stood against the open door. the house contained no other furniture. the bench which he occupied was a queer compound of table, desk, and work-bench. it had the leathern seat of a shoemaker's bench, except that it was larger and wider. as the occupant sat with his back to the window, on his left were the shallow boxes of a shoemaker's bench, and along its edge the awls and other tools of that craft were stuck in leather loops secured by tacks, as is the custom of the crispin the world over. on the right was a table whose edge was several inches above the seat, and on which were some books, writing materials, a slate, a bundle of letters tied together with a piece of shoe-thread, and some newspapers and pamphlets scattered about in a manner which showed at a glance that the owner was unaccustomed to their care, but which is yet quite indescribable. on the wall above this table, but within easy reach of the sitter's hand, hung a couple of narrow hanging shelves, on which a few books were neatly arranged. one lay open on the table, with a shoemaker's last placed across it to prevent its closing. eliab was already busily engaged in reading the certificate which nimbus had given him. the sun, now near its setting, shone in at the open door and fell upon him as he read. he was a man apparently about the age of nimbus--younger rather than older--having a fine countenance, almost white, but with just enough of brown in its sallow paleness to suggest the idea of colored blood, in a region where all degrees of admixture were by no means rare. a splendid head of black hair waved above his broad, full forehead, and an intensely black silky beard and mustache framed the lower portion of his face most fittingly. his eyes were soft and womanly, though there was a patient boldness about their great brown pupils and a directness of gaze which suited well the bearded face beneath. the lines of suffering were deeply cut upon the thoughtful brow and around the liquid eyes, and showed in the mobile workings of the broad mouth, half shaded by the dark mustache. the face was not a handsome one, but there was a serious and earnest calmness about it which gave it an unmistakable nobility of expression and prompted one to look more closely at the man and his surroundings. the shoulders were broad and square, the chest was full, the figure erect, and the head finely poised. he was dressed with unusual neatness for one of his race and surroundings, at the time of which we write. one comprehended at a glance that this worker and learner was also deformed. there was that in his surroundings which showed that he was not as other men. the individuality of weakness and suffering had left its indelible stamp upon the habitation which he occupied. yet so erect and self-helping in appearance was the figure on the cobbler's bench that one for a moment failed to note in what the affliction consisted. upon closer observation he saw that the lower limbs were sharply flexed and drawn to the leftward, so that the right foot rested on its side under the left thigh. this inclined the body somewhat to the right, so that the right arm rested naturally upon the table for support when not employed. these limbs, especially below the knees, were shrunken and distorted. the shoe of the right foot whose upturned sole rested on the left leg just above the ankle, was many sizes too small for a development harmonious with the trunk. nimbus sat down in the splint-bottomed chair by the door and fanned himself with his dingy hat while the other read. "how is dis, nimbus? what does dis mean? _nimbus ware?_ where did you get dat name?" he asked at length, raising his eyes and looking in pained surprise toward the new voter. "now, bre'er 'liab, don't talk dat 'ere way ter nimbus, ef yo please. don't do it now. yer knows i can't help it. ebberybody want ter call me by ole mahs'r's name, an' dat i can't abide nohow; an' when i kicks 'bout it, dey jes gib me some odder one, dey all seems ter tink i'se boun' ter hev two names, though i hain't got no manner o' right ter but one." "but how did you come to have dis one--ware?" persisted eliab. "wal, you see, bre'er 'liab, de boss man at der registerin' he ax me fer my las' name, an' i tell him i hadn't got none, jes so. den sheriff gleason, he put in his oar, jes ez he allus does, an' he say my name wuz _desmit,_ atter ole mahs'r. dat made me mad, an' i 'spute him, an' sez i, 'i won't hev no sech name'. den de boss man, he shet up marse gleason purty smart like, and _he_ sed i'd a right ter enny name i chose ter carry, kase nobody hadn't enny sort o' right ter fasten enny name at all on ter me 'cept myself. but he sed i'd better hev two, kase most other folks hed 'em. so i axed marse si war' ef he'd lend me his name jes fer de 'casion, yer know, an' he sed he hadn't no 'jection ter it. so i tole der boss man ter put it down, an' i reckon dar 'tis." "yes, here it is, sure 'nough, nimbus; but didn't you promise me you wouldn't have so many names?" "co'se i did; an' i did try, but they all 'llowed i got ter have two names whe'er er no." "then why didn't you take your old mahs'r's name, like de rest, and not have all dis trouble?" "now, 'liab, yer knows thet i won't nebber do dat." "but why not, nimbus?" "kase i ain't a-gwine ter brand my chillen wid no sech slave-mark! nebber! you hear dat, 'liab? i hain't got no ill-will gin marse desmit, not a mite--only 'bout dat ar lickin, an' dat ain't nuffin now; but i ain't gwine ter war his name ner giv it ter my chillen ter mind 'em dat der daddy wuz jes anudder man's critter one time. i tell you i can't do hit, nohow; an' i _won't,_ bre'er 'liab. i don't hate marse desmit, but i does hate slavery--dat what made me his--worse'n a pilot hates a rattlesnake; an' i hate everyting dat 'minds me on't, i do!" the black samson had risen in his excitement and now sat down upon the bench by the other. "i don't blame you for dat, nimbus, but--" "i don't want to heah no 'buts' 'bout it, an' i won't." "but the chillen, nimbus. you don't want dem to be different from others and have no surname?" "dat's a fac', 'liab," said nimbus, springing to his feet. "i nebber t'ought o' dat. dey must hev a name, an' i mus' hev one ter gib 'em, but how's i gwine ter git one? dar's nobody's got enny right ter gib me one, an' ef i choose one dis week what's ter hender my takin' ob anudder nex week?" "perhaps nothing," answered 'liab, "but yourself. you must not do it." "pshaw, now," said nimbus, "' what sort o' way is dat ter hev things? i tell ye what orter been done, 'liab; when de law married us all, jes out of han' like, it orter hev named us too. hit mout hev been done, jes ez well's not. dar's old mahs'r now, he'd hev named all de niggas in de county in a week, easy. an' dey'd been good names, too." "but you'd have bucked at it ef he had," said 'liab, good-naturedly. "no i wouldn't, 'liab. i hain't got nuffin 'gin ole mahrs'r. he war good enough ter me--good 'nuff. i only hate what _made_ him 'old mahs'r,' an' dat i does hate. oh, my god, how i does hate it, liab! i hates de berry groun' dat a slave's wukked on! i do, i swar! when i wuz a-comin' home to-day an' seed de gullies 'long der way, hit jes made me cuss, kase dey wuz dar a-testifyin' ob de ole time when a man war a critter--a dog--a nuffin!" "now you oughtn't to say dat, nimbus. just think of me. warn't you better off as a slave than i am free?" "no, i warn't. i'd ruther be a hundred times wuss off ner you, an' free, than ez strong as i am an' a slave." "but think how much more freedom is worth to you. here you are a voter, and i--" "bre'er 'liab," exclaimed nimbus, starting suddenly up, "what for you no speak 'bout dat afore. swar to god i nebber tink on't--not a word, till dis bressed minit. why didn't yer say nuffin' 'bout bein' registered yo'self, eh? yer knowed i'd a tuk yer ef i hed ter tote ye on my back, which i wouldn't. i wouldn't gone a step widout yer ef i'd only a t'ought. yer knows i wouldn't." "course i does, nimbus, but i didn't want ter make ye no trouble, nor take the mule out of the crap," answered 'liab apologetically. "damn de crap!" said nimbus impetuously. "don't; don't swear, nimbus, if you please." "can't help it, 'liab, when you turn fool an' treat me dat 'ere way. i'd swar at ye ef yer wuz in de pulpit an' dat come ober me, jes at de fust. yer knows nimbus better ner dat. now see heah, 'liab hill, yer's gwine ter go an' be registered termorrer, jes ez sure ez termorrer comes. here we thick-headed dunces hez been up dar to-day a-takin' de oath an' makin' bleve we's full grown men, an' here's you, dat knows more nor a ten-acre lot full on us, a lyin' here an' habin' no chance at all." "but you want to get de barn full, and can't afford to spend any more time," protested 'liab. "nebber you min' 'bout de barn. dat's nimbus' business, an" he'll take keer on't. let him alone fer dat. yis, honey, i'se comin' d'reckly!" he shouted, as his wife called him from his own cabin. "now bre'er 'liab, yer comes ter supper wid us. lugena's jes' a callin' on't." "oh, don't, nimbus," said the other, shrinking away. "i can't! you jes send one of the chillen in with it, as usual." "no yer don't," said nimbus; "yer's been a scoldin' an' abusin' me all dis yer time, an' now i'se gwine ter hab my way fer a little while." he went to the door and called: "gena! _oh,_ gena!" and as his wife did not answer, he said to one of his children, "_oh,_ axylone, jes run inter de kitchen, son, an' tell yer ma ter put on anudder plate, fer bre'er 'liab's comin' ober ter take a bite wid us." eliab kept on protesting, but it was in vain. nimbus bent over him as tenderly as a mother over the cradle of her first-born, clasped his arms about him, and lifting him from the bench bore him away to his own house. with an unconscious movement, which was evidently acquired by long experience, the afflicted man cast one arm over nimbus' shoulder, put the other around him, and leaning across the stalwart breast of his friend so evenly distributed his weight that the other bore him with ease. entering his own house, nimbus placed his burden in the chair at the head of the table, while he himself took his seat on one of the wooden benches at the side. "i jes brought bre'er 'liab in ter supper, honey," said he to his wife; "kase i see'd he war gettin' inter de dumps like, an' i 'llowed yer'd chirk him up a bit ef yer jes hed him over h'yer a while." "shan't do it," said the bright-eyed woman saucily. "kase why?" queried her husband. "kase bre'er 'liab don't come oftener. dat's why." "dar, now, jes see what yer done git fer being so contrary-like, will yer?" said the master to his guest. h'yer, you axylone," he continued to his eldest born, " fo'd up yer han's while bre'er 'liab ax de blessin'. you, too, capting," shaking his finger at a roll of animated blackness on the end of the seat opposite. "now, bre'er 'liab." the little black fingers were interlocked, the close-clipped, kinky heads were bowed upon them; the master of the house bent reverently over his plate; the plump young wife crossed her hands demurely on the bright handle of the big coffee-pot by which she stood, and "bre'er 'liab," clasping his slender fingers, uplifted his eyes and hands to heaven, and uttered a grace which grew into a prayer. his voice was full of thankfulness, and tears crept from under his trembling lids. the setting sun, which looked in upon the peaceful scene, no doubt flickered and giggled with laughter as he sank to his evening couch with the thought, "how quick these 'sassy' free-niggers do put on airs like white folks!" in the tobacco-field on the hillside back of his house, nimbus and his wife, lugena, wrought in the light of the full moon nearly all the night which followed, and early on the morrow nimbus harnessed his mule into his canvas-covered wagon, in which, upon a bed of straw, reclined his friend eliab hill, and drove again to the place of registration. on arriving there he took his friend in his arms, carried him in and sat him on the railing before the board. clasping the blanket close about his deformed extremities the cripple leaned upon his friend's shoulder and answered the necessary questions with calmness and precision. "there's a pair for you, captain," said gleason, nodding good-naturedly toward nimbus as he bore his helpless charge again to the wagon. "is he white?" asked the officer, with a puzzled look. "white?" exclaimed sheriff gleason, with a laugh. "no, indeed! he's a nigger preacher who lives with nimbus down at red wing. they're great cronies--always together. i expect he's at the bottom of all the black nigger's perversity, though he always seems as smooth and respectful as you please. he's a deep one. i 'llow he does all the scheming, and just makes nimbus a cat's-paw to do his work. i don't know much about him, though. he hardly ever talks with anybody." "he seems a very remarkable man," said the officer. "oh, he is," said the sheriff. "even in slave times he was a very influential man among the niggers, and since freedom he and nimbus together rule the whole settlement. i don't suppose there are ten white men in the county who could control, square out and out, as many votes as these two will have in hand when they once get to voting." "was he a slave? what is his history?" "i don't exactly know," answered the sheriff. "he is quite a young man, and somehow i never happened to hear of him till some time during the war. then he was a sort of prophet among them, and while he did a power of praying for you yanks, he always counselled the colored people to be civil and patient, and not try to run away or go to cutting up, but just to wait till the end came. he was just right, too, and his course quieted the white folks down here on the river, where there was a big slave population, more than a little." "i should like to know more of him," said the chairman. "all right," said gleason, looking around. "if hesden le moyne is here, i'll get him to tell you all about him, at noon. if he is not here then, he will come in before night, i'm certain." chapter viii. a friendly prologue. as they went from the place of registration to their dinner at the hotel, the sheriff, walking beside the chairman, said: "i spoke to le moyne about that negro fellow, eliab hill, and he says he's very willing to tell you all he knows about him; but, as there are some private matters connected with the story, he prefers to come to your room after dinner, rather than speak of it more publicly." "i am sure i shall be much obliged to him if he will do so," said pardee. "you will find him one of the very finest men you ever met, i'm thinking," continued gleason. "his father, casaubon le moyne, was very much of a gentleman. he came from virginia, and was akin to the le moynes of south carolina, one of the best of those old french families that brag so much of their huguenot blood. i never believed in it myself, but they are a mighty elegant family; no doubt of that. i've got the notion that they were not as well off as they might be. perhaps the family got too big for the estate. that would happen with these old families, you know; but they were as high-toned and honorable as if their fore-bears had been kings. not proud, i don't mean--not a bit of that--but high-spirited and hot-tempered. "his mother was a richards--hester richards--the daughter of old man jeems richards. the family was a mighty rich one; used to own all up and down the river on both sides, from red wing to mulberry hill, where hesden now lives. richards had a big family of boys and only one gal, who was the youngest. the boys was all rather tough customers, i've heard say, taking after their father, who was about as hard a man to get along with as was ever in this country. he came from up north somewhere about , when everybody thought this pea-vine country was a sort of new garden of eden. he was a well educated and capable man, but had a terrible temper. he let the boys go to the devil their own way, just selling off a plantation now and then and paying their debts. he had so much land that it was a good thing for him to get rid of it. but he doted on the gal, and sent her off to school and travelled with her and give her every sort of advantage. she was a beauty, and as sweet and good as she was pretty. how she come to marry casaubon le moyne nobody ever knew; but it's just my opinion that it was because they loved each other, and nothing else. they certainly were the best matched couple that i ever saw. they had but one child--this young man hesden. his mother was always an invalid after his birth; in fact hasn't walked a step since that time. she was a very remarkable woman. though, and in spite of her sickness took charge of her son's education and fitted him for college all by herself. the boy grew up sorter quiet like, probably on account of being in his mother's sick room so much; but there wasn't anything soft about him, after all. "the old man casaubon was a unioner--the strongest kind. mighty few of them in this county, which was one of the largest slave-holding counties in the state. it never had anything but a big democratic majority in it, in the old times. i think the old man le moyne, run for the legislature here some seven times befo're he was elected, and then it was only on his personal popularity. that was the only time the county ever had a whig representative even. when the war came on, the old man was right down sick. i do believe he saw the end from the beginning. i've heard him tell things almost to a fraction jest as they came out afterward. well, the young man hesden, he had his father's notions, of course, but he was pluck. he couldn't have been a le moyne, or a richards either, without that. i remember, not long after the war begun--perhaps in the second year, before the conscription came on, anyhow--he came into town riding of a black colt that he had raised. i don't think it had been backed more than a few times, and it was just as fine as a fiddle. i've had some fine horses myself, and believe i know what goes to make up a good nag, but i've never seen one that suited my notion as well as that black. le moyne had taken a heap of pains with him. a lot of folks gathered 'round and was admiring the beast, and asking questions about his pedigree and the like, when all at once a big, lubberly fellow named timlow--jay timlow--said it was a great pity that such a fine nag should belong to a union man an' a traitor to his country. you know, captain, that's what we called union men in them days. he hadn't more'n got the words out of his mouth afore hesden hit him. i'd no idea he could strike such a blow. timlow was forty pounds heavier than he, but it staggered him back four or five steps, and le moyne follered him up, hitting just about as fast as he could straighten his arm, till he dropped. the queerest thing about it was that the horse follered right along, and when timlow come down with his face all battered up, and le moyne wheeled about and started over to the court house, the horse kept on follerin' him up to the very steps. le moyne went into the court house and stayed about ten minutes. then he came out and walked straight across the square to where the crowd was around timlow, who had been washing the blood off his face at the pump. le moyne was as white as a sheet, and timlow was jest a-cussing his level best about what he would do when he sot eyes on him again. i thought there might be more trouble, and i told timlow to hush his mouth--i was a deputy then--and then i told le moyne he mustn't come any nearer. he was only a few yards away, with a paper in his hand, and that horse just behind him. he stopped when i called him, and said: "'you needn't fear my coming for any further difficulty, gentlemen. i merely want to say'--and he held up the paper--' that i have enlisted in the army of the confederate states, and taken this horse to ride--given him to the government. and i want to say further, that if jay timlow wants to do any fighting, and will go and enlist, i'll furnish him a horse, too.' "with that he jumped on his horse and rode away, followed by a big cheer, while jay timlow stood on the pump platform sopping his head with his handkerchief, his eyes as big as saucers, as they say, from surprise. we were all surprised, for that matter. as soon as we got over that a little we began to rally timlow over the outcome of his little fracas. there wasn't no such timber in him as in young le moyne, of course--a big beefy fellow--but he couldn't stand that, and almost before we had got well started he put on his hat, looked round at the crowd a minute, and said, 'damned if i don't do it!' he marched straight over to the court house and did it, too. "le moyne stood up to his bargain, and they both went out in the same company a few days afterward. they became great friends, and they do say the confederacy had mighty few better soldiers than those two boys. le moyne was offered promotion time and again, but he wouldn't take it. he said he didn't like war, didn't believe in it, and didn't want no responsibility only for himself. just about the last fighting they had over about appomattox--perhaps the very day before the surrender--he lost that horse and his left arm a-fighting over that same jay timlow, who had got a ball in the leg, and le moyne was trying to keep him out of the hands of you yanks. "he got back after a while, and has been living with his mother on the old plantation ever since. he married a cousin just before he went into the service--more to have somebody to leave with his ma than because he wanted a wife, folks said. the old man, colonel casaubon, died during the war. he never seemed like himself after the boy went into the army. i saw him once or twice, and i never did see such a change in any man. le moyne's wife died, too. she left a little boy, who with le moyne and his ma are all that's left of the family. i don't reckon there ever was a man thought more of his mother, or had a mother more worth setting store by, than hesden le moyne." they had reached the hotel when this account was concluded, and after dinner the sheriff came to the captain's room and introduced a slender young man in neatly fitting jeans, with blue eyes, a dark brown beard, and an empty coat-sleeve, as mr. hesden le moyne. he put his felt hat under the stump of his left arm and extended his right hand as he said simply: "the sheriff said you wished to see me about eliab hill." "i did," was the response; "but after what he has told me, i desired to see you much more for yourself." the sheriff withdrew, leaving them alone together, and they fell to talking of army life at once, as old soldiers always will, each trying to locate the other in the strife which they had passed through on opposite sides. chapter ix. a bruised reed. "eliab hill," said le moyne, when they came at length to the subject in relation to which the interview had been solicited, "was born the slave of potem desmit, on his plantation knapp-of-reeds, in the lower part of the county. his mother was a very likely woman, considerable darker than he, but still not more than a quadroon, i should say. she was brought from colonel desmit's home plantation to knapp-of-reeds some little time before her child was born. it was her first child, i believe, and her last one. she was a very slender woman, and though not especially unhealthy, yet never strong, being inclined to consumption, of which she finally died. of course his paternity is unknown, though rumor has not been silent in regard to it. it is said that a stubborn refusal on his mother's part to reveal it led colonel desmit, in one of his whimsical moods, to give the boy the name he bears. however, he was as bright a child as ever frolicked about a plantation till he was some five or six years old. his mother had been a house-servant before she was sent to knapp-of-reeds, and being really a supernumerary there, my father hired her a year or two afterward as a nurse for my mother, who has long been an invalid, as you may be aware." his listener nodded assent, and he went on: "her child was left at knapp-of-reeds, but saturday nights it was brought over to stay the sunday with her, usually by this boy nimbus, who was two or three years older than he. the first i remember of his misfortune was one saturday, when nimbus brought him over in a gunny-sack, on his back. it was not a great way, hardly half a mile, but i remember thinking that it was a pretty smart tug for the little black rascal. i was not more than a year or two older than he, myself, and not nearly so strong. "it seems that something had happened to the boy, i never knew exactly what--seems to me it was a cold resulting from some exposure, which settled in his legs, as they say, producing rheumatism or something of that kind--so that he could not walk or hardly stand up. the boy nimbus had almost the sole charge of him during the week, and of course he lacked for intelligent treatment. in fact, i doubt if desmit's overseer knew anything about it until it was too late to do any good. he was a bright, cheerful child, and nimbus was the same dogged, quiet thing he is now. so it went on, until his mother, moniloe, found that he had lost all use of his legs. they were curled up at one side, as you saw them, and while his body has developed well they have grown but little in comparison. "moniloe made a great outcry over the child, to whom she was much attached, and finally wrought upon my father and mother to buy herself and her crippled boy. colonel desmit, on whom the burden of his maintenance would fall, and who saw no method of making him self-supporting, was willing to sell the mother on very moderate terms if my father would take the child and guarantee his support. this was done, and they both became my father's property. neither forgot to be grateful. the woman was my mother's faithful nurse until after the war, when she died, and i have never been able to fill her place completely, since. i think eliab learned his letters, and perhaps to read a little, from me. he was almost always in my mother's room, being brought in and set down upon a sheepskin on one side the fireplace in the morning by his mammy. my mother had great sympathy with his misfortune, the more, i suppose, because of her own very similar affliction. she used to teach him to sew and knit, and finally, despite the law, began to encourage him to read. the neighbors, coming in and finding him with a book in his hands, began to complain of it, and my father, in order to silence all such murmurs, manumitted him square out and gave bonds for his support, as the law required. "as he grew older he remained more and more in his mother's cabin, in one corner of which she had a little elevated platform made for him. he could crawl around the room by means of his hands, and had great skill in clambering about by their aid. when he was about fifteen a shoemaker came to the house to do our plantation work. eliab watched him closely all the first day; on the second desired to help, and before the month had passed was as good a shoemaker as his teacher. from that time he worked steadily at the trade, and managed very greatly to reduce the cost of his support. "he was a strange boy, and he and this fellow nimbus were always together except when prevented by the latter's tasks. a thousand times i have known nimbus to come over long after dark and leave before daylight, in order to stay with his friend over night. not unfrequently he would carry him home upon his back and keep him for several days at knapp-of-reeds, where both were prime favorites, as they were with us also. as they grew older this attachment became stronger. many's the time i have passed there and seen nimbus working in the tobacco and eliab with his hammers and lasts pounding away under a tree near by. having learned to read, the man was anxious to know more. for a time he was indulged, but as the hot times just preceding the war came on, it became indiscreet for him to be seen with a book. "while he was still very young he began to preach, and his ministrations were peculiarly prudent and sensible. his influence with his people, even before emancipation, was very great, and has been increased by his correct and manly conduct since. i regard him, sir, as one of the most useful men in the community. "for some reason, i have never known exactly what, he became anxious to leave my house soon after nimbus' return from the army, although i had offered him the free use of the little shop where he and his mother had lived, as long as he desired. he and nimbus, by some hook or crook, managed to buy the place at red wing. it was a perfectly barren piney old-field then, and not thought of any account except for the timber there was on it. it happened to be at the crossing of two roads, and upon a high sandy ridge, which was thought to be too poor to raise peas on. the man who sold it to them--their old master potem desmit--no doubt thought he was getting two or three prices for it; but it has turned out one of the best tobacco farms in the county. it is between two very rich sections, and in a country having a very large colored population, perhaps the largest in the county, working the river plantations on one side and the creek bottoms on the other. i have heard that nimbus takes great credit to himself for his sagacity in foreseeing the capabilities of red wing. if he really did detect its value at that time, it shows a very fine judgment and accounts for his prosperity since. eliab hill affirms this to be true, but most people think he does the planning for the whole settlement. nimbus has done extremely well, however. he has sold off, i should judge, nearly half his land, in small parcels, has worked hard, and had excellent crops. i should not wonder, if his present crop comes off well and the market holds on, if before christmas he were worth as many thousands as he had hundreds the day he bought that piney old-field. it don't take much tobacco at a dollar a pound, which his last crop brought, lugs and all, to make a man that does his own work and works his own land right well off. he's had good luck, has worked hard, and has either managed well or been well advised; it don't matter which. "he has gathered a good crowd around him too, sober, hard-working men; and most of them have done well too. so that it has become quite a flourishing little settlement. i suppose there are some fifty or sixty families live there. they have a church, which they use for a school-house, and it is by a great deal the best school-house in the county too. of course they got' outside help, some from the bureau, i reckon, and more perhaps from some charitable association. i should think the church or school-house must have cost fifteen hundred or two thousand dollars. they have a splendid school. two ladies from the north are teaching there--real ladies, i should judge, too." the listener smiled at this indorsement. "i see," said le moyne, "it amuses you that i should qualify my words in that manner. it seems unneccessary to you." "entirely so." "well, it may be; but i assure you, sir, we find it hard to believe that any one who will come down here and teach niggers is of very much account at home." "they are generally of the very cream of our northern life," said the other. "i know at this very time the daughters of several prominent clergymen, of two college professors, of a wealthy merchant, of a leading manufacturer, and of several wealthy farmers, who are teaching in these schools. it is missionary work, you see--just as much as going to siam or china. i have never known a more accomplished, devoted, or thoroughly worthy class of ladies, and do not doubt that these you speak of, well deserve your praise without qualification." "well, it may be," said the other dubiously; "but it is hard for us to understand, you know. now, they live in a little old house, which they have fixed up with flowers and one thing and another till it is very attractive--on the outside, at least. i know nothing about the inside since their occupancy. it was a notable place in the old time, but had quite run down before they came. i don't suppose they see a white person once a month to speak to them, unless indeed some of the officers come over from the post at boyleston, now and then. i am sure that no lady would think of visiting them or admitting them to her house. i know a few gentlemen who have visited the school just out of curiosity. indeed, i have ridden over once myself, and i must say it is well worth seeing. i should say there were three or four hundred scholars, of all ages, sizes, and colors--black, brown, white apparently, and all shades of what we used to call 'ginger-cake.' these two ladies and the man eliab teach them. it is perfectly wonderful how they do get on. you ought to see it." "i certainly shall," said pardee, "as a special duty calls me there. how would it do for a polling-place?" "there ought to be one there, but i should be afraid of trouble," answered le moyne seriously. "name me one or two good men for poll-holders, and i will risk any disorder." "well, there is eliab. he's a good man if there ever was one, and capable too." "how about nimbus?" "he's a good man too, honest as the day is long, hard-headed and determined, but he can't read or write." "that is strange." "it _is_ strange, but one of the teachers was telling me so when i was there. i think he has got so that he can sign his first name--his only one, he insists--but that is all, and he cannot read a word." "i should have thought he would have been one of the first to learn that much at least." "so should i. he is the best man of affairs among them all--has good judgment and sense, and is always trying to do something to get on. he says he is 'too busy to get larnin', an' leaves that and preachin' to bre'er' 'liab.'" "do they keep up their former intimacy?" "keep it up? 'liab lives in nimbus' lot, has his meals from his table, and is toted about by nimbus just the same as if they were still boys. nimbus seems to think more of him than he would of a brother--than he does of his brothers, for he has two whom he seems to care nothing about. his wife and children are just as devoted to the cripple as nimbus, and 'liab, on his part, seems to think as much of them as if they were his own. they get along first-rate, and are prospering finely, but i am afraid they will have trouble yet." "why so?" "oh, well, i don't know; they are niggers, you see, and our people are not used to such things." "i hope your apprehensions are groundless." "well, i hope so too." the officer looked at his watch and remarked that he must return to his duty, and after thanking his companion for a pleasant hour, and being invited to call at mulberry hill whenever occasion might serve, the two men parted, each with pleasant impressions of the other. chapter x. an express trust. fortunately for nimbus, he had received scarcely anything of his pay while in the service, and none of the bounty-money due him, until some months after the surrender, when he was discharged at a post near his old home. on the next day it happened that there was a sale of some of the transportation at this post, and through the co-operation of one of his officers he was enabled to buy a good mule with saddle and bridle for a song, and by means of these reached home on the day after. he was so proud of his new acquisition that he could not be induced to remain a single day with his former comrades. he had hardly more than assured himself of the safety of his wife and children before he went to visit his old friend and playmate, eliab hill. he found that worthy in a state of great depression. "you see," he explained to his friend, "mister le moyne" (with a slight emphasis on the title) "bery kindly offered me de use ob dis cabin's long as i might want it, and has furnished me with nearly all i have had since the s'rrender. while my mother lived and he had her services and a well-stocked plantation and plenty ob hands, i didn't hab no fear o' being a burden to him. i knew he would get good pay fer my support, fer i did de shoemakin' fer his people, and made a good many clo'es fer dem too. thanks to miss hester's care, i had learned to use my needle, as you know, an' could do common tailorin' as well as shoemakin'. i got very little fer my wuk but confederate money and provisions, which my mother always insisted that mr. le moyne should have the benefit on, as he had given me my freedom and was under bond for my support. "since de s'rrender, t'ough dere is plenty ob wuk nobody has any money. mr. le moyne is just as bad off as anybody, an' has', to go in debt fer his supplies. his slaves was freed, his wife is dead, he has nobody to wait on miss hester, only as he hires a nuss; his little boy is to take keer on, an' he with only one arm an' jest a bare plantation with scarcely any stock left to him. it comes hard fer me to eat his bread and owe him so much when i can't do nothin' fer him in return. i know he don't mind it, an' b'lieve he would feel hurt if he knew how i feel about it; but i can't help it, nimbus--i can't, no way." "oh, yer mustn't feel that 'ere way, bre'er 'liab," said his friend. "co'se it's hard fer you jes now, an' may be a little rough on marse moyne. but yer mus' member dat atter a little our folks 'll hev money. white folks got ter have wuk done; nebber do it theirselves; you know dat; an' ef we does it now we's boun' ter hev pay fer it. an' when we gits money, you gits wuk. jes' let marse moyne wait till de crap comes off, an' den yer'll make it all squar wid him. i tell yer what, 'liab, it's gwine ter be great times fer us niggers, now we's free. yer sees dat mule out dar?" he asked, pointing to a sleek bay animal which he had tied to the rack in front of the house when he rode up. "yes, o' course i do," said the other, with very little interest in his voice. "likely critter, ain't it?" asked nimbus, with a peculiar tone. "certain. whose is it?" "wal, now, dat's jes edzackly de question i wuz gwine ter ax of you. whose yer spose 'tis?" "i'm sure i don't know. one o' mr. ware's?" "i should tink not, honey; not edzackly now. dat ar mule b'longs ter _me_--nimbus! d'yer h'yer dat, 'liab?" "no! yer don't tell me? bless de lord, nimbus, yer's a fortunit man. yer fortin's made, nimbus. all yer's got ter do is ter wuk fer a livin' de rest of this year, an' then put in a crap of terbacker next year, an' keep gwine on a wukkin' an' savin', an' yer fortin's made. ther ain't no reason why yer shouldn't be rich afore yer's fifty. bless the lord, nimbus, i'se that glad for you dat i can't find no words fer it." the cripple stretched out both hands to his stalwart friend, and the tears which ran down his cheeks attested the sincerity of his words. nimbus took his outstretched hands, held them in his own a moment, then went to the door, looked carefully about, came back again, and with some embarrassment said, "an' dat ain't all, bre'er 'liab. jes' you look dar." as he spoke nimbus took an envelope from the inside pocket of his soldier jacket and laid it on the bench where the other sat. 'liab looked up in surprise, but in obedience to a gesture from nimbus opened it and counted the contents. "mos' five hundred dollars!" he said at length, in amazement. "dis yours too, bre'er nimbus?" "co'se it is. didn't i tell yer dar wuz a good time comin'?" "bre'er nimbus," said eliab solemnly, "you gib me your word you git all dis money honestly?" "co'se i did. yer don't s'pose nimbus am a-gwine ter turn thief at dis day, does yer?" "how you get it?" asked eliab sternly. "how i git it?" answered the other indignantly. "you see dem clo'es? hain't i been a-sojerin' nigh onter two year now? hain't i hed pay an' bounty, an' rations too? one time i wuz cut off from de regiment, an' 'ported missin' nigh bout fo' months afo' i managed ter git over ter port r'yal an' 'port fer duty, an' dey gib me money fer rations all dat time. tell yer, 'liab, it all counts up. i'se spent a heap 'sides dat." still eliab looked incredulous. "you see dat _dis_charge?" said nimbus, pulling the document from his pocket. "you jes look at what de paymaster writ on dat, ef yer don't b'lieve nimbus hez hed any luck. 'sides dat, i'se got de dockyments h'yer ter show jes whar an' how i got dat mule." the care which had been exercised by his officer in providing nimbus with the written evidence of his ownership of the mule was by no means needless. according to the common law, the possession of personal property is _prima facie_ evidence of its ownership; but in those early days, before the nation undertook to spread the aegis of equality over him, such was not the rule in the case of the freedman. those first legislatures, elected only by the high-minded land-owners of the south, who knew the african, his needs and wants, as no one else could know them, and who have always proclaimed themselves his truest friends, enacted with especial care that he should not "hold nor own nor have any rights of property in any horse, mule, hog, cow, steer, or other stock," unless the same was attested by a bill of sale or other instrument of writing executed by the former owner. it was well for nimbus that he was armed with his "dockyments." eliab hill took the papers handed him by nimbus, and read, slowly and with evident difficulty; but as he mastered line after line the look of incredulity vanished, and a glow of solemn joy spread over his face. it was the first positive testimony of actual freedom--the first fruits of self-seeking, self-helping manhood on the part of his race which had come into the secluded country region and gladdened the heart of the stricken prophet and adviser. with a sudden jerk he threw himself off his low bench, and burying his head upon it poured forth a prayer of gratitude for this evidence of prayer fulfilled. his voice was full of tears, and when he said "amen," and nimbus rose from his knees and put forth his hand to help him as he scrambled upon his bench, the cripple caught the hand and pressed it close, as he said: "bress god, nimbus, i'se seen de time often an' often 'nough when i'se hed ter ax de lor' ter keep me from a-envyin' an' grudgin' de white folks all de good chances dey hed in dis world; but now i'se got ter fight agin' covetin' anudder nigga's luck. bress de lor', nimbus, i'se gladder, i do b'lieve, fer what's come ter you dan yer be yerself. it'll do you a power of good--you an' yours--but what good wud it do if a poor crippled feller like me hed it? not a bit. jes' git him bread an' meat, nimbus, dat's all. oh, de lord knows what he's 'bout, nimbus. mind you dat. he didn't give you all dat money fer nothing, an' yer'll hev ter 'count fer it, dat you will; mighty close too, 'kase he keeps his books right. yer must see ter dat, bre'er nimbus." the exhortation was earnestly given, and was enforced with tears and soft strokings of the dark strong hand which he still clasped in his soft and slender ones. "now don't you go ter sayin' nuffin' o' dat kind, ole feller. i'se been a-tinkin' ebber sence i got dat money dat it's jes ez much 'liab's ez'tis mine. ef it hadn't been fer you i'd nebber knowed 'nough ter go ober to de yanks, when ole mahs'r send me down ter wuk on de fo'tifications, an' so i neber git it at all. so now, yer see, bre'er 'liab, _you's_ gwine ter keep dat 'ere money. i don't feel half safe wid it nohow, till we find out jes what we wants ter do wid it. i 'lows dat we'd better buy a plantation somewheres. den i kin wuk it, yer know, an' you kin hev a shop, an' so we kin go cahoots, an' git along right smart. yer see, ef we do dat, we allers hez a livin', anyhow, an' der ain't no such thing ez spendin' an' losin' what we've got." there was great demurrer on the part of the afflicted friend, but he finally consented to become his old crony's banker. he insisted, however, on giving him a very formal and peculiarly worded receipt for the money and papers which he received from him. considering that they had to learn the very rudiments of business, eliab hill was altogether right in insisting upon a scrupulous observance of what he deemed "the form of sound words." in speaking of the son of his former owner as "mister," eliab hill meant to display nothing of arrogance or disrespect. the titles "master" and "missus," were the badges of slavery and inferiority. against their use the mind of the freedman rebelled as instinctively as the dominant race insisted on its continuance. the "black codes" of , the only legislative acts of the south since the war which were not affected in any way by national power or northern sentiment, made it incumbent on the freedman, whom it sought to continue in serfdom, to use this form of address, and denounced its neglect as disrespectful to the "master" or "mistress." when these laws ceased to be operative, the custom of the white race generally was still to demand the observance of the form, and this demand tended to embitter the dislike of the freedmen for it. at first, almost the entire race refused. after a while the habit of generations began to assert itself. while the more intelligent and better educated of the original stock discarded its use entirely, the others, and the children who had grown up since emancipation, came to use it almost interchangeably with the ordinary form of address. thus eliab hill, always nervously alive to the fact of freedom, never allowed the words to pass his lips after the surrender, except when talking with mrs. le moyne, to whose kindness he owed so much-in early years. on the other hand, nimbus, with an equal aversion to everything connected with slavery, but without the same mental activity, sometimes dropped into the old familiar habit. he would have died rather than use the word at another's dictation or as a badge of inferiority, but the habit was too strong for one of his grade of intellect to break away from at once. since the success of the old slaveholding element of the south in subverting the governments based on the equality of political right and power, this form of address has become again almost universal except in the cities and large towns. chapter xi. red wing. situated on the sandy, undulating chain of low, wooded hills which separated the waters of two tributaries of the roanoke, at the point where the "big road" from the west crossed the country road which ran northward along the crest of the ridge, as if in search of dry footing between the rich valleys on either hand, was the place known as red wing. the "big road" had been a thoroughfare from the west in the old days before steam diverted the ways of traffic from the trails which the wild beasts had pursued. it led through the mountain gaps, by devious ways but by easy grades, along the banks of the water-courses and across the shallowest fords down to the rich lowlands of the east. it was said that the buffalo, in forgotten ages, had marked out this way to the ever-verdant reed-pastures of the then unwooded east; that afterward the indians had followed his lead, and, as the season served, had fished upon the waters of currituck or hunted amid the romantic ruggedness of the blue appalachians. it was known that the earlier settlers along the smoky range and on the piedmont foot-hills had used this thoroughfare to take the stock and produce of their farms down to the great plantations of the east, where cotton was king, and to the turpentine orchards of the south atlantic shore line. at the crossing of these roads was situated a single house, which had been known for generations, far and near, as the red wing ordinary. in the old colonial days it had no doubt been a house of entertainment for man and beast. tradition, very well based and universally accepted, declared that along these roads had marched and countermarched the hostile forces of the revolutionary period. greene and cornwallis had dragged their weary columns over the tenacious clay of this region, past the very door of the low-eaved house, built up of heavy logs at first and covered afterward with fat-pine siding, which had itself grown brown and dark with age. it was said that the british regulars had stacked their arms around the trunk of the monster white-oak that stretched its great arms out over the low dark house, which seemed to be creeping nearer and nearer to its mighty trunk for protection, until of late years the spreading branches had dropped their store of glossy acorns and embossed cups even on the farther slope of its mossy roof, a good twenty yards away from the scarred and rugged bole. "two decks and a passage"--two moderate-sized rooms with a wide open pass-way between, and a low dark porch running along the front--constituted all that was left of a once well-known place of public refreshment. at each end a stone chimney, yellowish gray and of a massiveness now wonderful to behold, rose above the gable like a shattered tower above the salient of some old fortress. the windows still retained the little square panes and curious glazing of a century ago. below it, fifty yards away to the eastward, a bold spring burst out of the granite rock, spread deep and still and cool over its white sandy bottom, in the stone-walled inclosure where it was confined (over half of which stood the ample milk-house), and then gurgling along the stony outlet ran away over the ripple-marked sands of its worn channel, to join the waters of the creek a mile away. it was said that in the olden time there had been sheds and out-buildings, and perhaps some tributary houses for the use of lodgers, all of which belonged to and constituted a part of the ordinary. two things had deprived it of its former glory. the mart-way had changed even before the iron horse charged across the old routes, scorning their pretty curves and dashing in an almost direct line from mountain to sea. increasing population had opened new routes, which diverted the traffic and were preferred to the old way by travelers. besides this, there had been a feud between the owner of the ordinary and the rich proprietor whose outspread acres encircled on every side the few thin roods which were attached to the hostel, and when the owner thereof died and the property, in the course of administration, was put upon the market, the rich neighbor bought it, despoiled it of all its accessories, and left only the one building of two rooms below and two above, a kitchen and a log stable, with crib attached, upon the site of the ordinary which had vexed him so long. the others were all cleared away, and even the little opening around the ordinary was turned out to grow up in pines and black-jacks, all but an acre or two of garden-plot behind the house. the sign was removed, and the overseer of colonel walter greer, the new owner, was installed in the house, which thenceforth lost entirely its character as an inn. in the old days, before the use of artificial heat in the curing of tobacco, the heavy, coarse fibre which grew upon rich, loamy bottom lands or on dark clayey hillsides was chiefly prized by the grower and purchaser of that staple. the light sandy uplands, thin and gray, bearing only stunted pines or a light growth of chestnut and clustering chinquapins, interspersed with sour-wood, while here and there a dogwood or a white-coated, white-hearted hickory grew, stubborn and lone, were not at all valued as tobacco lands. the light silky variety of that staple was entirely unknown, and even after its discovery was for a longtime unprized, and its habitat and peculiar characteristics little understood. it is only since the war of rebellion that its excellence has been fully appreciated and its superiority established. the timber on this land was of no value except as wood and for house-logs. of the standard timber tree of the region, the oak, there was barely enough to fence it, should that ever be thought desirable. corn, the great staple of the region next to tobacco, could hardly be "hired" to grow upon the "droughty" soil of the ridge, and its yield of the smaller grains, though much better, was not sufficient to tempt the owner of the rich lands adjacent to undertake its cultivation. this land itself, he thought, was only good "to hold the world together" or make a "wet-weather road" between the rich tracts on either hand. indeed, it was a common saying in that region that it was "too poor even to raise a disturbance upon." to the westward of the road running north and south there had once been an open field of some thirty or forty acres, where the wagoners were wont to camp and the drovers to picket their stock in the halcyon days of the old hostelry. it had been the muster-ground of the militia too, and there were men yet alive, at the time of which we write, whose fathers had mustered with the county forces on that ground. when it was "turned out," however, and the ordinary ceased to be a place of entertainment, the pines shot up, almost as thick as grass-blades in a meadow, over its whole expanse. it is strange how they came there. only black-jacks and the lighter decidua which cover such sandy ridges had grown there before, but after these were cleared away by the hand of man and the plow for a few years had tickled the thin soil, when nature again resumed her sway, she sent a countless army of evergreens, of mysterious origin, to take and hold this desecrated portion of her domain. they sprang up between the corn-rows before the stalks had disappeared from sight; they shot through the charred embers of the deserted camp-fire; everywhere, under the shade of each deciduous bush, protected by the shadow of the rank weeds which sprang up where the stock had fed, the young pines grew, and protected others, and shot slimly up, until their dense growth shut out the sunlight and choked the lately protecting shrubbery. then they grew larger, and the weaker ones were overtopped by the stronger and shut out from the sunlight and starved to death, and their mouldering fragments mingled with the carpet of cones and needles which became thicker and thicker under their shade, until at the beginning of the war a solid, dark mass of pines fit for house-logs, and many even larger, stood upon the old muster-field, and constituted the chief value of the tract of two hundred acres which lay along the west side of the plantation of which it formed a part. it was this tract that nimbus selected as the most advantageous location for himself and his friend which he could find in that region. he rightly judged that the general estimate of its poverty would incline the owner to part with a considerable tract at a very moderate price, especially if he were in need of ready money, as colonel desmit was then reputed to be, on account of the losses he had sustained by the results of the war. his own idea of its value differed materially from this, and he was thoroughly convinced that, in the near future, it would be justified. he was cautious about stating the grounds of this belief even to eliab, having the natural fear of one unaccustomed to business that some other person would get wind of his idea and step into his bethesda while he, himself, waited for the troubling of the waters. he felt himself quite incompetent to conduct the purchase, even with eliab's assistance, and in casting about for some white man whom they could trust to act as their agent, they could think of no one but hesden le moyne. it was agreed, therefore, that eliab should broach the matter to him, but he was expressly cautioned by nimbus to give him no hint of the particular reasons which led them to prefer this particular tract or of their means of payment, until he had thoroughly sounded him in regard to the plan itself. this eliab did, and that gentleman, while approving the plan of buying a plantation, if they were able, utterly condemned the idea of purchasing a tract so notoriously worthless, and refused to have anything to do with so wild a scheme. eliab, greatly discouraged, reported this fact to his friend and urged the abandonment of the plan. nimbus, however, was stubborn and declared that "if marse hesden would not act for him he would go to louisburg and buy it of marse desmit himself." "dar ain't no use o' talkin', 'liab," said he. "you an' marse hesden knows a heap more'n i does 'bout most things; dar ain't no doubt 'bout dat 'an nobody knows it better'n i does. but what nimbus knows, he _knows_, an' dat's de eend on't. nobody don't know it any better. now, i don't know nuffin' 'bout books an' de scripter an' sech-like, only what i gits second-hand--no more'n you does 'bout sojerin', fer instance. but i tell ye what, 'liab, i does know 'bout terbacker, an' i knows _all_ about it, too. i kin jes' gib you an' marse hesden, an' aheap mo' jes like you uns, odds on dat, an' beat ye all holler ebbery time. what i don't know 'bout dat ar' crap dar ain't no sort ob use a tryin' to tell me. i got what i knows de reg'lar ole-fashioned way, like small-pox, jes by 'sposure, an' i tell yer 'liab, hit beats any sort ob 'noculation all ter rags. now, i tell _you_, 'liab hill, dat ar' trac' ob lan' 'bout dat ole or'nery is jes' de berry place we wants, an' i'm boun' ter hev it, ef it takes a leg. now you heah dat, don't yer?" eliab saw that it was useless for him to combat this determination. he knew the ruggedness of his friend's character and had long ago learned, that he could only be turned from a course, once fixed upon in his own mind, by presenting some view of the matter which had not occurred to him before. he had great confidence in mr. le moyne's judgment--almost as much as in nimbus', despite his admiration for his herculean comrade--so he induced his friend to promise that nothing more should be done about the matter until he could have an opportunity to examine the premises, with which he was not as familiar as he would like to be, before it was altogether decided. to this nimbus readily consented, and soon afterwards he borrowed a wagon and took eliab, one pleasant day in the early fall, to spy out their new canaan. when they had driven around and seen as much of it as they could well examine from the vehicle, nimbus drove to a point on the east-and-west road just opposite the western part of the pine growth, where a sandy hill sloped gradually to the northward and a little spring burst out of it and trickled across the road. "dar," he said, waving his hand toward the slope; "dar is whar i wants my house, right 'longside ob dat ar spring, wid a good terbacker barn up on de hill dar." "why, what do yer want ter lib dar fer?" asked the other in surprise, as he peered over the side of the wagon, in which he sat upon a thick bed of fodder which nimbus had spread over the bottom for his comfort. "kase dat ar side-hill am twenty-five acres ob de best terbacker groun' in ho'sford county." "yer don't say so, nimbus?" "dat's jes what i do say, 'liab, an' dat's de main reason what's made me so stubborn 'bout buyin' dis berry track of lan'. pears ter me it's jes made fer us. it's all good terbacker lan', most on't de berry best. it's easy clar'd off an' easy wukked. de 'backer growed on dis yer lan' an' cured wid coal made outen dem ar pines will be jes es yaller ez gold an' as fine ez silk, 'liab. i knows; i'se been a watchin' right smart, an' long ago, when i used ter pass by here, when dey fust begun ter vally de yaller terbacker, i used ter wonder dat some pore white man like marse war', dat knowed how ter raise an' cure terbacker, didn't buy de ole place an' wuk for demselves, 'stead ob overseein' fer somebody else. it's quar dey nebber t'ought on't. it allers seemed ter me dat i wouldn't ax fer nothin' better." "but what yer gwine ter do wid de ole house?" asked eliab. "wal, bre'er liab," said nimbus with a queer grimace, "i kinder 'llowed dat i'd ler you hab dat ar ter do wid jes 'bout ez yer like." "oh, bre'er nimbus, yer don't mean dat now?" "don't i? wal, you jes see ef i don't. i'se gwine ter lib right h'yer, an' ef yer don't occupy dat ole red wing or'nery i'm durned ef it don't rot down. yer heah dat man? dar don't nobody else lib in it, shuah." eliab was very thoughtful and silent, listening to nimbus' comments and plans until finally, as they sat on the porch of the old house eating their "snack," he said, "nimbus, dar's a heap ob cullud folks libbin' jes one way an' anudder from dis yer red wing cross-roads." "co'se dey is, an' dat's de berry reason i'se sot my heart on yer habbin' a shop right h'yer. yer shore ter git de wuk ob de whole country roun', an' der's mo' cullud folks right up an' down de creek an' de ribber h'yer dan ennywhar hereabouts dat i knows on." "but, nimbus--" said he, hesitatingly. "yis, 'liab, i hears ye." "couldn't we hab a church here?" "now yer's _talkin'_," exclaimed nimbus. "swar ter god, it's quare i nebber tink ob dat, now. an' you de minister? now yer _is_ talkin', shuah! why de debble i nebber tink ob dat afo'? yer see dem big pines dar, straight ez a arrer an' nigh 'bout de same size from top ter bottom? what yer s'pose dem fer, 'liab? dunno? i should tink not. house logs fer de church, 'liab. make it jes ez big ez yer wants. dar 'tis. only gib me some few shingles an' a flo', an' dar yer hev jes ez good a church ez de 'postles ebber hed ter preach in." "an' de school, nimbus?" timidly. "shuah 'nough. why i nebber tink ob dat afo'? an' you de teacher! now you is talkin', 'liab, _certain_ shuah! dat's jes de ting, jes what we wants an' hez got ter hev. plenty o' scholars h'yer-abouts, an' de church fer a school-house an' bre'er 'liab fer de teacher! 'clar fer it, bre'er'liab, you hez got ahead-piece, dat's a fac'. now i nebber tink of all dat togedder. mout hev come bimeby, little to a time, but not all to wonst like, as 'tis wid you. lord, how plain i sees it all now! de church an' school-house up dar on de knoll; nimbus' house jes about a hundred yards furder on, 'cross de road; an' on de side ob de hill de 'backer-barn; you a teachin' an' a preachin' an' nimbus makin' terbacker, an' gena a-takin' comfort on de porch, an' de young uns gittin' larnin'! wh-o-o-p! bre'er 'liab, yer's a great man, shuah!" nimbus caught him in his strong arms and whirled him about in a frenzy of joy. when he sat him down eliab said quietly: "we must get somebody else to teach for a while. 'liab don't know 'nough ter do dat ar. i'll go to school wid de chillen an' learn 'nough ter do it bimeby. p'raps dis what dey call de 'bureau' mout start a school here ef you should ax 'em, nimbus. yer know dey'd be mighty willin' ter 'blige a soldier, who'd been a fightin' fer 'em, ez you hev." "i don't a know about dat ar, bre'er'liab, but leastaways we can't do no more'n make de trial, anyhow." after this visit, eliab withdrew all opposition, not without doubt, but hoping for the best, and trusting, prayerfully, that his friend's sanguine expectations might be justified by the result. so it was determined that nimbus should make the purchase, if possible, and that the old ordinary, which had been abandoned as a hostel on the highway to the eastern market, be made a new inn upon the road which the freedman must now take, and which should lead to liberty and light. chapter xii. on the way to jericho. colonel desmit's devotion to the idea that slave property was more profitable than any other, and the system by which he had counted on almost limitless gain thereby, was not only overthrown by the universal emancipation which attended the issue of the war, but certain unlocked for contingencies placed him upon the very verge of bankruptcy. the location of his interests in different places, which he had been accustomed, during the struggle, to look upon as a most fortunate prevision, resulted most disastrously. as the war progressed, it came about that those regions which were at first generally regarded as the most secure from hostile invasion became the scene of the most devastating operations. the military foresight of the confederate leaders long before led them to believe that the struggle would be concluded, or would at least reach its climax, in the piedmont region. from the coast to the mountains the confederacy spanned, at this point, only two hundred miles. the country was open, accessible from three points upon the coast, at which lodgment was early made or might have been obtained, and only one flank of the forces marching thence toward the heart of the confederacy could be assailed. it was early apprehended by them that armies marching from the coast of north carolina, one column along the course of the cape fear and another from newberne, within fair supporting distance and converging toward the center of the state, would constitute the most dangerous movement that could be made against the confederacy, since it would cut it in twain if successful; and, in order to defeat it, the army of virginia would have to be withdrawn from its field of operations and a force advancing in its track from the james would be enabled to co-operate with the columns previously mentioned. it is instructive to note that, upon the other side, the untrained instinct of president lincoln was always turning in the same direction. in perusing the field of operations his finger would always stray to the eastern coast of north carolina as the vital point, and no persuasions could induce him to give up the apparently useless foothold which we kept there for more than three years without material advantage. it was a matter of constant surprise to the confederate military authorities that this course was not adopted, and the final result showed the wisdom of their premonition. among others, colonel desmit had obtained an inkling of this idea, and instead of concentrating all his destructible property in the region of his home, where, as it resulted, it would have been comparatively secure, he pitched upon the "piney-woods" region to the south-eastward, as the place of greatest safety. he had rightly estimated that cotton and naval stores would, on account of the rigorous blockade and their limited production in other countries, be the most valuable products to hold when the period of war should end. with these ideas he had invested largely in both, and in and about a great factory at the falls of a chief tributary of the pedee, he had stored his cotton; and in the heart of that sombre-shadowed stretch of soughing pines which lies between the cape fear and the yadkin he had hidden his vast accumulation of pitch, turpentine, and resin. both were in the very track of sherman's ruthless legions. first the factory and the thousands of bales carefully placed in store near by were given to the flames. potestatem desmit had heard of their danger, and had ridden post-haste across the rugged region to the northward in the vain hope that his presence might somehow avert disaster. from the top of a rocky mountain twenty miles away he had witnessed the conflagration, and needed not to be told of his loss. turning his horse's head to the eastward, at a country-crossing near at hand, he struck out with unabated resolution to reach the depot of his naval stores before the arrival of the troops, in order that he might interpose for their preservation. he had quite determined to risk the consequences of capture in their behalf, being now fully convinced of the downfall of the confederacy. during the ensuing night he arrived at his destination, where he found everything in confusion and affright. it was a vast collection of most valuable stores. for two years they had been accumulating. it was one of the sheet-anchors which the prudent and far-seeing potestatem desmit had thrown out to windward in anticipation of a coming storm. for half a mile along the bank of the little stream which was just wide enough to float a loaded batteau, the barrels of resin and pitch and turpentine were piled, tier upon tier, hundreds and thousands upon thousands of them. potestatem desmit looked at them and shuddered at the desolation which a single torch would produce in an instant. he felt that the chances were desperate, and he had half a mind to apply the torch himself and at least deprive the approaching horde of the savage pleasure of destroying his substance. but he had great confidence in himself, his own powers of persuasion and diplomacy. he would try them once more, and would not fail to make them serve for all they might be worth, to save this hoarded treasure. it was barely daylight the next morning when he was awakened by the cry, "the yanks are coming!" he had but a moment to question the frightened messenger, who pressed on, terror-stricken, in the very road which he might have known would be the path of the advancing enemy, instead of riding two miles into the heart of the boundless pine forest which stretched on either hand, where he would have been as safe from capture as if he had been in the center of the pyramid of cheops. potestatem desmit had his carriage geared up, and went coolly forth to meet the invaders. he had heard much of their savage ferocity, and was by no means ignorant of the danger which he ran in thus going voluntarily into their clutches. nevertheless he did not falter. he had great reliance in his personal presence. so he dressed with care, and arrayed in clean linen and a suit of the finest broadcloth, then exceedingly rare in the confederacy, and with his snowy hair and beard, his high hat, his hands crossed over a gold-headed cane, and gold-mounted glasses upon his nose, he set out upon his mission. the night before he had prudently removed from the place every drop of spirits except a small demi-john of old peach-brandy, which he put under the seat of his carriage, intending therewith to regale the highest official whom he should succeed in approaching, even though it should be the dreaded sherman himself. he had proceeded perhaps half a mile, when his carriage was all at once surrounded by a motley crew of curiously dressed but well-armed ruffians, whose very appearance disgusted and alarmed him. with oaths and threats the lumbering chariot, which represented in itself no little of respectability, was stopped. the appearance of such a vehicle upon the sandy road of the pine woods coming directly toward the advancing column struck the "bummers" with surprise. they made a thousand inquiries of the frightened driver, and were about to remove and appropriate the sleek span of carriage-horses when the occupant of the carriage, opening the window, thrust out his head, and with a face flaming with indignation ordered them to desist, bestowing upon them a volley of epithets, beginning with "rascals" and running as far into the language of abuse as his somewhat heated imagination could carry him. "hello, bill," said the bummer who was unfastening the right-wheeler, as he looked back and saw the red face framed in a circlet of white hair and beard. "just look at this old sunflower, will you? i guess the old bird must think he commands this brigade. ha! ha! ha! i say, old fellow, when did you leave the ark?" "and was noah and his family well when you bid 'em good-by?" queried another. this levity and ridicule were too much for colonel p. desmit to endure. he leaned out of the carriage window, and shaking his gold-headed cane at the mirthful marauders denounced them in language fearful in its impotent wrath. "take me to general sherman, you rascals! i want to see the general!" he yelled over and over again. "the hell you do! well, now, mister, don't you know that the general is too nervous to see company to-day? he's just sent us on ahead a bit to say to strangers that he's compelled to refuse all visitors to-day. he gits that way sometimes, does 'old bill,' so ye mustn't think hard of him, at all." "take me to the general, you plundering pirates!" vociferated the enraged colonel. "i'll see if a country gentleman travelling in his own carriage along the highway is to be robbed and abused in this manner!" "robbed, did he say?" queried one, with the unmistakable brogue of an irishman. "faith, it must be the gintleman has somethin' very important along wid him in the carriage, that he's gittin' so excited about; and its meself that'll not see the gintleman imposed upon, sure." this with a wink at his comrades. then to the occupant of the carriage: "what did yer honor say might be yer name, now? it's very partickler the general is about insthructin' us ter ax the names of thim that's wantin' an' inthroduction to him, ye know?" the solemnity of this address half deceived the irate southron, and he answered with dignity, "desmit--colonel potestatem desmit, of horsford county, sir." "ah, d'ye hear that, b'ys? faith, it's a kurnel it is ye've been a shtoppin' here upon the highway! shure it may be he's a goin' to the gineral wid a flag of thruce, belike." "i do wish to treat with the general," said desmit, thinking he saw a chance to put in a favorable word. "an' d'ye hear that, b'ys? shure the gintleman wants to thrate the gineral. faith it'll be right glad the auld b'y'll be of a dhrap of somethin' good down here in the pine woods." "can i see the general, gentlemen?" asked desmit, with a growing feeling that he had taken the wrong course to accomplish his end. the crowd of "bummers" constantly grew larger. they were mounted upon horses and mules, jacks and jennets, and one of them had put a "mcclellan saddle" and a gag-bit upon one of the black polled cattle which abound in that region, and which ambled easily and briskly along with his rider's feet just brushing the low "poverty-pines" which grew by the roadside. they wore all sorts of clothing. the blue and the gray were already peacefully intermixed in the garments of most of them. the most grotesque variety prevailed especially in their head-gear, which culminated in the case of one who wore a long, barrel-shaped, slatted sun-bonnet made out of spotted calico. they were boisterous and even amusing, had they not been well armed and apparently without fear or reverence for any authority or individual. for the present, the irishman was evidently in command, by virtue of his witty tongue. "can ye see the gineral, kurnel?" said he, with the utmost apparent deference; "av coorse ye can, sir, only it'll be necessary for you to lave your carriage an' the horses and the nagur here in the care of these gintlemen, while i takes ye to the gineral mesilf." "why can i not drive on?" "why can't ye dhrive? is it a kurnel ye is, an' don't know that? shure the cavalry an' the arthillery an' the caysons an' one thing an' another of that kind would soon crush a chayriot like that to flinders, ye know." "i cannot leave my carriage," said desmit. "mein gott, shust hear him now i" said a voice on the other side, which caused desmit to turn with a start. a bearded german, with a pair of myoptic glasses adding their glare to the peculiar intensity of the short-sighted gaze, had climbed upon the opposite wheel during his conversation with pat, and leaning half through the window was scanning carefully the inside of the carriage. he had already one hand on the demijohn of peach-brandy upon which the owner's hopes so much depended. potetsatem desmit was no coward, and his gold-headed cane made the acquaintance of the dutchman's poll before he had time to utter a word of protestation. it was all over in a minute, then. there was a rush and a scramble. the old man was dragged out of his carriage, fighting manfully but vainly. twenty hands laid hold upon him. the gold-headed cane vanished; the gold-mounted glasses disappeared; his watch leaped from his pocket, and the chain was soon dangling at the fob of one of the still laughing marauders. then one insisted that his hat was unbecoming for a colonel, and a battered and dirty infantry cap with a half-obliterated corps badge and regimental number was jammed down on his gray hairs; he was required to remove his coat, and then another took a fancy to his vest. the one who took his coat gave him in exchange a very ragged, greasy, and altogether disgusting cavalry jacket, much too short, and not large enough to button. the carriage was almost torn in pieces in the search for treasure. swords and bayonets were thrust through the panelling; the cushions were ripped open, the cover torn off, and every possible hiding-place examined. then thinking it must be about his person, they compelled him to take off his boots and stockings. in their stead a pair of almost soleless shoes were thrown him by one who appropriated the boots. meantime the irishman had distributed the contents of the demijohn, after having filled his own canteen. then there was great hilarity. the taste of the "colonel" was loudly applauded; his health was drunk, and it was finally decided to move on with him in charge. the "bummer" who rode the polled ox had, in the mean time, shifted his saddle to one of the carriage-horses, and kindly offered the steer to the "colonel." one who had come upon foot had already mounted the other horse. the driver performed a last service for his master, now pale, trembling, and tearful at the insults and atrocities he was called on to undergo, by spreading one of the carriage cushions over the animal's back and helping the queerly-habited potentate to mount his insignificant steed. it was better than marching through the hot sand on foot, however. when they reached the little hamlet which had grown up around his collection of turpentine distilleries they saw a strange sight. the road which bore still further to the southward was full of blue-coated soldiers, who marched along with the peculiar swinging gait which marked the army that "went down to the sea." beyond the low bridge, under a clump of pines which had been spared for shade, stood a group of horsemen, one of whom read a slip of paper, or rather shouted its contents to the soldiery as they passed, while he flourished the paper above his head. instantly the column was in an uproar. caps were thrown into the air, voices grew hoarse with shouting; frantic gesticulation, tearful eyes and laughter, yells, inane antics, queer combinations of sacrilegious oaths and absurd embraces were everywhere to be seen and heard. "who is that?" asked desmit of the irishman, near whom he had kept, pointing to the leading man of the group under the tree. "faith, kurnel, that is gineral-----. would ye like an inthroduction, kurnel?" "yes, yes," said desmit impatiently. "thin come wid me. shure i'll give ye one, an' tell him ye sint him a dhrink of auld pache to cilebrate the good news with. come along, thin!" just as they stepped upon the bridge desmit heard a lank hoosier ask, "what is in them bar'ls?" and some one answered, "turpentine." "hooray!" said the first. "a bonfire!" "hurry! hurry!" desmit cried to his guide. "come on thin, auld gintleman. it's mesilf that'll not go back on a man that furnishes a good dhram for so joyful an occasion." they dismounted, and, pressing their way through the surging mass on the bridge, approached the group under the pines. "gineral," said the irishman, taking off the silk hat which desmit had worn and waving it in the air; "gineral, i have the honor to inthroduce to ye anl auld gintleman--one av the vera furst families--that's come out to mate ye, an' begs that ye'll taste jest a dhrap av the finest auld pache that ivver ran over yer tongue, jist ter cilebrate this vera joyful occasion," he waved his hat toward desmit, and handed up his canteen at once. the act was full of the audacity of his race, but the news had overthrown all sense of discipline. the officer even lifted the canteen to his lips, and no doubt finding pat's assertion as to its quality to be true allowed a reasonable quantity of its aromatic contents to glide down his throat, and then handed it to one of his companions. "general! general!" shrieked desmit in desperation, as he rushed forward. "what do you want, sir?" said the officer sternly. there was a rush, a crackle, and a still louder shout. both turned and saw a tongue of red flame with a black, sooty tip leap suddenly skyward. the great mass of naval stores was fired, and no power on earth could save a barrel of them now. desmit staggered to the nearest tree, and faint and trembling watched the flame. how it raged! how the barrels burst and the liquid flame poured over the ground and into the river! still it burned! the whole earth seemed aflame! how the black billows of heavy smoke poured upward, hiding the day! the wind shifted and swept the smoke-wave over above the crowding, hustling, shouting column. it began to rain, but under the mass of heavy smoke the group at the pines stood dry. and still, out of the two openings in the dark pines upon the other side of the stream, poured the two blue-clad, steel-crowned columns! still the staff officer shouted the glad tidings, "_lee--surrendered--unconditionally_.'" still waved aloft the dispatch! still the boundless forests rang with shouts! still the fierce flame raged, and from the column which had gone into the forest beyond came back the solemn chant, which sounded at that moment like the fateful voice of an avenging angel; "john brown's body lies a-mouldering in the grave; his soul is marching on!" one who looked upon the scene thinks of it always when he reads of the last great day--the boundless flame--the fervent heat--the shouts--the thousands like the sands of the sea--all are not to be forgotten until the likeness merges into the dread reality! the irishman touched desmit as he leaned against the pine. "war that yours, misther?" he asked, not unkindly. desmit nodded affirmatively. "here," said the other, extending his canteen. "there's a drink left. take it." desmit took it with a trembling hand, and drained it to the last drop. "that's right," said the irishman sympathetically. "i'm right sorry for ye, misther, that i am; but don't ye nivver give up heart. there's more turpentine where that come from, and this thing's over now. i couldn't find yer bull for ye, mister, but here's a mule. ye'd better jest take him and git away from here before this row's over. nobody'll miss ye now." two weeks afterward a queerly clad figure rode up to the elegant mansion of colonel potestatem desmit, overlooking the pleasant town of louisburg in the county of horsford, and found a party of federal officers lounging upon his wide porches and making merry after war's alarums! chapter xiii. negotiating a treaty. not only did colonel desmit lose his cotton and naval stores; but the funds which he had invested, with cautious foresight, in the bonds of the state and the issues of its banks, were also made worthless by the result of the war. contrary to the expectations of the most prudent and far-seeing, the bonds issued by the states in rebellion during the period of war, were declared to be attaint with treason, and by the supreme power of the land were forbidden to be paid. in addition to this he found himself what was properly termed "land-poor." the numerous small plantations which he had acquired in different parts of the country, in pursuance of his original and inherited design of acquiring wealth by slave-culture, though intrinsically very valuable, were just at this time in the highest degree unavailable. all lands had depreciated to a considerable extent, but the high price of cotton had tempted many northern settlers and capitalists into that belt of country where this staple had been most successfully raised, and their purchases, as well as the continued high price of the staple, had kept up the prices of cotton-lands far beyond all others. then, too, the lack of ready money throughout the country and the general indebtedness made an absolute dearth of buyers. in the four years of war there had been no collections. the courts had been debarred from judgment and execution. the sheriff had been without process, the lawyer without fees, the creditor without his money. few indeed had taken advantage of this state of affairs to pay debts. money had been as plenty as the forest leaves in autumn, and almost as valueless. the creditor had not desired to realize on his securities, and few debtors had cared to relieve themselves. there had come to be a sort of general belief that when the war ended there would be a jubilee for all debtors--that each one would hold what he had, and that a promise to pay would no more trouble or make afraid even the most timid soul. so that when the courts came to be unchained and the torrent of judgments and executions poured forth under their seals, the whole country was flooded with bankruptcy. almost nobody could pay. a few, by deft use of present advantages, gathered means to discharge their own liabilities and take advantage of the failure of others to do so. yet they were few indeed. on every court-house the advertisements of sale covered the panels of the door and overflowed upon the walls. thousands of homesteads, aye, hundreds of thousands of homes--millions of acres--were sold almost for a song--frequently less than a shilling an acre, generally less than a dollar. colonel desmit had not been an exception to these rules. he had not paid the obligations maturing during the war simply because he knew he could not be compelled to do so. instead of that, he had invested his surplus in lands, cotton, and naval stores. now the evil day was not far off, as he knew, and he had little to meet it. nevertheless he made a brave effort. the ruggedness of the disowned family of smiths and the chicanery inherited from the gnarly-headed and subtle-minded old judge came to his rescue, and he determined not to fail without a fight. he shingled himself with deeds of trust and sales under fraudulent judgments or friendly liens, to delay if they did not avert calamity. then he set himself at work to effect sales. he soon swallowed his wrath and appealed to the north--the enemy to whom he owed all his calamities, as he thought. he sent flaming circulars to bleak new england health-exhibits to the smitten of consumption, painting the advantages of climate, soil, and society--did all in his power to induce immigrants to come and buy, in order that he might beat off poverty and failure and open disgrace. he made a brave fight, but it had never occurred to him to sell an acre to a colored man when he was accosted by nimbus, who, still wearing some part of his uniform, came, over to negotiate with him for the purchase of red wing. all these untoward events had not made the master of knapp-of-reeds peculiarly amiable, or kindly disposed toward any whom he deemed in the remotest manner responsible for his loss. for two classes he could not find words sufficient to express his loathing--namely, yankees and secessionists. to the former directly and to the latter indirectly he attributed all his ills. the colored man he hated as a man, as bitterly as he had before highly prized him as a slave. at the outset of the war he had been openly blamed for his coolness toward the cause of the confederacy. then, for a time, he had acquiesced in what was done--had "gone with his state," as it was then expressed--and still later, when convinced of the hopelessness of the struggle, he had advocated peace measures; to save his property at all hazards, some said; because he was at heart a unionist, others declared so, he had come to regard himself as well disposed toward the union, and even had convinced himself that he had suffered persecution for righteousness' sake, when, in truth, his "unionism" was only an investment made to avoid loss. these things, however, tended to embitter him all the more against all those persons and events in any manner connected with his misfortunes. it was in such a mood and under such circumstances, that word was brought to mr. desmit in his private library, that "a nigger" wanted to see him. the servant did not know his name, what he wanted, or where he came from. she could only say that he had ridden there on a "right peart mule" and was a "right smart-looking boy." she was ordered to bring him in, and nimbus stood before his master for the first time since he had been sent down the country to work on fortifications intended to prevent the realization of his race's long-delayed vision of freedom. he came with his hat in his hand, saying respectfully, "how d'ye, marse desmit?" "is that you, nimbus? get right out of here! i don't want any such grand rascal nigger in my house." "but, marse desrnit," began the colored man, greatly flurried by this rude greeting. "i don't want any 'buts.' damn you, i've had enough of all such cattle. what are you here for, anyhow? why don't you go back to the yankees that you ran away to? i suppose you want i should feed you, clothe you, support you, as i've been doing for your lazy wife and children ever since the surrender. i shan't do it a day longer--not a day! d'ye hear? get off from my land before the sun goes down to-morrow or i'll have the overseer set his dogs on you." "all right," said nimbus coolly; "jes yer pay my wife what's due her and we'll leave ez soon ez yer please." "due her? you damned black rascal, do you stand there and tell me i owe her anything?" strangely enough, the colored man did not quail. his army life had taught him to stand his ground, even against a white man, and he had not yet learned how necessary it was to unlearn the lesson of liberty and assume again the role of the slave. the white man was astounded. here was a "sassy nigger" indeed! this was what freedom did for them! "her papers dat you gib her at de hirin', marse potem," said nimbus, "says dat yer shall pay her fo' dollars a month an' rations. she's hed de rations all reg'lar, marse desrnit; dat's all right, but not a dollar ob de money." "you lie, you black rascal!" said desmit excitedly; "she's drawn every cent of it!" "wal," said nimbus, "ef dat's what yer say, we'll hev ter let de 'bureau' settle it." "what, sir? you rascal, do you threaten me with the 'bureau'?" shouted desmit, starting toward him in a rage, and aiming a blow at him with the heavy walking-stick he carried. "don't do dat, marse desmit," cried the colored man; "don't do dat!" there was a dangerous gleam in his eye, but the white man did not heed the warning. his blow fell not on the colored man's head, but on his upraised arm, and the next moment the cane was wrested from his hands, and the recent slave stood over his former master as he lay upon the floor, where he had fallen or been thrown, and said: "don't yer try dat, marse desmit; i won't bar it--dat i won't, from no man, black ner white. i'se been a sojer sence i was a slave, an' ther don't no man hit me a lick jes cos i'm black enny mo'. yer's an' ole man, marse desmit, an' yer wuz a good 'nough marster ter me in the ole times, but yer mustn't try ter beat a free man. i don't want ter hurt yer, but yer mustn't do dat!" "then get out of here instantly," said desmit, rising and pointing toward the door. "all right, marse," said nimbus, stooping for his hat; "'tain't no use fer ye to be so mad, though. i jes come fer to make a trade wid ye." "get out of here, you damned, treacherous, ungrateful, black rascal. i wish every one of your whole race had the small-pox! get out!" as nimbus turned to go, he continued: "and get your damned lazy tribe off from my plantation before to-morrow night, if you don't want the dogs put on them, too!" "i ain't afeard o' yer dogs," said nimbus, as he went down the hall, and, mounting his mule, rode away. with every step his wrath increased. it was well for potestatem desmit that he was not present to feel the anger of the black giant whom he had enraged. once or twice he turned back, gesticulating fiercely and trembling with rage. then he seemed to think better of it, and, turning his mule into the town a mile off his road, he lodged a complaint against his old master, with the officer of the "bureau," and then rode quietly home, satisfied to "let de law take its course," as he said. he was glad that there was a law for him--a law that put him on the level with his old master--and meditated gratefully, as he rode home, on what the nation had wrought in his behalf since the time when "marse desmit" had sent him along that very road with an order to "marse ware" to give him "twenty lashes well laid on." the silly fellow thought that thenceforth he was going to have a "white man's chance in life." he did not know that in our free american government, while the federal power can lawfully and properly ordain and establish the theoretical rights of its citizens, it has no legal power to support and maintain those rights against the encroachment of any of the states, since in those matters the state is sovereign, and the part is greater than the whole. chapter xiv. born of the storm. perhaps there was never any more galling and hated badge of defeat imposed upon a conquered people than the "bureau of freedmen, refugees, and abandoned lands," a branch of the federal executive power which grew out of the necessities of the struggle to put down rebellion, and to which, little by little, came to be referred very many of those matters which could by no means be neglected, but which did not properly fall within the purview of any other branch of military administration. it is known, in these latter days, simply as the freedmen's bureau, and thought to have been a terrible engine of oppression and terror and infamy, because of the denunciations which the former slave-owners heaped upon it, and the usually accepted idea that the mismanaged and malodorous freedmen's savings bank was, somehow or other, an outgrowth and exponent of this institution. the poor thing is dead now, and, like dead humanity, the good it did has been interred with its bones. it has been buried, with curses deep and bitter for its funeral obsequies. its officers have been loaded with infamy. even its wonderful results have been hidden from the sight of man, and its history blackened with shame and hate. it is one of the curious indices of public feeling that the north listened, at first, with good-natured indifference to the virulent diatribes of the recently conquered people in regard to this institution; after a time wonder succeeded to indifference; until finally, while it was still an active branch of the public service, wondering credulity succeeded, and its name became synonymous with disgrace; so that now there is hardly a corner of the land in which a man can be found brave enough to confess that he wore the uniform and performed the duties of an agent of the "freedmen's bureau." the thorough subserviency of northern sentiment to the domination of that masterly will which characterized "the south" of the old regime was never better illustrated. "curse me this people!" said the southern balak--of the abolitionist first, of the bureau-officer next, and then of the carpet-bagger. the northern balaam hemmed and paltered, and then--_cursed the children of his loins_! of the freedmen, our recent allies in war, the grateful and devoted friends, of the nation which had opened for them the gateway of the future, not one of the whole four millions had a word to utter in reproach of this branch of the service, in which they were particularly interested. strangely enough, too, none of those union men of the south, who had been refugees during the war or friends of that union after its close, joined in the complaints and denunciations which were visited on this institution and its agents. neither did the teachers of colored schools, nor the officers and agents of those charitable and missionary associations of the north, whose especial work and purpose was the elevation and enlightenment of the colored man, see fit to unite in that torrent of detraction which swept over the country in regard to the "bureau" and its agents. but then, it may be that none of these classes were able to judge truly and impartially of its character and works! they may have been prepossessed in its favor to an extent which prevented a fair and honest determination in regard to it. certain it is that those who stood upon the other side--those who instituted and carried on rebellion, or the greater part of them, and every one of those who opposed reconstruction, who fought to the last moment the enfranchisement of the black; every one who denied the right of the nation to emancipate the slave; every one who clamored for the payment of the state debts contracted during the war; all of those who proposed and imposed the famous "black codes,"--every one of these classes and every man of each class avowed himself unable to find words to express the infamy, corruption, and oppression which characterized the administration of that climacteric outrage upon a brave, generous, overwhelmed but unconquered --forgiving but not to be forgiven, people. they felt themselves to have been in all things utterly innocent and guileless. the luck of war had been terribly against them, they considered, but the right remained with them. they were virtuous. their opponents had not only been the aggressors at the outset, but had shown themselves little better than savages by the manner in which they had conducted the war; and, to crown the infamy of their character, had imposed upon "the south" at its close that most nefarious of all detestable forms of oppressive degradation, "the bureau." their orators grew magniloquent over its tyrannical oppression; the southern press overflowed with that marvellous exuberance of diatribe of which they are the acknowledged masters--to all of which the complaisant north gave a ready and subservient concurrence, until the very name reeked in the public mind with infamous associations and degrading ideas. a few men tried to stem the torrent. some who had been in its service even dared to insist that they had not thereby rendered themselves infamous and unworthy. the nation listened for a time with kindly pity to their indignant protests, and then buried the troublesome and persistent clamorers in the silence of calm but considerate disbelief. they were quietly allowed to sink into the charitable grave of unquestioning oblivion. it was not any personal attaint which befouled their names and blasted their public prospects, but simply the fact that they had obeyed the nation's behest and done a work assigned to them by the country's rulers. thus it came to pass that in one third of the country it was an ineffaceable brand of shame to have been at any time an agent or officer of this bureau, and throughout the rest of the country it was accounted a fair ground for suspicion. in it all, the conquering element was simply the obedient indicator which recorded and proclaimed the sentiment and wish of the conquered. the words of the enemy were always regarded as being stamped with the mint-mark of truth and verity, while the declarations of our allies accounted so apparently false and spurious as to be unworthy of consideration, even when attested by svvorn witnesses and written in blood upon a page of history tear blotted and stained with savage deeds. all this was perfectly natural, however, and arose, almost unavoidably, from the circumstances under which the institution was created and the duties which it was called upon to discharge. it may not be amiss to consider again the circumstances under which it came to exist. this is how this institution had its origin: as the war to put down rebellion progressed and our armies advanced farther and farther into the heart of the confederacy, the most devoted and malignant adherents of the confederate cause abandoned their homes and all that they could not easily take with them, and fled within the confederate lines. those white people who were adverse to the confederate cause, or at least lukewarm in its support, spurred by the rigors of conscription and the dangers of proscription and imprisonment, took their lives in their hands, left their homes, and fled by every available road to the shelter of the federal forces. those who had no homes--the slaves--either deserted by their owners or fancying they saw in that direction a glimmer of possible freedom, swarmed in flank and rear of every blue-clad column which invaded the confederacy, by thousands and tens of thousands. they fled as the israelites did from the bondage of egypt, with that sort of instinctive terror which has in all ages led individuals, peoples, and races to flee from the scene of oppression. the whites who came to us were called "refugees," and the blacks at first "contrabands," and after january , , "freedmen." of course they had to be taken care of. the "refugee" brought nothing with him; the freedrnan had nothing to bring. the abandoned lands of the confederates were, in many cases, susceptible of being used to employ and supply these needy classes who came to us for aid and sustenance. it was to do this that the freedmen's bureau was created. its mission was twofold--to extend the helping hand to the needy who without such aid must have perished by disease and want, and to reduce the expenses of such charity by the cultivation and utilization of abandoned lands. it was both a business and a missionary enterprise. this was its work and mission until the war ended. its "agents" were chosen from among the wounded veteran officers of our army, or were detached from active service by reason of their supposed fitness on account of character or attainments. almost every one of them had won honor with the loss of limb or of health; all had the indorsement and earnest approval of men high in command of our armies, who had personal knowledge of their character and believed in their fitness. this renders it all the more remarkable that these men should so soon and so universally, as was stoutly alleged and weakly believed, have become thieves and vagabonds --corrupters of the blacks and oppressors of the whites. it only shows how altogether impossible it is to foresee the consequences of any important social or political movement upon the lives and characters of those exposed to its influences. when the war ended there were four millions of men, women, and children without homes, houses, lands, money, food, knowledge, law, right, family, friends, or possibility for self-support. all these the bureau adopted. they constituted a vast family of foundlings, whose care was a most difficult and delicate matter, but there was not one among them all who complained of the treatment they received. it is somewhat strange, too, that the officers of this branch of the service should have all misbehaved in exactly the same manner. their acts of oppression and outrage were always perpetrated in defence of some supposed right of a defenceless and friendless race, overwhelmed with poverty--the bondmen of ignorance--who had no money with which to corrupt, no art with which to beguile, and no power with which to overawe these representatives of authority. for the first time in the history of mankind, the corrupt and unprincipled agents of undefined power became the servants, friends, protectors, agents, and promoters of the poor and weak and the oppressors of the rich, the strong, the learned, and the astute. it may be said that this view cannot be true; that thousands of men selected from the officers of our citizen-soldiery by the unanswerable certificate of disabling wounds and the added prestige of their commander's recommendation, a class of men in physical, intellectual and moral power and attainments far superior to the average of the american people--it may be said that such could not have become all at once infamously bad; and, if they did suffer such transformation, would have oppressed the blacks at the instigation of the whites, who were willing and able to pay well for such subversion of authority, and not the reverse. this would seem to be true, but we are not now dealing with speculations, but with facts! we know that they did become such a pest because at the south they were likened to the plagues of egypt, and the north reiterated and affirmed this cry and condoled with the victims of the oppression with much show of penitence, and an unappeasable wrath toward the instruments of the iniquity. thus the voice of the people--that voice which is but another form of the voice of god--proclaimed these facts to the world, so that they must thenceforth be held indisputable and true beyond the utmost temerity of scepticism. the _facts_ remain. the puzzling _why_, let whosoever will endeavor to elucidate. perhaps the most outrageous and debasing of all the acts of the bureau, in the eyes of those who love to term themselves "the south," was the fact that its officers and agents, first of all, allowed the colored man to be sworn in opposition to and in contradiction of the word of a white man. that this should be exasperating and degrading to the southern white man was most natural and reasonable. the very corner-stone of southern legislation and jurisprudence for more than a hundred years was based upon this idea: the negro can have no rights, and can testify as to no rights or wrongs, as against a white man. so that the master might take his slave with him when he committed murder or did any other act in contravention of law or right, and that slave was like the mute eunuch of the seraglio, silent and voiceless before the law. indeed, the law had done for the slave-owner, with infinitely more of mercy and kindness, what the mutilators of the upper nile were wont to do for the keepers of the harems of cairo and constantinople--provided them with slaves who should see and hear and serve, but should never testify of what they saw and knew. to reverse this rule, grown ancient and venerable by the practice of generations, to open the mouths which had so long been sealed, was only less infamous and dangerous than to accord credence to the words they might utter. to do both was to "turn back the tide of time," indeed, and it passed the power of language to portray the anger, disgust, and degradation which it produced in the southern mind. to be summoned before the officer of the bureau, confronted with a negro who denied his most solemn averments, and was protected in doing so by the officer who, perhaps, showed the bias of the oppressor by believing the negro instead of the gentleman, was unquestionably, to the southerner, the most degrading ordeal he could by any possibility be called upon to pass through. from this it will be understood that colonel desmit passed a most uneasy night after nimbus had left his house. he had been summoned before the bureau! he had expected it. hardly had he given way to his petulant anger when he recognized the folly of his course. the demeanor of the colored man had been so "sassy" and aggravating, however, that no one could have resisted his wrath, he was sure. indeed, now that he came to look back at it, he wondered that he had been so considerate. he was amazed that he had not shot the impudent rascal on the spot instead of striking him with his walking-stick, which he was very confident was the worst that could be urged against him. however, that was enough, for he remembered with horror that, not long before, this same bureau officer had actually imprisoned a most respectable and correct man for having whipped a "nigger" at work in his crop, who had been "too sassy" to be tolerated by any gentleman. so it was with much trepidation that the old man went into the town the next morning, secured the services of a lawyer, and prepared for his trial before the "bureau." nimbus was intercepted as he came into town with his wife, and an attempt made to induce him to withdraw the prosecution, but that high-minded litigant would hear nothing of the proposed compromise. he had put his hand to the plow and would not look back. he had appealed to the law--"the bureau" and only "the bureau" should decide it. so colonel desmit and his lawyer asked a few hours' delay and prepared themselves to resist and disprove the charge of assault upon nimbus. the lawyer once proposed to examine the papers in the case, but desmit said that was useless--the boy was no liar, though they must make him out one if they could. so, at the time appointed, with his lawyer and train of witnesses, he went before "the bureau," and there met nimbus and his wife, lugena. "the bureau" wore the uniform of a captain of united states infantry, and was a man about forty-five years of age, grave and serious of look, with an empty sleeve folded decorously over his breast. his calm blue eyes, pale, refined face, and serious air gave him the appearance of a minister rather than a ruthless oppressor, but his reputation for cruelty among certain people was as well established as that of jeffreys. he greeted mr. desmit and his attorney with somewhat constrained politeness, and when they were seated proceeded to read the complaint, which simply recited that colonel desmit, having employed lugena, the wife of complainant, at a given rate per month, had failed to make payment, and had finally, without cause, ordered her off his premises. "is that all?" asked the lawyer. "that is all," answered the officer. "has no other complaint been lodged against colonel desmit?" "none." "we cannot--that is--we did not expect this," said the attorney, and then after a whispered consultation with his client, he added, "we are quite willing to make this matter right. we had entirely misunderstood the nature of the complaint." "have you any further complaint to make against colonel desmit?" asked the officer, of nimbus. "no," said that worthy, doubtfully. "he was pretty brash wid me, an' 'llowed ter hit me wid a stick; but he didn't--at least not ter speak on--so i don't make no 'count ob dat. 'twas jes dis matter ob lugeny's wuk dat made me bring him h'yer--nuffin' else." "when did this matter of the stick occur?" asked the officer. "on'y jes yeste'day, sah." "where was it?" "up ter marse potem's, sah. in his house." "how did it happen?" "wal, you see, sah, i went up dar ter see ef i could buy a track ob lan" from him, an'--" "what!" exclaimed desmit, in astonishment. "you didn't say a word to me about land." "no more i didn't," answered nimbus, "kase yer didn't gib me no chance ter say a word 'bout it. 'peared like de fus sight on me made yer mad, an' den yer jes feathered away on me, spite ob all i could do er say. yer see, sah," to the officer, "i'd made a bit ob money in de wah, an' wanted ter see ef i could buy a bit ob pore lan' ob marse desmit--a track jes good fer nothin on'y fer a nigga ter starve on--but afore i could git to dat marse desmit got so uproarous-like dat i clean fergot what'twas i cum fer." "there was evidently a misunderstanding," said the attorney. "i should think so," said the officer, dryly. "you say you have no complaint to make about that affair?" he added to nimbus. "no," said he; "'twan't a tingob any 'count, nohow. i can't make out what'twas made marse potem so fractious anyhow. i reckon, as he says, dar must hev ben some mistake about it. ef he'll fix up dis matter wid lugena, i hain't no mo' complaint, an' i'se mighty sorry 'bout dat, kase marse desmit hab allus been mighty kin' ter me--all 'cept dis time an' once afo'." "there's the money for the woman," said the attorney, laying some bills on the officer's table; "and i may say that my client greatly regrets the unfortunate misunderstanding with one of the best of his old slaves. he desires me to say that the woman's services have been entirely satisfactory, and that she can keep right on under the contract, if she desires." so that was settled. the officer discharged colonel desmit, commended nimbus for the sensible view he had taken of the quarrel, and the parties gave way for other matters which awaited the officer's attention. this would not seem to have been so very oppressive, but anything growing out of the war which had resulted so disastrously for him was hateful to colonel desmit, and we should not wonder if his grandchildren told over, with burning cheeks, the story of the affront which was offered to their ancestor in haling him before that infamous tribunal, "the bureau," to answer a charge preferred by a "nigger." chapter xv. to him and his heirs forever. after leaving the office of "the bureau," the parties repaired to that of the lawyer, and the trade for the land which had been so inopportunely forestalled by colonel desmit's hasty temper was entered upon in earnest. that gentleman's financial condition was such as to render the three or four hundred dollars of ready money which nimbus could pay by no means undesirable, while the property itself seemed of so little value as to be regarded almost as an incumbrance to the plantation of which it was a part. such was its well-established reputation for poverty of soil that desmit had no idea that the purchaser would ever be able to meet one of his notes for the balance of the purchase money, and he looked forward to resuming the control of the property at no distant day, somewhat improved by the betterments which occupancy and attempted use would compel the purchaser to make. he regarded the cash to be paid in hand as just so much money accidentally found in his pathway, for which, in no event, was he to render any _quid pro quo_. but of this he said nothing. it was not his business to look after the interests of a "sassy nigger." in fact, he felt that the money was in a sense due to him on account of the scurvy trick that nimbus had played him, in deserting to the yankees after agreeing to look after his "niggers" on the breast-works, although, as the event proved, his master would have gained nothing by his remaining. so the former master and slave met on the level of barter and sale, and gave and took in the conflict of trade. except the small tract just about the old hostel, which has already been mentioned, the plantation, which included red wing, was descended from an ancestor of the richards family, who had come from the north about the close of the revolution and "entered" an immense tract in this section. it had, however, passed out of the family by purchase, and about the beginning of the war of rebellion a life estate therein was held by its occupant, while the reversion belonged to certain parties in indiana by virtue of the will of a common ancestor. this life-tenant's necessities compelled him to relinquish his estate, which was bought by colonel desmit, during the second year of the war, together with the fee which he had acquired in the tract belonging to the old ordinary, not because he wanted the land about red wing, but because the plantation to which it was attached was a good one, and he could buy it on reasonable terms for confederate currency. he expected to treat with the indiana heirs and obtain their respective interests in the fee, which no doubt he would have been able to acquire very cheaply but for the intevening accident of war, as the life-tenant was yet of middle age and the succession consequently of little probable value to living reversioners. this, however, he had not done; but as his deed from the life-tenant was in form an exclusive and unlimited conveyance, it had been quite forgotten that the will of his grandfather limited it to a life estate. so when nimbus and his friend and counsellor, eliab hill, sought to negotiate the purchase of red wing, no mention was made of that fact; neither was it alluded to when they came again to conclude the purchase, nor when instructions were given to colonel desmit's lawyer to prepare the necessary papers. the trade was soon brought to an apparently happy conclusion. nimbus bought two hundred acres at a price of eight hundred dollars, paying one half the price agreed upon in cash, and for the balance gave three notes of equal amounts, one maturing each year thereafter, and received from colonel uesmit a bond for title to the whole tract, with full covenants of warranty and seizin. colonel desmit accounted the notes of little value; nimbus prized the bond for title above any patent of nobility. before the first note fell due all had been discharged, and the bond for title was exchanged for a deed in fee, duly executed. so the recent slave, who had but lately been the subject of barter and sale, was clothed with the rights of a proprietor. according to the former law, the slave was a sort of chattel-real. without being attached to the land, he was transferable from one owner to another only by deed or will. in some states he descended as realty, in others as personalty, while in others still, he constituted a separate kind of heritable estate, which was especially provided for in the canons of descent and statutes regulating administration. there was even then of record in the county of horsford a deed of sale, bearing the hand and seal of p, desmit, and executed little more than a year previously, conveying to one peyton winburn "all the right, title, and interest of said desmit, in and to a certain runaway negro boy named nimbus." the said winburn was a speculator in slaves who had long been the agent of desmit in marketing his human crop, and who, in the very last hours of the confederacy, was willing to risk a few dollars on the result. as he well stated it to himself, it was only staking one form of loss against another. he paid confederate money for a runaway negro. if the confederacy failed, the negro would be free; but then, too, the money would be worthless. so with grim humor he said to himself that he was only changing the form of his risk and could not possibly lose by the result. thus, by implication of law, the recent _subject_ of transfer by deed was elevated to the dignity of being a _party_ thereto. the very instrument of his bondage became thereby the sceptre of his power. it was only an incident of freedom, but the difference it measured was infinite. no wonder the former slave tiembled with elation as he received this emblem of autonomy, or that there was a look of gloom on the face of the former master as he delivered the carefully-enrolled deed, made complete by his hand and seal, and attested by his attorney. it was the first time the one had felt the dignity of proprietorship, or the other had known the shame of fraud. the one thought of the bright future which lay before his children, to whom he dedicated red wing at that moment in his heart, in terms more solemn than the legal phrases in which potestatem desmit had guaranteed to them the estate in fee therein. the other thought of the far-away indiana reversioners, of whose rights none knew aught save himself--himself and walter greer, who had gone away to the wilds of texas, and might never be heard of any more. it was the first time he had ever committed a deliberate fraud, and when he handed the freedman the deed and said sadly, "i never expected to come down to this," those who heard him thought he meant his low estate, and pitied his misfortunes. he smiled meaningly and turned hastily away, when nimbus, forgetting his own elation, said, in tones of earnest feeling: "i declar, marse desmit, i'se sorry fer you--i is dat; an' i hopes yer'll come outen dis yer trouble a heap better nor yer's lookin' for." then they separated--the one to treasure his apples of sodom, the other to nourish the memory of his shame. chapter xvi. a child of the hills. "come at once; oscar very low." this was the dispatch which an awkward telegraph messenger handed to the principal teacher of "no. ," one soft september day of . he waited upon the rough stone step, while she, standing in the doorway, read it again and again, or seemed to do so, as if she could not make out the import of the few simple words it contained. 'no ' was a school-house in one of the townships of bankshire county, in the commonwealth of massachusetts. in it were taught the children, within school age, of one of those little hamlets which have crept up the valleys of the white mountains, toled on and on, year after year, farther and farther up the little rivulets that dash down the mountain slopes, by the rumble and clatter of newly-erected machinery. these mountain streams are the magic handiwork of the nymphs and fays who for ages have lain hidden in the springs that burst out into little lakes upon the birch-crowned summits, and come rushing and tumbling down the rocky defiles to join the waters of the housatuck. school-house no. was thriftily placed on a bit of refractory land just opposite the junction of two streams which had their rise in two lakelets miles away from each other--one lying under the shadow of pixey mountain, and the other hidden among the wooded hills of birket. they were called "ponds," but are, in truth, great springs, in whose icy coldness the mountain trout delight. back of the school-house, which, indeed, was half built into it, was a sharp, rocky hillside; across the road which ran before it was a placid pond, bordered on the farther side by a dark fringe of evergreens that lay between it and the-wide expanse of white-armed birches and flaming maples, now beginning to feel the autumn's breath, on the rugged mountain-side above. a little to the left was the narrow gorge through which one of the streams discharged, its bottom studded with ponds and mills, and its sharp sides flecked with the little white-painted homes of well-to-do operatives; to the right and left along the other branch and the course of the united streams, the rumble of water-wheels, the puff of laboring engines, and the groan of tortured machinery never ceased. machine-shops and cotton-factories, bagging-mills and box-mills, and wrapping-mills, and print-mills, and fine-paper-mills, and even mills for the making of those filmy creations of marvellous texture and wonderful durability which become the representatives of value in the form of bank-notes, were crowded into the narrow gorges. the water was fouled with chemic combinations from source to mouth. for miles up and down one hardly got a breath of air untainted with the fumes of chemicals. bales of rags, loads of straw, packages of woody pulp, boxes of ultramarine dye, pipes leading from the distant mountain springs, and, above all, the rumble and the groaning of the beating-engines told to every sense that this was one of the great hillside centres of paper-manufacture in new england. the elegant residences of the owners were romantically situated on some half-isolated promonotory around which the stream sweeps, embowered with maples and begirt with willows at its base; or nestled away in some nook, moss-lined and hemlock-shaded, which marks where some spring brook bubbles down its brief career to the larger stream; or in some plateau upon the other side, backed by a scraggly old orchard, and hidden among great groves of rock-maples which the careful husbandman spared a hundred years ago for a "sugar-bush," little dreaming that the nabobs of the rushing streams would build homesteads beneath their shade. and all along, here and there, wherever a house could find a foothold or the native ruggedness be forced to yield one lodgment, houses and shops and crowded tenements stood thick. it was a busy and a populous village, full of wealth and not barren of poverty, stretched along the rushing tributary for more than a mile, and then branching with its constituent forks up into the mountain gorges. in the very centre of this busy whirl of life stood the little white two-story school-house, flanked on one side by the dwelling of a mill-owner, and on the other by a boarding-house; and just below it, across the street, a machine-shop, and a little cottage of cased logs, with minute-paned windows, and a stone chimney which was built before the revolution by the first inhabitant of the little valley. a little to the left of the school-house was a great granite boulder, rising almost to its eaves, which had been loosened from the mountain-side two miles up the gorge when the dam at the mouth of the pond gave way years before in a freshet, and brought down and left, by the respectful torrent almost at the threshold of the temple of knowledge. such was the scene the indian summer sun looked down upon, while the teacher stood gazing fixedly at the message which she held. curious faces peered out of the windows and through the door, which she left ajar when she came into the hall. she took no note of this infraction of discipline. "any answer, ma'arn?" the messenger-boy shifts his weight awkwardly upon the other foot, as he asks, but receives no reply. for two years mollie ainslie, with her assistants, had dispensed the sweets of knowledge at "no. ," to the children of the little hamlet. the hazy morning light revealed a small, lithe figure, scarcely taller than the messenger-boy that stood before her; a fair, white face; calm, gray eyes; hair with a glint of golden brown, which waved and rippled about a low, broad brow, and was gathered in a great shining coil behind; and a mouth clear-cut and firm, but now drawn and quivering with deep emotion. the comely head was finely poised upon the slender neck, and in the whole figure there was an air of self-reliance and power that accorded well with the position which she held. a simple gray dress, with a bright ribbon at the throat and a bunch of autumn flowers carelessly tucked into the belt which circled the trim waist, completed the picture framed in the doorway of the white school-house. she stood, with eyes fastened on the paper which she held in one hand, while the other pressed a pencil-head against her cheek, unmindful of the curious glances that were fixed upon her from within, until the messenger-boy had twice repeated his customary question: "any answer, ma'am?" she reached forth her hand, slowly and without reply. the boy looked up and saw that she was gazing far beyond him and had a strained, fixed look in her eyes. "want a blank?" he asked, in a tone of unconscious sympathy. she did not answer, but as he put his pad of blanks into her outstretched hand she drew it back and wrote, in a slow and absent manner, a message in these words: "to captain oscar ainslie, boyleston, va. "coming. "mollie." "collect?" asked the boy. "no!" she inquired, and paid the charges in the same unheeding way. the messenger departed with a wistful glance at the dry, pained eyes which heeded him not. with a look of dumb entreaty at the overhanging mountain and misty, indian summer sky, and a half perceptible shiver of dread, mollie ainslie turned and entered again the school-room. chapter xvii. good-morrow and farewell. a week afterward, mollie ainslie stood beside the bed of her only brother and watched the sharp, short struggle which he made with their hereditary enemy, consumption. weakened by wounds and exposure, he was but ill-prepared to resist the advances of the insidious foe, and when she reached his side she saw that the hope, even of delay, was gone. so she took her place, and with ready hand, brave heart, and steady purpose, brightened his pathway to the tomb. oscar and mollie ainslie were the oniy children of a new england clergyman whose life had lasted long enough, and whose means had been sufficient, with the closest economy, to educate them both according to the rigorous standards of the region in which they were born. until the son entered college they had studied together, and the sister was almost as well prepared for the university course as the brother when they were separated. then she stepped out of the race, and determined, though scarcely more than a child, to become herself a bread-winner, in order that her father's meager salary might be able to meet the drain of her brother's college expenses. she did this not only without murmuring, but with actual pleasure. her ambition, which was boundless, centered upon her brother. she identified herself with him, and cheerfully gave up every advantage, in order that his opportunities might be more complete. to oscar these sacrifices on his sister's part were very galling. he felt the wisdom of the course pursued toward him by his family, and was compelled to accede in silence to prevent the disappointment which his refusal would bring. yet it was the keenest trial for him to think of accepting his sister's earnings, and only the conviction that to do so was the quickest and surest way to relieve her of the burden of self-support, induced him to submit to such an arrangement. hardly had he entered upon his college course when the war of rebellion came on, and oscar ainslie saw in the patriotic excitement and the promise of stirring events a way out of a situation whose fetters were too heavy for him to bear by reason of their very tenderness. he was among the first, therefore, to enlist, happy thereby to forestall his sister's determination to engage in teaching, for his sake. his father was grieved at the son's abandonment of his projected career, but his heart was too patriotic to object. so he gave the bright-eyed young soldier his blessing as he bade him good-by, standing there before him, strong and trim, in his close-fitting cavalry uniform. he knew that oscar's heart beat high with hope, and he would not check it, though he felt sure that they looked into each other's eyes for the last time. when his own were glazing over with the ghastly grave-light, more than two years afterward, they were gladdened by the announcement which came throbbing along the wires and made bright the whole printed page from which he read: "private oscar ainslie, promoted to a captaincy for gallant conduct on the field of gettysburg." upon this he rallied his fading energies, and waited for a week upon the very brink of the chill river, that he might hear, before he crossed over, from the young soldier himself, how this honor was won. when he had learned this he fell asleep, and not long after, the faithful wife who had shared his toils and sacrifices heard the ceaseless cry of his lonely spirit, and was gathered again to his arms upon the shore where beauty fadeth not forever. the little homestead upon the rocky hillside overlooking the village was all that was left to the brother and sister; but it was more than the latter could enjoy alone, so she fled away and entered upon the vocation in which we found her engaged. meantime her brother had risen in. rank, and at the close of the war had been transferred to the regular army as a reward of distinguished merit. then his hereditary foe had laid siege to his weakened frame, and a brother officer had telegraphed to the sister in the bankshire hills the first warning of the coming end. it was a month after her arrival at boyleston, when her brother, overcoming the infatuation which usually attends that disease, saw that the end was near and made provision respecting it. "sis," he said, calling her by the pet name of their childhood, "what day of the month is it?" "the thirteenth, oscar--your birthday," she replied briskly. "don't you see that i have been out and gathered leaves and flowers to decorate your room, in honor of the event?" her lap was full of autumn leaves-maple and gum, flaming and variegated, brown oak of various shapes and shades, golden hickory, the open burrs of the chintuapin, pine cones, and the dun scraggly balls of the black-gum, some glowing bunches of the flame-bush, with their wealth of bursting red beries, and a full-laden branch of the black-haw. the bright october sun shone through the open window upon her as she arranged them with deft fingers, contrasting the various hues with loving skill, and weaving ornaments for different points in the bare room of the little country hotel where her brother lay. he watched her awhile in silence, and then said sadly, "yes, my last birthday." her lips trembled, and her head drooped lower over her lap, but she would not let him see her agitation. so she simply said, "do not say that, oscar." "no," he replied, "i ought not to say so. i should have said, my last earthly birthday. sit closer, sis, where i can see you better. i want to talk to you." "do you know," he continued, as she came and sat upon his bedside, spreading her many-hued treasures over the white coverlet, "that i meant to have been at home to-day?" "and are you not?" she asked cheerfully. "am i not with you?" "true, sis, and you are my home now; but, after all, i did want to see the old new england hills once more. one yearns for familiar scenes after years of war. i meant to have gone back and brought you here, away from the cold winters that sting, and bite, and kill. i hoped that, after rest, i might recover strength, and that you might, here escape the shadow which has fastened upon me." "have you seen my horse, midnight?" he asked, after a fit of coughing, followed by a dreamy silence. "yes." "how do you like him?" "he is a magnificent creature." "would he let you approach him?" "i had no trouble in doing so." none?" he's very vicious, too. everybody has had trouble with him. do you think you could ride him?" "i have ridden him every day for two weeks." "ah! that is how you have kept so fresh." then, after a pause, "do you know how i got him?" "i heard that he was captured." "yes, in the very last fight before the surrender at appomattox. i was with sheridan, you know. we were pursuing the retreating columns--had been pressing them hotly ever since the break at petersburg--on the rear and on both flanks, fighting, worrying, and watching all the time. on the last day, when the retreat had become a rout, as it seemed, a stand was made by a body of cavalry just on the crest of a smoothly-sloping hill. not anticipating serious resistance, we did not wait for the artillery to come up and dislodge them, but deploying a brigade we rode on, jesting and gay, expecting to see them disperse when we came within range and join the rabble beyond. we were mistaken. just when we got within easy charging distance, down they came, pell-mell, as dashing a body of dirty veterans as i ever saw. the attack was so unexpected that for a time we were swept off our feet and fairly carried backward with surprise. then we rallied, and there was a sharp, short struggle. the enemy retreated, and we pressed after them. the man that rode this horse seemed to have selected me as his mark. he rode straight at me from the first. he was a fine, manly-looking fellow, and our swords were about the last that were crossed in the struggle. we had a sharp tussle for a while. i think he must have been struck by a chance shot. at least he was unseated just about the time my own horse was shot under me. looking around amid the confusion i saw this horse without a rider. i was in mortal terror of being trampled by the shifting squadrons and did not delay, but sprang into the saddle and gave him the spur. when the confederate bugles sounded the retreat i had a terrible struggle to keep him from obeying orders and carrying me away into their lines. after that, however, i had no trouble with him. but he is not kind to strangers, as a rule. i meant to have taken him home to you," he added, sadly. "you will have him now, and will prize him for my sake, will you not, sis?" "you know, oscar, that everything you have ever loved or used will be held sacred," she answered tearfully. "yes, i know," he rejoined. "sis, i wish you would make me a promise." "you know i will." "well, then, do not go back to our old home this winter, nor the next, nor--but i will not impose terms upon you. stay as long as you can content yourself in this region. i am afraid for you. i know you are stronger and have less of the consumptive taint about you than i, but i am afraid. you would have worked for me when i was in college, and i have worked only for you, since that time. all that i have saved--and i have saved all i could, for i knew that my time was not long--is yours. i have some money on deposit, some bonds, and a few articles of personal property--among the latter, midnight. all these are yours. it will leave you comfortable for a time at least. now, dear, promise that i shall be buried and remain in the cemetery the government is making for the soldiers who fell in those last battles. somehow, i think it will keep you here, in order that you may be near me, and save you from the disease which is devouring my life." a week afterward his companions followed, with rever ed arms, the funereally-caparisoned midnight to the grounds of the national cemetery, and fired a salute over a new-made grave. nimbus, taking with him his helpless friend, had appealed, soon after his purchase, to the officer of the bureau for aid in erecting a school-house at red wing. by him he had been referred to one of those charitable associations, through whose benign agency the great-hearted north poured its free bounty into the south immediately upon the cessation of strife. perhaps there has been no grander thing in our history than the eager generosity with which the christian men and women of the north gave and wrought, to bring the boon of knowledge to the recently-enslaved. as the north gave, willingly and freely, men and millions to save the nation from disruption, so, when peace came, it gave other brave men and braver women, and other unstinted millions to strengthen the hands which generations of slavery had left feeble and inept. not only the colored, but the white also, were the recipients of this bounty. the queen city of the confederacy, the proud capital of the commonwealth of virginia, saw the strange spectacle of her own white children gathered, for the first time, into free public schools which were supported by northern charity, and taught by noble women with whom her high-bred christian dames and dainty maidens would not deign to associate. the civilization of the north in the very hour of victory threw aside the cartridge-box, and appealed at once to the contribution-box to heal the ravages of war. at the door of every church throughout the north, the appeal was posted for aid to open the eyes of the blind whose limbs had just been unshackled; and the worshipper, as he gave thanks for his rescued land, brought also an offering to aid in curing the ignorance which slavery had produced. it was the noblest spectacle that christian civilization has ever witnessed--thousands of schools organized in the country of a vanquished foe, almost before the smoke of battle had cleared away, free to the poorest of her citizens, supported by the charity, and taught by kindly-hearted daughters of a quick-forgiving enemy. the instinct of our liberty-loving people taught them that light must go with liberty, knowledge with power, to give either permanence or value. thousands of white-souled angels of peace, the tenderly-reared and highly-cultured daughters of many a northern home, came into the smitten land to do good to its poorest and weakest. even to this day, two score of schools and colleges remain, the glorious mementoes of this enlightened bounty and christian magnanimity. and how did the white brothers and sisters of these messengers of a matchless benevolence receive them? ah, god! how sad that history should be compelled to make up so dark a record--abuse, contumely, violence! christian tongues befouled with calumny! christian lips blistered with falsehood! christian hearts overflowing with hate! christian, pens reeking with ridicule because other christians sought to do their needy fellows good! no wonder that faith grew weak and unbelief ran riot through all the land when men looked upon the spectacle! the present may excuse, for charity is kind; but the future is inexorable and writes its judgments with a pen hard-nibbed! but let us not anticipate. in thousands of northern homes still live to testify these devoted sisters and daughters, now grown matronly. they are scattered through every state, almost in every hamlet of the north, while other thousands have gone, with the sad truth carved deep upon their souls, to testify in that court where "the action lies in its true nature." nimbus found men even more ready to assist than he and his fellows were to be aided. he himself gave the land and the timbers; the benevolent association to whom he had appealed furnished the other materials required; the colored men gave the major part of the labor, and, in less than a year from the time the purchase was made, the house was ready for the school, and the old hostelry prepared for the teachers that had been promised. so it was that, when nimbus came to the officer in charge at boyleston and begged that a teacher might be sent to red wing, and met the reply that because of the great demand they had none to send, mollie ainslie, hearing of the request, with her load of sorrow yet heavy on her lonely heart, said, "here am i; take me." she thought it a holy work. it was, to her simple heart, a love-offering to the memory of him who had given his life to secure the freedom of the race she was asked to aid in lifting up. the gentle child felt called of god to do missionary work for a weak and struggling people. she thought she felt the divine commandment which rested on the nazarene. she did not stop to consider of the "impropriety" of her course. she did not even know that there was any impropriety in it. she thought her heart had heard the trumpet-call of duty, and, like joan of arc, though it took her among camps and dangers, she would not flinch. so nimbus returned happy; an officer was sent to examine the location and report. mollie, mounted upon midnight, accompanied him. of course, this fact and her unbounded delight at the quaint beauty of red wing was no part of the reason why lieutenant hamilton made a most glowing report on the location; but it was owing to that report that the officer at the head of the "bureau" in that district, the department-commander, and finally the head of the bureau, general howard himself, indorsed the scheme most warmly and aided it most liberally. so that soon afterward the building was furnished as a school-house, mollie ainslie, with lucy ellison, an old schoolmate, as her assistant, was installed at the old hostlery, and bore sway in the school of three hundred dusky pupils which assembled daily at red wing. midnight was given royal quarters in the old log-stable, which had been re-covered and almost rebuilt for his especial delectation, the great square stall, with its bed of dry oak leaves, in which he stood knee-deep, being sufficient to satisfy even miss mollie's fastidious demands for the comfort of her petted steed after a time eliab hill, to whose suggestion the whole plan was due, became also an assistant instructor. mollie ainslie did not at all realize the nature of the task she had undertaken, or the burden of infamy and shame which a christian people would heap upon her because of this kindly-meant work done in their midst! chapter xviii. "prime wrappers." it was more than a year afterward. quite a little village had grown up around the church and school-house at red wing, inhabited by colored men who had been attracted thither by the novelty of one of their own members being a proprietor. encouraged by his example, one and another had bought parcels of his domain, until its size was materially reduced though its value was proportionately enhanced. those who settled here were mostly mechanics--carpenters and masons--who worked here and there as they could find employment, a blacksmith who wrought for himself, and some farm laborers who dreaded the yearly system of hire as too nearly allied to the slave regime, and so worked by the day upon the neighboring plantations. one or two bought somewhat larger tracts, intending to imitate the course of nimbus and raise the fine tobacco for which the locality was already celebrated. all had built cheap log-houses, but their lots were well fenced and their "truck-patches" clean and thrifty, and the little hamlet was far from being unattractive, set as it was in the midst of the green forests which belted it about. from the plantations on either side, the children flocked to the school. so that when the registering officer and the sheriff rode into the settlement, a few days after the registration at melton, it presented a thriving and busy spectacle. upon the hillside, back of his house, nimbus, his wife, and two men whom he had employed were engaged in cutting the tobacco which waved--crinkled and rank, with light ygjlowish spots showing here and there upon the great leaves--a billow of green in the autumn wind. the new-comers halted and watched the process for a moment as they rode up to the barn, while the sheriff explained to the unfamiliar northman: "this is the first cutting, as it is called. they only take out the ripest this time, and leave the rest for another cutting, a week or two later. you see, he goes through there," pointing to nimbus, "and picks out the ripe, yellow-looking plants. then he sets his knife in at the top of the stalk where it has been broken off to prevent its running up to seed, and splits it down almost to the ground; then he cuts the stalk off below the split, and it is ready to be hung on the thin narrow strips of oak, which you see stuck up here and there, where the cutting has been done. they generally put from seven to ten plants on a stick, according to the size of the plants; so that the number of sticks makes a very accurate measure of the size of the crop, and an experienced hand can tell within a few pounds the weight of any bulk of tobacco by simply counting the sticks." they rode up to the barn and found it already half full of tobacco. nimbus came and showed the officer how the sticks were laid upon beams placed at proper intervals, the split plants hanging tops downward, close together, but not touching each other. the upper portions of the barn were first filled and then the lower tiers, until the tobacco hung within two or three feet of the bottom. the barn itself was made of logs, the interstices closely chinked and daubed with clay, so as to make it almost air-tight. around the building on the inside ran a large stone flue, like a chimney laid on the ground. outside was a huge pile of wood and a liberal supply of charcoal. nimbus thus described the process of curing: "yer see, capting, we fills de barn chock full, an' then shets it up fer a day or two, 'cording ter de weather, sometimes wid a slow fire an' sometimes wid none, till it begins ter sweat--git moist, yer know. den we knows it's in order ter begin de curin', an' we puts on mo' fire, an' mo,' an' mo', till de whole house gits hot an' de leaves begins ter hev a ha'sh, rough feel about de edges, an' now an' den one begins ter yaller up. den we raises de heat jes ze fast ez we kin an' not fire de barn. some folks uses de flues alone an' some de coal alone, but i mostly 'pends on de flues wid a few heaps of coal jes here an' dar 'bout de flo', at sech a time, kase eberyting 'pends on a even reg'lar heat dat you kin manage good. den you keeps watch on it mighty close an' don't let it git too hot nor yet fail ter be hot 'nough, but jes so ez ter keep it yallerin' up nicely. when de leaves is crisp an' light so dat dey rustles roun' in de drafts like dead leaves in the fall, yer know, it's cured; an' all yer's got ter du den is ter dry out de stems an' stalks. dat's got ter be done, tho,' kase ef yer leaves enny bit ob it green an' sappy-like, fust ting yer knows when it comes in order--dat is, gits damp an' soft--de green runs outen de stems down inter de leaves an' jes streaks 'em all ober, or p'raps it turns de fine yaller leaf a dull greenish brown. so yer's got ter keep up yer fire till every stalk an' stem'll crack like a pipe-stem ez soon ez yer bends 'em up. den yer lets de fire go down an' opens der do' fer it ter come in order, so't yer kin bulk it down." "what do you mean by 'bulking it down'?" "put it in bulk, like dis yer," said he, pointing to a pile of sticks laid crosswise of each other with the plants still on them, and carefully covered to keep out the weather. "yer see," he continued, "dis answers two pu'poses; fust yergits yer barn empty an' uses it again. den de weather don't git in ter signify, yer know, an' so it don't come inter order any more an' color up wid de wet; dat is, 'less yer leaves it too long or de wedder is mighty damp." "oh, he knows," said the sheriff, with a ring of pride in his voice. "nimbus was raised in a tobacco-field, and knows as much as anybody about it. how did your first barn cure up, nimbus?" "right bright and even, sah," answered the colored man, as he thrust his hand under the boards spread over the bulk near which he stood, and drew out a few leaves, which he smoothed out carefully and handed to his visitors. "i got it down in tol'able fa'r order, too, alter de rain t'odder evenin'. dunno ez i ebber handled a barn thet, take it all round, 'haved better er come out fa'rer in my life--mighty good color an' desp'ut few lugs. yer see, i got it cut jes de right time, an' de weather couldn't hev ben better ef i'd hed it made ter order." the sheriff stretched a leaf to its utmost width, held it up to the sunshine, crumpled it between his great palms, held it to his face and drew a long breath through it, rubbed the edges between thumb and finger, pinched the stem with his thumb-nail till it broke in half a dozen places, and remarked with enthusiasm, to the northern man, who stood rubbing and smelling of the sample he held, in awkward imitation of one whom he recognized as a connoisseur: "that's prime terbacker, captain. if it runs like that through the bulk and nothing happens to it before it gets to the warehouse, it'll bring a dollar a pound, easy. you don't often see such terbacker any year, much less such a one as this has been. didn't it ripen mighty uneven, nimbus?" "jest about ez it oughter--a little 'arlier on the hilltop an' dry places 'long de sides, an' den gradwally down ter de moister places. dar wa'n't much ob dat pesky spotted ripenin' up--jes a plant h'yer an' anodder dar, all in 'mong de green, but jest about a good barnfull in tollable fa'r patches, an' den anodder comin' right on atter it. i'll hev it full agin an' fire up by to-morrer evenin'." "do you hang it right up after cutting?" asked the officer. "wal, we mout do so. tain't no hurt ter do it dat er way, only it handles better ter let it hang on de sticks a while an' git sorter wilted--don't break de leaves off ner mash 'em up so much loadin' an" unloadin', yer know," answered nimbus. "how much have you got here?" asked the sheriff, casting his eye over the field; "forty thousand?" "wal," said nimbus, "i made up sixty thousand hills, but i hed ter re-set some on 'em. i s'pose it'll run somewhere between fifty an' sixty thousand." "a right good crop," said the sheriff. "i doubt if any man in the county has got a better, take it all 'round." "i don't reckon ther's one wukked enny harder fer what he's got," said the colored man quietly. "no, i'll guarantee ther hain't," said the other, laughing. "nobody ever accused you of being lazy, nimbus. they only fault you fer being too peart." "all 'cause i wants my own, an' wuks fer it, an' axes nobody enny odds, but only a fa'r show--a white man's chance ter git along," responded nimbus, with a touch of defiance in his tone. "well, well," said the sheriff good-naturedly, "i won't never fault ye for that, but they do say you're the only man, white er black, that ever got ahead of potem desmit in a trade yet. how's that, nimbus?" "i paid him all he axed," said the colored man, evidently flattered by this tribute to his judgment as to the value of red wing. "kase white folks won't see good fine-terbacker lan' when dey walks ober it, tain't my fault, is it?" "no more tain't, nimbus; but don't yer s'pose yer marse potem's smartly worried over it?" "la, no, i reckon not. he don't 'pear ter be, ennyhow. he war by here when i was curin' up dis barn, an' stopped in an' looked at it, an' axed a power ob questions, an' got lugena ter bring him out some buttermilk an' a corn pone. den he went up an' sot an hour in de school an' sed ez how he war mighty proud ter see one of his ole nigga's gittin' on dat er way." "wal, now, that was kind of him, wasn't it?" "dat it war, sah, an' hit done us all a power ob good, too. hev you ebber ben ter de school, mr. sheriff? no? wal, yer oughter; an' you, too, capting. dar's a little yankee woman, miss mollie ainslie, a runnin' ob it, dat do beat all curration fer managin' tings. i'd nebber'd got long so h'yer, not by no means, ez i hez, but fer her advice--her'n an' 'liab's, gentlemen. dar she am now," he added, as a slight figure, mounted on a powerful black horse, and dressed in a dark riding-habit, with a black plume hanging from a low-crowned felt hat, came out of the woods below and cantered easily along the road a hundred yards away, toward the school-house. the visitors watched her curiously, and expressed a desire to visit the school. nimbus said that if they would walk on slowly he would go by the house and get his coat and overtake them before they reached the school-house. as they walked along the sheriff said, "did you notice the horse that yankee schoolmarm rode?" "i noticed that it was a very fine one," was the reply. "i should think it was. i haven't seen a horse in an age that reminded me so much of the one i was telling you about that hesden le moyne used to have. he is fuller and heavier, but if i was not afraid of making hesden mad i would rig him about a nigger-teacher's riding his horse around the country. of course it's not the same, but it would be a good joke, only hesden le moyne is not exactly the man one wants to start a joke on." when they arrived at the school-house they found that mollie ainslie had changed her habit and was now standing by the desk on the platform in the main room, clad in a neat half-mourning dress, well adapted to the work of the school-room, quiet and composed, tapping her bell to reduce to order the many-hued crowd of scholars of all ages and sizes who were settling into their places preparatory to the morning roll-call. nimbus took his visitors up the broad aisle, through an avenue of staring eyes, and introduced them awkwardly, but proudly, to the self-collected little figure on the platform. she in turn presented to them her assistant, miss lucy ellison, a blushing, peach-cheeked little northern beauty, and eliab hill, now advanced to the dignity of an assistant also, who sat near her on the platform. the sheriff nodded awkwardly to the ladies, as if doubtful how much deference it would do to display, said, "how d'ye, 'liab?" to the crippled colored man, laid his saddle-bags on the floor, and took the chair assigned to him. the northern man greeted the young ladies with apparent pleasure and profound respect, shook hands with the colored man, calling him "mister" hill, and before sitting down looked out on the crowded school with evident surprise. before proceeding with the roll-call miss ainslie took the large bible which lay upon her desk, and approaching the gentlemen said: "it is our custom every morning to read a portion of the scripture and offer prayer. we should be glad if either of you would conduct these exercises for us." both declined, the sheriff with some confusion, and the other remarking that he desired to see the school going on as if he were not present, in order that he might the better observe its exercises. miss ainslie returned to her desk, called the roll of a portion of the scholars, and then each of her assistants called the names of those assigned to their charge. a selection from the scripture was next read by the preceptress, a hymn sung under her lead with great spirit and correctness, and then eliab hill, clasping his hands, said, "let us pray." the whole school knelt, the ladies bowed their heads upon the desk, and eliab offered an appropriate prayer, in which the strangers were not forgotten, but were each kindly and fitly commended to the divine care. then there was an impromptu examination of the school. each of the teachers heard a class recite, there was more singing, with other agreeable exercises, and it was noon before the visitors thought of departing. then they were invited to dine with the lady teachers at the old ordinary, and would have declined, on the ground that they must go on to the next precinct, but nimbus, who had been absent for an hour, now appeared and brought word that the table was spread on the porch under the great oak, and their horses already cared for; so that excuse would evidently be useless. the sheriff was very uneasy, but the other seemed by no means displeased at the delay. however, the former recovered when he saw the abundant repast, and told many amusing stories of the old hostel. at length he said: "that is a fine horse you rode this morning, miss ainslie. may i ask to whom it belongs?" "to me, of course," replied the lady, in some surprise. "i did not know," replied the sheriff, slightly confused. "have you owned him long?" "nearly two years, she answered." "indeed? somehow i can't get it out of my head that i have seen him before, while i am quite sure i never had the pleasure of meeting you until to-day." "quite likely," she answered; "nimbus sometimes rides him into melton for the mail." "no," said he, shaking his head, "that is not it. but, no matter, he's a fine horse, and if you leave here or wish to sell him at any time, i hope you will rememher and give me a first chance." he was astonished at the result of his harmless proposal. "sir," said the little lady, her gray eyes filling and her voice choking with emotion, "that was my only brother's favorite horse. he rode him in the army, and gave him to me when he died. no money could buy him under any circumstances." "beg pardon," said the sheriff; "i had no idea--i--ah--" to relieve his embarrassment the officer brought forward the special object of his visit by stating that it was thought desirable to establish a voting precinct at red wing for the coming election, if a suitable place to hold the election could be found, and asked if the school-house could be obtained for that purpose. a lively conversation ensued, in which both gentlemen set forth the advantages of the location to the voters of that section. miss ellison seemed to favor it, but the little lady who was in charge only asked questions and looked thoughtful. when at length her opinion was directly asked, she said: "i had heard of this proposal through both mr. hill and nimbus, and i must say i quite agree with the view taken by the former. if it were necessary in order to secure the exercise of their rights by the colored men i would not object; but i cannot see that it is. it would, of course, direct even more attention to our school, and i do not think the feeling toward us among our white neighbors is any too kindly now. we have received no serious ill-treatment, it is true, but this is the first time any white person has ventured into our house. i don't think that anything should be done to excite unnecessary antipathy which might interfere with what i must consider the most important element of the colored man's development, the opportunity for education." "why, they hold the league meetings there, don't they?" asked the sheriff, with a twinkle which questioned her sincerity. "certainly," she answered calmly. "at least i gave them leave to do so, and have no doubt they do. i consider that necessary. the colored men should be encouraged to consider and discuss political affairs and decide in regard to them from their own standpoint. the league gives them this opportunity. it seems to be a quiet and orderly gathering. they are all colored men of the same way of thought, in the main, and it is carried on entirely by them; at least, such is the case here, and i consider the practice which it gives in the discussion of public affairs and the conduct of public assemblies as a most valuable training for the adults who will never have a chance to learn otherwise." "i think nimbus is in favor of having the election here," said captain pardee. "no doubt," she replied. "so are they all, and they have been very pressing in their importunity--all except mr. hill. they are proud of their school and the building, which is the joint product of their own labor and the helpfulness of northern friends, and are anxious for every opportunity to display their unexpected prosperity. it is very natural, but i think unwise." "nimbus owns the land, don't he?" asked the sheriff. "no, he gave that for school and church purposes, and, except that they have a right to use it on the sabbath, it is in my charge as the principal teacher here," she replied, wilh dignity. "and you do not desire the election held here?" asked captain pardee. "i am sorry to discommode the voters around here, white or black, but i would not balance a day's time or a day's walk against the more important interests of this school to the colored people. they can walk ten miles to vote, if need be, but no exertion of theirs could replace even the building and its furniture, let alone the school which it shelters." "that is very true," said the officer, thoughtfully. so the project was abandoned, and melton remained the nearest polling-place to red wing. as they rode away the two representatives of antipodal thought discussed the scenes they had witnessed that day, which were equally new to them both, and naturally enough drew from them entirely different conclusions. the northern man enthusiastically prophesied the rapid rise and miraculous development of the colored race under the impetus of free schools and free thought. the southern man only saw in it a prospect of more "sassy niggers," like nimbus, who was "a good enough nigger, but mighty aggravating to the white folks." with regard to the teachers, he ventured only this comment: "captain, it's a mighty pity them gals are teaching a nigger school. they're too likely for such work--too likely by half." the man whom he addressed only gave a low, quiet laugh at this remark, which the other found it difficult to interpret. chapter xix. the shadow of the flag. as soon as it became known that the plan of having a polling-place at red wing had been abandoned, there was an almost universal expression of discontent among the colored people. never before had the authority or wisdom of the teachers been questioned. the purity of their motives and the devotion they had displayed in advancing every interest of those to whom they had come as the missionaries of light and freedom, had hitherto protected them from all jealousy or suspicion on the part of the beneficiaries of their devotion. mollie ainslie had readily and naturally fallen into the habit of controlling and directing almost everything about her, simply because she had been accustomed to self-control and self-direction, and was by nature quick to decide and resolute to act. conscious of her own rectitude, and fully realizing the dangers which might result from the experiment proposed, she had had no hesitation about withholding her consent, without which the school-house could not be used, and had not deemed it necessary to consult the general wish of the villagers in regard to it. eliab hill had approved her action, and she had briefly spoken of it to nimbus--that was all. now, the people of red wing, with nimbus at their head, had set their hearts upon having the election held there. the idea was flattering to their importance, a recognition of their manhood and political co-ordination which was naturally and peculiarly gratifying. so they murmured and growled, and the discontent grew louder and deeper until, on the second day thereafter, nimbus, with two or three other denizens of red wing, came, with gloomy, sullen faces, to the school-house at the hour for dismissal, to hold an interview with miss ainslie on the subject. she knew their errand, and received them with that cool reserve which so well became her determined face and slight, erect figure. when they had stated their desire, and more than half indicated their determination to have the election held there at all hazards, she said briefly, "i have not the slightest objection." "dar now," said nimbus exultingly; "i 'llowed dar mus' be somethin' wrong 'bout it. they kep' tellin' me that you 'posed it, an' tole de capting dat it couldn't never be held here wid your consent while you wuz in de school." "so i did." "you don't say? an' now yer's changed yer mind." "i have not changed my mind at all." "no? den what made you say yer hadn't no 'jections, just now." "because i have not. it is a free country. you say you are determined to have the election here, i am fully convinced that it would do harm. yet you have a right to provide a place, and hold it here, if you desire. that i do not question, and shall not attempt to prevent; only, the day that you determine to do so i shall pack up my trunk, ride over to boyleston, deliver the keys to the superintendent, and let him do as he chooses about the matter." "yer don't mean ter say yer'd go an' leave us fer good, does yer, miss mollie?" asked nimbus in surprise. "certainly," was the reply; "when the people have once lost confidence in me, and i am required to give up my own deliberate judgment to a whimsical desire for parade, i can do no more good here, and will leave at once." "sho, now, dat won't do at all--no more it won't," responded nimbus. "ef yer feel's dat er way 'bout it, der ain't no mo' use a-talkin'. dere's gwine ter be nary 'lection h'yer ef it really troubles you ladies dat 'er way." so it was decided, and once again there was peace. to compensate themselves for this forbearance, however, it was suggested that the colored voters of red wing and vicinity should meet at the church on the morning of election and march in a body to the polls with music and banners, in order most appropriately and significantly to commemorate their first exercise of the electoral privilege. to this miss ainslie saw no serious objection, and in order fully to conciliate nimbus, who might yet feel himself aggrieved by her previous decision, she tendered him the loan of her horse on the occasion, he having been elected marshal. from that time until the day of the election there was considerable excitement. there were a number of political harangues made in the neighborhood; the league met several times; the colored men appeared anxious and important about the new charge committed to their care; the white people were angry, sullen, and depressed. the school at red wing went peaceably on, interrupted only by the excitement attendant upon the preparations making for the expected parade. almost every night, after work was over, the colored people would gather in the little hamlet and march to the music of a drum and fife, and under the command of nimbus, whose service in the army had made him a tolerable proficient in such tactical movements as pertained to the "school of the company." very often, until well past midnight the fife and drum, the words of command, and the rumble of marching feet could be heard in the little village. the white people in the country around about began to talk about "the niggers arming and drilling," saying that they intended to "seize the polls on election day;" "rise up and murder the whites;" "burn all the houses along the river;" and a thousand other absurd and incredible things which seemed to fill the air, to grow and multiply like baleful spores, without apparent cause. as a consequence of this there grew up a feeling of apprehension among the colored men also. they feared that these things were said simply to make a ready and convenient excuse for violence which was to be perpetrated upon them in order to prevent the exercise of their legal rights. so there were whisperings and apprehension and high resolve upon both sides. the colored men, conscious of their own rectitude, were either unaware of the real light in which their innocent parade was regarded by their white neighbors, or else laughed at the feeling as insincere and groundless. the whites, having been for generations firm believers in the imminency of servile insurrections; devoutly crediting the tradition that the last words of george washington, words of wisdom and warning, were, "never trust a nigger with a gun;" and accustomed to chafe each other into a fever heat of excitement over any matter of public interest, were ready to give credence to any report--all the more easily because of its absurdity. on the other hand, the colored people, hearing these rumors, said to themselves that it was simply a device to prevent them from voting, or to give color and excuse for a conflict at the polls. there is no doubt that both were partly right and partly wrong. while the parade was at first intended simply as a display, it came to be the occasion of preparation for an expected attack, and as the rumors grew more wild and absurd, so did each side grow more earnest and sincere. the colored men determined to exercise their rights openly and boldly, and the white men were as fully determined that at any exhibition of "impudence" on the part of the "niggers" they would teach them a lesson they would not soon forget. none of this came to the ears of mollie ainslie. nevertheless she had a sort of indefinite foreboding of evil to come out of it, and wished that she had exerted her influence to prevent the parade. on the morning of the election day a motley crowd collected at an early hour at red wing. it was noticeable that every one carried a heavy stick, though there was no other show of arms among them. some of them, no doubt, had pistols, but there were no guns in the crowd. they seemed excited and alarmed. a few notes from the fife, however, banished all irresolution, and before eight o'clock two hundred men gathered from the country round marched away toward melton, with a national flag heading the column, in front of which rode eliab hill in the carryall belonging to nimbus. with them went a crowd of women and children, numbering as many more, all anxious to witness the first exercise of elective power by their race, only just delivered from the bonds of slavery. the fife screeched, the drum rattled; laughter and jests and high cheer prevailed among them all. as they marched on, now and then a white man rode past them, silent and sullen, evidently enraged at the display which was being made by the new voters. as they drew nearer to the town it became evident that the air was surcharged with trouble. nimbus sent back miss ainslie's horse, saying that he was afraid it might get hurt. the boy that took it innocently repeated this remark to his teacher. within the town there was great excitement. a young man who had passed red wing while the men were assembling had spurred into melton and reported with great excitement that the "niggers" were collecting at the church and nimbus was giving out arms and ammunition; that they were boasting of what they would do if any of their votes were refused; that they had all their plans laid to meet negroes from other localities at melton, get up a row, kill all the white men, burn the town, and then ravish the white women. this formula of horrors is one so familiar to the southern tongue that it runs off quite unconsciously whenever there is any excitement in the air about the "sassy niggers." it is the "form of sound words," which is never forgotten. its effect upon the southern white man is magical. it moves him as the red rag does a mad bull. it takes away all sense and leaves only an abiding desire to kill. so this rumor awakened great excitement as it flew from lip to lip. few questioned its verity, and most of those who heard felt bound in conscience to add somewhat to it as they passed it on to the next listener. each one that came in afterward was questioned eagerly upon the hypothesis of a negro insurrection having already taken shape. "how many are there?" "who is at the head of it?" "how are they armed?" "what did they say?" were some of the queries which overwhelmed every new comer. it never seemed to strike any one as strange that if the colored men had any hostile intent they should let these solitary horsemen pass them unmolested. the fever spread. revolvers were flourished and shot-guns loaded; excited crowds gathered here and there, and nearly everybody in the town sauntered carelessly toward the bridge across which nimbus' gayly-decked column must enter the town. a few young men rode out to reconnoitre, and every few minutes one would come dashing back upon a reeking steed, revolver in hand, his mouth full of strange oaths and his eyes flaming with excitement. it was one of these that precipitated the result. the flag which waved over the head of the advancing column had been visible from the town for some time as now and then it passed over the successive ridges to the eastward. the sound of fife and drum had become more and more distinct, and a great portion of the white male population, together with those who had come in to the election from the surrounding country, had gathered about the bridge spanning the swift river which flowed between melton and the hosts of the barbarous and bloodthirsty "niggers" of the red wing country. several of the young scouts had ridden close up to the column with tantalizing shouts and insulting gestures and then dashed back to recount their own audacity; until, just as the stars and stripes began to show over the last gullied hill, one of them, desirous of outdoing his comrades in bravado, drew his revolver, flourished it over his head, and cast a shower of insulting epithets upon the colored pilgrims to the shrine of ballatorial power. he was answered from the dusky crowd with words as foul as his own. such insult was not to be endured. instantly his pistol was raised, there was a flash, a puff of fleecy smoke, a shriek from amid the crowd. at once all was confusion. oaths, cries, pistol-shots, and a shower of rocks filled the air as the young man turned and spurred back to the town. in a moment the long covered-bridge was manned by a well-armed crowd, while others were seen running toward it. the town was in an uproar. the officers of election had left the polls, and in front of the bridge could be seen hesden le moyne and the burly sheriff striving to keep back the angry crowd of white men. on the hill the colored men, for a moment struck with amazement, were now arming with stones, in dead earnest, uttering loud cries of vengeance for one of their number who, wounded and affrighted, lay groaning and writhing by the roadside. they outnumbered the whites very greatly, but the latter excelled them in arms, in training, and in position. still, such was their exasperation at what seemed to them a wanton and unprovoked attack, that they were preparing to charge upon the bridge without delay. nimbus especially was frantic with rage. "it's the flag!" he shouted; "the damned rebels are firing on the flag!" he strode back and forth, waving an old cavalry sabre which he had brought to mark his importance as marshal of the day, and calling on his followers to stand by him and they would "clean out the murderous crowd." a few pistol shots which were fired from about the bridge but fell far short, added to their excitement and desperation. just as they were about to rush down the hillside, mollie ainslie, with a white set face, mounted on her black horse, dashed in front of them, and cried, "halt!" eliab hill had long been imploring them with upraised hands to be calm and listen to reason, but his voice was unheeded or unheard in the wild uproar. the sight of the woman, however, whom all of them regarded so highly, reining in her restive horse and commanding silence, arrested the action of all. but nimbus, now raging like a mad lion, strode up to her, waving his sword and cursing fearfully in his wild wrath, and said hoarsely: "you git out o' de way, miss mollie! we all tinks a heap ob you, but yer hain't got no place h'yer! de time's come for _men_ now, an' dis is men's wuk, an' we's gwine ter du it, too! d'yer see dat man dar, a-bleedin' an' a-groanin'? blood's been shed! we's been fired into kase we wuz gwine ter exercise our rights like men under de flag ob our kentry, peaceable, an' quiet, an' disturbin' nobody! 'fore god, miss mollie, ef we's men an' fit ter hev enny rights, we won't stan' dat! we'll hev blood fer blood! dat's what we means! you jes git outen de way!" he added imperiously. "we'll settle dis yer matter ourselves!" he reached out his hand as he spoke to take her horse by the bit. "stand back!" cried the brave girl. "don't you touch him, sir!" she urged her horse forward, and nimbus, awed by her intensity, slowly retreated before her, until she was but a pace or two in front of the line which stretched across the road. then leaning forward, she said, "nimbus, give me your sword!" "what you wants ob dat, miss mollie?" he asked in surprise. "no matter; hand it to me!" he took it by the blade, and held the heavy basket-hilt toward her. she clasped her small white fingers around the rough, shark-skin handle and raised it over her head as naturally as a veteran leader desiring to command attention, and said: "now, nimbus, and the rest of you, you all know that i am your friend. my brother was a soldier, and fought for your liberty on this very horse. i have never advised you except for your good, and you know i never will. if it is right and best for you to right now, i will not hinder you. nay, i will say god-speed, and for aught i know fight with you. i am no coward, if i am a woman. you know what i have risked already for your good. now tell me what has happened, and what this means." there was a cheer at this, and fifty excited voices began the story. "stop! stop!'" she cried. "keep silent, all of you, and let mr. hill tell it alone. he was here in front and saw it all." thereupon she rode up beside the carry-all, which was now in the middle of the throng, and listened gravely while eliab told the whole story of the march from red wing, there was a buzz when he had ended, which she stilled by a word and a wave of the hand, and then turning to nimbus she said: "nimbus, i appoint you to keep order in this crowd until my return. do not let any man, woman, or child move forward or back, whatever may occur. do you understand?" "yes, ma'am, i hears; but whar you gwine, miss mollie?" "into the town." "no yer don't, miss mollie," said he, stepping before her. "dey'll kill you, shore." "no matter. i am going. you provoked this affray by your foolish love of display, and it must be settled now, or it will be a matter of constant trouble hereafter." "but, miss mollie--" "not a word! you have been a soldier and should obey orders. here is your sword. take it, and keep order here. examine that poor fellow's wound, and i will go and get a doctor for him." she handed nimbus his sword and turned her horse toward the bridge. then a wail of distress arose from the crowd. the women begged her not to go, with tears. she turned in her saddle, shook her head, and raised her hand to show her displeasure at this. then she took a handkerchief from her pocket and half waving it as she proceeded, went toward the bridge. "well, i swear," said the sheriff; "if that are gal ain't coming in with a flag of truce. she's pluck, anyhow. you ought to give her three cheers, boys." the scene which had been enacted on the hill had been closely watched from the bridge and the town, and mollie's conduct had been pretty well interpreted though her words could not be heard. the nerve which she had exhibited had excited universal comment, and it needed no second invitation to bring off every hat and send up, in her honor, the shrill yell with which our soldiers became familiar during the war. recognizing this, her pale face became suffused with blushes, and she put her handkerchief to her lips to hide their tremulousness as she came nearer. she ran her eyes quickly along the line of strange faces, until they fell upon the sheriff, by whom stood hesden le moyne. she rode straight to them and said, "oh, mr. sheriff--" then she broke down, and dropping the rein on her horse's neck, she pressed her handkerchief to her face and wept. her slight frame shook with sobs. the men looked at her with surprise and pity. there was even a huskiness in the sheriff's voice as he said, "miss ainslie--i--i beg your pardon, ma'am-but--" she removed the handkerchief, but the tears were still running down her face as she said, glancing round the circle of sympathizing faces: "do stop this, gentlemen. it's all a mistake. i know it must be a mistake!" "we couldn't help it, ma'am," said one impulsive youth, putting in before the elders had time to speak; "the niggers was marching on the town here. did you suppose we was going to sit still and let them burn and ravage without opposition? oh, we haven't got so low as that, if the yankees did outnumber us. not yet!" there was a sneering tone in his voice which did more than sympathy could, to restore her equanimity. so she said, with a hint of a smile on her yet tearful face, "the worst thing those poor fellows meant to do, gentlemen, was to make a parade over their new-found privileges--march up to the polls, vote, and march home again. they are just like a crowd of boys over a drum and fife, as you know. they carefully excluded from the line all who were not voters, and i had them arranged so that their names would come alphabetically, thinking it might be handier for the officers; though i don't know anything about how an election is conducted," she added, with an ingenuous blush. "it's all my fault, gentlemen! i did not think any trouble could come of it, or i would not have allowed it for a moment. i thought it would be better for them to come in order, vote, and go home than to have them scattered about the town and perhaps getting into trouble." "so 'twould," said the sheriff. "been a first-rate thing if we'd all understood it--first-rate." "oh, i'm so sorry, gentlemen--so sorry, and i'm afraid one man is killed. would one of you be kind enough to go for a doctor?" "here is one," said several voices, as a young man stepped forward and raised his hat respectfully. "i will go and see him," he said. he walked on up the hill alone. "well, ma'am," said the sheriff, "what do you think should be done now?" "if you would only let these people come in and vote, gentlemen. they will return at once, and i would answer with my life for their good behavior. i think it was all a misunderstanding." "certainly--certainly, ma'am," said the sheriff. "no doubt about it." she turned her horse and was about to ride back up the hill, but hesden le moyne, taking off his hat, said: "gentlemen, i think we owe a great deal to the bravery of this young lady. i have no doubt but all she says is literally true. yet we like to have got into trouble which might have been very serious in its consequences, nay, perhaps has already resulted seriously. but for her timely arrival, good sense, and courage there would have been more bloodshed; our town would have been disgraced, troops posted among us, and perhaps lives taken in retaliation. now, considering all this, i move a vote of thanks to the lady, and that we all pledge ourselves to take no notice of these people, but let them come in and vote and go out, without interruption. all that are in favor of that say aye!" every man waved his hat, there was a storm of "ayes," and then the old rebel yell again, as, bowing and blushing with pleasure, mollie turned and rode up the hill. there also matters had assumed a more cheerful aspect by reason of her cordial reception at the bridge, and the report of the surgeon that the man's wound, though quite troublesome, was by no means serious. she told in a few words what had occurred, explained the mistake, reminded them that such a display would naturally prove very exasperating to persons situated as the others were, counselled moderation and quietness of demeanor, and told them to re-form their ranks and go forward, quietly vote, and return. a rousing cheer greeted her words. eliab hill uttered a devout prayer of thankfulness. nimbus blunderingly said it was all his fault, "though he didn't mean no harm," and then suggested that the flag and music should be left there in charge of some of the boys, which was approved. the wounded man was put into the carry-all by the side of eliab, and they started down the hill. the sheriff, who was waiting at the bridge, called out for them to bring the flag along and have the music strike up. so, with flying colors and rattling drum-beat, the voters of red wing marched to the polls; the people of melton looked good-naturedly on; the young hot-bloods joked the dusky citizen, and bestowed extravagant encomiums on the plucky girl who had saved them from so much threatened trouble; and mollie ainslie rode home with a hot, flushed face, and was put to bed by her co-laborer, the victim of a raging headache. "i declare, mollie ainslie," said lucy, "you are the queerest girl i ever saw. i believe you would ride that horse into a den of lions, and then faint because you were not eaten up. i could never do what you have done--never in the world--but if did i wouldn't get sick because it was all over." chapter xx. phantasmagoria. the day after the election a colored lad rode up to the school-house, delivered a letter for miss ainslie to one of the scholars, and rode away. the letter was written in an even, delicate hand, which was yet full of feminine strength, and read as follows: "miss ainslie: "my son hesden has told me of your courage in preventing what must otherwise have resulted in a most terrible conflict yesterday, and i feel it to be my duty, in behalf of many ladies whose husbands and sons were present on that occasion, to express to you our gratitude. it is seldom that such opportunity presents itself to our sex, and still more seldom that we are able to improve it when presented. your courage in exerting the power you have over the peculiar people toward whom you hold such important relations, commands my utmost admiration. it is a matter of the utmost congratulation to the good people of horsford that one of such courage and prudence occupies the position which you hold. i am afraid that the people whom you are teaching can never be made to understand and appreciate the position into which they have been thrust by the terrible events of the past few years. i am sure, however, that you will do all in your power to secure that result, and most earnestly pray for your success. could i leave my house i should do myself the pleasure to visit your school and express my gratitude in person. as it is, i can only send the good wishes of a weak old woman, who, though once a slave-mistress, was most sincerely rejoiced at the down-fall of a system she had always regarded with regret, despite the humiliation it brought to her countrymen. "hester le moyne." this was the first word of commendation which had been received from any southern white woman, and the two lonely teachers were greatly cheered by it. when we come to analyze its sentences there seems to be a sort of patronizing coolness in it, hardly calculated to awaken enthusiasm. the young girls who had given themselves to what they deemed a missionary work of peculiar urgency and sacredness, did not stop to read between the lines, however, but perused with tears of joy this first epistle from one of their own sex in that strange country where they had been treated as leprous outcasts by all the families who belonged to the race of which they were unconscious ornaments. they jumped to the conclusion that a new day was dawning, and that henceforth they would have that companionship and sympathy which they felt that they deserved from the christian women by whom they were surrounded. "what a dear, good old lady she must be!" exclaimed the pretty and gushing lucy ellison. "i should like to kiss her for that sweet letter." so they took heart of grace, talked with the old "mammy" who had charge of their household arrangements about the gentle invalid woman, whom she had served as a slave, and pronounced "jes de bestest woman in de worl', nex' to my young ladies," and then they went on with their work with renewed zeal. two other results followed this affair, which tended greatly to relieve the monotony of their lives. a good many gentlemen called in to see the school, most of them young men who were anxious for a sight of the brave lady who had it in charge, and others merely desirous to see the pretty yankee "nigger teachers." many would, no doubt, have become more intimate with them, but there was something in the terms of respectful equality on which they associated with their pupils, and especially with their co-worker, eliab hill, which they could not abide or understand. the fame of the adventure had extended even beyond the county, however, and raised them very greatly in the esteem of all the people. miss ainslie soon noticed that the gentlemen she met in her rides, instead of passing her with a rude or impudent stare began to greet her with polite respect. besides this, some of the officers of the post at boyleston, hearing of the gallant conduct of their country-woman, rode over to pay their respects, and brought back such glowing reports of the beauty and refinement of the teachers at red wing that the distance could not prevent others of the garrison from following their example; and the old ordinary thereafter witnessed many a pleasant gathering under the grand old oak which shaded it. both of the teachers found admirers in the gallant company, and it soon became known that lucy ellison would leave her present situation erelong to brighten the life of a young lieutenant. it was rumored, too, that another uniform covered the sad heart of a cavalier who asked an exchange into a regiment on frontier duty, because mollie ainslie had failed to respond favorably to his passionate addresses. so they taught, read, sang, wandered along the wood-paths in search of new beauties to charm their northern eyes; rode together whenever lucy could be persuaded to mount nimbus' mule, which, despite its hybrid nature, was an excellent saddle-beast; entertained with unaffected pleasure the officers who came to cheer their loneliness; and under the care of their faithful old "mammy" and the oversight of a kind-hearted, serious-faced superintendent, who never missed red wing in his monthly rounds, they kept their oddly transformed home bright and cheerful, their hearts light and pure, and their faith clear, daily thanking god that they were permitted to do what they thought to be his will. all of their experiences were not so pleasant. by their own sex they were still regarded with that calm, unobserving indifference with which the modern lady treats the sister who stands without the pale of reputable society. so far as the "ladies" of horsford were concerned, the "nigger teachers" at red wing stood on the plane of the courtesan--they were _seen_ but not _known._ the recognition which they received from the gentlemen of southern birth had in it not a little of the shame-faced curiosity which characterizes the intercourse of men with women whose reputations have been questioned but not entirely destroyed. they were treated with apparent respect, in the school-room, upon the highway, or at the market, by men who would not think of recognizing them when in the company of their mothers, sisters, or wives. such treatment would have been too galling to be borne had it not been that the spotless-minded girls were all too pure to realize its significance. chapter xxi. a child-man. eliab hill had from the first greatly interested the teachers at red wing. the necessities of the school and the desire of the charitable board having it in charge, to accustom the colored people to see those of their own race trusted and advanced, had induced them to employ him as an assistant teacher, even before he was really competent for such service. it is true he was given charge of only the most rudimentary work, but that fact, while it inspired his ambition, showed him also the need of improvement and made him a most diligent student. lucy ellison, as being the most expert in housewifely accomplishments, had naturally taken charge of the domestic arrangements at the ordinary, and as a consequence had cast a larger share of the school duties upon her "superior officer," as she delighted to call mollie ainslie. this division of labor suited well the characteristics of both. to plan, direct, and manage the school came as naturally and easily to the stirring yankee "school-marm" as did the ordering of their little household to the new york farmer's daughter. among the extra duties thus devolved upon the former was the supervision and direction of the studies of eliab hill. as he could not consistently with the requisite discipline be included in any of the regular classes that had been formed, and his affliction prevented him from coming to them in the evening for private instruction, she arranged to teach him at the school-house after school hours. so that every day she remained after the school was dismissed to give him an hour's instruction. his careful attention and rapid progress amply repaid her for this sacrifice, and she looked forward with much pleasure to the time when, after her departure, he should be able to conduct the school with credit to himself and profit to his fellows. then, for the first time, she realized how great is the momentum which centuries of intelligence and freedom give to the mind of the learner--how unconscious is the acquisition of the great bulk of that knowledge which goes to make up the caucasian manhood of the nineteenth century. eliab's desire to acquire was insatiable, his application was tireless, but what he achieved seemed always to lack a certain flavor of completeness. it was without that substratum of general intelligence which the free white student has partly inherited and partly acquired by observation and experience, without the labor or the consciousness of study. the whole world of life, business, society, was a sealed book to him, which no other hand might open for him; while the field of literature was but a bright tangled thicket before him. that unconscious familiarity with the past which is as the small-change of daily thought to us was a strange currency to his mind. he had, indeed, the key to the value of each piece, and could, with difficulty, determine its power when used by another, but he did not give or receive the currency with instinctive readiness. two things had made him clearly the intellectual superior of his fellows--the advantages of his early years by which he learned to read, and the habit of meditation which the solitude of his stricken life induced. this had made him a thinker, a philosopher far more profound than his general attainments would naturally produce. with the super-sensitiveness which always characterizes the afflicted, also, he had become a most acute and subtle observer of the human countenance, and read its infinite variety of expression with ease and certainty. in two things he might be said to be profoundly versed--the spirit of the scriptures, and the workings of the human heart. with regard to these his powers of expression were commensurate with his knowledge. the psalms of david were more comprehensible to him than the simplest formulas of arithmetic. mollie ainslie was not unfrequently amazed at this inequality of nature in her favorite pupil. on one side he seemed a full-grown man of grand proportions; on the other, a pigmy-child. she had heard him pour forth torrents of eloquence on the sabbath, and felt the force of a nature exceptionally rich and strong in its conception of religious truths and human needs, only to find him on the morrow floundering hopelessly in the mire of rudimentary science, or getting, by repeated perusals, but an imperfect idea of some author's words, which it seemed to her he ought to have grasped at a glance. he had always been a man of thought, and now for two years he had been studying after the manner of the schools, and his tasks were yet but rudimentary. it is true, he had read much and had learned not a little in a thousand directions which he did not appreciate, but yet he was discouraged and despondent, and it is no wonder that he was so. the mountain which stood in his pathway could not be climbed over nor passed by, but pebble by pebble and grain by grain must be removed, until a broad, smooth highway showed instead. and all this he must do before he could comprehend the works of those writers whose pages glow with light to _our_ eyes from the very first. he read and re-read these, and groped his way to their meaning with doubt and difficulty. being a woman, mollie ainslie was not speculative. she could not solve this problem of strength and weakness. in power of thought, breadth of reasoning, and keenness of analysis she felt that he was her master; in knowledge--the power of acquiring and using scientific facts--she could but laugh at his weakness. it puzzled her. she wondered at it; but she had never sought to assign a reason for it. it remained for the learner himself to do this. one day, after weeks of despondency, he changed places with his teacher during the hour devoted to his lessons, and taught her why it was that he, eliab hill, with all his desire to learn and his ceaseless application to his tasks, yet made so little progress in the acquisition of knowledge. "it ain't so much the words, miss mollie," he said, as he threw down a book in which he had asked her to explain some passage she had never read before, but the meaning of which came to her at a glance--"it ain't so much the words as it is the ideas that trouble me. these men who write seem to think and feel differently from those i have known. i can learn the words, but when i have them all right i am by no means sure that i know just what they mean," "why, you must," said the positive little yankee woman; "when one has the words and knows the meaning of all of them, he cannot help knowing what the writer means." "perhaps i do not put it as i should," said he sadly. "what i want to say is, that there are thoughts and bearings that i can never gather from books alone. they come to you, miss ainslie, and to those like you, from those who were before you in the world, and from things about you. it is the part of knowledge that can't be put into books. now i have none of that. my people cannot give it to me. i catch a sight of it here and there. now and then, a conversation i heard years ago between some white men will come up and make plain something that i am puzzling over, but it is not easy for me to learn." "i do not think i understand you," she replied; "but if i do, i am sure you are mistaken. how can you know the meanings of words, and yet not apprehend the thought conveyed?" "i do not know _how_," he replied. "i only know that while thought seems to come from the printed page to your mind like a flash of light, to mine it only comes with difficulty and after many readings, though i may know every word. for instance," he continued, taking up a voiume of tennyson which lay upon her table, "take any passage. here is one: 'tears, idle tears, i know not what they mean!' i have no doubt that brings a distinct idea to your mind." "yes," she replied, hesitatingly; "i never thought of it before, but i think it does." "well, it does not to mine. i cannot make out what is meant by 'idle' tears, nor whether the author means to say that he does not know what 'tears' mean, or only 'idle' tears, or whether he does not understand such a display of grief because it _is_ idle." "might he not have meant any or all of these?" she asked. "that is it," he replied. "i want to know what he _did_ mean. of course, if i knew all about his life and ways, and the like, i could tell pretty fully his meaning. you know them because his thoughts are your thoughts, his life has been your life. you belong to the same race and class. i am cut off from this, and can only stumble slowly along the path of knowledge." thus the simple-minded colored man, taught to meditate by the solitude which his affliction enforced upon him, speculated in regard to the _leges non scripta_ which control the action of the human mind and condition its progress. "what has put you in this strange mood, eliab?" asked the teacher wonderingly. his face flushed, and the mobile mouth twitched with emotion as he glanced earnestly toward her, and then, with an air of sudden resolution, said: "well, you see, that matter of the election--you took it all in in a minute, when the horse came back. you knew the white folks would feel aggravated by that procession, and there would be trouble. now, i never thought of that. i just thought it was nice to be free, and have our own music and march under that dear old flag to do the work of free men and citizens. that was all." "but nimbus thought of it, and that was why he sent back the horse," she answered. "not at all. he only thought they might pester the horse to plague him, and the horse might get away and be hurt. we didn't, none of us, think what the white folks would feel, because we didn't know. you did." "but why should this affect you?" "just because it shows that education is something more that i had thought--something so large and difficult that one of my age, raised as i have been, can only get a taste of it at the best." "well, what then? you are not discouraged?" "not for myself--no. the pleasure of learning is reward enough to me. but my people, miss mollie, i must think of them. i am only a poor withered branch. they are the straight young tree. i must think of them and not of eliab. you have taught me--this affair, everything, teaches me--that they can only be made free by knowledge. i begin to see that the law can only give us an opportunity to make ourselves freemen. liberty must be earned; it cannot be given." "that is very true," said the practical girl, whose mind recognized at once the fact which she had never formulated to herself. but as she looked into his face, working with intense feeling and so lighted with the glory of a noble purpose as to make her forget the stricken frame to which it was chained, she was puzzled at what seemed inconsequence in his words. so she added, wonderingly, "but i don't see why this should depress you. only think how much you have done toward the end you have in view. just think what you have accomplished--what strides you have made toward a full and complete manhood. you ought to be proud rather than discouraged." "ah!" said he, "that has been for myself, miss mollie, not for my people. what am i to my race? aye," he continued, with a glance at his withered limbs, "to the least one of them not--not--" he covered his face with his hands and bowed his head in the self-abasement which hopeless affliction so often brings. "eliab," said the teacher soothingly, as if her pupil were a child instead of a man older than herself, "you should not give way to such thoughts. you should rise above them, and by using the powers you have, become an honor to your race." "no, miss mollie," he replied, with a sigh, as he raised his head and gazed into her face earnestly. "there ain't nothing in this world for me to look forward to only to help my people. i am only the dust on the lord's chariot-wheels--only the dust, which must be brushed out of the way in order that their glory may shine forth. and that," he continued impetuously, paying no attention to her gesture of remonstrance, "is what i wanted to speak to you about this evening. it is hard to say, but i must say it--must say it now. i have been taking too much of your time and attention, miss mollie." "i am sure, mr. hill--" she began, in some confusion. "yes, i have," he went on impetuously, while his face flushed hotly. "it is the young and strong only who can enter into the canaan the lord has put before our people. i thought for a while that we were just standing on the banks of jordan--that the promised land was right over yon, and the waters piled up like a wall, so that even poor weak 'liab might cross over. but i see plainer now. we're only just past the red sea, just coming into the wildnerness, and if i can only get a glimpse from horeb, wid my old eyes by and by, 'liab 'll be satisfied. it'll be enough, an' more'n enough, for him. he can only help the young ones--the lambs of the flock--a little, mighty little, p'raps, but it's all there is for him to do." "why, eliab--" began the astonished teacher again. "don't! don't! miss mollie, if you please," he cried, with a look of pain. "i'se done tried--i hez, miss mollie. god only knows how i'se tried! but it ain't no use--no use," he continued, with a fierce gesture, and relapsing unconsciously into the rougher dialect that he had been training himself to avoid. "i can't do it, an' there's no use a-tryin'. there ain't nothin' good for me in this worl'--not in this worl'. it's hard to give it up, miss mollie--harder'n you'll ever dream; but i hain't blind. i knows the brand is on me. it's on my tongue now, that forgets all i've learned jes ez soon ez the time of trial comes." he seemed wild with excitement as he leaned forward on the table toward her, and accompanied his words with that eloquence of gesticulation which only the hands that are tied to crippled forms acquire. he paused suddenly, bowed his head upon his crossed arms, and his frame shook with sobs. she rose, and would have come around the table to him. raising his head quickly, he cried almost fiercely: "don't! don't! don't come nigh me, miss mollie! i'm going to do a hard thing, almost too hard for me. i'm going to get off the chariot-wheel--out of the light of the glory--out of the way of the young and the strong! them that's got to fight the lord's battles must have the training, and not them that's bound to fall in the wilderness. the time is precious--precious, and must not be wasted. you can't afford to spend so much of it on me! the lord can't afford ter hev ye, miss mollie! i must step aside, an' i'se gwine ter do it now. if yer's enny time an' strength ter spar' more'n yer givin' day by day in the school, i want yer should give it to--to--winnie an' 'thusa--they're bright girls, that have studied hard, and are young and strong. it is through such as them that we must come up--our people, i mean. i want you to give them my hour, miss mollie--_my_ hour! don't say you won't do it!" he cried, seeing a gesture of dissent. "don't say it! you must do it! promise me, miss mollie--for my sake! for--promise me--now--quick! afore i gets too weak to ask it!" "why, certainly, eliab," she said, in amazement, while she half shrank from him as if in terror. "i will do it if you desire it so much. but you should not get so excited. calm yourself! i am sure i don't see why you should take such a course; but, as you say, they are two bright girls and will make good teachers, which are much needed." "thank god! thank god!" cried the cripple, as his head fell again upon his arms. after a moment he half raised it and said, weakly, "will you please call nimbus, miss mollie? i must go home now. and please, miss mollie, don't think hard of 'liab--don't, miss mollie," he said humbly. "why should i?" she asked in surprise. "you have acted nobly, though i cannot think you have done wisely. you are nervous now. you may think differently hereafter. if you do, you have only to say so. i will call nimbus. good-by!" she took her hat and gloves and went down the aisle. happening to turn near the door to replace a book her dress had brushed from a desk, she saw him gazing after her with a look that haunted her memory long afterward. as the door closed behind her he slid from his chair and bowed his head upon it, crying out in a voice of tearful agony, "thank god! thank god!" again and again, while his unfinished form shook with hysteric sobs. "and _she_ said i was not wise!" he half laughed, as the tears ran down his face and he resumed his invocation of thankfulness. thus nimbus found him and carried him home with his wonted tenderness, soothing him like a babe, and wondering what had occurred to discompose his usually sedate and cheerful friend. "i declare, lucy," said mollie ainslie that evening, to her co-worker, over their cosy tea, "i don't believe i shall ever get to understand these people. there is that eliab hill, who was getting along so nicely, has concluded to give up his studies. i believe he is half crazy anyhow. he raved about it, and glared at me so that i was half frightened out of my wits. i wonder why it is that cripples are always so queer, anyhow?" she would have been still more amazed if she had known that from that day eliab hill devoted himself to his studies with a redoubled energy, which more than made up for the loss of his teacher's aid. had she herself been less a child she would have seen that he whom she had treated as such was, in truth, a man of rare strength. chapter xxii. how the fallow was seeded. the time had come when the influences so long at work, the seed which the past had sown in the minds and hearts of races, must at length bear fruit. the period of actual reconstruction had passed, and independent, self-regulating states had taken the place of military districts and provisional governments. the people of the south began, little by little, to realize that they held their future in their own hands--that the supervising and restraining power of the general government had been withdrawn. the colored race, yet dazed with the new light of liberty, were divided between exultation and fear. they were like a child taking his first steps--full of joy at the last accomplished, full of terror at the one which was before. the state of mind of the southern white man, with reference to the freedman and his exaltation to the privilege of citizenship is one which cannot be too frequently analyzed or too closely kept in mind by one who desires fully to apprehend the events which have since occurred, and the social and political structure of the south at this time. as a rule, the southern man had been a kind master to his slaves. conscious cruelty was the exception. the real evils of the system were those which arose from its _un_-conscious barbarism--the natural and inevitable results of holding human beings as chattels, without right, the power of self-defence or protestation--dumb driven brutes, deprived of all volition or hope, subservient to another's will, and bereft of every motive for self-improvement as well as every opportunity to rise. the effect of this upon the dominant race was to fix in their minds, with the strength of an absorbing passion, the idea of their own innate and unimpeachable superiority, of the unalterable inferiority of the slave-race, of the infinite distance between the two, and of the depth of debasement implied by placing the two races, in any respect, on the same level. the southern mind had no antipathy to the negro in a menial or servile relation. on the contrary, it was generally kind and considerate of him, as such. it regarded him almost precisely as other people look upon other species of animate property, except that it conceded to him the possession of human passions, appetites, and motives. as a farmer likes to turn a favorite horse into a fine pasture, watch his antics, and see him roll and feed and run; as he pats and caresses him when he takes him out, and delights himself in the enjoyment of the faithful beast--just so the slave-owner took pleasure in the slave's comfort, looked with approval upon his enjoyment of the domestic relation, and desired to see him sleek and hearty, and physically well content. it was only _as a man_ that the white regarded the black with aversion; and, in that point of view, the antipathy was all the more intensely bitter since he considered the claim to manhood an intrusion upon the sacred and exclusive rights of his own race. this feeling was greatly strengthened by the course of legislation and legal construction, both national and state. many of the subtlest exertions of american intellect were those which traced and defined the line of demarcation, until there was built up between the races, _considered as men_, a wall of separation as high as heaven and as deep as hell. it may not be amiss to cite some few examples of this, which will serve at once to illustrate the feeling itself, and to show the steps in its progress. . it was held by our highest judicial tribunal that the phrase "we the people," in the declaration of independence, did not include slaves, who were excluded from the inherent rights recited therein and accounted divine and inalienable, embracing, of course, the right of self-government, which rested on the others as substantial premises. . the right or privilege, whichever it may be, of intermarriage with the dominant race was prohibited to the african in all the states, both free and slave, and, for all legal purposes, that man was accounted "colored" who had one-sixteenth of african blood. . the common-law right of self-defence was gradually reduced by legal subtlety, in the slave states, until only the merest shred remained to the african, while the lightest word of disobedience or gesture of disrespect from him, justified an assault on the part of the white man. . early in the present century it was made a crime in all the states of the south to teach a slave to read, the free blacks were disfranchised, and the most stringent restraining statutes extended over them, including the prohibition of public assembly, even for divine worship, unless a white man were present. . emancipation was not allowed except by decree of a court of record after tedious formality and the assumption of onerous responsibilities on the part of the master; and it was absolutely forbidden to be done by testament. . as indicative of the fact that this antipathy was directed against the colored man as a free agent, a man, solely, may be cited the well-known fact of the enormous admixture of the races by illicit commerce at the south, and the further fact that this was, in very large measure, consequent upon the conduct of the most refined and cultivated elements of southern life. as a thing, an animal, a mere existence, or as the servant of his desire and instrument of his advancement, the southern caucasian had no antipathy to the colored race. as one to serve, to nurse, to minister to his will and pleasure, he appreciated and approved of the african to the utmost extent. . every exercise of manly right, sentiment, or inclination, on the part of the negro, was rigorously repressed. to attempt to escape was a capital crime if repeated once or twice; to urge others to escape was also capitally punishable; to learn to read, to claim the rights of property, to speak insolently, to meet for prayer without the sanction of the white man's presence, were all offences against the law; and in this case, as in most others, the law was an index as well as the source of a public sentiment, which grew step by step with its progress in unconscious barbarity. . perhaps the best possible indication of the force of this sentiment, in its ripened and intensest state, is afforded by the course of the confederate government in regard to the proposal that it should arm the slaves. in the very crisis of the struggle, when the passions of the combatants were at fever heat, this proposition was made. there was no serious question as to the efficiency or faithfulness of the slaves. the masters did not doubt that, if armed, with the promise of freedom extended to them, they would prove most effective allies, and would secure to the confederacy that autonomy which few thoughtful men at that time believed it possible to achieve by any other means. such was the intensity of this sentiment, however, that it was admitted to be impossible to hold the southern soldiery in the field should this measure be adopted. so that the confederacy, rather than surrender a tithe of its prejudice against the negro _as a man_, rather than owe its life to him, serving in the capacity of a soldier, chose to suffer defeat and overthrow. the african might raise the food, build the breastworks, and do aught of menial service or mere manual labor required for the support of the confederacy, without objection or demurrer on the part of any; but they would rather surrender all that they had fought so long and so bravely to secure, rather than admit, even by inference, his equal manhood or his fitness for the duty and the danger of a soldier's life. it was a grand stubborness, a magnificent adherence to an adopted and declared principle, which loses nothing of its grandeur from the fact that we may believe the principle to have been erroneous. . another very striking and peculiar illustration of this sentiment is the fact that one of the most earnest advocates of the abolition of slavery, and a type of its southern opponents, the author of "the impending crisis"--a book which did more than any other to crystallize and confirm the sentiment awakened at the north by "uncle tom's cabin"--was perhaps more bitterly averse to the freedom, citizenship, and coexistence of the african with the caucasian than any man that has ever written on the subject. he differed from his slaveholding neighbors only in this: _they_ approved the african as a menial, but abominated him as a self-controlling man; _he_ abhorred him in both relations. with _them,_ the prejudice of race made the negro hateful only when he trenched on the sacred domain of their superior and self-controlling manhood; with _him,_ hatred of the race overleaped the conventional relation and included the african wherever found, however employed, or in whatsoever relation considered. his horror of the black far overtopped his ancient antipathy to the slave. the fact that he is an exception, and that the extravagant rhodomontades of "nojoque" are neither indorsed nor believed by any considerable number of the southern people, confirms most powerfully this analysis of their temper toward the african. . still another signal instance of its accuracy is the striking fact that one of the hottest political struggles since the war arose out of the proposition to give the colored man the right to testify, in courts of justice, against a white man. the objection was not bottomed on any desire to deprive the colored man of his legal rights, but had its root in the idea that it would be a degradation of the white man to allow the colored man to take the witness-stand and traverse the oath of a caucasian. now, as it relates to our story:--that this most intense and vital sentiment should find expression whenever the repressive power of the conquering people was removed was most natural; that it would be fanned into a white heat by the freedman's enfranchisement was beyond cavil; and that red wing should escape such manifestations of the general abhorrence of the work of development there going on was not to be expected, even by its most sanguine friend. although the conduct of the teachers at red wing had been such as to awaken the respect of all, yet there were two things which made the place peculiarly odious. one was the influence of eliab hill with his people in all parts of the county, which had very greatly increased since he had ceased to be a pupil, in appearance, and had betaken himself more than ever to solitude and study. the other was the continued prosperity and rugged independence of nimbus, who was regarded as a peculiarly "sassy nigger." to the malign influence of these two was attributed every difference of opinion between employer and employee, and every impropriety of conduct on the part of the freedmen of horsford. eliab was regarded as a wicked spirit who devised evil continually, and nimbus as his willing familiar, who executed his purpose with ceaseless diligence. so red wing was looked upon with distrust, and its two leading characters, unconsciously to themselves, became marked men, upon whom rested the suspicion and aversion of a whole community. chapter xxiii. an offering of first-fruits. an election was impending for members of the legislature, and there was great excitement in the county of horsford. of white republicans there were not above a half dozen who were openly known as such. there were two or three others who were regarded with some suspicion by their neighbors, among whom was hesden le moyne. since he had acted as a judge of election at the time of the adoption of the constitution, he had never been heard to express any opinion upon political matters. he was known to have voted for that constitution, and when questioned as to his reasons for such a course, had arrogantly answered, "simply because i saw fit to do so." his interrogator had not seen fit to inquire further. hesden le moyne was not a man with whom one wished to provoke a controversy. his unwillingness to submit to be catechised was generally accepted as a proof positive of his "radical" views. he had been an adviser of nimbus, his colored playmate, in the purchase of the red wing property, his interest in eliab hill had not slackened since that worthy cast in his lot with nimbus, and he did not hesitate to commend the work of the school. he had several times attended the examinations there, had become known to the teachers, and took an active interest in the movement there going on. what his personal views were in regard to the very peculiar state of affairs by which he was surrounded he had never found it necessary to declare. he attended quietly to the work of his plantation, tenderly cared for his invalid mother, and watched the growth of his little son with the seemingly settled conviction that his care was due to them rather than to the public. his counsel and assistance were still freely sought in private matters by the inhabitants of the little village of red wing, and neither was ever refused where he saw that it might do good. he was accounted by them a friend, but not a partisan, and none of them had ever discussed any political questions with him, except eliab hill, who had more than once talked with him upon the important problem of the future of that race to which the unfortunate cripple was so slightly akin and yet so closely allied. there was a large majority of colored men in the county, and one of the candidates for the legislature was a colored man. while elections were under the military control there had been no serious attempt to overcome this majority, but now it was decided that the county should be "redeemed," which is the favorite name in that section of the country for an unlawful subversion of a majority. so the battle was joined, and the conflict waged hot and fierce. that negroes--no matter how numerous they might be--should rule, should bear sway and control in the county of horsford, was a thought not by any means to be endured. it was a blow on every white cheek--an insult to every caucasian heart. men cursed wildly when they thought of it. women taunted them with cowardice for permitting it. it was the one controlling and consuming thought of the hour. on the other hand, the colored people felt that it was necessary for them to assert their newly-acquired rights if they expected to retain them. so that both parties were influenced by the strongest considerations which could possibly affect their action. red wing was one of the points around which this contest raged the hottest. although it had never become a polling precinct, and was a place of no mercantile importance, it was yet the center from which radiated the spirit that animated the colored men of the most populous district in the county. it was their place of meeting and conference. accustomed to regard their race as peculiarly dependent upon the divine aid because of the lowly position they had so long occupied, they had become habituated to associate political and religious interests. the helplessness of servitude left no room for hope except through the trustfulness of faith. the generation which saw slavery swept away, and they who have heard the tale of deliverance from the lips of those who had been slaves, will never cease to trace the hand of god visibly manifested in the events culminating in liberty, or to regard the future of the freed race as under the direct control of the divine being. for this reason the political and religious interests and emotions of this people are quite inseparable. wherever they meet to worship, there they will meet to consult of their plans, hopes, and progress, as at once a distinct race and a part of the american people. their religion is tinged with political thought, and their political thought shaped by religious conviction. in this respect the colored race in america are the true children of the covenanters and the puritans. their faith is of the same unquestioning type, which no disappointment or delay can daunt, and their view of personal duty and obligation in regard to it is not less intense than that which led men to sing psalms and utter praises on board the storm-bound "mayflower." the most english of all english attributes has, by a strange transmutation, become the leading element in the character of the africo-american. the same mixed motive of religious duty toward posterity and devotion to political liberty which peopled the bleak hills of new england and the fertile lands of canaan with peoples fleeing from bondage and oppression, may yet cover the north with dusky fugitives from the spirit and the situs of slavery. from time to time there had been political meetings held at the church or school-house, composed mainly of colored men, though now and then a little knot of white men would come in and watch their proceedings, sometimes from curiosity, and sometimes from spleen. heretofore, however, there had been no more serious interruption than some sneering remarks and derisive laughter. the colored men felt that it was their own domain, and showed much more boldness than they would ever manifest on other occasions. during this campaign, however, it was determined to have a grand rally, speeches, and a barbecue at red wing. the colored inhabitants of that section were put upon their mettle. several sheep and pigs were roasted, rude tables were spread under the trees, and all arrangements made for a great occasion. at an early hour of the day when it was announced that the meeting would be held, groups of colored people of all ages and both sexes began to assemble. they were all talking earnestly as they came, for some matter of unusual interest seemed to have usurped for the moment their accustomed lightness and jollity of demeanor. nimbus, as the most prosperous and substantial colored man of the region, had always maintained a decided leadership among them, all the more from the fact that he had sought thereby to obtain no advantage for himself. though a most ardent supporter of that party with which he deemed the interests of his race inseparably allied, he had never taken a very active part in politics, and had persistently refused to be put forward for any official position, although frequently urged to allow himself to be named a candidate. "no," he would always say; "i hain't got no larnin' an' not much sense. besides, i'se got all i kin manage, an' more too, a-takin' keer o' dis yer farm. dat's what i'm good fer. i kin manage terbacker, an' i'd ruther hev a good plantation an' run it myself, than all the offices in the worl'. i'se jes fit fer dat, an' i ain't fit fer nuffin' else." his success proved the justice of his estimate, and the more he prospered the stronger was his hold upon his people. of course, there were some who envied him his good-fortune, but such was his good-nature and readiness to render all the assistance in his power that this dangerous leaven did not spread. "bre'er nimbus" was still the heart and life of the community which had its center at red wing. his impetuosity was well tempered by the subtle caution of eliab hill, without whose advice he seldom acted in any important matter. the relations between these two men had continued singularly close, although of late eliab had been more independent of his friend's assistance than formerly; for, at the suggestion of the teachers, his parishioners had contributed little sums--a dime, a quarter, and a few a half-dollar apiece--to get him one of those wheeled chairs which are worked by the hands, and by means of which the infirm are frequently enabled to move about without other aid. it was the first time they had ever given anything to a minister of their own, and it was hard for those who had to support families upon a pittance which in other parts of the country would mean starvation; yet so many had hastened to give, that the "go-cart," as it was generally called, proved a vehicle of marvelous luxury and finish to the unaccustomed eyes of these rude children of the plantation. in this chair eliab was able to transport himself to and from the school-room, and even considerable distances among his people. this had brought him into nearer relations with them, and it was largely owing to his influence that, after northern benevolence began to restrict its gifts and to condition its benevolence upon the exercise of a self-help which should provide for a moiety of the expense, the school still continued full and prosperous, and the services of miss ainslie were retained for another year--the last she intended to give to the missionary work which accident had thrust upon her young life. already her heart was pining for the brightness and kindly cheer of the green-clad hills from which she had been exiled so long, and the friends whose hearts and arms would welcome her again to her childhood's home. on the morning of the barbecue nimbus and his household were astir betimes. upon him devolved the chief burden of the entertainment which was to be spread before his neighbors. there was an abundance of willing hands, but few who could do much toward providing the requisite material. his premises had undergone little change beyond the wide, cool, latticed walk which now led from his house to the kitchen, and thence to "uncle 'liab's" house, over which virginia-creepers and honeysuckle were already clambering in the furious haste which that quick-growing clime inspires in vegetation. a porch had also been added to his own house, up the posts and along the eaves of which the wisteria was clambering, while its pendulous, lilac flower-stems hung thick below. a few fruit-trees were planted here and there, and the oaks, which he had topped and shortened back when he cut away the forest for his house-lot, had put out new and dense heads of dark-green foliage that gave to the humble home a look of dignity and repose hardly to be matched by more ornate and costly structures. upon the north side the corn grew rank and thick up to the very walls of the mud-daubed gable, softening its rudeness and giving a charm even to the bare logs of which it was formed. lugena had grown full and matronly, had added two to her brood of lusty children, and showed what even a brief period of happiness and prosperity would do for her race as she bustled about in neat apparel with a look of supreme content on her countenance. long before the first comers from the country around had made their appearance, the preparations were completed, the morning meal cleared away, the table set in the latticed passage for the dinner of the most honored guests, the children made tidy, and nimbus, magnificently attired in clean shirt, white pants and vest, a black alpaca coat and a new panama hat, was ready to welcome the expected arrivals. eliab, too, made tidy by the loving care of his friends, was early mounted in his hand-carriage, and propelling himself here and there to meet the first comers. the barbecue was roasting under the charge of an experienced cook; the tables were arranged, and the speakers' stand at the back of the school-house in the grove was in the hands of the decorators. all was mirth and happiness. the freedmen were about to offer oblations to liberty--a sacrifice of the first-fruits of freedom. chapter xxiv. a black democritus. "_i say_, bre'er nimbus!" cried a voice from the midst of a group of those first arriving, "how yer do dis mornin'? hope yer's well, squar', you an' all de family." the speaker was a slender, loose-jointed young man, somewhat shabbily attired, with a shapeless narrow-brimmed felt hat in his hand, who was bowing and scraping with a mock solemnity to the dignitary of red wing, while his eyes sparkled with fun and his comrades roared at his comic gestures. "is dat you, berry?" said nimbus, turning, with a smile. "how yer do, berry? glad ter see ye well," nodding familiarly to the others and extending his hand. "thank ye, sah. you do me proud," said the jester, sidling towards him and bowing to the crowd with serio-comic gravity. "ladies an' gemmen, yer jes takes notice, ef yer please, dat i ain't stuck up--not a mite, i ain't, ef i _is_ pore. i'se not ashamed ter shake hands wid mr. squar' nimbus--desmit--war'. i stan's by him whatever his name, an' no matter how many he's got, ef it's more'n he's got fingers an' toes." he bowed low with a solemn wave of his grimy hat, as he shook the proffered hand, amid the laughter of his audience, with whom he seemed to be a prime favorite. "glad ter know it, berry," said nimbus, shaking the other's hand warmly, while his face glowed with evident pleasure. "how's all gittin' on wid ye, ennyhow?" "gittin' on, bre'er nimbus?" replied berry, striking an attitude. "gittin' on, did yer say? lor' bress yer soul, yer nebber seed de beat--nebber. ef yer ebber pegs out h'yer at red wing, bre'er nimbus, all yer's got ter du is jes ter come up on de kentry line whar folks _libs._ jes you look o' dar, will yer?" he continued, extending a slender arm ending in a skinny hand, the widely parted fingers of which seemed like talons, while the upturned palm was worn smooth and was of a yellowish, pallid white about the fingers' ends. "jes see de 'fec's ob high libbin' on a nigger. dar's muscle fer ye. all you needs, bre'er nimbus, is jest a few weeks ob good feed! come up dar now an' wuk a farm on sheers, an' let marse sykes 'llowance ye, an' yer'll come out like me an' git some good clothes, too! greatest place ter start up a run-down nigger yer ever seed. jes' look at me, now. when i went dar i didn't hev a rag ter my back--nary a rag, an' now jes see how i'se covered wid 'em!" there was a laugh from the crowd in which berry joined heartily, rolling his eyes and contorting his limbs so as to show in the completest manner the striking contrast between his lank, stringy, meanly-clad frame and the full, round, well-clothed form of nimbus. when the laughter had subsided he struck in again, with the art of an accomplished tease, and sidling still closer to the magnate of red wing, he said, with a queer assumption of familiarity: "an' how is yer good lady, missus lugena, an' all de babies, squar'? they tell me you're gittin' on right smart an' think of settin' up yer kerridge putty soon. jes' ez soon ez yer git it ready, sally an' me's a-comin' over ter christen it. we's cousins, yer know, squar', leastways, sally an' lugena's allus said ter be kin on the father's side--the white side ob de family, yer know. yer wouldn't go back on yer relations, would yer, nimbus? we ain't proud, not a bit proud, bre'er nimbus, an' yer ain't a gwine ter forgit us, is yer? yah, yah, yah!" there was a tinge of earnestness in this good-natured banter, but it was instantly dissipated by nimbus's reply: "not a bit of it, cousin berry. lugena charged me dis berry mornin', jes ez soon ez i seed you an' sally, ter invite ye ter help eat her big dinner to-day. whar' is sally?" "dar now," said berry, "dat's jes what i done tole sally, now. she's got a notion, kase you's rich yer's got stuck up, you an' lugena. but i tole her, sez i, 'nimbus ain't dat ar sort of a chile, nimbus hain't. he's been a heap luckier nor de rest of us, but he ain't got de big-head, nary bit.' dat's what i say, an' durn me ef i don't b'lieve it too, i does. we's been hevin' purty hard times, sally an' me hez. nebber did hev much luck, yer know--'cept for chillen. yah, yah! an' jes' dar we's hed a trifle more'n we 'zackly keered about. might hev spared a few an' got along jest ez well, 'cordin' ter my notion. den de ole woman's been kinder peaked this summer, an' some two or free ob de babies hez been right poorly, an' sal--wal, she got a leettle fretted, kase yer know we both wuks purty hard an' don't seem ter git ahead a morsel. so she got her back up, an' sez she ter me dis mornin': 'berry,' sez she, 'i ain't a gwine ter go near cousin nimbus', i ain't, kase i hain't got no fine clo'es, ner no chicken-fixing ter take ter de barbecue nuther.' so she's done stop up ter bob mosely's wid de baby, an' i t'ought i'd jes come down an' spy out de lan' an' see which on us wuz right. dat's de fac' truf, bre'er nimbus, an' no lyin". yah, yah!" "sho, sho, berry," replied nimbus, reproachfully; "what makes sally sech a big fool? she oughter be ashamed ter treat her ole fren's dat ar way." "now yer talkin', bre'er nimbus, dat you is! but la sakes! bre'er nimbus, dat ar gal hain't got no pride. why yer wouldn't b'lieve hit, but she ain't even 'shamed of berry--fac'! yah, yah! what yer tinks ob dat now?" "why, co'se she ain't," said nimbus. "don't see how she could be. yer always jes dat peart an' jolly dat nobody couldn't git put out wid yer." "tink so, bre'er nimbus? wal, now, i'shures ye dat yer couldn't be wuss mistaken ef yer'd tried. on'y jes' dis mornin' marse sykes got put out wid me jes de wus kind." "how's dat, berry?" "wal, yer see, i'se been a wukkin' fer him ebber sence de s'rrender jes de same ez afore, only dat he pays me an' i owes him. he pays me in sto' orders, an' it 'pears like i owes him mo' an' mo' ebbery time we settles up. didn't use ter be so when we lied de bureau, kase den marse sykes' 'count didn't use ter be so big; but dese las' two year sence de bureau done gone, bress god, i gits nex' ter nuffin' ez we goes 'long, an' hez less 'n nuffin' atterwards." "what wages d'ye git?" asked nimbus. "marse sykes, he sez i gits eight dollahs a month, myself, an' sally she gits fo'; an' den we hez tree pounds o' meat apiece an' a peck o' meal, each on us, ebbery week. we could git along right peart on dat--we an' de chillens, six on 'em--wid jes' a drop o' coffee now an' agin, yer know; but yer see, sally, she's a leetle onsartin an' can't allus wuk, an' it 'pears like it takes all ob my wuk ter pay fer her rations when she don't wuk. i dunno how 'tis, but dat's de way marse sykes figgers it out," "yer mus' buy a heap ob fine clo'es," said one of the bystanders. "'wall, ef i does, i leaves 'em ter home fer fear ob wearin' 'em out, don't i?" said berry, glancing at his dilapidated costume. "dat's what's de matter. i'se bad 'nough off, but yer jest orter see dem chillen! dey war's brak ebbery day jes' like a minister, yer knows--not sto' clo'es dough, oh, no! home-made all de time! mostly bar'-skins, yer know! yah, yah!" "an' yer don't drink, nuther," said one whose words and appearance clearly showed that he regarded it as a matter of surprise that any one should not. "'ceptin' only de christmas an' when some feller treats," responded berry. "p'raps he makes it outen de holidays," said a third. "dar's whar my boss sloshes it on ter me. clar ef i don't hev more holidays than dar is wuk-days, 'cordin 'ter his 'count." "holidays!" said berry; "dat's what's de matter. hain't hed but jes tree holidays 'cep' de chris'mas weeks, in all dat time. so, i 'llowed i'd take one an' come ter dis yer meetin'. wal, 'long de fust ob de week, i make bold ter tell him so, an' ebber sence dat 'pears like he's gwine ter hu't hisself, he's been so mad. i'se done tried not ter notice it, kase i'se dat solemn-like myself, yer knows, i couldn't 'ford ter take on no mo' ob dat kind; but every day or two he's been a lettin' slip somethin' 'bout niggas gaddin' roun', yer know." "that was mean," said nimbus, "kase ef yer is allus laughin' an' hollerin' roun', i'm boun' ter say dar ain't no stiddier han' in de county at enny sort ob wuk." "jes' so. much obleeged ter ye, squar', fer dat. same ter yeself 'tu. howsomever, _he_ didn't make no sech remark, not ez i heerd on, an' dis mornin' bright an' airly, he comed roun' an' axes me didn't i want ter take de carry-all and go ter lewyburg; an' when i 'llowed dat i didn't keer tu, not jes to-day, yer know, he axed me, was i comin' h'yer ter dis yer meetin', an' when i 'llowed i was, he jes' got up an' rar'd. yah, yah! how he did make de turf fly, all by hissef, kase i wur a whistlin' 'ole jim crow' an' some other nice psalm-tunes, jes' ter keep myself from larfin' in his face! till finally he sez, sez he, 'berry lawson, ef yer goes ter dat er radikil meetin', yer needn't never come back ter my plantation no mo'. yer can't stay h'yer no longer--' jes so. den i made bold ter ax him how our little 'count stood, kase we's been livin' mighty close fer a while, in hopes ter git a mite ahead so's ter sen' de two oldes' chillen ter school h'yer, 'gin winter. an' den sez he, 'count be damned!'--jes so; 'don't yer know hit's in de papers dat ef yer don't 'bey me an' wuk obedient ter my wishes, yer don't git nary cent, nohow at all?' i tole him i didn't know dat ar, and didn't reckon he did. den he out wid de paper an' read it ober ter me, an' shure 'nough, dar 'tis, dough i'll swar i nebber heerd nothin' on't afo'. nebber hed no sech ting in de papers when de bureau man drawed 'em up, dat's shuah." "how de debble yer come ter sign sech a paper, berry?" said nimbus. "dod burned ef i know, cousin nimbus. jes kase i don' know no better, i s'pose. how i gwine ter know what's in dat paper, hey? does you read all de papers yer signs, squar' nimbus? not much, i reckons; but den you keeps de minister right h'yer ter han' tu read 'em for ye. can't all ob us afford dat, bre'er nimbus." "yah, yah, dat's so!" "good for _you,_ berry!" from the crowd. "wal, yer orter hev a guardian--all on us ought, for dat matter," said nimbus; "but i don't s'pose dere's ary man in de country dat would sign sech a paper ef he know'd it, an' nobody but granville sykes that would hev thought of sech a dodge." "it's jes so in mine," said one of the bystanders. "and in mine;" "an' mine," added one and another. "and has any one else offered to turn men off for comin' here?" asked nimbus. to his surprise, he learned that two thirds the men in the crowd had been thus threatened. "jes let 'em try it!" he exclaimed, angrily. "dey dassent do it, nohow. they'll find out dat a man can't be imposed on allus, ef he _is_ pore an' black. dat dey will! i'se only jes a pore man, but i hain't enny sech mean cuss ez to stan' roun' an' see my race an' kin put on in dat ar way, i hain't." "all right, cousin nimbus, ef marse sykes turns me outen house an' home, i knows right whar i comes ter, now." "co'se yer do," said nimbus, proudly. "yer jes comes ter me an' i takes keer on ye. i needs anudder han' in de crap, ennyhow." "now, cousin nimbus, yer ain't in airnest, is yer? yer don't mean dat, pop-suah, does yer now?" asked berry anxiously. "dat i does, cousin berry! dat i does!" was the hearty response. "whoop, hurrah!" cried berry, throwing up his hat, turning a hand-spring, and catching the hat as it came down. "whar's dat sally ann? h'yeah, you fellers, clar away dar an' let me come at her. h'yer i goes now, i jes tole her dis yer bressed mornin' dat it tuk a fool fer luck. hi-yah!" he cried, executing a sommersault, and diving through the crowd he ran away. as he started off, he saw his wife walking along the road toward nimbus' house by the side of eliab hill in his rolling-chair. berry dashed back into the circle where nimbus was engaged in earnest conversation with the crowd in relation to the threats which had been made to them by their employers. "h'yer, cousin nimbus," he cried, "i done fergot ter thank ye, i was dat dar' flustered by good luck, yer know. i'se a t'ousan' times obleeged ter ye, bre'er nimbus, jes' a t'ousan' times, an' h'yer's sally ann, right outside on de road h'yer, she'll be powerful glad ter hear on't. i'd jes ez lief wuk fer you as a white man, bre'er nimbus. i ain't proud, i ain't! yah! yah!" he dragged nimbus through the crowd to intercept his wife, crying out as soon as they came near: "h'yer, you sally ann, what yer tinks now? h'yer's bre'er nimbus sez dat ef dat ole cuss, marse sykes, should happen ter turn us off, he's jest a gwine ter take us in bag an' baggage, traps, chillen and calamities, an' gib us de bes' de house affo'ds, an' wuk in de crap besides. what yer say now, you sally ann, ain't yer 'shamed fer what yer sed 'bout bre'er nimbus only dis yere mornin'?" "dat i be, cousin nimbus," said sally, turning a comely but careworn face toward nimbus, and extending her hand with a smile. "bre'er 'liab was jest a-tellin' me what a fool i was ter ever feel so toward jes de bes' man in de kentry, ez he sez." "an' i be damned ef he ain't right, too," chimed in berry. "sho, you berry. ain't yer'shamed now--usin' cuss-words afore de minister!" said sally. "beg yer parding, bre'er hill," said berry, taking off his hat, and bowing with mock solemnity to that worthy. "hit's been sech a long time sence sunday come ter our house dat i nigh 'bout forgot my 'ligion." "an' yer manners too," said sally briskly, turning from her conversation with nimbus. "jes so, bre'er hill, but yer see i was dat ar flustered by my ole woman takin' on so 'bout dat ar sneakin' cuss ob a marse sykes a turnin' on us off, dat i hardly knowed which from todder, an' when cousin nimbus 'greed ter take me up jes de minnit he dropped me down, hit kinder tuk me off my whoopendickilar, yer know." chapter xxv. a double-headed argument. the attempt to prevent the attendance of voters at the meeting, showing as it did a preconcerted purpose and design on the part of the employers to use their power as such, to overcome their political opponents, was the cause of great indignation at the meeting, and gave occasion for some flights of oratory which would have fallen upon dull ears but for the potent truth on which they were based. even the cool and cautious eliab hill could not restrain himself from an allusion to the sufferings of his people when he was raised upon the platform, still sitting in his rolling-chair, and with clasped hands and reverent face asked god's blessing upon the meeting about to be held. especially angry was our friend nimbus about this attempt to deprive his race of the reasonable privileges of a citizen. perhaps the fact that he was himself a proprietor and employer rendered him still more jealous of the rights of his less fortunate neighbors. the very immunity which he had from any such danger no doubt emboldened him to express his indignation more strongly, and after the regular speeches had been made he mounted the platform and made a vigorous harangue upon the necessity of maintaining the rights which had been conferred upon them by the chances of war. "we's got ter take keer ob ourselves," said he. "de guv'ment hez been doin' a heap for us. it's gin us ourselves, our wives, our chillen, an' a chance ter du fer ourselves an' fer dem; an' now we's got ter du it. ef we don't stan' togedder an' keep de white folks from a-takin' away what we's got, we nebber gits no mo'. in fac', we jes goes back'ards instead o' forrards till yer can't tell de difference twixt a free nigger an' a rale ole time slave. dat's my 'pinion, an' i say now's de time ter begin--jes when dey begins. ef a man turns off ary single one fer comin' ter dis meetin' evr'y han' dat is ter wuk for him oughter leave him to once an' nary colored man ought ter do a stroke ob wuk fer him till he takes 'em back." loud cheers greeted this announcement, but one old white-headed man arose and begged leave to ask him a question, which being granted, he said: "now, feller citizens, i'se been a listenin' ter all dat's been said here to-day, an' i'm jest ez good a 'publikin ez enny ub de speakers. yer all knows dat. but i can't fer de life ob me see how we's gwine ter carry out sech advice. ef we leave one man, how's we gwine ter git wuk wid anodder? an' ef we does, ain't it jest a shiftin' ub han's? does it make ary difference--at least enough ter speak on--whether a white man hez his wuk done by one nigger er another?" "but," said nimbus, hotly, "we oughtn't ter _none_ on us wuk fer him." "then," said the old man, "what's we ter do fer a libbin'? here's half er two thirds ob dis crowd likely ter be turned off afore to-morrer night. now what's yer gwine ter do 'bout it? we's got ter lib an' so's our wives an' chillens? how's we gwine ter s'port dem widout home or wuk?" "let them git wuk wid somebody else, that's all," said nimbus. "yes, bre'er nimbus, but who's a-gwine ter s'port 'em while we's waitin' fer de white folks ter back down, i wants ter know?" "i will," said nimbus, proudly. "i hain't no manner ob doubt," said the other, "dat bre'er nimbus'll do de berry bes' dat he can in sech a case, but he must 'member dat he's only one and we's a great many. he's been mighty fortinit an' i'se mighty glad ter know it; but jes s'pose ebbery man in de county dat hires a han' should turn him off kase he comes ter dis meetin' an' goes ter 'lection, what could bre'er nimbus du towards a feedin' on us? ob co'se, dey's got ter hev wuk in de crop, but you mus' member dat when de 'lection comes off de crap's all laid by, an' der ain't no mo' pressin' need fer wuk fer months ter come. now, how's we gwine ter lib during dat time? whar's we gwine ter lib? de white folks kin stan' it--dey's got all dey wants--but we can't. now, what's we gwine ter do? jest ez long ez de guv'ment stood by us an' seed dat we hed a fa'r show, we could stan' by de guv'ment. i'se jest ez good a 'publikin ez ennybody h'yer, yer all knows dat; but i hain't a gwine ter buck agin impossibles, i ain't. i'se got a sick wife an' five chillen. i ain't a gwine ter bring 'em nex' do' ter starvation 'less i sees some use in it. now, i don't see no use in dis h'yer notion, not a bit. ef de white folks hez made up der minds--an' hit seems ter me dey hez--dat cullu'd folks shan't vote 'less dey votes wid dem, we mout jest ez well gib up fust as las'!" "nebber! nebber, by god!" cried nimbus, striding across the platform, his hands clenched and the veins showing full and round on neck and brow. the cry was echoed by nearly all present. shouts, and cheers, and groans, and hisses rose up in an indistinguishable roar. "put him out! down wid him!" with other and fiercer cries, greeted the old man's ears. those around him began to jostle and crowd upon him. already violent hands were upon him, when eliab hill dashed up the inclined plane which had been made for his convenience, and, whirling himself to the side of nimbus, said, as he pointed with flaming face and imperious gesture to the hustling and boisterous crowd about the old man, "stop that!" in an instant nimbus was in the midst of the swaying crowd, his strong arms dashing right and left until he stood beside the now terrified remonstrant. "dar, dar, boys, no mo' ob dat," he cried, as he pushed the howling mass this way and that. "jes you listen ter bre'er 'liab. don't yer see he's a talkin' to yer?" he said, pointing to the platform where eliab sat with upraised hand, demanding silence. when silence was at last obtained he spoke with more earnestness and power than was his wont, pleading for moderation and thoughtfulness for each other, and a careful consideration of their surroundings. "there is too much truth," he said, "in all that has been said here to-day. brother nimbus is right in saying that we must guard our rights and privileges most carefully, if we would not lose them. the other brother is right, too, in saying that but few of us can exercise those privileges if the white men stand together and refuse employment to those who persist in voting against them. it is a terrible question, fellow-citizens, and one that it is hard to deal with. every man should do his duty and vote, and act as a citizen whenever called upon to do so, for the sake of his race in the future. we should not be weakly and easily driven from what has been gained for us. we may have to suffer--perhaps to fight and die; but our lives are nothing to the inheritance we may leave our children. "at the same time we should not grow impatient with our brethren who cannot walk with us in this way. i believe that we shall win from this contest the supreme seal of our race's freedom. it may not come in our time, but it will be set on the foreheads of our children. at all events, we must work together, aid each other, comfort each other, stand by each other. god has taught us patience by generations of suffering and waiting, and by the light which came afterwards. we should not doubt him now. let us face our danger like men; overcome it if we may, and if not, bow to the force of the storm and gather strength, rooting ourselves deep and wide while it blows, in order that we may rise erect and free when it shall have passed. "but above all things there must be no disagreement. the colored people must stand or fall together. those who have been as fortunate as our brother nimbus may breast the tempest, and we must all struggle on and up to stand beside them. it will not do to weakly yield or rashly fight. remember that our people are on trial, and more than mortal wisdom is required of us by those who have stood our friends. let us show them that we are men, not only in courage to do and dare, but also to wait and suffer. let the young and strong, and those who have few children, who have their own homes or a few months' provision, let them bid defiance to those who would oppress us; but let us not require those to join us who are not able or willing to take the worst that may come. remember that while others have given us freedom, we must work and struggle and wait for liberty--that liberty which gives as well as receives, self-supporting, self-protecting, holding the present and looking to the future with confidence. we must be as free of the employer as we are of the master--free of the white people as they are of us. it will be a long, hard struggle, longer and harder than we have known perhaps; but as god lives, we shall triumph if we do but persevere with wisdom and patience, and trust in him who brought us up out of the egypt of bondage and set before our eyes the canaan of liberty." the effect of this address was the very opposite of what eliab had intended. his impassioned references to their imperilled liberty, together with his evident apprehension of even greater danger than was then apparent, accorded so poorly with his halting counsel for moderation that it had the effect to arouse the minds of his hearers to resist such aggression even at every risk. so decided was this feeling that the man whom nimbus had just rescued from the rudeness of those about him and who had been forgotten during the remarks of the minister, now broke forth and swinging his hat about his head, shouted: "three cheers for 'liab hill! an' i tells yer what, brudderin', dat ef dis yer is ter be a fight fer takin' keer ob de freedom we's got, i'se in fer it as fur ez ennybody. we must save the crap that's been made, ef we don't pitch ary other one in our day at all. them's my notions, an' i'll stan' by 'em--er die by 'em ef wust comes ter wust." then there was a storm of applause, some ringing resolutions were adopted, and the meeting adjourned to discuss the barbecue and talk patriotism with each other. there was much clamor and boasting. the candidates, in accordance with a time-honored custom in that region, had come prepared to treat, and knowing that no liquor could be bought at red wing, had brought a liberal supply, which was freely distributed among the voters. on account of the large majority of colored voters in this country, no attempt had previously been made to influence them in this manner, so that they were greatly excited by this threat of coercion. of course, they talked very loud, and many boasts were made, as to what they would do if the white people persisted in the course indicated. there was not one, however, who in his drunkest moment threatened aught against their white neighbors unless they were unjustly debarred the rights which the law conferred upon them. they wanted "a white man's chance." that was all. there was no such resolution passed, but it was generally noised abroad that the meeting had resolved that any planter who discharged a hand for attending that meeting would have the privilege of cutting and curing his tobacco without help. as this was the chief crop of the region, and one admitting of no delay in its harvesting and curing, it was thought that this would prove a sufficient guaranty of fair treatment. however, a committee was appointed to look after this matter, and the day which had seemed to dawn so inauspiciously left the colored voters of that region more united and determined than they had ever been before. chapter xxvi. taken at his word it was past midnight of the day succeeding the meeting, when nimbus was awakened by a call at his front gate. opening the door he called out: "who's dar?" "nobody but jes we uns, bre'er nimbus," replied the unmistakable voice of berry. "h'yer we is, bag an' baggage, traps an' calamities, jest ez i tole yer. call off yer dogs, ef yer please, an' come an' 'scort us in as yer promised. h'yer we is--sally an' me an' bob an' mariar an' bill an' jim an' sally junior--an' fo' god i can't get fru de roll-call alone. sally, you jest interduce cousin nimbus ter de rest ob dis family, will yer?" sure enough, on coming to the gate, nimbus found berry and sally there with their numerous progeny, several bundles of clothing and a few household wares. "why, what does dis mean, berry?" he asked. "mean? yah, yah!" said the mercurial berry. "wal now, ain't dat cool? h'yer he axes me ter come ter his house jest ez soon ez ever marse granville routs us offen his plantation, an' ez soon's ever we comes he wants ter know what it means! how's dat fer cousinin', eh? now don't yer cry, sally ann. jes yer wait till i tell cousin nimbus de circumstanshuels an' see ef he don't ax us inside de gate." "oh, cousin nimbus," said sally, weeping piteously, "don't yer go ter fault us now--don't please. hit warn't our fault at all; leastways we didn't mean it so. i did tell berry he'd better stay an' du what marse sykes wanted him ter, 'stead of comin' tu der meetin', an' my mind misgive me all day kase he didn't. but i didn't look for no sech bad luck as we've hed." "come in, come in, gal," said nimbus, soothingly, as he opened the gate, "an' we'll talk it all ober in de mornin'." "oh, der ain't nuffin' mo' to be told, squar'," said berry, "on'y when we done got home we foun' dis yer truck outdoors in the road, an' dechillen at a neighbor's cryin' like de mischief. de house was locked up an' nailed up besides. i went down ter marse sykes' an' seed him, atter a gret while, but he jes sed he didn't know nothin' 'bout it, only he wanted the house fer somebody ez 'ud wuk when he tole 'em tu, instead ub gaddin' roun' ter p'litcal meetins; an' ez my little traps happened ter be in de way he'd jes sot'em inter de big-road, so dey'd be handy when i come ter load 'em on ter take away. so we jes take de lightest on 'em an' de chillen an' corned on ter take up quarters wid you cordin' ter de 'rangement we made yesterday." "dat's all right; jes right," said nimbus; "but i don't understand it quite. do yer mean ter say dat marse sykes turn you uns offen his plantation while you'se all away, jes kase yer come ter de meetin' yesterday?" "nuffin' else in de libbin yairth. jes put us out an' lock de do' an' nailed up de winders, an' lef de tings in de big-road." "but didn't yer leave the house locked when you came here?" "nary bit. nebber lock de do' at all. got no lock, ner key, ner nuffin' ter steal ub enny account ef enny body should want ter break in. so what i lock de do' fer? jes lef de chillen wid one ob de neighbors, drawed do' tu, an' comes on. dat's all." "an' he goes in an' takes de tings out? we'll hab de law ob him; dat we will, berry. de law'll fotch him, pop sure. dey can't treat a free man dat 'ere way no mo', specially sence de constooshunel 'mendments. dat dey can't." so berry became an inmate of castle nimbus, and the next day that worthy proprietor went over to louisburg to lay the matter before captain pardee, who was now a practising lawyer in that city. he returned at night and found berry outside the gate with a banjo which he accounted among the most precious of his belongings, entertaining a numerous auditory with choice selections from an extensive repertory. berry was a consummate mimic as well as an excellent singer, and his fellows were never tired either of his drolleries or his songs. few escaped his mimicry, and nothing was too sacred for his wit. when nimbus first came in sight, he was convulsing his hearers by imitating a well-known colored minister of the county, giving out a hymn in the most pompous manner. "de congregashun will now rise an' sing, ef yer please, the free hundred an' ferty-ferd _hime._" thereupon he began to sing: "sinner-mans will yer go to de high lans' o' hebben, whar de sto'ms nebber blow an' de mild summer's gibben? will yer go? will yer go? will yer go, sinner-mans? oh, say. sinner-mans, will yer go?" then, seeing nimbus approach, he changed at once to a political song. "de brack man's gittin' awful rich the people seems ter fear, alt'ough he 'pears to git in debt a little ebbery year. ob co'se he gits de biggest kind ob wages ebbery day, but when he comes to settle up dey dwindles all away. "den jes fork up de little tax dat's laid upon de poll. it's jes de tax de state exac's fer habben ob a soul!" "yer got no lan', yer got no cash, yer only got some debts; yer couldn't take de bankrupt law 'cos ye hain't got no 'assets.' de chillen dey mus' hev dere bread; de mudder's gettin' ole, so darkey, you mus' skirmish roun' an' pay up on yer poll." "den jes fork up de little tax, etc. "yer know's yer's wuked dis many a year. to buy de land for 'marster,' an' now yer orter pay de tax so't he kin hold it faster. he wuks one acre 'n ebbery ten, de odders idle stan'; so pay de tax upon _yo're_ poll an' take it off _his_ lan'. "den jes fork up de little tax, etc. "oh! dat's de song dat some folks sing! say, how d'y'e like de soun'? dey say de pore man orter pay for walkin' on de groun"! when cullud men was slaves, yer know', 'twas drefful hard to tax 'em; but jes de minnit dat dey's free, god save us! how dey wax 'em! "den jes fork up de little tax, etc." "what you know 'bout poll-tax, berry?" asked nimbus, good-naturedly, when the song was ended. "yer hain't turned politician, hez yer?" "what i know 'bout poll-tax, squar' nimbus? dat what yer ax? gad! i knows all 'bout 'em, dat i do, from who tied de dog loose. who'se a better right, i'd like ter know? i'se paid it, an' ole marse sykes hes paid it for me; an' den i'se hed ter pay him de tax an' half a dollah for 'tendin' ter de biznis for me. an' den, one time i'se been 'dicted for not payin' it, an' marse sykes tuk it up, an' i hed ter wuk out de tax an' de costs besides. den i'se hed ter wuk de road ebbery yeah some eight er ten days, an' den wuk nigh 'bout ez many more fer my grub while i wuz at it. oh, i knows 'bout poll-tax, i does! dar can't nobody tell a nigger wid five er six chillen an' a sick wife, dat's a wukkin' by de yeah an' a gettin' his pay in ole clo'es an' orders--dar can't nobody teach _him_ nothin' 'bout poll-tax, honey!" there was a laugh at this which showed that his listeners agreed fully with the views he had expressed. the efforts to so arrange taxation as to impose as large a burden as possible upon the colored man, immediately after his emancipation, were very numerous and not unfrequently extremely subtle. the black codes, which were adopted by the legislatures first convened under what has gone into history as the "johnsonian" plan of reconstruction, were models of ingenious subterfuge. among those which survived this period was the absurd notion of a somewhat onerous poll-tax. that a man who had been deprived of every benefit of government and of all means of self-support or acquisition, should at once be made the subject of taxation, and that a failure to list and pay such tax should be made an indictable offense, savored somewhat of the ludicrous. it seemed like taxing the privilege of poverty. indeed, the poor men of the south, including the recent slaves, were in effect compelled to pay a double poll-tax. the roads of that section are supported solely by the labor of those living along their course. the land is not taxed, as in other parts of the country, for the support of those highways the passability of which gives it value; but the poor man who travels over it only on foot must give as much of his labor as may be requisite to maintain it. this generally amounts to a period ranging from six to ten days of work per annum. in addition to this, he is required to pay a poll-tax, generally about two dollars a year, which is equivalent to at least one fourth of a month's pay. during both these periods he must board himself. so it may safely be estimated that the average taxes paid by a colored man equals one half or two thirds of a month's wages, even when he has not a cent of property, and only maintains his family by a constant miracle of effort which would be impossible but for the harsh training which slavery gave and which is one of the beneficent results of that institution. if he refuses to work the road, or to pay or list the poll-tax, he may be indicted, fined, and his labor sold to the highest bidder, precisely as in the old slave-times, to discharge the fine and pay the tax and costs of prosecution. there is a grim humor about all this which did not fail to strike the colored man and induce him to remark its absurdity, even when he did not formulate its actual character. a thousand things tend to enhance this absurdity and seeming oppression which the imagination of the thoughtful reader will readily supply. one is the self evident advantage which this state of things gives to the landowners. by it they are enabled to hold large tracts of land, only a small portion of which is cultivated or used in any manner. by refusing to sell on reasonable terms and in small parcels, they compel the freedmen to accept the alternative of enormous rents and oppressive terms, since starvation is the only other that remains to them. the men who framed these laws were experts in legislation and adepts in political economy. it would perhaps be well for countries which are to-day wrestling with the question: "what shall we do with our poor?" to consider what was the answer the south made to this same inquiry. there were four millions of people who owned no property. they were not worth a dollar apiece. of lands, tenements and hereditaments they had none. life, muscle, time, and the clothes that conceal nakedness were their only estate. but they were rich in "days' works." they had been raised to work and liked it. they were accustomed to lose _all_ their earnings, and could be relied on to endure being robbed of a part, and hardly know that they were the subject of a new experiment in governmental ways and means. so, the dominant class simply taxed the possibilities of the freedman's future, and lest he should by any means fail to recognize the soundness of this demand for tribute and neglect to regard it as a righteous exemplification of the word, which declares that "from him that hath not shall be taken away even that which he hath," they frugally provided: . that the ignorant or inept citizen neglecting to list his poll for taxation should be liable to indictment and fine for such refusal or neglect. . that if unable to pay such tax and fine and the costs of prosecution, he should be imprisoned and his labor sold to the highest bidder until this claim of the state upon his poverty should be fully redeemed. . that the employer should be liable to pay the personal taxes of his employees, and might recoup himself from any wages due to said hirelings or to become due. . to add a further safeguard, in many instances they made the exercise of the elective franchise dependent upon the payment of such tax. should the effete monarchies of the old world ever deign to glance at our civil polity, they will learn that taxation is the only sure and certain cure for pauperism, and we may soon look for their political economists to render thanks to the "friends" of the former slave for this discovery of a specific for the most ancient of governmental ills! the song that has been given shows one of the views which a race having little knowledge of political economy took of this somewhat peculiar but perhaps necessary measure of governmental finance. the group broke up soon after nimbus arrived, and berry, following him upon the porch said, as he laid his banjo in the window: "wal, an' what did de cap'n say 'bout my case 'gin marse granville sykes?" "he said you could indict him, an' hev him fined by de court ef he turned yer off on 'count ob yer perlitical principles." "bully fer de cap'n!" said berry, "dat's what i'll do, straight away. yah, yah! won't dat er be fun, jes makin' ole mahs'r trot up ter de lick-log fer meanness ter a nigger? whoop! h'yer she goes!" and spreading his hands he made "a cart-wheel" and rolled on his outstretched hands and feet half way to the gate, and then turned a handspring back again, to show his approval of the advice given by the attorney. "an' he says," continued nimbus, who had looked seriously on at his kinsman's antics, "dat yer can sue him an' git yer wages fer de whole year, ef yer kin show dat he put yer off widout good reason." "der ain't no mite ob trouble 'bout dat ar, nary mite," said berry, confidently. "you knows what sort uv a wuk-hand i is in de crap, bre'er nimbus?" "yes, i knows dat," was the reply; "but de cap'n sez dat it mout take two or tree year ter git dese cases fru de court, an' dar must, of co'se, be a heap ob cost an' trouble 'bout 'em." "an' he's right tu', bre'er nimbus," said berry seriously. "dat's so, berry," answered nimbus, "an' on account ob dat, an' der fac' dat yer hain't got no money an' can't afford ter resk de wages dat yer family needs ter lib on, an' 'cause 'twould make smart ob feelin' an' yer don't stan' well fer a fa'r show afore de court an' jury, kase of yer color, _he_ sez yer'd better jes thank de lo'd fer gittin' off ez well ez yer hev, an' try ter look out fer breakers in de futur. he sez ez how it's all wrong an' hard an' mean an' all dat, but he sez, tu, dat yer ain't in no sort ob fix ter make a fight on't wid marse sykes. now, what _you_ think, berry?" the person addressed twirled his narrow-brimmed felt hat upon his finger for a time and then said, looking suddenly up at the other: "uncle nimbus, berry's right smart ob a fool, but damn me ef i don't b'lieve de cap'n's in de right on't. what you say, now?" nimbus had seated himself and was looking toward the darkening west with a gloomy brow. after a moment's silence he said: "i'se mighty feared yer both right, bre'er berry. but it certain ar' a mighty easy way ter git wuk fer nothin', jes ter wait till de crap's laid by an' den run a man off kase he happens ter go ter a political meetin'! 'pears like tain't _much_ more freedom dan we hed in ole slave-times." "did it ebber'ccur ter you. uncle nimbus," said berry, very thoughtfully, "dat dis yer ting _freedom_ waz a durn curus affair fer we cullud people, ennyhow?" "did it ever? wal, now, i should tink it hed, an' hit 'ccurs ter me now dat it's growin' quarer an' quarer ebbery day. though i'se had less on't ter bear an' puzzle over than a-most enny on ye, dat i hez, i don't know whar it'll wuk out. 'liab sez de lord's a doin' his own wuk in his own way, which i 'specs is true; but hit's a big job, an' he's got a quare way ob gittin' at it, an' seems ter be a-takin' his own time fer it, tu. dat's my notion." it was no doubt childish for these two simple-minded colored men to take this gloomy view of their surroundings and their future. they should have realized that the fact that their privileges were insecure and their rights indefensible was their own misfortune, perhaps even their fault. they should have remembered that the susceptibilities of that race among whom their lot had been cast by the compulsion of a strange providence, were such as to be greatly irritated by anything like a manly and independent exercise of rights by those who had been so long accounted merely a superior sort of cattle. they should not have been at all surprised to find their race helpless and hopeless before the trained and organized power of the whites, controlled by the instinct of generations and animated by the sting of defeat. all this should have been clear and plain to them, and they should have looked with philosophic calmness on the abstract rights which the nation had conferred and solemnly guaranteed to them, instead of troubling themselves about the concrete wrongs they fancied they endured. why should berry lawson care enough about attending a political meeting to risk provoking his employer's displeasure by so doing; or why, after being discharged, should he feel angry at the man who had merely enforced the words of his own contract? he was a free man; he signed the contract, and the courts were open to him as they were to others, if he was wronged. what reason was there for complaint or apprehension, on his part? yet many a wiser head than that of berry lawson, or even that of his more fortunate kinsman, the many-named nimbus, has been sorely puzzled to understand how ignorance and poverty and inexperience should maintain the right, preserve and protect themselves against opposing wisdom, wealth and malicious skill, according to the spirit and tenor of the reconstruction acts. but it is a problem which ought to trouble no one, since it has been enacted and provided by the nation that all such persons shall have all the rights and privileges of citizens. that should suffice. however, the master-key to the feeling which these colored men noted and probed in their quiet evening talk was proclaimed aloud by the county newspaper which, commenting on the meeting at red wing and the dismissal of a large number of colored people who attended it in opposition to the wish of their employers, said: "our people are willing that the colored man should have all his rights of _person_ and of _property_; we desire to promote his _material_ welfare; but when he urges his claim to political right, he offers a flagrant insult to the white race. we have no sympathy to waste on negro-politicians or those who sympathize with and encourage them." [footnote: taken from the patriot-democrat, clinton, la., oct .] the people of horsford county had borne a great deal from negro-domination. new men had come into office by means of colored votes, and the old set to whom office had become a sort of perquisite were deprived thereby of this inherited right. the very presence of nimbus and a few more who like him were prosperous, though in a less degree, had been a constant menace to the peace of a community which looked with peculiar jealousy upon the colored man in his new estate. this might have been endured with no evil results had their prosperity been attended with that humility which should characterize a race so lately lifted from servitude to liberty. it was the "impudent" assertion of their "rights" that so aggravated and enraged the people among whom they dwelt. it was not so much the fact of their having valuable possessions, and being entitled to pay for their labor, that was deemed such an outrage on the part of the colored race, but that they should openly and offensively use those possessions to assert those rights and continually hold language which only "white men" had a right to use. this was more than a community, educated as the southerners had been, could be expected peaceably to endure. as a farmer, a champion tobacco-grower and curer, as the most prosperous man of his race in that section, horsford was not without a certain pride in nimbus; but when he asserted the right of his people to attend a political meeting without let or hindrance, losing only from their wages as hirelings the price of the time thus absent, he was at once marked down as a "dangerous" man. and when it was noised abroad that he had proposed that all the colored men of the county should band together to protect themselves against this evil, as he chose to regard it, he was at once branded not only as "dangerous" but as a "desperate" and "pestiferous" nigger, instead of being considered merely "sassy," as theretofore. so this meeting and its results had the effect to make nimbus far more active in political matters than he had ever been before, since he honestly believed that their rights could only be conserved by their political co-operation. to secure this he travelled about the country all the time he could spare from his crop, visiting the different plantations and urging his political friends to stand firm and not be coaxed or driven away from the performance of their political duty. by this means he became very "obnoxious" to the "best people" of horsford, and precipitated a catastrophe that might easily have been avoided had he been willing to enjoy his own good fortune, instead of clamoring about the collective rights of his race. chapter xxvii. motes in the sunshine. mollie ainslie's third year of teacher's life was drawing near its close. she had promised her brother to remain at the south during that time in order that she might escape the perils of their native climate. she was of vigorous constitution but of slight build, and he dreaded lest the inherited scourge should take an ineradicable hold upon her system. she had passed her school-girl life with safety; but he rightly judged that a few years in the genial climate where she then was would do very much toward enabling her to resist the approaches of disease. the work in which she had been engaged had demanded all her energies and commanded all her devotion. commencing with the simplest of rudimentary training she had carried some of her pupils along until a fair english education had been achieved. one of these pupils had already taken the place vacated a few months before by lucy ellison, since which time mollie had occupied alone the north rooms of the old hostelry--a colored family who occupied the other portion serving as protectors, and bringing her meals to her own apartments. a friend had spent a portion of this time with her, a schoolmate whose failing health attested the wisdom of the condition her dying brother had imposed in regard to herself. as the warm weather approached this friend had returned to her new england home, and mollie ainslie found herself counting the days when she might also take her flight. her work had not grown uninteresting, nor had she lost any of her zeal for the unfortunate race she had striven to uplift; but her heart was sick of the terrible isolation that her position forced upon her. she had never once thought of making companions, in the ordinary sense, of those for whom she labored. they had been so entirely foreign to her early life that, while she labored unremittingly for their advancement and entertained for many of them the most affectionate regard, there was never any inclination to that friendly intimacy which would have been sure to arise if her pupils had been of the same race as herself. she recognized their right most fully to careful and polite consideration; she had striven to cultivate among them gentility of deportment; but she had longed with a hungry yearning for friendly white faces, and the warm hands and hearts of friendly associates. her chief recreation in this impalpable loneliness--this chillon of the heart in which she had been bound so long--was in daily rides upon her horse, midnight. even in her new england home she had been passionately fond of a horse, and while at school had been carefully trained in horsemanship, being a prime favorite with the old french riding-master who had charge of that branch of education in the seminary of her native town. midnight, coming to her from the dying hand of her only brother, had been to her a sacred trust and a pet of priceless value. all her pride and care had centered upon him, and never had horse received more devoted attention. as a result, horse and rider had become very deeply attached to each other. each knew and appreciated the other's good qualities and varying moods. for many months the petted animal had shown none of that savageness with which his owner had before been compelled occasionally to struggle. he had grown sleek and round, but had lost his viciousness, so far as she was concerned, and obeyed her lightest word and gesture with a readiness that had made him a subject of comment in the country around, where the "yankee school-marm" and her black horse had become somewhat noted. there was one road that had always been a favorite with the horse from the very first. whenever he struck that he pressed steadily forward, turning neither to the right or left until he came to a rocky ford five miles below, which his rider had never permitted him to cross, but from which he was always turned back with difficulty--at first with a troublesome display of temper, and at the last, with evident reluctance. it was in one of her most lonely moods, soon after the incidents we have just narrated, that mollie ainslie set out on one of her customary rides. in addition to the depression which was incident to her own situation, she was also not a little disturbed by the untoward occurrences affecting those for whom she had labored so long. she had never speculated much in regard to the future of the freedmen, because she had considered it as assured. growing to womanhood in the glare of patriotic warfare, she had the utmost faith in her country's honor and power. to her undiscriminating mind the mere fact that this honor and power were pledged to the protection and elevation of the negro had been an all-sufficient guarantee of the accomplishment of that pledge. in fact, to her mind, it had taken on the reality and certainty of a fact already accomplished. she had looked forward to their prosperity as an event not to be doubted. in her view nimbus and eliab hill were but feeble types of what the race would "in a few brief years" accomplish for itself. she believed that the prejudice that prevailed against the autonomy of the colored people would be suppressed, or prevented from harmful action by the national power, until the development of the blacks should have shown them to be of such value in the community that the old-time antipathy would find itself without food to exist upon longer. she had looked always upon the rosy side, because to her the country for which her brother and his fellows had fought and died was the fairest and brightest thing upon earth. there might be spots upon the sun's face, but none were possible upon her country's escutcheon. so she had dreamed and had fondly pictured herself as doing both a patriot's and a christian's duty in the work in which she had been engaged. she felt less of anger and apprehension with regard to the bitter and scornful whites than of pity and contempt for them, because they could not appreciate the beauty and grandeur of the nation of which they were an unwilling part, and of the future that lay just before. she regarded all there had been of violence and hate as the mere puerile spitefulness of a subjugated people. she had never analyzed their condition or dreamed that they would ever be recognized as a power which might prove dangerous either to the freedman's rights or to the nation itself. the recent events had opened her eyes. she found that, unknown to herself, knowledge had forced itself upon her mind. as by a flash the fact stood revealed to her consciousness that the colored man stood alone. the nation had withdrawn its arm. the flag still waved over him, but it was only as a symbol of sovereignty renounced--of power discarded. naked privileges had been conferred, but the right to enforce their recognition had been abandoned. the weakness and poverty of the recent slave was pitted alone and unaided against the wealth and power and knowledge of the master. it was a revelation of her own thought to herself, and she was stunned and crushed by it. she was no statesman, and did not comprehend anything of those grand policies whose requirements over-balance all considerations of individual right--in comparison with which races and nations are but sands upon the shore of time. she little realized how grand a necessity lay at the back of that movement which seemed to her so heartless and inexcusable. she knew, of course, vaguely and weakly, that the fathers made a constitution on which our government was based. she did not quite understand its nature, which was very strange, since she had often heard it expounded, and as a matter of duty had read with care several of those books which tell us all about it. she had heard it called by various names in her far new england home by men whom she loved and venerated, and whose wisdom and patriotism she could not doubt. they had called it "a matchless inspiration" and "a mass of compromises;" "the charter of liberty" and "a league with hell;" "the tocsin of liberty" and "the manacle of the slave." she felt quite sure that nobler-minded, braver-hearted men than those who used these words had never lived, yet she could not understand the thing of which they spoke so positively and so passionately. she did not question the wisdom or the patriotism of the fathers who had propounded this enigma. she thought they did the best they knew, and knew the best that was at that time to be known. she had never _quite_ believed them to be inspired, and she was sure they had no models to work after. greece and rome were not republics in the sense of our day, and in their expanded growth did not profess to be, at any time; switzerland and san marino were too limited in extent to afford any valuable examples; venice while professedly a republic had been as unique and inimitable as her own island home. then there were a few experiments here and there, tentative movements barren of results, and that was all that the civilized world had to offer of practical knowledge of democracy at that time. beyond this were the speculations of philosophers and the dreams of poets. or perhaps the terms should be reversed, for the dreams were oft-times more real and consistent than the lucubrations. from these she did not doubt that our ancient sages took all the wisdom they could gather and commingled it with the riper knowledge of their own harsh experience. but yet she could not worship the outcome. she knew that franklin was a great man and had studied electricity very profoundly, for his day; but there are ten thousand unnoted operators to-day who know more of its properties, power and management than he ever dreamed of. she did not know but it might be so with regard to free government. the silly creature did not know that while the world moves in all things else, it stands still or goes backward in governmental affairs. she never once thought that while in science and religion humanity is making stupendous strides, in government as in art, it turns ever to the model of the antique and approves the wisdom only of the ancient. so it was that she understood nothing of the sacredness of right which attaches to that impalpable and indestructible thing, a state of the american union--that immortal product of mortal wisdom, that creature which is greater than its creator, that part which is more than the whole, that servant which is lord and master also. if she had been given to metaphysical researches, she would have found much pleasure in tracing the queer involutions of that network of wisdom that our forefathers devised, which their sons have labored to explain, and of which the sword had already cut some of the more difficult knots. not being a statesman or a philosopher, she could only wonder and grow sad in contemplating the future that she saw impending over those for whom she had labored so long. chapter xxviii. in the path of the storm. while mollie ainslie thought of these things with foreboding, her steed had turned down his favorite road, and was pressing onward with that persistency which characterizes an intelligent horse having a definite aim in view. the clouds were gathering behind her, but she did not notice them. the horse pressed on and on. closer and closer came the storm. the road grew dark amid the clustering oaks which overhung its course. the thunder rolled in the distance and puffs of wind tossed the heavy-leafed branches as though the trees begged for mercy from the relentless blast. a blinding flash, a fierce, sharp peal, near at hand, awoke her from her reverie. the horse broke into a quick gallop, and glancing back she saw a wall of black cloud, flame-lighted and reverberant, and felt the cold breath of the summer storm come sweeping down upon her as she sped away. she saw that it would be useless to turn back. long before she could reach any shelter in that direction she would be drenched. she knew she was approaching the river, but remembering that she had noticed some fine-looking houses just on the other side, she decided that she would let the horse have his own way, and apply at one of these for shelter. she was sure that no one would deny her that in the face of such a tornado as was raging behind her. the horse flew along as if a winged thing. the spirit of the storm seemed to have entered into him, or else the thunder's voice awakened memories of the field of battle, and for once his rider found herself powerless to restrain his speed or direct his course. he laid back his ears, and with a short, sharp neigh dashed onward with a wild tremor of joy at the mad race with wind and storm. the swaying tree-tops waved them on with wild gesticulations. the lightning and the thunder added wings to the flying steed. just before reaching the river bank they had to pass through a stretch of tall pines, whose dark heads were swaying to and fro until they almost met above the narrow road, making it so dark below that the black horse grew dim in the shadow, while the gaunt trunks creaked and groaned and the leaves hissed and sobbed as the wind swept through them. the resinous fragrance mingled with the clayey breath of the pursuing storm. the ghost-like trunks stood out against the lightning flashes like bars before the path of flame. she no longer tried to control her horse. between the flashes, his iron feet filled the rocky road with sparks of fire. he reached the ford and dashed knee-deep into the dark, swift stream, casting a cool spray around him before he checked his speed. then he halted for an instant, tossed his head as if to give the breeze a chance to creep beneath his flowing mane, cast a quick glance back at his rider, and throwing out his muzzle uttered a long, loud neigh that seemed like a joyful hail, and pressed on with quick, careful steps, picking his way along the ledge of out-cropping granite which constituted the ford, as if traversing a well-remembered causeway. the water grew deeper and darker; the rider reached down and gathered up her dark habit and drew her feet up close beneath her. the current grew swifter. the water climbed the horse's polished limbs. it touched his flanks and foamed and dashed about his rugged breast. still he picked his way among the rocks with eager haste, neighing again and again, the joy-ringing neighs of the home-coming steed. the surging water rose about his massive shoulders and the rider drew herself still closer up on the saddle, clinging to bow and mane and giving him the rein, confident in his prowess and intelligence, wondering at his eagerness, yet anxious for his footing in the dashing current. the wind lifted the spray and dashed it about her. the black cloud above was fringed with forked lightning and resonant with swift-succeeding peals of thunder. the big drops began to fall hissing into the gurgling waters. now and then they splashed on her hands and face and shot through her close-fitting habit like icy bolts. the brim of the low felt hat she wore and its dark plume were blown about her face. casting a hurried glance backward, she saw the grayish-white storm-sheet come rushing over the sloping expanse of surging pines, and heard its dull heavy roar over the rattle of the aerial artillery which echoed and re-echoed above her. and now the wind shifted, first to one point and then to another. now it swept down the narrow valley through which the stream ran; now it dashed the water in her face, and anon it seemed about to toss her from her seat and hurl her over her horse's head. she knew that the fierce storm would strike her before she could reach any place of shelter. the wild excitement of a struggle with the elements flamed up in her face and lighted her eyes with joy. she might have been a viking's daughter as her fair hair blew over her flushed face, while she patted her good steed and laughed aloud for very glee at the thought of conflict with the wild masterful storm and the cool gurgling rapid which her horse breasted so gallantly. there was a touch of fun, too, in the laugh, and in the arch gleaming of her eyes, as she thought of the odd figure which she made, perched thus upon the saddle in mid-river, blown and tossed by the wind, and fleeing from the storm. her rides were the interludes of her isolated life, and this storm was a part of the fun. she enjoyed it as the vigorous pleasure-seeker always enjoys the simulation of danger. the water shoaled rapidly as they neared the farther shore. the black horse mounted swiftly to the bank, still pressing on with unabated eagerness. she leaned over and caught up the stirrup, thrust her foot into it, regained her seat and seized the reins, as with a shake and a neigh he struck into a long easy gallop. "go!" she said, as she shook the reins. the horse flew swiftly along while she swayed lightly from side to side as he rose and fell with great sinewy strides. she felt him bound and quiver beneath her, but his steps were as though the black, corded limbs were springs of steel. her pride in the noble animal she rode overcame her fear of the storm, which followed swifter than they fled. she looked eagerly for a by-path leading to some farm-house, but the swift-settling darkness of the summer night hid them from her eager glance, if any there were. half a mile from the ford, and the storm over-took them--a wall of wind-driven rain, which dashed and roared about them, drenching the rider to the skin in an instant. in a moment the red-clay road became the bed of a murky torrent. the horse's hoofs, which an instant before echoed on the hard-beaten track, splashed now in the soft mud and threw the turbid drops over her dripping habit and into her storm-washed face. a quarter of a mile more, and the cold streams poured down her back and chilled her slight frame to the marrow. her hands were numb and could scarce cling to the dripping reins. tears came into her eyes despite herself. still the wild cloud-burst hurled its swift torrents of icy rain upon them. she could scarcely see her horse's head, through the gray, chilly storm-sheet. "whoa! whoa, midnight!" she cried, in tremulous tones through her chattering teeth and white, trembling lips. all her gay exultant courage had been drenched and chilled out of her. she tried to check his stride with a loose convulsive clutch at the reins as she peered about with blinded eyes for a place of shelter. the horse shook his head with angry impatience, neighed again, clasped the bit in his strong teeth, stretched his neck still further and covered the slippery ground with still swifter strides. a hundred yards more and he turned into a narrow lane at the right, between two swaying oaks, so quickly as almost to unseat his praticed rider, and with neigh after neigh dashed down to a great, rambling, old farm-house just visible under the trees at the foot of the lane, two hundred yards away. the way was rough and the descent sharp, but the horse did not slacken his speed. she knew it was useless to attempt to check him, and only clung to the saddle pale with fear as he neared the high gate which closed its course. as he rose with a grand lift to take the leap she closed her eyes in terror. easy and swift as a bird's flight was the leap with which the strong-limbed horse cleared the high palings and lighted on the soft springy turf within; another bound or two and she heard a sharp, strong voice which rang above the storm with a tone of command that betrayed no doubt of obedience: "whoa, satan! stand, sir!" the fierce horse stopped instantly. mollie ainslie was thrown heavily forward, clasped by a strong arm and borne upon the piazza. when she opened her eyes she saw the torrents pouring from the eaves, the rain beating itself into spray upon the ground without, the black horse steaming and quivering at the steps of the porch, and hesden le moyne gazing anxiously down into her face. the water dripped from her garments and ran across the porch. she shook as if in an ague-fit. she could not answer the earnest inquiries that fell from his lips. she felt him chafing her chill, numbed hands, and then the world was dark, and she knew no more of the kindly care which was bestowed upon her. chapter xxix. like and unlike. when she awoke to consciousness she was lying on a bed in an apartment which was a strange compound of sitting- and sleeping-room. the bed stood in a capacious alcove which seemed to have been built on as an afterthought. the three sides were windows, in the outer of which were tastefully arranged numerous flowering plants, some of which had clambered up to the ceiling and hung in graceful festoons above the bed. the window-shades were so arranged as to be worked by cords, which hung within easy reach of one lying there. the night had not fully come, but a lamp was burning at the side of the bed yet beyond its head-board, so that its rays lit up the windows and the green trailing vines, but did not fall upon the bed. in an invalid's chair drawn near the bedside, a lady well past the middle age but with a face of singular sweetness and refinement was watching and directing the efforts which were being made for the resuscitation of the fainting girl by two servant women, who were busily engaged in chafing her hands and making warm applications to her chilled limbs. as she opened her eyes they took in all these things, but she could not at once remember what had happened or where she was, this sweet vision of a home interior was so different from the low, heavy-beamed rooms and little diamond-paned windows of the ordinary, even after all her attempts to make it cosy, that she seemed to have awakened in fairy land. she wondered dully why she had never trained ivies and madeira vines over those dark beams, and blushed at the thought that so simple a device had never occurred to her. she lay motionless until she had recalled the incidents of the day. she had recognized mr. le moyne at once, and she knew by instinct that the graceful lady who sat beside her was she who had written her the only word of sympathy or appreciation she had ever received from one of her own sex in the south. she was anxious for a better view and turned toward her. "ah, here are you, my dear!" said a soft, low voice, as the light fell upon her opened eyes. "move me up a little, maggie," to one of the servants." we are glad to see you coming around again. don't move, dear," she continued, as she laid her thin soft hand upon the plump one of the reclining girl." you are among friends. the storm and the ride were too much for you, and you fainted for a little while. that is all. there is no trouble now. you weren't hurt, were you?" she asked anxiously. "no," said the other, wonderingly. "we are glad of that," was the reply. "you are exhausted, of course, but if you do not get cold you will soon be all right. maggie," she continued, to the servant, "tell mr. hesden to bring in that hot toddy now. he had better put the juice of a lemon it it, too. miss ainslie may not be accustomed to taking it. i am mrs. le moyne, i forgot to say," she added, turning to her unintended guest, "and hesden, that is my son, tells me that you are miss ainslie, the brave young teacher at red wing whom i have long wished to see. i am really glad that chance, or hesden's old war horse satan, brought you here, or i am afraid i should never have had that pleasure. this is hesden," she continued, nodding toward him as he entered with a small silver waiter on which was a steaming pitcher and a delicate glass. "he has been my nurse so long that he thinks no one can prepare a draught for a sick person so well as he, and i assure you that i quite agree with his notion. you have met before, i believe. just take a good dose of this toddy and you will be better directly. you got a terrible drenching, and i was afraid you would have a congestive chill when they brought you in here as white as a sheet with your teeth chattering like castanets." hesden le moyne filled the glass with the steaming decoction and held the salver toward her. she took it and tried to drink. "hand me the waiter, hesden," said his mother, reprovingly, "and raise her head. don't you see that miss ainslie cannot drink lying there. i never saw you so stupid, my son. i shall have to grow worse again soon to keep you from getting out of practice entirely." thus reproached, hesden le moyne put his arm hesitatingly beneath the pillow, raised the flushed face upon it and supported the young lady while she quaffed the hot drink. then he laid her easily down, smoothed the pillow with a soft instinctive movement, poured out a glass of the toddy which he offered to his mother, and then, handing the waiter to the servant, leaned over his mother with a caressing movement and said: "you must look out, little mother. too much excitement will not do for you. you must not let miss ainslie's unexpected call disturb you." "no indeed, hesden," she said, as she looked up at him gratefully, "i feel really glad of any accident that could bring her under our roof, now that i am satisfied that she is to experience no harm from her stormy ride. she will be all right presently, and we will have supper served here as usual. you may tell laura that she need be in no haste." having thus dismissed her son she turned to her guest and said: "i have been an invalid so long that our household is all ordered with regard to that fact. i am seldom able to be taken out to dinner, and we have got into the habit of having a late supper here, just hesden, his little boy, and i, and to-night we will have the table set by the bedside and you will join us." the sudden faint was over; the toddy had sent the blood tingling through the young girl's veins. the _role_ of the invalid was an unaccustomed one for her to play, and the thought of supping in bed was peculiarly distasteful to her self-helping northern training. it was not long before she began to manifest impatience. "are you in pain, dear?" asked the good lady, noticing with the keen eye of the habitual invalid her restive movements. "no, indeed," was the reply. "i am not at all sick. it was only a little faint. really, mrs. le moyne, i would rather get up than lie here." "oh, lie still," said the elder lady, cheerfully. "the room hardly looks natural unless the bed is occupied. besides," she added with a light laugh, "you will afford me an excellent opportunity to study effects. you seem to me very like what i must have been when i was first compelled to abandon active life. you are very nearly the same size and of much the same complexion and cast of features. you will pardon an old lady for saying it, i am sure. lest you should not, i shall be compelled to add that i was considered something of a beauty when i was young. now, you shall give me an idea of how i have looked in all the long years that couch has been my home. i assure you i shall watch you very critically, for it has been my pride to make my invalid life as pleasant to myself and as little disagreeable to others as i could. knowing that i could never be anything else, i devised every plan i could to make myself contented and to become at least endurable to my family." "everyone knows how well you have succeeded, mrs, le moyne," said the young girl. "it must indeed have been a sad and burdened life, and it seems to me that you have contrived to make your sick room a perfect paradise." "yes, yes," said the other, sadly, "it is beautiful. those who loved me have been very indulgent and very considerate, too. not only every idea of my own has been carried into effect, but they have planned for me, too. that alcove was an idea of my husband's. i think that the sunlight pouring in at those windows has done more to prolong my life than anything else. i did not think, when thirty years ago i took to my bed, that i should have survived him so long--so long--almost eight years. he was considerably older than i, but i never looked to outlive him, never. "that lamp-stand and little book-rack," she continued, with the garrulity of the invalid when discoursing of his own affairs, "were hesden's notions, as were many other things in the room. the flowers i had brought in, one by one, to satisfy my hunger for the world without. in the winter i have many more. hesden makes the room a perfect conservatory, then. they have come to be very dear to me, as you may well suppose. that ivy now, over the foot of the bed, i have watched it from a little slip not a finger high. it is twenty-seven years old." so she would have run on, no one knows to what length, had not the servant entered to set the table for supper. under her mistress' directions she was about to place it beside the bed, when the young girl sprang into a sitting posture and with flaming cheeks cried out: "please, mrs. le moyne, i had rather not lie here. i am quite well--just as well as ever, and i wish you would let me get up." "but how can you, dear?" was the reply. "your clothes are drying in the kitchen. they were completely drenched." "sure enough," answered miss ainslie. "i had forgotten that." she laid herself down resignedly as the invalid said: "if hesden's presence would annoy you, he shall not come. i only thought it might be pleasanter for you not to be confined to the conversation of a crippled old woman. besides, it is his habit, and i hardly know what he would do if he had to eat his supper elsewhere." "oh, certainly, i would not wish to disturb your usual arrangement," answered mollie, "but--" she began, and then stoppd with some signs of confusion. "but what, my dear?" asked the elder lady, briskly. "do you mean that you are not accustomed as i am to invalidism, and hardly like the notion of supping in bed as an introduction to strangers? well, i dare say it would be annoying, and if you think you are quite well enough to sit up, i reckon something better may be arranged." "i assure you, mrs. le moyne," said the other, "that i am quite well, but pray do not let me make you any trouble." "oh, no trouble at all, dear; only you will have to wear one of my gowns now many years old. i thought they were very pretty then, i assure you. i should be very glad to see them worn again. there are few who could wear them at all; but i think they would both fit and suit you. you are like enough to me to be my daughter. here, you maggie!" she called the servant, and gave some directions which resulted in her bringing in several dresses of an ancient pattern but exquisite texture, and laying them upon the bed. "you will have to appear in full dress, my dear, for i have no other gowns that would be at all becoming," said mrs. le moyne. "how very beautiful!" said the girl sitting up in the bed, gazing at the dainty silks and examining their quaint patterns. "but really, mrs. le moyne--" "now, please oblige me by making no more objections," interrupted that lady. "indeed," she added, shaking her finger threateningly at her guest, "i will not listen to any more. the fit has seized me now to have you sit opposite me at the table. it will be like facing. my own youth; for now that i look at you more closely, you seem wonderfully like me. don't you think so, maggie?" "'deed i do," said the servant, "an' dat's jes what laura was a sayin' ter me when we done fotch de young lady in here in a faint. she sez ter me, sez she, 'maggie, ebber you see anybody look so much like de mistis made young again?'" "hush, maggie," said her mistress, gaily; "don't you see how the young lady is blushing, while it is the poor, faded woman here in the chair who ought to blush at such a compliment?" and indeed the bright flushed face with its crown of soft golden hair escaped from its customary bondage, tossing in sunny tendrils about the delicate brow and rippling in waves of light over her shoulders, was a picture which any woman past the middle life might well blush and sigh to recognize as the counterpart of her youth. the two women looked at each other and both laughed at the admiration each saw in the other's glance. "well," said mollie, as she sank smilingly on her pillow, "i see i must submit. you will have your own way." she raised her arm above' her head and toyed with a leaf of the ivy which hung in graceful festoons about the head-board. as she did so the loose-sleeved wrapper which had been flung about her when her own drenched clothing was removed, fell down almost to her shoulder and revealed to the beauty-worshipping watcher by the bedside an arm of faultless outline, slender, pink-tinged, plump and soft. when she had toyed lazily for a moment with the ivy, she dropped her arm listlessly down upon the bed. it fell upon one of the dresses which lay beside her. "ah, thank you!" exclaimed mrs. le moyne. "you have relieved me greatly. i was trying to decide which one i wanted you to wear, when your arm dropped across that pale, straw-colored silk, with the vine border around the corsage and the clambering roses running down the front. that is the one you must wear. i never wore it but once, and the occasion is one i shall always like to recall." there was a gleeful time in the invalid's room while the fair girl was being habited in the garments of a by-gone generation, and when hesden le moyne and his boy hildreth were admitted to the hearty evening meal, two women who seemed like counterparts sat opposite each other at the sparkling board--the one habited in black silk with short waist, a low, square bodice with a mass of tender lawn showing about the fair slender neck, puffed at the shoulders with straight, close sleeves reaching to the wrists, around which peeped some rows of soft white lace; the white hair combed in puffs beside the brow, clustering above its pinky softness and falling in a silvery cataract upon the neck. the style of the other's dress was the same, save that the shoulders were uncovered, and except for the narrow puff which seemed but a continuation on either side, of the daintily-edged bodice, the arm hung pink and fair over the amber satin, uncovered and unadorned save at the wrist, where a narrow circlet of gold clung light and close about it. her hair was dressed in the same manner as the elder lady's, and differed only in its golden sheen. the customary lamp had been banished, and colored wax-candles, brought from some forgotten receptacle, burned in the quaint old candelabra with which the mantels of the house had long been decorated. the one-armed veteran of thirty gazed in wonder at this unaccustomed brightness. if he needed to gaze long and earnestly at the fair creature who sat over against his mother, to determine the resemblances which had been noted between the permanent and the temporary invalid, who shall blame him for so doing? little hildreth in his six-year-old wonderment was less judicial, or at least required less time and inquiry to decide, for he cried out even before an introduction could be given, "oh, papa, see, i've got a new, young grandma." it was a gay party at that country supper-table, and four happier people could hardly have gone afterward into the parlor where the invalid allowed herself to be wheeled by her son in special honor of their unintended guest. miss ainslie was soon seated at the piano which hesden had kept in tune more for the pleasure of occasional guests than his own. it was three years since she had touched one, but the little organ, which some northern benefactor had given to the church and school at red wing, had served to prevent her fingers from losing all their skill, and in a few minutes their wonted cunning returned. she had been carefully trained and had by nature rare musical gifts. the circumstances of the day had given a wonderful exhilaration to her mind and thought. she seemed to have taken a leaf out of paradise and bound it among the dingy pages of her dull and monotonous life. every thing about her was so quaint and rare, the clothes she wore so rich and fantastic, that she could not control her fancy. every musical fantasy that had ever crept into her brain seemed to be trooping along its galleries in a mad gallop as her fair fingers flew over the time-stained keys. the little boy stood clinging to her skirt in silent wonder, his fair, sensitive face working, and his eyes distended, with delighted amazement. the evening came to an end at last, and when the servant went with her in her quaint attire, lighting her up the winding stairway from the broad hall to the great airy room above, with its yawning fireplace cheery with the dying embers of a fire built hours ago to drive out the dampness, and its two high-posted beds standing there in lofty dignity, the little yankee school marm could hardly realize what madcap freaks she had perpetrated since she bounded over the gate at the foot of the lane leading from the highway down to mulberry hill, the ancestral home of the richards family. as she sat smiling and blushing over the memory of what she had done and said in those delicious hours, a servant tapped at the door and announced that master hildreth, whom she bore in her arms and whose chubby fists were stuck into his eyes, was crying most disconsolately lest he should lose his "new grandma" while he slept. she had brought him, therefore, to inquire whether he might occupy one of the beds in the young lady's room. mollie had not seen for so many years a child that she could fondle and caress, that it was with unbounded delight that she took the little fellow from his nurse's arms, laid him on the bed and coaxed his eyes to slumber. chapter xxx. an unbidden guest. when the morning dawned the boy awoke with hot cheeks and bloodshot eyes, moaning and restless, and would only be quiet when pillowed in the arms of his new-found friend. a physician who was called pronounced his ailment to be scarlet-fever. he soon became delirious, and his fretful moans for his "new grandma" were so piteous that miss ainslie could not make up her mind to leave him. she stayed by his bed-side all day, saying nothing of returning to red wing, until late in the afternoon a messenger came from there to inquire after her, having traced her by inquiry among several who had seen her during the storm, as well as by the report that had gone out from the servants of her presence at mulberry hill. when hesden le moyne came to inform her of the messenger's arrival, he found her sitting by his son's bedside, fanning his fevered brow, as she had done the entire day. he gazed at them both in silence a moment before making known his errand. then he took the fan from her hand and informed her of the messenger's arrival. his voice sounded strangely, and as she looked up at him she saw his face working with emotion. she cast down her eyes quickly. she could not tell why. all at once she felt that this quiet, maimed veteran of a lost cause was not to her as other men. perhaps her heart was made soft by the strange occurrences of the few hours she had passed beneath his mother's roof. however that may be, she was suddenly conscious of a feeling she had never known before. her cheeks burned as she listened to his low, quiet tones. the tears seemed determined to force themselves beneath her downcast lids, but her heart bounded with a strange undefined joy. she rose to go and see the messenger. the sick boy moaned and murmured her name. she stole a glance at the father, and saw his eyes filled with a look of mingled tenderness and pain. she walked to the door. as she opened it the restless sufferer called for her again. she went out and closed it quickly after her. at the head of the stairs she paused, and pressed her hand to her heart while she breathed quick and her face burned. she raised her other hand and pushed back a stray lock or two as if to cool her forehead. she stood a moment irresolute; glanced back at the door of the room she had left, with a half frightened look; placed a foot on the first stair, and paused again. then she turned suddenly back with a scared resolute look in her gray eyes, opened the door and glided swiftly to the bedside. hesden le moyne's face was buried in the pillow. she stood over him a moment, her bosom heaving with short, quick sighs. she reached out her hand as if she would touch him, but drew it quickly back. then she spoke, quietly but with great effort, looking only at the little sufferer. "mr. le moyne?" he raised his head quickly and a flush of joy swept over his face. she did not see it, at least she was not looking at him, but she knew it. "would you like me to--to stay--until--until this is over?" he started, and the look of joy deepened in his face. he raised his hand but let it fall again upon the pillow, as he answered humbly and tenderly, "if you please, miss ainslie." she put her hand upon the bed, in order to seem more at ease, as she replied, with a face which she knew was all aflame, "very well. i will remain for--the present." he bent his head and kissed her hand. she drew it quickly away and added in a tone of explanation: "it would hardly be right to go back among so many children after such exposure." so quick is love to find excuse. she called it duty, nor ever thought of giving it a tenderer name. he made no answer. so easy is it for the fond heart to be jealous of a new-found treasure. she waited a moment, and then went out and wrote a note to eliab hill. then she went into the room of the invalid mother. how sweet she looked, reclining on the bed in the pretty alcove, doing penance for her unwonted pleasure of the night before! the excited girl longed to throw her arms about her neck and weep. it seemed to her that she had never seen any one so lovely and loveable. she went to the bedside and took the slender hand extended toward her, "so," said mrs. le moyne, "i hear they have sent for you to go back to red wing. i am sorry, for you have given us great pleasure; but i am afraid you will have only sad memories of mulberry hill. it is too bad! poor hildreth had taken such a liking to you, too. i am sure i don't blame him, for i am as much in love with you as an invalid can be with any one but herself. hesden will have a hard time alone in this great house with two sick people on his hands." "i shall not go back to red wing to-day." "indeed?" "no, i do not think it would be right to endanger so many by exposure to the disease." "oh," carelessly; "but i am afraid yon may take it yourself." "i hope not. i am very well and strong. besides, hildreth calls for me as soon as i leave him for a moment." "poor little fellow! it is pitiable to know that i can do nothing for him." "i will do what i can, mrs. le moyne." "but you must not expose yourself in caring for a strange child, my dear. it will not do to be too unselfish." "i cannot leave him, mrs. le moyne." she left the room quickly and returned to her place at the sufferer's bedside. hesden le moyne rose as she approached. she took the fan from his hand and sat down in the chair he had occupied. he stood silent a moment, looking down upon her as she fanned the uneasy sleeper, and then quietly left the room. "what a dear, tender-hearted thing she is!" said mrs. le moyne to herself after she had gone. "so lady-like and refined too. how can such a girl think of associating with niggers and teaching a nigger school? such a pity she is not one of our people. she would be just adorable then. don't you think so, hesden?" she said aloud as her son entered. having been informed of the subject of her cogitations, mr. hesden le moyne replied, somewhat absently and irrelevantly, as she thought, yet very warmly, "miss ainslie is a very remarkable woman." he passed into the hall, and his mother, looking after him, said, "poor fellow! he has a heap of trouble." and then it struck her that her son's language was not only peculiar but amusing. "a remarkable woman!" she laughed to herself as she thought of it. a little, brown-haired, bright-eyed, fair-skinned chit, pretty and plucky, and accomplished no doubt, but not at all "remarkable." she had no style nor pride. yankee women never had. and no family of course, or she would not teach a colored school. "remarkable!" it was about the only thing miss ainslie was not and could not be. it was very kind of her to stay and nurse hildreth, though she only did that out of consideration for the colored brats under her charge at red wing. nevertheless she was glad and gratified that she did so. she was a very capable girl, no doubt of that, and she would feel much safer about hildreth because of her care. it was just in her line. she was like all yankee women--just a better class of housemaids. this one was very accomplished. she had played the piano exquisitely and had acted the lady to perfection in last night's masquerade. but hesden must be crazy to call her remarkable. she chuckled lightly as she determined to rally him upon it, when she saw him next. when that time came, the good lady had quite forgotten her resolve. chapter xxxi. a life for a life. it was a time of struggle at mulberry hill. love and death fought for the life of little hildreth le moyne. the father and the "new grandma" watched over him most assiduously; the servants were untiring in their exertions; the physician's skill was not lacking, but yet none could foresee the result. the invalid below sent frequent inquiries. first one and then the other stole away to ask her some question or bring her tidings in regard to the lad in whose life was bound up the hope of two old families. one morning, while the child was still very sick, when miss ainslie awoke after the brief sleep which had been all the rest she had allowed herself from her self-imposed task, her head seemed strangely light. there was a roaring in her ears as if a cataract were playing about them. her limbs ached, and every movement seemed unusually difficult--almost painful. she walked across the room and looked dully into the mirror on her dressing-case, resting her hands on the top of the high old-fashioned furniture as she did so. she was only able to note that her eyes looked heavy and her face flushed and swollen, when a sharp pain shot through her frame, her sight grew dim, the room spun round and round. she could only crawl back and clamber with difficulty upon the high-posted bed, where the servant found her fevered and unconscious when she came an hour later to awaken her for breakfast. the struggle that had been waged around the bed of the young child was now renewed by that of his self-constituted nurse. weeks passed away before it was over, and ere that time the music of little feet had ceased about the ancient mansion, and the stroke to pride and love had rendered the invalid grand-mother still more an invalid. the child had been her hope and pride as its mother had been her favorite. by a strange contrariety the sunny-faced little mother had set herself to accomplish her son's union with the tall, dark, and haughty cousin, who had expired in giving birth to little hildreth. there was nothing of spontaneity and no display of conjugal affection on the part of the young husband or his wife; but during the absence of her son, the invalid was well cared for and entertained by the wife, whom she came to love with an intensity second only to that she lavished on her son. in the offspring of these two her heart had been wrapped up from the hour of his birth. she had dreamed out for him a life full of great actualities, and had even reproached hesden for his apathy in regard to public affairs during the stirring scenes enacting around them, urging him to take part in them for his son's sake. she was a woman of great ambition. at first this had centered in her son, and she had even rejoiced when he went into the army, though he was earnestly opposed to the war, in the hope that it might bring him rank and fame. when these did not come, and he returned to her a simple private, with a bitterer hate for war and a sturdier dislike for the causes which had culminated in the struggle than he had when it began, she had despaired of her dream ever being realized through him, but had fondly believed that the son of the daughter-in-law she had so admired and loved would unite his father's sterling qualities with his mother's pride and love of praise, and so fulfill her desire that the family name should be made famous by some one descended from herself. this hope was destroyed by the death of the fair, bright child whom she loved so intensely, and she felt a double grief in consequence. in her sorrow, she had entirely secluded herself, seeing no one but her nurse and, once or twice, her son. the sick girl in the room above was somehow unpleasantly connected with her grief, and received no real sympathy in her illness. there was even something of jealousy in the mind of the confirmed invalid, when she remembered the remarkable manner in which the child had been attracted toward the new-comer, as well as the fact that she had nursed him so faithfully that his last words were a moan for his "new grandma," while his real grandmother lay useless and forgotten in her dim-shadowed room below. besides, it was with a feeling of envy that she recognized the fact that, for the first time in his life, her son was more absorbed in another's welfare than in her own. the chronic ailment of the mother had no doubt become so much a thing of habit in his life that it failed to impress him as it should, while the illness of the young girl, having, as he believed, been incurred by her voluntary attendance upon his son inspired him with a feeling of responsibility that would not otherwise have existed. something had occurred, too, which had aroused a feeling upon his part which is often very close akin to a tenderer one. as soon as he had learned of her illness, he had endeavored to induce some of his female relatives to come and attend her, but they had all flatly refused. they would come and care for the child, they said; they would even send the "yankee school-marm" flowers, and make delicacies to tempt her appetite, but they would not demean themselves by waiting upon a sick "nigger teacher." they did not fear the contagion; indeed they would have come to take care of little hildreth but that they did not care to meet his yankee nurse. they even blamed hesden for allowing her to come beneath his roof, and intimated that she had brought contagion with her. he was angry at their injustice and prejudice. he had known of its existence, but it never before seemed so hateful. somehow he could not rid himself of two thoughts: one was of the fairy creature whose song and laughter and bird-like grace and gaiety, as she masqueraded in the quaint dress of olden time, had made the dull old mansion bright as a dream of paradise for a single night. it had seemed to him, then, that nothing so bright and pure had ever flitted through the somber apartments of the gray old mansion. he remembered the delight of his boy--that boy whom he loved more than he had ever loved any one, unless it were his invalid mother--and he could not forget the same slight form, with serious shadowed face and earnest eyes moving softly about the sick-room of the child, her eyes full of sorrowful anxiety as if the life she sought to save were part of her own being. he wondered that any one could think of her as a stranger. it was true she had come from the north and was engaged in a despised avocation, but even that she had glorified and exalted by her purity and courage until his fastidious lady mother herself had been compelled to utter words of praise. so his heart grew sore and his face flushed hot with wrath when his cousins sneered at this lily which had been blighted by the fevered breath of his son. they tauntingly advised him to send to red wing and get some of her "nigger" pupils to attend upon her. much to their surprise he did so, and two quiet, gentle, deft-handed watchers came, who by day and by night sat by her bedside, gladly endeavoring to repay the debt they owed to the faithful teacher. but this did not seem to relieve mr. le moyne of anxiety. he came often and watched the flushed face, heard the labored breathing, and listened with pained heart to the unmeaning murmurs which fell from her lips--the echoes of that desert dreamland through which fever drags its unconscious victims. he heard his own name and that of the fast-failing sufferer in the adjoining room linked in sorrowful phrase by the stammering tongue. even in the midst of his sorrow it brought him a thrill of joy. and when his fear became fact, and he mourned the young life no love could save, his visits to the sick-room of her who had been his co-watcher by his child's bedside became more frequent. he would not be denied the privilege until the crisis came, and reason resumed her sway. then he came no more, but every day sent some token of remembrance. mrs. le moyne had noted this solicitude, and with the jealousy of the confirmed invalid grudged the sick girl the slightest of the thoughtful attentions that she alone had been accustomed to receive. she did not dream that her son, hesden le moyne, cared anything for the little yankee chit except upon broadly humanitarian grounds, or perhaps from gratitude for her kindly attention to his son; but even this fretted her. as time went on, she came more and more to dislike her and to wish that she had never come beneath their roof. so the days flew by, grew into weeks, and mollie ainslie was still at mulberry hill, while important events weve happening at red wing. chapter xxxii. a voice from the darkness. it was two weeks after miss ainslie's involuntary flight from red wing that nimbus, when he arose one morning, found a large pine board hung across his gateway. it was perhaps six feet long and some eighteen or twenty inches wide in the widest part, smoothly planed upon one side and shaped like a coffin lid. a hole had been bored in either end, near the upper corner, and through each of these a stout cord had been passed and tied into a loop, which, being slipped over a paling, one on each side the gate, left the board swinging before it so as effectually to bar its opening unless the board were first removed. the attention of nimbus was first directed to it by a neighbor-woman who, stopping in front of the gate, called out to him in great excitement, as he sat with berry lawson on his porch waiting for his breakfast: "oh, bre'er nimbus, what in de libbin' yairth is dis h'yer on your gate? la sakes, but de kluckers is after you now, shore 'nough!" "why, what's de matter wid yer, cynthy?" said nimbus, cheerfully. "yer hain't seen no ghosteses nor nuffin', bez ye?" "ghosteses, did yer say?" answered the excited woman. "jes yer come an' look, an' ef yer don't say hit wuss ner ghosteses, yer may count cynthy a fool. dat's all." berry started down to the gate, nimbus following him, carelessly. "why, hello, bre'er nimbus! yer shore hez got a signboard cross de passway. jes look a' dat now! what yer 'spect it mout be, cousin?" said berry, stopping short and pointing to the board hung on the fence. "'clar, i dunno," said nimbus, as he strode forward and leaned over the fence to get a sight of the other side of the board. "'spec' it must be some of dem ku kluck's work, ez cynthy says." after examining it a moment, he directed berry to lift up the other end, and together they carried it to the house of eliab hill, where its grotesque characters were interpreted, so far as he was able to translate them, as well as the purport of a warning letter fastened on the board by means of a large pocket-knife thrust through it, and left sticking in the soft wood. upon the head of the coffin-shaped board was roughly drawn, in black paint, a skull and cross-bones and, underneath them, the words "eliab hill and nimbus desmit," and below these still, the mystic cabala, "k.k.k," a formulary at which, just at that time, a great part of the nation was laughing as a capital illustration of american humor. it was accounted simply a piece of grotesquerie intended to frighten the ignorant and superstitious negro. the old claim of the south, that the colored man could be controlled and induced to labor only by the lash or its equivalent, had many believers still, even among the most earnest opponents of slavery, and not a few of these even laughed good-naturedly at the grotesque pictures in illustrated journals of shadowy beings in horrible masks and terrified negroes cowering in the darkness with eyes distended, hair rising in kinky tufts upon their heads, and teeth showing white from ear to ear, evidently clattering like castanets. it was wonderfully funny to far-away readers, and it made uproarious mirth in the aristocratic homes of the south. from the banks of the rio grande to the waters of the potomac, the lordly southron laughed over his glass, laughed on the train, laughed in the street, and laughed under his black cowl of weirdly decorated muslin--not so much at the victims of the terrible klan, as at the silly north which was shaking its sides at the mask he wore. it was an era of fun. everybody laughed. the street gamins imitated the _kluck,_ which gave name to the klan. it was one of the funniest things the world had ever known. the yankee--brother jonathan--had long been noted as a droll. a grin was as much a part of his stock apparel as tow breeches or a palm-leaf hat. the negro, too, had from time immemorial been portrayed upon the stage and in fiction as an irrepressible and inimitably farcical fellow. but the "southern gentleman" was a man of different kidney from either of these. a sardonic dignity hedged him about with peculiar sacredness. he was chivalrous and baronial in his instincts, surroundings, and characteristics. he was nervous, excitable, and bloodthirsty. he would "pluck up drowned honor by the locks" and make a target of everyone who laughed. he hunted, fought, gambled, made much of his ancestors, hated niggers, despised yankees, and swore and swaggered on all occasions. that was the way he was pictured in the ancient days. he laughed--sometimes--not often, and then somewhat sarcastically--but he did not make himself ridiculous. his _amour propre_ was most intense. he appreciated fun, but did not care that it should be at his expense. he was grave, irritable and splenetic; but never comical. a braggart, a rough-rider, an aristocrat; but never a masquerader. that was the old-time idea. yet so had the war and the lapse of half a decade changed this people that in one state forty thousand men, in another thirty, in others more and in others less, banded together with solemn oaths and bloody ceremonies, just to go up and down the earth in the bright moonlight, and play upon the superstitious fears of the poor ignorant and undeveloped people around them. they became a race of jesters, moonlight masqueraders, personators of the dead. they instituted clubs and paraded by hundreds, the trained cavalry of a ghostly army organized into companies, battalions, divisions, departments, having at their head the "grand wizard of the empire." it was all in sport--a great jest, or at the worst designed only to induce the colored man to work somewhat more industriously from apprehension of ghostly displeasure. it was a funny thing--the gravest, most saturnine, and self-conscious people on the globe making themselves ridiculous, ghostly masqueraders by the hundred thousand! the world which had lately wept with sympathy for the misfortunes of the "lost cause," was suddenly convulsed with merriment at the midnight antics of its chivalric defenders. the most vaunted race of warriors seized the cap and bells and stole also the plaudits showered upon the fool. grave statesmen, reverend divines, legislators, judges, lawyers, generals, merchants, planters, all who could muster a good horse, as it would seem, joined the jolly cavalcade and rollicked through the moonlight nights, merely to make fun for their conquerors by playing on the superstitious fear of the sable allies of the northmen. never before was such good-natured complaisance, such untiring effort to please. so the north laughed, the south chuckled, and the world wondered. but the little knot of colored men and women who stood around eliab hill while he drew out the knife which was thrust through the paper into the coffin-shaped board laid across the front of his "go-cart," and with trembling lips read the message it contained--these silly creatures did not laugh. they did not even smile, and a joke which berry attempted, fell flat as a jest made at a funeral. there is something very aggravating about the tendency of this race to laugh at the wrong time, and to persist in being disconsolate when every one can see that they ought to dance. generation after generation of these perverse creatures in the good old days of slavery would insist on going in search of the north pole under the most discouraging circumstances. on foot and alone, without money or script or food or clothing; without guide or chart or compass; without arms or friends; in the teeth of the law and of nature, they gave themselves to the night, the frost, and all the dangers that beset their path, only to seek what they did not want! we know there was never a happier, more contented, light-hearted, and exuberant people on the earth than the africo-american slave! he had all that man could reasonably desire--and more too! well-fed, well-clothed, luxuriously housed, protected from disease with watchful care, sharing the delights of an unrivalled climate, relieved of all anxiety as to the future of his off-spring, without fear of want, defiant of poverty, undisturbed by the bickerings of society or heartburnings of politics, regardless of rank or station, wealth, kindred, or descent, it must be admitted that, from an earthly point of view, his estate was as near elysian as the mind can conceive. besides all this, he had the gospel preached unto him--for nothing; and the law kindly secured him against being misled by false doctrines, by providing that the bread of life should never be broken to him unless some reputable caucasian were present to vouch for its quality and assume all responsibility as to its genuineness! that a race thus carefully nourished, protected, and guarded from error as well as evil should be happy, was just as natural as that the sun should shine. that they were happy only lunatics could doubt. all their masters said so. they even raved when it was denied. the ministers of the gospel--those grave and reverend men who ministered unto them in holy things, who led their careless souls, blindfolded and trustful, along the straight and narrow way--all declared before high heaven that they were happy, almost too happy, for their spiritual good. politicians, and parties, and newspapers; those who lived among them and those who went and learned all about them from the most intelligent and high-toned of their caucasian fellow-beings--nigh about everybody, in fact--declared, affirmed, and swore that they were at the very utmost verge of human happiness! yet even under these circumstances the perverse creatures _would_ run away. indeed, to run away seemed to be a characteristic of the race like their black skin and kinkling hair! it would have seemed, to an uninformed on-looker, that they actually desired to escape from the paternal institution which had thrown around their lives all these blissful and beatifying circumstances. but we know it was not so. it was only the inherent perversity of the race! again, when the war was ended and they were thrown upon the cold charity of an unfriendly world, naked, poor, nameless, and homeless, without the sheltering and protecting care of that master who had ever before been to them the incarnation of a kindly providence --at that moment when, by all the rules which govern caucasian human nature, their eyes should have been red with regretful tears, and their hearts overburdened with sorrow, these addled-pated children of africa, moved and instigated by the perverse devil of inherent contrariness, were grinning from ear to ear with exasperating exultation, or bowed in still more exasperating devotion, were rendering thanks to god for the calamity that had befallen them! so, too, when the best people of the whole south masqueraded for their special benefit, they stupidly or stubbornly failed and refused to reward their "best friends" for the entertainment provided for them, at infinite pains and regardless of expense, even with the poor meed of approving cachinnation. they ought to have been amused; they no doubt were amused; indeed, it is morally impossible that they should not have been amused--but they would not laugh! well may the caucasian of the south say of the ebony brother whom he has so long befriended and striven to amuse: "i have piped unto you, and you have not danced!" so eliab read, to a circle whose cheeks were gray with pallor, and whose eyes glanced quickly at each other with affright, these words "eliab hill and nimbus desmit: you've been warned twice, and it hain't done no good. this is your last chance. if you don't git up and git out of here inside of ten days, the buzzards will have a bait that's been right scarce since the war. the white folks is going to rule horsford, and sassy niggers must look out. we're not going to have any such san domingo hole as red wing in it, neither. now just sell off and pack up and git clear off and out of the country before we come again, which will be just as soon as the moon gits in the left quarter, and has three stars in her lower horn. if you're here then you'll both need coffins, and that boy berry lawson that you coaxed away from his employer will hang with you. "remember! _remember!_ remember! "by order of the grand cyclops of the den and his two night hawks, and in the presence of all the ghouls, on the fifth night of the sixth dark moon! "k.k.k." hardly had he finished reading this when a letter was brought to him which had been found on the porch of the old ordinary. it was addressed to "miss mollie ainslie, nigger teacher at red wing," but as it was indorsed "k.k.k." eliab felt no compunctions in opening it in her absence. it read: "miss ainslie: we hain't got no spite against you and don't mean you no harm; but the white folks owns this country, and is going to rule it, and we can't stand no such nigger-equality schools as you are running at red wing. it's got to stop, and you'd better pick up and go back north where you come from, and that quick, if you want to keep out of trouble. remember! "by order of the grand cyclops of the den and his ghouls, k.k.k." "p.s. we don't mean to hurt you. we don't make no war on women and children as the yankees did, but we mean what we say--git out! and don't come back here any more neither!" the rumor of the mysterious klan and its terrible doings had been in the air for many months. from other states, and even from adjoining counties, had come to their ears the wail of its victims. but so preponderating was the colored population of horsford, and so dependent upon their labor was its prosperity, that they had entertained little fear of its coming among them. two or three times before, nimbus and eliab had received warnings and had even taken some precautions in regard to defense; but they did not consider the matter of sufficient moment to require them to make it public. indeed, they were inclined to think that as there had been no acts of violence in the county, these warnings were merely the acts of mischievous youngsters who desired to frighten them into a display of fear. this seemed to be a more serious demonstration, but they were not yet prepared to give full credence to the threat conveyed in so fantastic a manner. chapter xxxiii. a difference of opinion. "wal, dey manage to fotch berry inter it widout sending him a letter all to hissef, alter all," said that worthy, when eliab, with pale lips, but a firm voice, had finished reading the paper. "ben done 'spectin' dat, all de time sence i come h'yer, cousin nimbus. i'se been a-hearin' 'bout dese klu kluckers dis smart while now, ober yer in pocatel and hanson counties, an' i 'spected marse sykes'd be a-puttin' 'em on ter me jest ez soon as dey got ober here. he hed no idear, yer know, but what i'd hev ter go back an' wuk fer jes what i could git; an sence i hain't he's mad about it, dat's all. what yer gwine ter do 'bout it, nimbus?" "i'se gwine ter stay right h'yer an' fight it out, i is," said nimbus, doggedly. 'i'se fout fer de right ter live in peace on my own lan' once, an' i kin fight for it agin. ef de ku kluckers wants ter try an' whip nimbus, jes let 'em come on," he said, bringing down his clenched right hand upon the board which was upheld by his left, with such force that it was split from end to end. "hi! you take keer dar, cousin nimbus," said berry, hopping out of the way of the falling board with an antic gesture. "fust you know, yer hurt yer han' actin' dat er way. what you gwine ter do 'bout dis yer matter, uncle 'liab?" he continued, turning to the preacher. the man addressed was still gazing on the threatening letter. his left hand wandered over his dark beard, but his face was full of an unwavering light as he replied: "the lord called me to my work; he has opened many a door before me and taken me through many trials. he has written, 'i will be with thee alway, even unto the end.' bless his holy name! hitherto, when evil has come i have waited on him. i may not do a man's part like you, my brother," he continued, laying his hand on nimbus' knotted arm and gazing admiringly upon his giant frame," but i can stand and wait, right here, for the lord's will to be done; and here i will stay--here with my people. thank the lord, if i am unable to fight i am also unable to fly. he knew what a poor, weak creature i was, and he has taken care of that. i shall stay, let others do as they may. what are you going to do, brother berry? you are in the same danger with nimbus and me." "wal, bre'er 'liab," replied berry," i hab jes 'bout made up my min' ter run fer it. yer see, i'se jes a bit differently sarcumstanced from what either o' you 'uns is. dar's nimbus now, he's been in de wah an' knows all 'bout de fightin' business; an' you's a preacher an' knows all der is ob de prayin' trade. but i never was wuth nothin' ob any account at either. it's de feet ez hez allers stood by me," he added, executing a double-shuffle on the plank walk where he stood; "an' i 'llows ter stan' by dem, an' light outen here, afore dem ar kluckers comes roun' fer an answer ter dat ar letter. dat's my notion, bre'er 'liab." "yer don't mean yer gwine ter run away on de 'count ob dese yer ku kluckers, does yer, berry?" said nimbus, angrily. "dat's jes 'zackly what i do mean, cousin nimbus--no mistake 'bout dat," answered berry, bowing towards nimbus with a great show of mock politeness. "what else did yer tink berry mean, hey? didn't my words 'spress demselves cl'ar? yer know, cousin, dat i'se not one ob de fightin' kine. nebber hed but one fight in my life, an' den dar wuz jes de wuss whipped nigger you ebber seed. yer see dem sinners, eh?" rolling up his sleeve and showing a round, close-corded arm. "oh, i'se some when i gits started, i is. all whip-cord an' chain-lightnin', whoop! i'll bet a harf dollar now, an borrer de money from bre'er nimbus h'yer ter pay it, dat i kin turn more han'-springs an' offener an' longer nor ary man in dis crowd. oh, i'se some an' more too, i is, an' don't yer fergit it. 'bout dat fight?" he continued to a questioner, "oh, yes, dat was one ob de mos' 'markable fights dar's ever been in ho'sford county. yer see 'twuz all along uv ben slade an' me. lor' bress yer, how we did fight! 'pears ter me dat it must hev been nigh 'bout harf a day we wuz at it." "but you didn't lick ben, did you, berry?" asked one of the bystanders in surprise. "lick him? yer jes' orter see de corn i wollered down 'long wid dat nigga'! dar must hev been close on ter harf an acre on't." "but he's a heap bigger'n you, berry, ez stout ez a bull an' one ob de bes' fighters ebber on de hill at louisburg. yer jest romancin' now, berry," said nimbus, incredulously. "oh, but yer don't understan' it, cousin," said berry. "yer see i played fer de _under holt_--an' got it, dat i did. lor'! how dat ar ben did thrash de groun' wid me! ole mahs'r lost a heap ob corn on 'count dat ar fight! but i hung on ter him, an' nebber would hev let him go till now, ef--ef somebody hedn't pulled me out from under him!" there was a roar of laughter at this, in which berry joined heartily, and as it began to die out he continued: "dat's de only fight i ebber hed, an' i don't want no mo'. i'se a peaceable man, an' don't want ter hurt nobody. ef de kluckers wants ter come whar i is, an' gibs me sech a perlite notice ez dat ter quit, i'se gwine ter git out widout axin' no imper'ent questions 'bout who was dar fust. an' i'se gwine ter keep gittin' tu--jest' ez fur an' ez fast ez dey axes me ter move on, ez long ez de road's cut out an' i don't come ter no jumpin'-off place. ef dey don't approve of berry lawson a stayin' roun' h'yer, he's jes' a gwine west ter grow up wid der kentry." "i'd sooner be dead than be sech a limber-jinted coward!" said nimbus. "i'm sorry i ebber tuk ye in atter marse sykes hed put yer out in de big road, dat i am." there was a murmur of approval, and he added: "an' ef yer hed enny place ter go ter, yer shouldn't stay in my house nary 'nother minit." "now, cousin nimbus," said berry, soberly, "dar hain't nary bit ob use ob enny sech talk ter me. berry arns his libbin' ef he does hab his joke now an' agin." "oh, no doubt o' dat," said nimbus. "ther ain't no better han' in enny crop dan berry lawson. i've said dat often an' over." "den yer jes take back dem hard words yer spoke 'bout berry, won't yer now, cousin nimbus?" said berry, sidling up to him and looking very much as if he intended to give the lie to his own account of his fighting proclivities. "no, i won't," said nimbus, positively. "i do say dat any man ez runs away kase de ku kluck tries ter scar him off is a damn coward, 'n i don't care who he calls his name neither." "wal, now, cousin nimbus," said berry, his eyes flashing and his whole appearance falsifying his previous poltroonery, "dar's two sides ter dat ar question. i hain't nebber been a sojer like you, cousin, an' it's a fac' dat i don't keer ter be; but i du say ez how i'd be ez willin' ter stan' up an' fight fer de rights we's got ez enny man dat ebber's trod de sile ennywhere's 'bout red wing, ef i thought ez how 'twould do de least bit ob good. but i tell yer, gemmen, hit won't do enny good, not de least bit, an' i knows it. i'se seen de ku kluckers, gemmen, an' i knows who some on 'em is, an' i knows dat when sech men takes hold ob sech a matter wid only pore niggers on de udder side, dar ain't no chance fer de niggers. i'se seen 'em, an' i _knows_." "when?" "whar?" "tell us 'bout it, berry!" came up from all sides in the crowd which had collected until now almost all the inhabitants of red wing and its vicinity were there. "oh, 'tain't nuffin'," said he, nonchalantly. "what berry says, ain't no 'count, nohow." "yes, tell us 'bout it," said nimbus, in a conciliatory tone. "wal, ef _you_ wants ter hear, i'll tell it," said berry, condescendingly. "yer mind some tree er fo' weeks ago i went ter bre'er rufe's, ober in hanson county, on a friday night, an' didn't git back till a monday mornin'?" "sartin," said nimbus, gravely. "wal, 'twas along o' dis yer business dat i went thar. i know'd yer'd got one er two warnin's sence i'd come yere wid yer, an' i 'llowed it were on account ob me, kase dem ar sykeses is monstrous bad folks when dey gits mad, an' ole marse granville, he war powerful mad at me findin' a home here wid my own relations. so, i tole sally ann all 'bout it, an' i sez to her, 'sally,' sez i, 'i don't want ter make nimbus no sort o' trouble, i don't, kase he's stood up ter us like a man. now, ef dey should take a notion ter trouble bre'er nimbus, hit mout do him a heap of harm, kase he's got so much truck 'round him here ter lose.' so we made it up dat i was ter go ter bre'er rufe paterson's, ober in hanson county an' see ef we couldn't find a place ter lib dar, so's not ter be baitin' de hawks on ter you, cousin nimbus." "now you, berry," said nimbus, extending his hand heartily, "what for yer no tell me dis afore?" "jes kase 'twas no use," answered berry. "wall, yer know, i left h'yer 'bout two hours ob de sun, an' i pushes on right peart, kase it's a smart step ober ter rufe's, ennyhow, an' i wanted ter see him an' git back ter help nimbus in de crap ob a monday. sally hed fixed me up a bite o' bread an' a piece o' meat, an' i 'llowed i'd jes stop in some piney ole-field when i got tired, eat my snack, go ter sleep, an' start fresh afo' daylight in de mornin' for de rest ob de way. i'd been a wukkin' right peart in de new-ground dat day, an' when i got ter dat pine thicket jes past de spring by de brook's place, 'twixt de haw ribber an' stony fork, 'long 'bout nine o'clock i reckon, i wuz dat done out dat i jes takes a drink at de spring, eats a bite o' bread an' meat, hunts a close place under de pines, an' goes ter sleep right away. "yer knows dar's a smart open place dar, whar dey used ter hev de ole muster-ground. 'twas de time ob de full moon, an' when i woke up a-hearin' somethin', an' kind o' peeped out under de pine bushes, i t'ought at fust dat it was de ghostesses ob de ole chaps dat hed come back ter muster dar, sure 'nough. dey warn't more'n ten steps away from me, an' de boss man, he sot wid his back to me in dat rock place what dey calls de lubber's cheer. de hosses was tied all round ter de bushes, an' one ob 'em warn't more'n tree steps from me, nohow. i heard 'em talk jest ez plain ez you can hear me, an' i know'd right smart ob de voices, tu; but, la sakes! yer couldn't make out which from t'odder wid dem tings dey hed on, all ober der heads, an' way down to der feet." "what did they say?" asked eliab hill. "wal, bre'er 'liab, dey sed a heap, but de upshot on't all was dat de white folks hed jes made up dar min's ter run dis kentry, spite ob ebbery ting. dey sed dat dey wuz all fixed up in ebbery county from ole virginny clean ter texas, an' dey wuz gwine ter teach de niggers dere place agin, ef dey hed ter kill a few in each county an' hang 'em up fer scarecrows--jes dat 'ere way. dey wa'n't no spring chickens, nuther. dar wur sheriff gleason. he sed he'd corned over ter let 'em know how they was gittin' on in ho'sford. he sed dat ebbery white man in de county 'cept about ten or twelve was inter it, an' dey wuz a gwine ter clean out nigger rule h'yer, _shore_. he sed de fust big thing they got on hand wuz ter break up dis buzzard-roost h'yer at red wing, an' he 'llowed dat wouldn't be no hard wuk kase dey'd got some pretty tough tings on nimbus an" 'liab both. "dey wuz all good men, i seed de hosses, when dey mounted ter go 'way. i tell ye dey wuz good 'uns! no pore-white trash dar; no lame hosses ner blind mules ner wukked down crap-critters, jes sleek gentlemen's hosses, all on 'em. "wal, dey went off atter an hour er two, an' i lay dar jes in a puffick lather o' sweat. i was dat dar skeered, i couldn't sleep no mo' dat ar night, an' i darsn't walk on afore day kase i wuz afeared o' meetin' some on 'em. so i lay, an' t'ought dis ting all ober, an' i tell ye, fellers, 'tain't no use. 'spose all de white men in ho'sford is agin us, what's we gwine ter do? we can't lib. lots o' niggers can't lib a week widout wuk from some white man. 'sides dat, dey's got de bosses an' de guns, an' de 'sperience; an' what we got? jes nuffin'. der ain't no mo' use o' fightin' dan ob tryin' ter butt down 'simmons off a foot-an'-a-half tree wid yer head. it don't make no sort o' matter 'bout our rights. co'se we'se got a _right_ ter vote, an' hold meetin's, an' be like white folks; but we can't do it ef dey's a mind ter stop us. an' dey _is_--dat berry ting! "nimbus sez he's gwine ter fight, an' 'liab sez he's gwine ter pray. dat's all right, but it won't do nobody else enny good nor them nuther. dat's my notion. what good did fightin' er prayin' either used ter do in ole slave times? nary bit. an' dey's got us jest about ez close ez dey hed us den, only de halter-chain's a leetle mite longer, dat's all. all dey's got ter do is jes ter shorten up on de rope an' it brings us in, all de same ez ever. dat's my notion. so i'se gwine ter move on ebbery time dey axes me tu; kase why, i can't help it. berry'll git enough ter eat most ennywhar, an' dat's 'bout all he 'spects in dis worl'. it's a leetle better dan de ole slave times, an' ef it keeps on a-growin' better 'n better, gineration atter gineration, p'raps some of berry's kinfolks'll git ter hev a white man's chance some time." berry's experience was listened to with profound interest, but his conclusions were not received with favor. there seemed to be a general conviction that the colored race was to be put on trial, and that it must show its manhood by defending itself and maintaining its rights against all odds. his idea of running away was voted a cowardly and unworthy one, and the plan advocated by nimbus and eliab, to stay and fight it out or take whatever consequences might result, was accepted as the true one to be adopted by men having such responsibility as rested upon them, as the first generation of free-men in the american history of their race. so, nimbus and his friends made ready to fight by holding a meeting in the church, agreeing upon signals, taking account of their arms, and making provision to get ammunition. berry prepared for his exodus by going again to his brother rufus' house and engaging to work on a neighboring plantation, and some two weeks afterward he borrowed nimbus' mule and carry-all and removed his family also. as a sort of safeguard on this last journey, he borrowed from eliab hill a repeating spencer carbine, which a federal soldier had left at the cabin of that worthy, soon after the downfall of the confederacy. he was probably one of those men who determined to return home as soon as they were convinced that the fighting was over. sherman's army, where desertion had been unknown during the war, lost thousands of men in this manner between the scene of johnston's surrender and the grand review at washington, which ended the spectacular events of the war. eliab had preserved this carbine very carefully, not regarding it as his own, but ready to surrender it to the owner or to any proper authority when demanded. it was useless without the proper ammunition, and as this seemed to be a peculiar emergency, he allowed berry to take it on condition that he should stop at boyleston and get a supply of cartridges. eliab had never fired a gun in his life, but he believed in defending his rights, and thought it well to be ready to resist unlawful violence should it be offered. chapter xxxiv. the majesty of the law. a few days after the events narrated in the last two chapters, the sheriff presented himself at red wing. there was a keen, shrewd look in the cold, gray eyes under the overhanging brows, as he tied his horse to the rack near the church, and taking his saddle-bags on his arm, crossed the road toward the residence of nimbus and eliab hill. red wing had always been a remarkably peaceful and quiet settlement. acting under the advice of miss ainslie and eliab, nimbus had parted with none of his possessions except upon terms which prevented the sale of spirituous liquors there. this was not on account of any "fanatical" prejudice in favor of temperance, since the squire of red wing was himself not exactly averse to an occasional dram; but he readily perceived that if such sale could be prohibited in the little village the chances for peace and order would be greatly improved. he recognized the fact that those characters that were most likely to assemble around a bar-room were not the most likely to be valuable residents of the settlement. besides the condition in his own deeds, therefore, he had secured through the members of the legislature from his county the passage of an act forever prohibiting the sale of spirituous liquors within one mile of the school-house at red wing. just without this limit several little shanties had been erected where chivalric white men doled out liquor to the hard-working colored men of red wing. it was an easy and an honorable business and they did not feel degraded by contact with the freedmen across the bar. the superior race did not feel itself debased by selling bad whisky at an extravagant price to the poor, thirsty africans who went by the "shebangs" to and from their daily toil. but nimbus and the law would not allow the nearer approach of such influences. by these means, with the active co-operation of the teachers, red wing had been kept so peaceful, that the officers of the law rarely had occasion to appear within its limits, save to collect the fiscal dues from its citizens. it was with not a little surprise, therefore, that nimbus saw the stalwart sheriff coming towards him where he was at work upon the hillside back of his house, "worming" and "topping" a field of tobacco which gave promise of a magnificent yield. "mornin', nimbus," said the officer, as he drew near, and turning partially around glanced critically over the field and furtively at the little group of buildings below. "a fine stand of terbacker you've got--mighty even, good growth. don't think i've seen quite as good-looking a crap this year. there's old man george price up about rouseville, he's got a mighty fine crap--always does have, you know. i saw it yesterday and didn't think anything could be better, but your's does beat it, that's sure. it's evener and brighter, and a trifle heavier growth, too. i told him that if anybody in the county could equal it you were the man; but i had no idea you could beat it. this is powerful good land for terbacker, certain." "'tain't so much the land," said nimbus, standing up to his arm-pits in the rank-leaved crop above which his bare black arms glistened in the hot summer sun, "as 'tis the keer on't. powerful few folks is willin' ter give the keer it takes ter grow an' cure a fine crop o' terbacker. ther ain't a minit from the time yer plant the seed-bed till ye sell the leaf, that ye kin take yer finger offen it widout resk ob losin' all yer wuk." "that's so," responded the sheriff, "but the land has a heap to do with it, after all." "ob co'se," said nimbus, as he broke a sucker into short pieces between his thumb and finger, "yer's got ter hab de sile; but ther's a heap mo' jes ez good terbacker lan' ez dis, ef people only hed the patience ter wuk it ez i do mine." "wal, now, there's not so much like this," said the sheriff, sharply, "and you don't think so, neither. you wouldn't take a big price for your two hundred acres here now." he watched the other's countenance sharply as he spoke, but the training of slavery made the face of the black ajax simply sphinx-like in its inscrutability. "wal, i don't know," said nimbus, slowly, "i mout and then again i moutn't, yer know. ther'd be a good many pints ter think over besides the quality of the sile afore i'd want ter say 'yes' er 'no' to an offer ob dat kind." "that's what i thought," said the sheriff. "you are nicely fixed here, and i don't blame you. i had some little business with you, and i'm glad i come to-day and caught ye in your terbacker. it's powerful fine." "business wid me?" asked nimbus in surprise. "what is it?" "oh, i don't know," said the officer, lightly, as he put on his spectacles, opened his saddle-bags and took out some papers. "some of these lawyers have got after you, i suppose, thinking you're getting along too peart. let me see," he continued, shuffling over the papers in his hand. "here's a summons in a civil action--the old man, granville sykes, against nimbus desmit and eliab hill. where is 'liab? i must see him, too. here's your copy," he continued, handing nimbus the paper and marking the date of service on the original in pencil with the careless promptitude of the well-trained official. nimbus looked at the paper which was handed him in undisguised astonishment. "what is dis ting, anyhow, marse sheriff?" he asked. "that? why, that is a summons. can't you read it? here, let me take it." he read over the legal formulary requiring nimbus to be and appear at the court house in louisburg on the sixth monday after the second monday in august, to answer the demand of the plaintiff against him, and concluding with the threat that in default of such appearance judgment would be entered up against him. "you see, you've got to come and answer old man granville's complaint, and after that you will have a trial. you'll have to get a lawyer, and i expect there'll be smart of fuss about it before it's over. but you can afford it; a man as well fixed as you, that makes such terbacker as this, can afford to pay a lawyer right smart. i've no doubt the old man will get tired of it before you do; but, after all, law is the most uncertain thing in the world." "what does it mean? has he sued me?" asked nimbus. "sued you? i should rather think he had--for a thousand dollars damages too. that is you and 'liab, between you." "but what for? i don't owe him anythin' an' never did." "oh, that's nothing. he says you've damaged him. i've forgot what it's about. let me see. oh, yes, i remember now. he says you and 'liab enticed away his servant--what's his name? that limber-jinted, whistlin' feller you've had working for you for a spell." "what, berry?" "that's it, berry--berry lawson, that's the very chap. well, old granville says you coaxed him to leave his employ, and he's after you under the statute." "but it's a lie--every word on't! i nebber axed berry ter leave him, an' hed no notion he was a gwine ter do it till marse sykes throwed him out in de big road." "wal, wal, i don't know nothing about that, i'm sure. he says you did, you say you didn't. i s'pose it'll take a court and jury to decide betwixt ye. it's none of my concern. oh, yes," he continued, "i like to have forgot it, but here's a _capias_ for you, too--you and 'liab again. it seems there's a bill of indictment against you. i presume it's the same matter. i must have a bond on this for your appearance, so you'd better come on down to 'liab's house with me. i'll take you for him, and him for you, as sureties. i don't suppose 'liab'll be apt to run away, eh, and you're worth enough for both." "what's this all about?" asked nimbus. "well, i suppose the old man sykes got ye indicted under the statute making it a misdemeanor, punishable with fine and imprisonment, to coax, hire, or seduce away one's niggers after he's hired 'em. just the same question as the other, only this is an indictment and that's a civil action--an action under the code, as they call it, since you radicals tinkered over the law. one is for the damage to old man sykes, and the other because it's a crime to coax off or harbor any one's hirelings." "is dat de law, mister sheriff?" "oh, yes, that's the law, fast enough. no trouble about that. didn't know it, did you? thought you could go and take a man's "hands" right out from under his nose, and not get into trouble about it, didn't ye?" "i t'ought dat when a man was free anudder could hire him widout axin' leave of his marster. dat's what i t'ought freedom meant." "oh, not exactly; there's lots of freedom lyin' round loose, but it don't allow a man to hire another man's hands, nor give them aid and comfort by harboring and feeding them when they break their contracts and run away. i reckon the old man's got you, nimbus. if one hook don't catch, the other will. you've been harborin' the cuss, if you didn't entice him away, and that's just the same." "ef you mean by harborin' that i tuk my wife's kinsman in when ole marse sykes turned his family out in de big road like a damned ole rascal--" "hold on, nimbus!" said the sheriff, with a dangerous light in his cold gray eyes; "you'd better not talk like that about a white gentleman." "whose ter hender my talkin', i'd like ter know? hain't i jes' de same right ter talk ez you er marse sykes, an' wouldn't you call me a damn rascal ef i'd done ez he did? ain't i ez free ez he is?" "you ain't white!" hissed the sheriff. "no, an' it seems i ain't free, nuther!" was the hot reply." h'yer t'other night some damn scoundrels--i'specs they wuz white, too, an' yer may tell 'em from me dat i called 'em jes what i did--come an' hung a board 'fore my gate threatening ter kill me an' 'liab kase we's 'too sassy,' so they sed. now, 'liab hill ner me nebber disturb nobody, an' nebber do nothin' only jes stan' up for our own rights, respectful and peaceable-like; but we hain't ter be run down in no sech way, i'se a free man, an' ef i think a man's a gran' rascal i'se gwine ter _say_ so, whether he's black er white; an' ef enny on 'em comes ter ku klux me i'll put a bullet t'rough dem! i will, by god! ef i breaks the law i'll take the consequences like a man, but i'll be damned ef ennybody shall ku kluck me without somebody's goin' 'long with me, when i drops outen dis world! dat much i'se sot on!" the sheriff did not answer, only to say, "careful, careful! there's them that would give you a high limb if they heard you talk like that." they went together to the house. the required bonds were given, and the sheriff started off with a chuckle. he had hardly passed out of sight when he checked his horse, returned, and calling nimbus to the gate, said to him in a low tone: "see here, nimbus, if you should ever get in the notion of selling this place, remember and let me have the first chance." "all right, marse gleason." "and see here, these little papers i've served to-day--you needn't have any trouble about them in that case. you understand," with a wink. "dunno ez i does, marse sheriff," stolidly. "oh, well, if you sell to me, i'll take care of them, that's all." "an' ef i don't?" "oh, well, in that case, you must look out for yourself." he wheeled his horse and rode off with a mocking laugh. nimbus returned to the porch of eliab's house where the preacher sat thoughtfully scanning the summons and _capias_. "what you tink ob dis ting, 'liab?" "it is part of a plan to break you up, nimbus," was the reply. "dar ain't no sort ob doubt 'bout that, 'liab," answered nimbus, doggedly, "an' dat ole sheriff gleason's jes' at de bottom ob it, i do b'lieve. but i ain't ter be druv off wid law-suits ner ku kluckers. i'se jest a gwine ter git a lawyer an' fight it out, dat i am." chapter xxxv. a particular tenancy lapses. the second day after the visit of the sheriff, nimbus was sitting on his porch after his day's work when there was a call at his gate. "who's dar?" he cried, starting up and gazing through an opening in the honeysuckle which clambered up to the eaves and shut in the porch with a wall of fragrant green. seeing one of his white neighbors, he went out to the gate, and after the usual salutations was greeted with these words: "i hear you's gwine to sell out an' leave, nimbus?" "how'd ye hear dat?" "wal, sheriff gleason's a' been tellin' of it 'round, and ther ain't no other talk 'round the country only that." "what 'ud i sell out an' leave for? ain't i well 'nough off whar i is?" "the sheriff says you an' 'liab hill has been gittin' into some trouble with the law, and that the ku klux has got after you too, so that if you don't leave you're likely to go to states prison or have a whippin' or hangin' bee at your house afore you know it." "jes let 'em come," said nimbus, angrily--"ku kluckers or sheriffs, it don't make no difference which. i reckon it's all 'bout one an' de same ennyhow. it's a damn shame too. dar, when de 'lection come las' time we put marse gleason in agin, kase we hadn't nary white man in de county dat was fitten for it an' could give de bond; an' of co'se dere couldn't no cullu'd man give it. an' jes kase we let him hev it an' he's feared we mout change our minds now, here he is a runnin' 'roun' ter ku klux meetin's an' a tryin' ter stir up de bery ole debble, jes ter keep us cullu'd people from hevin' our rights. he can't do it wid me, dat's shore. i hain't done nuffin' an' i won't run. ef i'd a-done ennythin' i'd run, kase i don't b'lieve more'n ennybody else in a, man's stayin' ter let de law git a holt on him; but when i hain't done nary ting, ther ain't nobody ez kin drive me outen my tracks." "but the ku klux mout _lift_ ye outen 'em," said the other with a weak attempt at wit. "jes let 'em try it once!" said nimbus, excitedly. "i'se purty well prepared for 'em now, an' atter tomorrer i'll be jes ready for 'em. i'se gwine ter louisburg to-morrer, an' i 'llow that atter i come back they won't keer ter meddle wid nimbus. tell yer what, mister dossey, i bought dis place from ole marse desmit, an' paid for it, ebbery cent; an' i swar i ain't a gwine ter let no man drive me offen it--nary foot. an' ef de ku klux comes, i's jest a gwine ter kill de las' one i gits a chance at. now, you min' what i say, mister dossey, kase i means ebbery word on't." the white man cowered before the other's energy. he was of that class who were once denominated "poor whites." the war taught him that he was as good a man to stop bullets as one that was gentler bred, and during that straggle which the non-slaveholders fought at the beck and in the interest of the slaveholding aristocracy, he had learned more of manhood than he had ever known before. in the old days his father had been an overseer on a plantation adjoining knapp-of-reeds, and as a boy he had that acquaintance with nimbus which every white boy had with the neighboring colored lads--they hunted and fished together and were as near cronies as their color would allow. since the war he had bought a place and by steady work had accumulated some money. his plantation was on the river and abutted on the eastern side with the property of nimbus. after a moment's silence he said: "that reminds me of what i heard to-day. your old marse potem is dead." "yer don't say, now!" "yes--died yesterday and will be buried to-morrow." "la, sakes! an' how's he lef ole missus an' de gals, i wonder?" "mighty pore i'm afraid. they say he's been mighty bad off lately, an' what he's got won't more'n half pay his debts. i reckon the widder an' chillen'll hev ter 'homestead it' the rest of their lives." "yer don't tink so? wal, i do declar', hit's too bad. ez rich ez he was, an' now ter come down ter be ez pore ez nimbus--p'raps poorer!" "it's mighty hard, that's sure. it was all along of the wah that left everybody pore in this country, just as it made all the yankees rich with bonds and sech-like." "sho'! what's de use ob bein' a fool? 'twan't de wah dat made marse desmit pore. 'twuz dat ar damn fool business ob slavery afo' de wah dat wound him up. ef he'd never been a 'speculator' an' hadn't tried to grow rich a raisin' men an' wimmen for market he'd a been richer'n ever he was, when he died." "oh, you're mistaken 'bout that, nimbus. the wah ruined us all." "ha! ha! ha!" roared nimbus, derisively. "what de wah ebber take from you, mister dossey, only jes yer oberseer's whip? an' dat wur de berry best ting ebber happen ter ye, kase it sot yer to wuk an' put yer in de way ob makin' money for yerself. it was hard on sech ez ole mahs'r, dat's a fac, even ef 'twas mostly his own fault; but it was worth a million ter sech ez you. you 'uns gained mo' by de outcome ob de wah, right away, dan we cullu'd folks'll ebber git, i'm afeared." "yer may be right," said dawsey, laughing, and with a touch of pride in his tone. "i've done pretty well since the wah. an' that brings me back to what i come over for. i thought i'd ax, if ye should git in a notion of selling, what yer'd take fer yer place here?" "i hain't no idea uv selling, mister dossey, an' hain't no notion uv hevin' any 'nuther. you an' ebberybody else mout jest ez well larn, fust ez las', dat i shan't never sell only jes ter make money. ef i put a price on red wing it'll be a big one; kase it ain't done growing yet, an' i might jest ez well stay h'yr an' grow ez ter go west an' grow up wid de kentry, ez dat fool berry lawson's allers tellin' about." "wal, that's all right, only ef you ever want ter sell, reasonable-like, yer know who to come to for your money. good-night!" the man was gathering up his reins when nimbus said: "when did yer say ole mahsr's funeral was gwine ter be?" "to-morrow afternoon at four o'clock, i heerd." "thank ye. i'se 'bout made up my mind ter go ter louisburg to-morrer, stay ter dat funeral, an' come back nex' day. seems ter me ole mahs'r'd be kind o' glad ter see nimbus at his funeral, fer all i wan't no gret fav'rite o' his'n. he wa'nt sich a bad marster, an' atter i bought red wing he use ter come ober ebbery now an' agin, an' gib me a heap ob advice 'bout fixin' on it up. i allus listened at him, tu, kase ef ennybody ever knowed nex' do' ter ebberyting, dat ar man wuz ole marse potem. i'se sorry he's dead, i is; an' i'se mighty sorry for ole missus an' de gals. an' i'se a gwine ter go ter dat er funeral an' see him laid away, ef it do take anudder day outen de crap; dat i is, shore. "an' that 'minds me," said the white man, "that i heard at the same time, that walter greer, who used to own the plantation afore yer marse desmit bought it, died sometime lately, 'way out in texas. it's quare, ain't it, that they should both go nigh about the same time. good-night." the "poor-white" neighbor rode away, little dreaming that the colored man had estimated him aright, and accounted him only an emissary of his foes, nor did he comprehend the importance of the information he had given. chapter xxxvi. the beacon-light of love. mollie ainslie had been absent from red wing more than a month. it was nearly midnight. the gibbous moon hung over the western tree-tops. there was not a sound to be heard in the little hamlet, but strangely draped figures might have been seen moving about in the open glades of the piney woods which skirted red wing upon the west. one after another they stole across the open space between the church and the pine grove, in its rear, until a half-dozen had collected in its shadow. one mounted on another's shoulders and tried one of the windows. it yielded to his touch and he raised it without difficulty. he entered and another after him. then two or three strange-looking packages were handed up to them from the outside. there was a whispered discussion, and then the parties within were heard moving cautiously about and a strong benzoic odor came from the upraised window. now and then a sharp metallic clang was heard from within. at length the two that had entered returned to the window. there was a whispered consultation with those upon the outside. one of these crept carefully to the corner and gave a long low whistle. it was answered after a moment's interval, first from one direction and then from another, until every part of the little hamlet resounded with short quick answers. then the man at the corner of the church crept back and whispered, "all right!" one of the parties inside came out upon the window-sill and dropped lightly to the ground. the other mounted upon the window-sill, and turned round upon his knees; there was a gleam of light within the building, a flicker and a hiss, and then with a mighty roar the flame swept through it as if following the trail of some combustible. here and there it surged, down the aisles and over the desks, white and clear, showing in sharpest silhouette every curve and angle of building and furniture. the group at the window stood gazing within for a moment, the light playing on their faces and making them seem ghastly and pale by the reflection; then they crept hastily back into the shadow of the wood--all but one, who, clad in the horribly grotesque habit of the ku klux klan, stood at the detached bell-tower, and when the flames burst forth from the windows solemnly tolled the bell until driven from his post by the heat. one had hardly time to think, before the massive structure of dried pitch-pine which northern charity had erected in the foolish hope of benefiting the freedmen, where the young teachers had labored with such devotion, and where so many of the despised race had laid the foundation of a knowledge that they vainly hoped might lift them up into the perfect light of freedom, was a solid spire of sheeted flame. by its ghastly glare, in various parts of the village were to be seen groups and single armed sentries, clad in black gowns which fell to their very feet, spire-pointed caps, grotesquely marked and reaching far above the head, while from the base a flowing masque depended over the face and fell down upon the shoulders, hiding all the outlines of the figure. the little village was taken completely by surprise. it had been agreed that the ringing of the church bell should be the signal for assembling at the church with such arms as they had to resist the ku klux. it had not been thought that the danger would be imminent until about the expiration of the time named in the notice; so that the watch which had been determined upon had not been strictly kept, and on this night had been especially lax on one of the roads leading into the little hamlet. at the first stroke of the bell all the villagers were awake, and from half-opened doors and windows they took in the scene which the light of the moon and the glare of the crackling fire revealed. then dusky-skinned forms stole hastily away into the shadows of the houses and fences, and through the rank-growing corn of the little truck-patches, to the woods and fields in the rear. there were some who since the warning had not slept at home at all, but had occupied little leafy shelters in the bush and half-hid burrows on the hillside. on the eyes of all these gleamed the blaze of the burning church, and each one felt, as he had never realized before, the strength of that mysterious band which was just putting forth its power to overturn and nullify a system of laws that sought to clothe an inferior and servile race with the rights and privileges theretofore exercised solely by the dominant one. among those who looked upon this scene was eliab hill. sitting upon his bench he gazed through the low window of his little cottage, the flame lighting up his pale face and his eyes distended with terror. his clasped hands rested on the window-sill and his upturned eyes evidently sought for strength from heaven to enable him manfully to perform the part he had declared his determination to enact. what he saw was this: a company of masked men seemed to spring out of the ground around the house of nimbus, and, at a whistle from one of their number, began swiftly to close in upon it. there was a quick rush and the door was burst open. there were screams and blows, angry words, and protestations within. after a moment a light shot up and died quickly out again--one of the party had struck a match. eliab heard the men cursing lugena, and ordering her to make up a light on the hearth. then there were more blows, and the light shone upon the window. there were rough inquiries for the owner, and eliab thanked god that his faithful friend was far away from the danger and devastation of that night. he wondered, dully, what would be his thought when he should return on the morrow, and mark the destruction wrought in his absence, and tried to paint his rage. while he thought of these things the neighboring house was ransacked from top to bottom. he heard the men cursing because their search was fruitless. they brought out the wife, lugena, and two of her children, and coaxed and threatened them without avail. a few blows were struck, but the wife and children stoutly maintained that the husband and father was absent, attending his old master's funeral, at louisburg. the yellow light of the blazing church shone on the house, and made fantastic shadows all around. the lurid glare lighted up their faces and pictured their terror. they were almost without clothing. eliab noticed that the hand that clasped lugena's black arm below the band of the chemise was white and delicate. the wife and children were crying and moaning in terror and pain. oaths and blows were intermingled with questions in disguised voices, and gasping broken answers. blood was running down the face of the wife. the younger children were screaming in the house. children and women were shrieking in every direction as they fled to the shelter of the surrounding woods. the flame roared and crackled as it licked the resin from the pine logs of the church and leaped aloft. it shone upon the glittering needles of the surrounding pines, lighted up the ripening tobacco on the hillside, sparkled in the dewy leaves of the honeysuckle which clambered over the freedman's house and hid the staring moon with its columns of black smoke. the search for nimbus proving unavailing--they scarcely seemed to expect to find him--they began to inquire of the terror-stricken woman the whereabouts of his friend. "where is 'liab hill?" asked the man who held her arm. "what have you done with that snivelling hop-toad minister?" queried another. "speak, damn you! and see that you tell the truth," said a third, as he struck her over the bare shoulders with a stick. "oh! don't! don't!" shrieked the poor woman as she writhed in agony. "i'll tell! i will, gentlemens--i will--i will! oh, my god! don't! _don't!_" she cried, as she leaped wildly about, tearing the one garment away in her efforts to avoid the blows which fell thick and fast on every part of her person, now fully exposed in the bright light. "speak, then!" said the man who held the goad. "out with it! tell where you've hid him!" "he ain't--here, gentlemen! he--he--don't--stay here no mo'." again the blows came thick and fast. she fell upon the ground and rolled in the dust to avoid them. her round black limbs glistened in the yellow light as she writhed from side to side. "here i am--here!" came a wild, shrill shriek from eliab's cabin. casting a glance towards it, one of the men saw a blanched and pallid face pressed against the window and lighted by the blazing church--the face of him who was wont to minister there to the people who did not know their own "best friends!" "there he is!"--"bring the damn rascal out!"--"he's the one we want, anyhow!" these and numerous other shouts of similar character, beat upon the ears of the terrified watcher, as the crowd of masked marauders rushed towards the little cabin which had been his home ever since red wing had passed into the possession of its present owner. it was the first building erected under the new proprietorship, and was substantially built of pine logs. the one low window and the door in front were the only openings cut through the solidly-framed logs. the door was fastened with a heavy wooden bar which reached across the entire shutter and was held in place by strong iron staples driven into the heavy door-posts. above, it was strongly ceiled, but under the eaves were large openings made by the thick poles which had been used for rafters. if the owner had been capable of defense he could hardly have had a castle better adapted for a desperate and successful struggle than this. eliab hill knew this, and for a moment his face flushed as he saw the crowd rush towards him, with the vain wish that he might fight for his life and for his race. he had fully made up his mind to die at his post. he was not a brave man in one sense of the word. a cripple never is. compelled to acknowledge the physical superiority of others, year after year, he comes at length to regard his own inferiority as a matter of course, and never thinks of any movement which partakes of the aggressive. eliab hill had procured the strong bar and heavy staples for his door when first warned by the klan, but he had never concocted any scheme of defense. he thought vaguely, as he saw them coming towards him in the bright moonlight and in the brighter glow of the burning sanctuary, that with a good repeating arm he might not only sell his life dearly, but even repel the attack. it would be a proud thing if he might do so. he was sorry he had not thought of it before. he remembered the spencer carbine which he had given a few days before to berry lawson to clean and repair, and to obtain cartridges of the proper calibre, in order that it might be used by some one in the defense of red wing. berry had not yet returned. he had never thought of using it himself, until that moment when he saw his enemies advancing upon him with wild cries, and heard the roar of the flaming church. he was not a hero. on the contrary, he believed himself a coward. he was brave enough in suffering, but his courage was like that of a woman. he was able and willing to endure the most terrible evils, but he did not think of doing brave things or achieving great acts. his courage was not aggressive. he could be killed, but did not think of killing. not that he was averse to taking life in self-defense, but he had been so long the creature of another's will in the matter of locomotion that it did not occur to him to do otherwise than say: "do with me as thou wilt. i am bound hand and foot. i cannot fight, but i can die." he shrank from acute pain with that peculiar terror which the confirmed invalid always exhibits, perhaps because he realizes its horror more than those who are usually exempt from its pangs. as he pressed his face close to the flame-lighted pane, and watched the group of grotesquely disguised men rushing toward his door, his eyes were full of wild terror and his face twitched, while his lips trembled and grew pale under the dark mustache. there was a rush against the door, but it did not yield. another and another; but the heavy bar and strong staples held it fast. then his name was called, but he did not answer. drawing his head quickly from the window, he closed the heavy wooden shutter, which fitted closely into the frame on the inside, and fastened it with a bar like that upon the door. hardly had he done so when a blow shattered the window. something was thrust in and passed around the opening, trying here and there to force open the shutter, but in vain. then it was pressed against the bottom, just where the shutter rested on the window-sill. there was an instant's silence save that eliab hill heard a click which he thought was caused by the cocking of a revolver, and threw himself quickly down upon his bench. there was a sharp explosion, a jarring crash as the ball tore through the woodwork, and hurtling across the room buried itself in the opposite wall. then there were several shots fired at the door. one man found a little hole in the chinking, between two of the logs, and putting his revolver through, fired again and again, sending spits of hot flame and sharp spiteful reverberations through the darkness of the cabin. eliab hill watched all this with fixed, staring eyes and teeth set, but did not move or speak. he scrambled off the bench, and crawled, in his queer tri-pedal fashion, to the cot, crept into it, and with hands clasped, sat bolt upright on the pillow. he set his back against the wall, and, facing the door, waited for the end. he wished that some of the bullets that were fired might pierce his heart. he even prayed that his doom might come sharp and swift--that he might be saved from torture--might be spared the lash. he only feared lest his manhood should fail him in the presence of impending suffering. there came a rush against the door with some heavy timber. he guessed that it was the log from the hitching rack in front of nimbus' house. but the strong bar did not yield. they called out his name again, and assured him that if he did not undo the door they would fire the house. a strange look of relief, even of joy, passed over his face as he heard this declaration. he clasped his hands across his breast as he sat upon the bed, and his lips moved in prayer. he was not afraid to die, but he was afraid that he might not be strong enough to endure all the pain that might be caused by torture, without betraying his suffering or debasing his manhood. he felt very weak and was glad to know that fire and smoke would hide his groans and tears. while he waited for the hissing of the flame the blows of an axe resounded on the door. it was wielded by stalwart hands, and ere long the glare from without shone through the double planking. "hello, 'liab--'liab hill!" cried a voice at the opening which seemed to the quiet listener within strangely like that of sheriff gleason. "damn me, boys, if i don't believe you've killed the nigger, shooting in there. hadn't we better just set the cabin afire and let it burn?" "put in your hand and see if you can't lift the bar," said another. "i'd like to know whether the scoundrel is dead or alive. besides that, i don't fancy this burning houses. i don't object to hanging a sassy nigger, or anything of that kind, but burning a house is a different matter. that's almost too mean for a white man to do. it's kind of a nigger business, to my notion." "for instance!" said another, with a laugh, pointing to the blazing church. "oh, damn it!" said the former, "that's another thing. a damn nigger school-house ain't of no more account than a brush-pile, anyhow." a hand was thrust through' the opening and the bar lifted from one socket and drawn out of the other. then the door flew open and a half dozen men rushed into the room. the foremost fell over the rolling chair which had been left near the door, and the others in turn fell over him. "what the hell!" cried one. "here, bring the light here. what is this thing anyhow?" the light was brought, and the voice continued: "damned if it ain't the critter's go-cart. here kick the damn thing out--smash it up! such things ain't made for niggers to ride on, anyhow. he won't need it any more--not after we have got through with him." "that he won't!" said another, as the invalid's chair which had first given eliab hill power to move himself about was kicked out of the door and broken into pieces with blows of the axe. eliab hill felt as if a part of his life was already destroyed. he groaned for the fate of this inseparable companion of all his independent existence. it had grown dearer to him than he knew. it hurt him, even then, to hear the coarse, grim jests which were uttered as its finely-wrought frame cracked beneath the blows of the axe, and its luxurious belongings were rent and torn by the hands that would soon rend and tear its owner. he had come to look upon the insensate machine with a passionate regard. while it seemed like tearing away his limbs to take it from him, yet there was a feeling of separate animate existence about it which one never feels towards his own members. he had petted and polished and cared for this strong, pretty, and easily worked combination of levers and springs and wheels that had served him so faithfully, until it seemed to his fancy like an old and valued friend. chapter xxxvii. the "best friends" reveal themselves. "bring alight!" shouted the leader. one of the men rushed into the house of nimbus, and snatched a flaming brand from the hearth. as he ran with it out of the front door, he did not see a giant form which leaped from the waving corn and sprang into the back door. the black foot was bare and made no sound as it fell upon the threshold. he did not see the black, furious face or the right arm, bared above the elbow, which snatched a saber from the top of a cupboard. he did not see the glaring, murderous eyes that peered through the vine-leaves as he rushed, with his flaming brand aloft, out of the house to the hut of eliab. as he readied the door the light fell upon the preacher, who sat upon the bed. the fear of death had passed away--even the fear of suffering was gone. his lips moved in prayer, the forgiving words mingling with the curses of his assailants: "o god, my help and my shield!" ("_here he is, god damn him._") "forgive them, father--" ("_i've got him._") "they know not---a--h!" a long, shrill shriek--the voice of a man overborne by mortal agony--sounded above the clamor of curses, and above the roar of the blazing church. there was a fall upon the cabin floor--the grating sound of a body swiftly drawn along its surface--and one of the masked marauders rushed out dragging by the foot the preacher of the gospel of peace. the withered leg was straightened. the weakened sinews were torn asunder, and as his captor dragged him out into the light and flung the burden away, the limb dropped, lax and nerveless, to the ground. then there were blows and kicks and curses from the crowd, which rushed upon him. in the midst, one held aloft a blazing brand. groans and fragments of prayer came up through the din. [footnote: those who are interested in such matters may find some curiously exact parallels of the characters and incidents of this chapter testified to under oath in the "report of the committee on ku-klux outrages in the southern states." the facts are of no special interest, however, except as illustrations of the underlying spirit and cause of this strange epidemic of violence.] all at once there was a roar as of a desert lion bursting from its lair. they looked and saw a huge black form leap from the porch of the other house and bound toward them. he was on them in a minute. there was the swish of a saber swung by a practiced hand, and the high-peaked mask of the leader bent over the hissing blade, and was stripped away, leaving a pale, affrighted face glaring stupidly at the ebon angel of wrath in the luried fire-light. a fearful oath came through the white, strong teeth, which showed hard-set below the moustache. again the saber whistled round the head of the avenger. there was a shriek of mortal agony, and one of the masqueraders fell. the others shrunk back. one fired a shot. the man with the torch stood for the moment as though transfixed, with the glaring light still held aloft. then, with his revolver, he aimed a close, sure shot at the dusky giant whom he watched. suddenly he saw a woman's naked figure, that seemed to rise from the ground. there was a gleam of steel, and then down through mask and flesh and bone crashed the axe which had fallen by the door step, and the blood spurted upon lugena's unclothed form and into the face of the prostrate eliab, as the holder of the torch fell beside him. then the others gave way, and the two black forms pursued. there were some wild shots fired back, as they fled toward the wood beyond the road. then from its depths came a flash and a roar. a ball went shrieking by them and flew away into the darkness beyond. another, and another and another! it was not the sharp, short crack of the revolver, but the fierce angry challenge of the rifle. they had heard it before upon the battle-field, and terror lent them wings as they fled. the hurtling missiles flew here and there, wherever a masked form could be seen, and pursued their fleeing shadows into the wood, glancing from tree to tree, cutting through spine and branch and splintering bole, until the last echo of their footsteps had died away. then all was still, except the roar of the burning church and the solemn soughing of the pines, as the rising west wind rustled their branches. nimbus and his wife stood listening in the shade of a low oak, between the scene of conflict and the highway. no sound of the flying enemy could be heard. "nimbus! _oh_, nimbus!" the words came in a strained, low whisper from the unclad figure at his side. "wal, 'gena?" "is you hurt, honey?" "nary bit. how should i be? they run away ez quick ez i come. did they 'buse you, 'gena?" "none of enny 'count," she answered, cautiously, for fear of raising his anger to a point beyond control--"only jest a tryin' ter make me tell whar you was--you an' 'liab." "whar's yer clo'es, honey?" "in de house, dar, only what i tore, getting away from 'em." "an' de chillen?" "dey's run out an' hid somewheres. dey scattered like young pa'tridges." "dey's been hunted like 'em too, eh?" he lays his hand in caution upon the bare shoulder next him, and they both crouch closer in the shadow and listen. all is quiet, except groans and stertorous breathing near the cabin. "it's one of them damned villains. let me settle him!" said nimbus. "don't, don't!" cried lugena, as she threw her arms about his neck. "please don't, honey!" "p'raps it's bre'er 'liab! let me go!" he said, hastily. cautiously they started back through the strip of yellow light which lay between them and the cabin of eliab. they could not believe that their persecutors were indeed gone. nimbus's hand still clutched the saber, and lugena had picked up the axe which she had dropped. the groaning came indeed from eliab. he had partially recovered from the unconsciousness which had come over him while undergoing torture, and with returning animation had come the sense of acute suffering from the injuries he had received. "bre'er 'liab!" whispered nimbus, bending over him. "is that you, nimbus?" asked the stricken man in surprise. "how do you come to be here?" "jes tuk it inter my head ter come home atter de funeril, an' done got here jest in time ter take a han' in what was gwine on." "is the church all burned down, nimbus?" "de ruf hez all fell in. de sides 'll burn a long while yet. dey'se logs, yer know." "did 'gena get away, nimbus?" "here i is, bre'er 'liab." "is anybody hurt?" "not ez we knows on, 'cept two dat's lyin' on de groun' right h'yer by ye," said nimbus. "dead?" asked 'liab, with a shudder. he tried to raise himself up but sank back with a groan. "oh, bre'er 'liab! bre'er 'liab!" cried nimbus, his distress overcoming his fear, "is you hurt bad? my god!" he continued, as he raised his friend's head and saw that he had lapsed again into insensibility, "my god! 'gena, he's dead!" he withdrew the hand he had placed under the shoulders of the prostrate man. it was covered with blood. "sh--sh! you hear dat, nimbus?" asked lugena, in a choked whisper, as she started up and peered toward the road. "oh, nimbus, run! run! do, honey, do! dar dey comes! dey'll kill you, shore!" she caught her husband by the arm, and endeavored to drag him into the shadow of the cabin. "i can't leave bre'er 'liab," said nimbus, doggedly. "yer can't help him. yer'll jes stay an' be killed ye'self! dar now, listen at dat!" cried the trembling woman. the sound to which she referred was that of hurried footfalls in the road beyond their house. nimbus heard it, and stooping over his insensible friend, raised him in his arms and dashed around the cabin into the rank-growing corn beyond. his wife followed for a few steps, still carrying the axe. then she turned and peered through the corn-rows, determined to cover her husband's retreat should danger threaten him from that direction. after waiting awhile and hearing nothing more, she concluded to go to the house, get some clothing, and endeavor to rally her scattered brood. stealing softly up to the back door--the fire had died out upon the hearth--she entered cautiously, and after glancing through the shaded porch began to dress. she had donned her clothing and taken up her shoes preparatory to going back to the shelter of the cornfield, when she thought she heard a stealthy footstep on the porch. her heart stood still with terror. she listened breathlessly. it came again. there was no doubt of it now--a slow, stealthy step! a board creaked, and then all was still. again! thank god it was a _bare_ foot! her heart took hope. she stole to the open door and peeped out. there, in the half shadow of the flame-lit porch, she saw berry lawson stealing toward her. she almost screamed for joy. stepping into the doorway she whispered, "berry!" "is dat you, 'gena?" whispered that worthy, tiptoeing hastily forward and stepping into the shadow within the room. "how'd yer manage ter live t'rough dis yer night, 'gena? an' whar's nimbus an' de chillen?" these questions being hastily answered, lugena began to inquire in regard to his presence there. "whar i come from? jes got back from bre'er rufe's house. druv at night jes ter save de mornin' ter walk back in. lef' sally an' de chillen dar all right. when i come putty nigh ter red wing i sees de light o' de fire, an' presently i sez to myself, sez i, 'berry, dat ain't no common fire, now. ain't many houses in the kentry roun' make sech a fire ez dat. dat mus' be de church, berry.' den i members 'bout de ku kluckers, an' i sez ter myself agin, sez i, 'berry, dem rascals hez come ter red wing an' is raisin' de debble dar now, jes dere own way.' den i runs de mule and de carryall inter de woods, 'bout a mile down de road, an' i takes out bre'er 'liab's gun, dat i'd borrered fer company, yer know, an' hed got some cattridges fer, ober at lewyburg, an' i comes on ter take a han' in--ef dar wa'n't no danger, yer know, honey. "when i gits ober in de woods, dar, i heah de wust sort ob hullabaloo ober h'yer 'bout whar bre'er 'liab's house was--hollerin' an' screamin' an' cussin' an' fightin'. i couldn't make it all out, but i'llowed dat nimbus wuz a-habbin' a hell ob a time, an' ef i wuz gwine ter do anyting, dat wuz about de right time fer me ter put in. so i rested dis yer ole gal," patting the carbine in his hand, "agin a tree an' jes slung a bullet squar ober dere heads. ye see, i dassent shoot too low, fer fear ob hurtin' some of my fren's. 'd'ye heah dat shot, 'gena? lord! how de ole gal did holler. 'pears like i nebber hear a cannon sound so big. de ku kluckers 'peared ter hear it too, fer dey comed squar outen h'yer inter de big road. den i opened up an' let her bark at 'em ez long ez i could see a shadder ter pull trigger on. wonder ef i hurt enny on 'em. d'yer know, 'gena, wuz enny on 'em killed?" "dar's two on 'em a layin' out dar by 'liab's house," said the woman. "yer don't say so!" said berry with a start. "la, sakes! what's dat?" he continued, breathlessly, as a strange sound was heard in the direction indicated. they stole out upon the porch, and as they peered through the clustering wine-leaves a ghastly spectacle presented itself to their eyes. one of the prostrate forms had risen and was groping around on its hands and knees, uttering a strange moaning sound. presently it staggered to its feet, and after some vain efforts seized the mask, the long flowing cape attached to which fell down upon the shoulders, and tore it away. the pale, distorted face with a bloody channel down the middle was turned inquiringly this way and that. the man put his hand to his forehead as if to collect his thoughts. then he tried to utter a cry; the jaw moved, but only unintelligible sounds were heard. lugena heard the click of the gun-lock, and turning, laid her hand on berry, as she said, "don't shoot! 'tain't no use!" "yer right, it ain't," said berry with chattering teeth. "who ebber seed a man walkin' 'roun' wid his head split wide open afo'?" the figure staggered on, looked a moment at the house, turned toward the burning church, and then, seeming to recall what had happened, at once assumed a stealthy demeanor, and, still staggering as it went, crept off toward the gate, out of which it passed and went unsteadily off down the road. "dar ain't no sort of use o' his dodgin' 'round," said berry, as the footsteps died away. "de berry debble'd gib him de road, enny time." as he spoke, a whistle sounded down the road. berry and lugena instantly sought shelter in the corn. crouching low between the rows, they saw four men come cautiously into the yard, examine the prostrate man that remained, and bear him off between them, using for a stretcher the pieces of the coffin-shaped board which had been hung upon the gate two weeks before. chapter xxxviii. "the rose above the mould." the convalescence of mollie ainslie was very rapid, and a few days after the crisis of her disease her attendants were able to return to their homes at red wing. great was the rejoicing there over the recovery of their favorite teacher. the school had been greatly crippled by her absence and showed, even in that brief period, how much was due to her ability and skill. everybody was clamorous for her immediate return--everybody except eliab hill, who after an almost sleepless night sent a letter begging her not to return for a considerable time. it was a strangely earnest letter for one of its apparent import. the writer dwelt at considerable length upon the insidious and treacherous character of the disease from which she was recovering. he grew eloquent as he detailed all that the people of red wing owed to her exertions in their behalf, and told how, year after year, without any vacation, she had labored for them. he showed that this must have been a strain upon her vital energies, and pointed out the danger of relapse should she resume her duties before she had fully recovered. he begged her, therefore, to remain at mulberry hill at least a month longer; and, to support his request, informed her that with the advice and consent of the superintendent he had dismissed the school until that time. he took especial pains, too, to prevent the report of the threatened difficulty from coming to her ears. this was the more easily accomplished from the fact that those who had apprehended trouble were afraid of being deemed cowardly if they acknowledged their belief. so, while the greater number of the men in the little hamlet were accustomed to sleep in the neighboring thickets, in order to be out of harm's way should the ku klux come to make good their decree, very little was said, even among themselves, about the threatened attack. in utter unconsciousness, therefore, of the fate that brooded over those in whom she took so deep an interest, mollie abandoned herself to the restful delights of convalescence. she soon found herself able to visit the room of the confirmed invalid below, and though she seemed to detect a sort of coolness in her manner she did not dream of associating the change with herself. she attributed it entirely to the sore affliction which had fallen upon the household since her arrival, and which, she charitably reasoned, her own recovery must revive in their minds in full force. so she pardoned the fair, frail invalid who, reclining languidly upon the couch, asked as to her health and congratulated her in cool, set phrases upon her recovery. such was not the case, however, with her host. there were tears in his eyes when he met her on the landing for the first time after she left her sick-bed. she knew they were for the little hildreth whom she had nursed and whom her presence recalled. and yet there was a gleam in his eyes which was not altogether of sorrow. she, too, mourned for the sweet child whom she had learned to love, and her eyes responded to the tender challenge with copious tears. yet her own feelings were not entirely sad. she did not know why. she did not stop to analyze or reason. she only gave him her hand--how thin and white it was compared with the first time he had seen her and had noted its soft plumpness! their lips quivered so that they could not speak. he held her hand and assisted the servant in leading her into the parlor. she was still so weak that they had to lay her on the sofa. hesden le moyne bent over her for a little while, and then hurried away. he had not said a word, and both had wept; yet, as she closed her eyes after he had gone she was vaguely conscious that she had never been so happy before in her life. so the days wore on, quietly and swiftly, full of a tender sorrow tempered with an undefined joy. day by day she grew stronger and brighter, needing less of assistance but receiving even more of attention from the stricken father of her late charge. "you have not asked about satan," said mr. le moyne suddenly one day. "why should i?" she replied, with an arch look. "if that personage will be equally forgetful of me i am sure i shall be very glad." "oh, i mean your horse--midnight, as you call him," laughed hesden. "so i supposed," she replied. "i have a dim notion that you applied that eipthet to him on the night of my arrival. your mother, too, said something about 'satan,' that night, which i remember puzzled me very greatly at the moment, but i was too much flustered to ask about it just then. thinking of it afterward, i concluded that she intended to refer to my black-skinned pet. but why do you give him that name?" "because that was the first name he ever knew," answered hesden, with an amused smile. "the first name he ever knew? i don't understand you," she replied. "my brother captured him at appomattox, or near there, and named him midnight, and midnight he has been ever since." "very true," said hesden, "but he was satan before that, and very well earned this name, in his young days." "in his young days?" she asked, turning towards him in surprise. "did you know him then?" "very well, indeed," he replied, smiling at her eagerness. "he was raised on this plantation and never knew any other master than me until that day at rouse's bridge." "why, that is the very place my brother captured him. i remember the name now that you mention it!" she exclaimed. "is it anything surprising," said he, "that the day i lost him should be the day he captured him?" "no--not exactly--but then"--she paused in confusion as she glanced at the empty sleeve which was pinned across his breast. "yes," said he, noticing her look, "i lost that there," pointing to the empty sleeve as he spoke; "and though it was a sore loss to a young man who prided himself somewhat on his physical activity, i believe i mourned the horse more than i did the arm." "but my brother--" she began with a frightened look into his face. "well, he must have been in my immediate vicinity, for satan was the best-trained horse in the squadron. even after i was dismounted, he would not have failed to keep his place in the ranks when the retreat was sounded, unless an unusually good horseman were on his back." "my brother said he had as hard a struggle with him then as he had with his rider before," she said, looking shyly up. "indeed! i am obliged to him," he responded with a smile. "the commendation of an enemy is always pleasant to a soldier." "oh, he said you were terribly bloodthirsty and rode at him as if nothing would satisfy you but his life," she said, with great eagerness. "very likely," he answered, lightly. "i have some reputation for directness of purpose, and that was a moment of desperation. we did not know whether we should come back or not, and did not care. we knew that the end was very near, and few of us wished to outlive it. not that we cared so much--many of us at least--for the cause we fought for; but we dreaded the humiliation of surrender and the stigma of defeat. we felt the disgrace to our people with a keenness that no one can appreciate who has not been in like circumstances. i was opposed to the war myself, but i would rather have died than have lived to see the surrender." "it must have been hard," she said, softly. "hard!" he exclaimed. "i should think it was! but then," he added, his brow suddenly clearing, "next to the fact of surrender i dreaded the loss of my horse. i even contemplated shooting him to prevent his falling into the hands of the enemy." "my brother thought you were rather anxious to throw away your own life," she said, musingly. "no," he answered, "just indifferent. i wonder if i saw him at all." "oh, you must, for you-" she began eagerly, but stopped in confusion. "well, what did i do? nothing very bad, i hope?" he asked. "well, you left an ugly scar on a very smooth forehead, if you call that bad, sir," she said, archly. "indeed! of course i do," was the reply, but his tone indicated that he was thinking less of the atrocity which she had laid to his charge than of the events of that last day of battle. "let me see," said he, musingly. "i had a sharp turn with a fellow on a gray horse. he was a slender, fair-haired man"--looking down at the figure on the sofa behind which he stood as if to note if there were any resemblance. "he was tall, as tall as i am, i should say, and i thought--i was of the impression--that he was of higher rank than a captain. he was somewhat in advance of his line and right in my path. i remember thinking, as i crossed swords with him that if--if we were both killed, the odds would be in favor of our side. he must have been a colonel at least, or i was mistaken in his shoulder-straps." "my brother was a colonel of volunteers," she said, quietly. "he was only a captain, however, after his transfer to the regular army." "indeed!" said he with new interest. "what was he like?" for answer mollie put her hand to her throat, and opening a gold locket which she wore, held up the case so far as the chain would allow while hesden bent over to look at it. his face was very near her own, and she noted the eagerness with which he scanned the picture. "yes, that is the man!" he said at length, with something like a sigh. "i hope i did not injure him seriously." "only his beauty," she replied, pleasantly. "of which, judging from what i see," he said saucily, letting his eyes wander from the miniature to her face, "he could afford to lose a good deal and yet not suffer by comparison with others." it was a bold, blunt compliment, yet it was uttered with evident sincerity; but she had turned the locket so that she could see the likeness and did not catch the double meaning of his words. so she only answered calmly and earnestly, "he was a good brother." a shadow passed over his face as he noticed her inattention to his compliment, but he added heartily, "and a gallant one. i am glad that my horse fell into his hands." she looked at him and said, "you were very fond of your horse?" "yes, indeed!" he answered. "he was a great pet before we went into the service, and my constant companion for nearly three years of that struggle. but come out on the porch, and let me show you some of the tricks i taught him, and you will not only understand how i prized him, but will appreciate his sagacity more than you do now." he assisted her to a rocking-chair upon the porch, and, bidding a servant to bring out the horse, said: "you must remember that i have but one arm and have not seen him, until lately, at least, for five years. "poor old fellow!" he added, as he went down the steps of the porch, and told the servant to turn him loose. he called him up with a snap of his thumb and finger as he entered the yard and patted his head which was stretched out to receive the caress. "poor fellow! he is not so young as he was then, though he has had good care. the gray hairs are beginning to show on his muzzle, and i can detect, though no one else might notice them, the wrinkles coming about his eyes. let me see, you are only nine years old, though,--nine past. but it's the war that tells--tells on horses just as well as men. you ought to be credited with about five years for what you went through then, old fellow. and a man--do you know, miss mollie," he said, breaking suddenly off--"that a man who was in that war, even if he did not get a shot, discounted his life about ten years? it was the wear and tear of the struggle. we are different from other nations. we have no professional soldiers--at least none to speak of. to such, war is merely a business and peace an interlude. there is no mental strain in their case. but in our war we were all volunteers. every man, on both sides, went into the army with the fate of a nation resting on his shoulders, and because he felt the burden of responsibility. it was that which killed--killed and weakened--more than shot and shell and frost and heat together. and then--what came afterward?" he turned towards her as he spoke, his hand still resting on the neck of the horse which was rubbing against him and playfully nipping at him with his teeth, in manifestation of his delight. her face had settled into firm, hard lines. she seemed to be looking beyond him, and the gray coldness which we saw about her face when she read the telegram in the far-away bankshire hills, settled on cheek and brow again, as she slowly repeated, as though unconscious of their meaning, the lines: "in the world's broad field of battle, in the bivouac of life, be not like dumb, driven cattle! be a hero in the strife!" hesden le moyne gazed at her a moment in confused wonder. then he turned to the horse and made him perform various tricks at his bidding. he made him back away from him as far as he chose by the motion of his hand, and then, by reversing the gesture, brought him bounding back again. the horse lifted either foot at his instance, lay down, rolled over, stood upon his hind feet, and finally knelt upon the edge of the porch in obeisance to his mistress, who sat looking, although in a preoccupied manner, at all that was done. hesden le moyne was surprised and somewhat disappointed at her lack of enthusiasm over what he thought would give her so much pleasure. she thanked him absently when it was over, and retired to her own room. chapter xxxix. what the mist hid. the darkness was already giving way to the gray light of a misty morning following the attack on red wing. the mocking birds, one after another, were responding to each other's calls, at first sleepily and unwillingly, as though the imprisoned melody compelled expression, and then, thoroughly aroused and perched upon the highest dew-laden branches swaying and tossing beneath them, they poured forth their rival orisons. other sounds of rising day were coming through the mist that still hung over the land, shutting out the brightness which was marching from the eastward. the crowing of cocks, the neighing of horses, and the lowing of cattle resounded from hill to hill across the wide bottom-lands and up and down the river upon either hand. nature was waking from slumber--not to the full, boisterous wakefulness which greets the broad day, but the half-consciousness with which the sluggard turns himself for the light, sweet sleep of the summer morning. there was a tap at the open window that stood at the head of hesden le moyne's bed. his room was across the hall from his mother's, and upon the same floor. it had been his room from childhood. the window opened upon the wide, low porch which ran along three sides of the great rambling house. hesden heard the tap, but it only served to send his half-awakened fancy on a fantastic trip through dreamland. again came the low, inquiring tap, this time upon the headboard of the old mahogany bedstead. he thought it was one of the servants coming for orders about the day's labors. he wondered, vaguely and dully, what could be wanted. perhaps they would go away if he did not move. again it came, cautious and low, but firm and imperative, made by the nail of one finger struck sharply and regularly against the polished headboard. it was a summons and a command for silence at once. hesden raised himself quickly and looked toward the window. the outline of a human figure showed dimly against the gray darkness beyond. "who's there?"--in a low, quiet voice, as though caution had been distinctly enjoined. "marse hesden!"--a low whisper, full of suppressed excitement. "you, nimbus?" said le moyne, as he stepped quickly out of bed and approached the window. "what's the matter?" "marse hesden," whispered the colored man, laying a hand trembling with excitement on his shoulder as he came near, "is yer a friend ter 'liab hill?" "of course i am; you know that"--in an impatient undertone. "sh--sh! marse hesden, don't make no noise, please," whispered nimbus. "i don't mean ter ax ef yer's jes got nothin' agin' him, but is yer that kind ob a friend ez 'll stan' by him in trouble?" "what do you mean, nimbus?" asked hesden in surprise. "will yer come wid me, marse hesden--slip on yer clo'es an' come wid me, jist a minnit?" hesden did not think of denying this request. it was evident that something of grave importance had occurred. hardly a moment had elapsed before he stepped cautiously out upon the porch and followed nimbus. the latter led the way quickly toward a spring which burst out of the hillside fifty yards away from the house, at the foot of a giant oak. lying in the shadow of this tree and reclining against its base, lay eliab hill, his pallid face showing through the darkness like the face of the dead. a few words served to tell hesden le moyne what the reader already knows. "i brought him here, marse hesden, kase ther ain't no place else dat he'd be safe whar he could be tuk keer on. dem ar kluckers is bound ter kill him ef dey kin. he's got ter be hid an' tuk keer on till he's well--ef he ever gits well at all." "why, you don't think he's hurt--not seriously, do you?" "hurt, man!" said nimbus, impatiently. "dar ain't much difference atwixt him an' a dead man, now. "good god! nimbus, you don't mean that. he seems to sleep well," said hesden, bending over the prostrate form. "sleep! marse hesden, i'se kerried him tree miles sence he's been a-sleepin' like dat; an' de blood's been a runnin' down on my hans an' a-breakin' my holt ebbery now an' den, tu!" "why, nimbus, what is this you tell me? was any one else hurt?" "wal, dar's a couple o' white men a-layin' mighty quiet dar, afo' 'liab's house." hesden shuddered. the time he had dreaded had come! the smouldering passion of the south had burst forth at last! for years--ever since the war-prejudice and passion, the sense of insult and oppression had been growing thicker and blacker all over the south. thunders had rolled over the land. lightnings had fringed its edges. the country had heard, but had not heeded. the nation had looked on with smiling face, and declared the sunshine undimmed. it had taken no note of exasperation and prejudice. it had unconsciously trampled under foot the passionate pride of a conquered people. it had scorned and despised a sentiment more deeply inwrought than that of caste in the hindoo breast. the south believed, honestly believed, in its innate superiority over all other races and peoples. it did not doubt, has never doubted, that, man for man, it was braver, stronger, better than the north. its men were "gentlemen"--grander, nobler beings than the north ever knew. their women were "ladies"--gentle, refined, ethereal beings, passion and devotion wrapped in forms of ethereal mould, and surrounded by an impalpable effulgence which distinguished them from all others of the sex throughout the world. whatever was of the south was superlative. to be southern-born was to be _prima facie_ better than other men. so the self-love of every man was enlisted in this sentiment. to praise the south was to praise himself; to boast of its valor was to advertise his own intrepidity; to extol its women was to enhance the glory of his own achievements in the lists of love; to vaunt its chivalry was to avouch his own honor; to laud its greatness was to extol himself. he measured himself with his northern compeer, and decided without hesitation in his own favor. the south, he felt, was unquestionably greater than the north in all those things which were most excellent, and was only overtopped by it in those things which were the mere result of numbers. outnumbered on the field of battle, the south had been degraded and insulted by a sordid and low-minded conqueror, in the very hour of victory. outnumbered at the ballot-box, it had still dictated the policy of the nation. the southern white man naturally compared himself with his northern brother. for comparison between himself and the african--the recent slave, the scarcely human anthropoid--he found no ground. only contrast was possible there. to have these made co-equal rulers with him, seated beside him on the throne of popular sovereignty, merely, as he honestly thought, for the gratification of an unmanly spite against a fallen foe, aroused every feeling of exasperation and revenge which a people always restive of restraint could feel. it was not from hatred to the negro, but to destroy his political power and restore again their own insulted and debased supremacy that such things were done as have been related. it was to show the conqueror that the bonds in which the sleeping samson had been bound were green withes which he scornfully snapped asunder in his first waking moment. pride the most overweening, and a prejudice of caste the most intense and ineradicable, stimulated by the chagrin of defeat and inflamed by the sense of injustice and oppression--both these lay at the bottom of the acts by which the rule of the majorities established by reconstructionary legislation were overthrown. it was these things that so blinded the eyes of a whole people that they called this bloody masquerading, this midnight warfare upon the weak, this era of unutterable horror, "redeeming the south!" there was no good man, no honest man, no christian man of the south who for an instant claimed that it was right to kill, maim, beat, wound and ill-treat the black man, either in his old or his new estate. he did not regard these acts as done to another _man_, a compeer, but only as acts of cruelty to an inferior so infinitely removed from himself as to forbid any comparison of rights or feelings. it was not right to do evil to a "nigger;" but it was infinitely less wrong than to do it unto one of their own color. these men did not consider such acts as right in themselves, but only as right in view of their comparative importance and necessity, and the unspeakable inferiority of their victims. for generations the south had regarded the uprising of the black, the assertion of his manhood and autonomy, as the _ultima thule_ of possible evil. san domingo and hell were twin horrors in their minds, with the odds, however, in favor of san domingo. to prevent negro domination anything was justifiable. it was a choice of evils, where on one side was placed an evil which they had been taught to believe, and did believe, infinitely outweighed and overmatched all other evils in enormity. anything, said these men in their hearts; anything, they said to each other; anything, they cried aloud to the world, was better, is better, must be better, than negro rule, than african domination. now, by negro rule _they_ meant the exercise of authority by a majority of citizens of african descent, or a majority of which they constituted any considerable factor. the white man who acted with the negro in any relation of political co-ordination was deemed even worse than the african himself. if he became a leader, he was anathematized for self-seeking. if he only co-operated with his ballot, he was denounced as a coward. in any event he was certain to be deemed a betrayer of his race, a renegade and an outcast. hesden le moyne was a southern white man. all that has just been written was essential truth to him. it was a part of his nature. he was as proud as the proudest of his fellows. the sting of defeat still rankled in his heart. the sense of infinite distance between his race and that unfortunate race whom he pitied so sincerely, to whose future he looked forward with so much apprehension, was as distinct and palpable to him as to any one of his compeers. the thousandth part of a drop of the blood of the despised race degraded, in his mind, the unfortunate possessor. he had inherited a dread of the ultimate results of slavery. he wished--it had been accounted sensible in his family to wish--that slavery had never existed. having existed, they never thought of favoring its extinction. they thought it corrupting and demoralizing to the white race. they felt that it was separating them, year by year, farther and farther from that independent self-relying manhood, which had built up american institutions and american prosperity. they feared the fruit of this demoralization. _for the sake of the white man_, they wished that the black had never been enslaved. as to the blacks--they did not question the righteousness of their enslavement. they did not care whether it were right or wrong. they simply did not consider them at all. when the war left them free, they simply said, "poor fellows!" as they would of a dog without a master. when the blacks were entrusted with the ballot, they said again, "poor fellows!" regarding them as the blameless instrument by which a bigoted and revengeful north sought to degrade and humiliate a foe overwhelmed only by the accident of numbers; the colored race being to these northern people like the cat with whose paw the monkey dragged his chestnuts from the fire. hesden had only wondered what the effect of these things would be upon "the south;" meaning by "the south" that regnant class to which his family belonged--a part of which, by a queer synecdoche, stood for the whole. his love for his old battle-steed, and his curious interest in its new possessor, had led him to consider the experiment at red wing with some care. his pride and interest in eliab as a former slave of his family had still further fixed his attention and awakened his thought. and, finally, his acquaintance with mollie ainslie had led him unconsciously to sympathize with the object of her constant care and devotion. so, while he stood there beside the stricken man, whose breath came stertorous and slow, he was in that condition of mind of all others most perilous to the southern man--he had begun to _doubt_: to doubt the infallibility of his hereditary notions; to doubt the super-excellence of southern manhood, and the infinite superiority of southern womanhood; to doubt the incapacity of the negro for self-maintenance and civilization; to doubt, in short, all those dogmas which constitute the differential characteristics of "the southern man." he had gone so far--a terrible distance to one of his origin--as to admit the possibility of error. he had begun to question--god forgive him, if it seemed like sacrilege--he had begun to question whether the south might not have been wrong--might not still be wrong--wrong in the principle and practice of slavery, wrong in the theory and fact of secession and rebellion, wrong in the hypothesis of hate on the part of the conquerors, wrong in the assumption of exceptional and unapproachable excellence. the future was as misty as the gray morning. chapter xl dawning. hesden le moyne stood with nimbus under the great low-branching oak, in the chill morning, and listened to the labored breathing of the man for the sake of whose humanity his father had braved public opinion in the old slave-era, which already seemed centuries away in the dim past. the training of his life, the conditions of his growth, bore fruit in that moment. he pitied the outraged victim, he was shocked at the barbarity of his fellows; but there was no sense of injustice, no feeling of sacred rights trampled on and ignored in the person of the sufferer. he remembered when he had played with eliab beside his mother's hearth; when he had varied the monotony of study by teaching the crippled slave-boy the tasks he himself was required to perform. the tenderness of old associations sprang up in his mind and he felt himself affronted in the person of the protege of his family. he disliked cruelty; he hated cowardice; and he felt that eliab hill had been the victim of a cruel and cowardly assault. he remembered how faithfully this man's mother had nursed his own. above all, the sentiment of comradeship awoke. this man who had been his playfellow had been brutally treated because of his weakness. he would not see him bullied. he would stand by him to the death. "the cowards!" he hissed through his teeth. "bring him in, nimbus, quick! they needn't expect me to countenance such brutality as this!" "marse hesden," said the black samson who had stood, silently watching the white playmate of his boyhood, while the latter recovered himself from the sort of stupor into which the revelation he had heard had thrown him, "god bress yer fer dem words! i 'llowed yer'd stan' by 'liab. dat's why i fotched him h'yer." "of course i would, and by you too, nimbus." "no, marse hesden, dat wouldn't do no sort o' good. nimbus hez jes got ter cut an' run fer it. i 'specs them ar dat's a lyin' dar in front ob 'liab's do' ain't like ter do no mo' troublin'; an' yer knows, marse hesden, 'twouldn't nebber be safe fer a cullu'd man dat's done dat ar ter try an' lib h'yerabouts no mo'!" "but you did it in defense of life. you had a right to do it, nimbus." "dar ain't no doubt o' dat, marse hesden, but i'se larned dat de right ter du a ting an' de doin' on't is two mighty diff'rent tings, when it's a cullu'd man ez does it. i hed a right ter buy a plantation an' raise terbacker; an' 'liab hed a right ter teach an' preach; an' we both hed a right ter vote for ennybody we had a mind ter choose. an' so we did; an' dat's all we done, tu. an' now h'yer's what's come on't, marse hesden." nimbus pointed to the bruised creature before them as he spoke, and his tones sounded like an arraignment. "i am afraid you are right, nimbus," said the white man, with a sense of self-abasement he had never thought to feel before one of the inferior race. "but bring him in, we must not waste time here." "dat's a fac'," said nimbus, with a glance at the east. "'tain't more'n 'bout a hour till sun-up, an' i mustn't be seen hereabouts atter dat. dey'll be a lookin' atter me, an' 'twon't be safe fer nimbus ter be no whar 'cept in de mos' lonesome places. but whar's ye gwine ter put 'liab, marse hesden?" "in the house--anywhere, only be quick about it. don't let him die here!" said hesden, bending over the prostrate man and passing a hand over his forehead with a shudder. "but whar'bouts in de house yer gwine ter put him, marse hesden?" "anywhere, man--in my room, if nowhere else. come, take hold here!" was hesden's impatient rejoinder as he put his one hand under eliab's head and strove to raise him up. "dat won't do, marse hesden," said nimbus, solemnly. 'liab had a heap better go back ter de woods an' chance it wid nimbus, dan be in your room." "why so?" "why? kase yer knows dat de men what done disting ain't a-gwine ter let him lib ef dey once knows whar he's ter be found. he's de one dey wuz atter, jest ez much ez nimbus, an' p'raps a leetle more, dough yer knows ther ain't a mite o' harm in him, an' nebber was, but dat don't matter. deytinks dat he keeps de cullu'd folks togedder, an' makes' em stan' up for dere rights, an' dat's why dey went fer him. 'sides dat, ef he didn't hurt none on 'em dey know he seed an' heerd 'em, an' so'll be afeared ter let up on him on dat account." "i'd like to see the men that would take him out of my house!" said le moyne, indignantly. "dar'd jes be two men killed instead ob one, ef yer should," said the other, dryly. "perhaps you're right," said le moyne, thoughtfully. "the men who did this will do anything. but where _shall_ we put him? he can't lie here." "marse hesden, does yer mind de loft ober de ole dinin'-room, whar we all used ter play ob a sunday?" "of course, i've got my tobacco bulked down there now," was the answer. "dat's de place, marse hesden!" "but there's no way to get in there except by a ladder," said hesden. "so much de better. you gits de ladder, an' i brings 'liab." in a few minutes eliab was lying on some blankets, hastily thrown over a bulk of leaf tobacco, in the loft over the old dining-room at mulberry hill, and hesden le moyne was busy bathing his face, examining his wounds, and endeavoring to restore him to consciousness. nimbus waited only to hear his report that the wounds, though numerous and severe, were not such as would be likely to prove fatal. there were several cuts and bruises about the head; a shot had struck the arm, which had caused the loss of blood; and the weakened tendons of the cramped and unused legs had been torn asunder. these were all the injuries le moyne could find. nimbus dropped upon his knees, and threw his arms about the neck of his friend at this report, and burst into tears. "god bress yer, 'liab! god bress yer!" he sobbed. "nimbus can't do no mo' fer ye, an' don't 'llow he'll nebber see ye no mo'--no mo' in dis world! good-by, 'liab, good-by! yer don't know nimbus's gwine away, does yer? god bress yer, p'raps it's better so--better so!" he kissed again and again the pale forehead, from which the dark hair had been brushed back by repeated bathings. then rising and turning away his head, he extended his hand to le moyne and said: "good-bye, marse hesden! god bress yer! take good keer o' 'liab, mahs'r, an'--an'--ef he gits round agin, don't let him try ter stay h'yrabouts--don't, please! 'tain't no use! see ef yer can't git him ter go ter de norf, er somewhar. oh, my god!" he exclaimed, suddenly, as the memory of his care of the stricken friend came suddenly upon him, "my god! what'll he ebber do widout nimbus ter keer fer him?" his voice was drowned in sobs and his grip on the hand of the white man was like the clasp of a vice. "don't go, nimbus, don't!" pleaded hesden. "i must, marse hesden," said he, repressing his sobs. "l'se got ter see what's come o' 'gena an' de rest, an' it's best fer both. good-by! god bress yer! ef he comes tu, ax him sometimes ter pray for nimbus. but'tain't no use--no use--fer he'll do it without axin'. good-by!" he opened the wooden shutter, ran down the ladder, and disappeared, as the misty morning gave way to the full and perfect day. chapter xli. q. e. d. as mollie ainslie grew stronger day by day, her kind host had done all in his power to aid her convalescence by offering pleasing attentions and cheerful surroundings. as soon as she was able to ride, she had been lifted carefully into the saddle, and under his watchful supervision had made, each day, longer and longer rides, until, for some days preceding the events of the last few chapters, her strength had so fully returned that they had ridden several miles. the flush of health had returned to her cheeks, and the sleep that followed her exercise was restful and refreshing. already she talked of returning to red wing, and, but for the thoughtfulness of eliab hill in dismissing the school for a month during her illness, would have been present at the terrible scenes enacted there. she only lingered because she was not quite recovered, and because there was a charm about the old plantation, which she had never found elsewhere. a new light had come into her life. she loved hesden le moyne, and hesden le moyne loved the yankee school-marm. no word of love had been spoken. no caress had been offered. a pall hung over the household, in the gloom of which the lips might not utter words of endearment. but the eyes spoke; and they greeted each other with kisses of liquid light when their glances met. flushed cheeks and tones spoke more than words. she waited for his coming anxiously. he was restive and uneasy when away. the peace which each one brought to the other's heart was the sure witness of well-grounded love. she had never asked herself where was the beginning or what would be the end. she had never said to herself, "i love him;" but his presence brought peace, and in her innocence she rested there as in an undisturbed haven. as for him--he saw and trembled. he could not shut his eyes to her love or his own. he did not wish to do so. and yet, brave man as he was, he trembled at the thought. hesden le moyne was proud. he knew that mollie ainslie was as proud as himself. he had the prejudices of his people and class, and he knew also that she had the convictions of that part of the country where she had been reared. he knew that she would never share his prejudices; he had no idea that he would ever share her convictions. he wished that she had never taught a "nigger school"--not for his own sake, he said to himself, with a flush of shame, but for hers. how could she face sneers? how could he endure insults upon his love? how could he ask her to come where sneers and insults awaited her? love had set himself a hard task. he had set before him this problem: "new england puritanism and southern prejudice; how shall they be reconciled?" for the solution of this question, there were given on one side a maiden who would have plucked out her heart and trampled it under her feet, rather than surrender one tenet in her creed of righteousness; and on the other side a man who had fought for a cause he did not approve rather than be taunted with having espoused one of the fundamental principles of her belief. to laugh at locksmiths was an easy thing compared with the reading of this riddle! on the morning when eliab was brought to mulberry hill, mrs. le moyne and mollie breakfasted together alone in the room of the former. both were troubled at the absence of the master of the house. "i cannot see why he does not come," said mrs. le moyne. "he is the soul of punctuality, and is never absent from a meal when about home. he sent in word by laura early this morning that he would not be at breakfast, and that we should not wait for him, but gave no sort of reason. i don't understand it." "i hope he is not sick. you don't think he has the fever, do you?" said mollie, with evident anxiety. the elder woman glanced keenly at her as she replied in a careless tone: "oh, no indeed. you have no occasion for anxiety. i told laura to take him a cup of coffee and a roll in his room, but she says he is not there. i suppose something about the plantation requires his attention. it is very kind of you, i am sure; but i have no doubt he is quite well." there was something in the tone as well as the words which cut the young girl to the heart. she could not tell what it was. she did not dream that it was aimed at herself. she only knew that it sounded harsh and cold, and unkind. her heart was very tender. sickness and love had thrown her off her guard against sneers and hardness. it did not once occur to her that the keen-sighted invalid, whose life was bound up in her son's life, had looked into the heart which had never yet syllabled the love which filled it, and hated what she saw. she did not deem it possible that there should be aught but kindly feeling for her in the household she had all but died to serve. moreover, she had loved the delicate invalid ever since she had received a letter from her hand. she had always been accustomed to that unconscious equality of common right and mutual courtesy that prevails so widely at the north, and had never thought of construing the letter as one of patronizing approval. she had counted it a friendly commendation, not only of herself, but of her work. this woman she had long pictured to herself as one that rose above the prejudice by which she was surrounded. she who, in the old times, had bravely taught eliab hill to read in defiance of the law, would surely approve of a work like hers. so thought the silly girl, not knowing that the gentle invalid had taught eliab hill the little that he knew before emancipation more to show her defiance of meddling objectors, than for the good of the boy. in fact, she had had no idea of benefiting him, other than by furnishing him a means of amusement in the enforced solitude of his affliction. mollie did not consider that hester le moyne was a southern woman, and as such, while she might admire courage and accomplishments in a woman of northern birth, always did so with a mental reservation in favor of her own class. when, however, one came from the north to teach the negroes, in order that they might overpower and rule the whites, which she devoutly believed to be the sole purpose of the colored educational movement, no matter under what specious guise of charity it might be done, she could not go even so far as that. yet, if such a one came to her, overwhelmed by stress of weather, she would give her shelter; if she were ill she would minister unto her; for these were christian duties. if she were fair and bright, and brave, she would delight to entertain her; for that was a part of the hospitality of which the south boasted. there was something enjoyable, too, in parading the riches of a well-stocked wardrobe and the lavish splendors of an old southern home to one who, she believed, had never seen such magnificence before; for the belief that poverty and poor fare are the common lot of the country folks at the north is one of the fallacies commonly held by all classes at the south. as slavery, which was the universal criterion of wealth and culture at the south, did not prevail at all at the north, they unconsciously and naturally came to associate self-help with degradation, and likened the northern farmer to the poor white "cropper." where social rank was measured by the length of the serving train, it was not strange that the northern self-helper should be despised and his complacent assumption of equal gentility scorned. so mrs. le moyne had admired the courage of mollie ainslie before she saw her; she had been charmed with her beauty and artless grace on the first night of her stay at mulberry hill, and had felt obliged to her for her care of the little hildreth; but she had not once thought of considering her the peer of the richardses and the le moynes, or as standing upon the same social plane as herself. she was, no doubt, good and honest and brave, very well educated and accomplished, but by no means a lady in _her_ sense of the word. mrs. le moyne's feeling toward the northern school-teacher was very like that which the english gentry express when they use the word "person." there is no discredit in the term. the individual referred to may be the incarnation of every grace and virtue, only he is of a lower degree in the social scale. he is of another grade. entertaining such feelings toward mollie, it was no wonder that mrs. le moyne was not pleased to see the anxious interest that young lady freely exhibited in the health of her son. on the other hand, the young new england girl never suspected the existence of such sentiments. conscious of intellectual and moral equality with her hostess, she did not imagine that there could be anything of patronage, or anything less than friendly sympathy and approval, in the welcome she had received at mulberry hill. this house had seemed to her like a new home. the exile which she had undergone at red wing had unfitted her for the close analysis of such pleasing associations. therefore, the undertone in mrs. le moyne's remarks came upon her like a blow from an unseen hand. she felt hurt and humbled, but she could not exactly tell why. her heart grew suddenly heavy. her eyes filled with tears. she dallied a little while with coffee and toast, declined the dainties pressed upon her with scrupulous courtesy, and presently, excusing her lack of appetite, fled away to her room and wept. "i must be nervous this morning," she said to herself smilingly, as she dried her eyes and prepared for her customary morning ride. on going down stairs she found a servant in waiting with her horse ready saddled, who said: "mornin', miss mollie. marse hesden said ez how i was ter tell yer dat he was dat busy dis mornin' dat he couldn't go ter ride wid yer to-day, nohow. i wuz ter gib yer his compliments, all de same, an' say he hopes yer'll hev a pleasant ride, an' he wants ter see yer when yer gits back. he's powerful sorry he can't go." "tell mr. le moyne it is not a matter of any consequence at all, charley," she answered pleasantly. "yer couldn't never make marse hesden b'lieve dat ar, no way in de world," said charles, with deft flattery, as he lifted her into the saddle. then, glancing quickly around, he said in a low, earnest voice: "hez ye heerd from red wing lately, miss mollie?" "not for a day or two. why?" she asked, glancing quickly down at him. "oh, nuffin', only i wuz afeared dar'd been somethin' bad a gwine on dar, right lately." "what do you mean, charles?" she asked, bending down and speaking anxiously. "don't say nuffin' 'bout it, miss mollie--dey don't know nuffin' 'bout it in h'yer," nodding toward the house, "but de ku kluckers was dar las' night." "you don't mean it, charles?" "dat's what i hear," he answered doggedly. "anybody hurt?" she asked anxiously. "i don't know dat, miss mollie. dat's all i hear--jes dat dey'd been dar." chapter xlii. through a cloud-rift. it was with a heavy heart that mollie ainslie passed out of the gate and rode along the lane toward the highway. the autumn sun shone bright, and the trees were just beginning to put on the gay trappings in which they are wont to welcome wintry death. yet, somehow, everything seemed suddenly to have grown dark and dull. her poor weak brain was overwhelmed and dazed by the incongruity of the life she was leaving with that to which she was going back--for she had no hesitation in deciding as to the course she ought to pursue. she did not need to question as to what had been done or suffered. if there was any trouble, actual or impending, affecting those she had served, her place was with them. they would look to her for guidance and counsel. she would not fail them. she did not once think of danger, nor did she dream that by doing as she proposed she was severing herself entirely from the pleasant life at the fine old country seat which had been so eventful. she did, indeed, think of hesden. she always thought of him of late. everything, whether of joy or of sorrow, seemed somehow connected with him. she thought of him--not as going away from him, or as putting him out of her life, but as deserving his approval by her act. "he will miss me when he finds that i do not return. perhaps he will be alarmed," she said to herself, as she cantered easily toward the ford. "but then, if he hears what has happened, he will know where i have gone and will approve my going. perhaps he will be afraid for me, and then he will--" her heart seemed to stop beating! all its bright current flew into her face. the boundless beatitude of love burst on her all at once. she had obeyed its dictates and tasted its bliss for days and weeks, quite unconscious of the rapture which filled her soul. now, it came like a great wave of light that overspread the earth and covered with a halo all that was in it. how bright upon the instant was everything! the sunshine was a beating, pulsing ether animated with love! the trees, the fields, the yellow-breasted lark, pouring forth his autumn lay, the swallows, glancing in the golden sunshine and weaving in and out on billowy wing the endless dance with which they hie them southward ere the winter comes--everything she saw or heard was eloquent with look and tones of love! the grand old horse that carried her so easily, how strange and how delightful was this double ownership, which yet was only one! hers? hesden's? hesden's because hers, for--ah, glowing cheek! ah, bounding heart! how sweet the dear confession, breathed--nay told unspokenly--to autumn sky and air, to field and wood and bird and beast, to nature's boundless heart--_she_ was but hesden's! the altar and the idol of his love! oh, how its incense thrilled her soul and intoxicated every sense! there was no doubt, no fear, no breath of shame! he would come and ask, and she--would give? no! no! no! she could not give, but she would tell, with word and look and swift embrace, how she _had_ given--ah! given all--and knew it not! oh, fairer than the opened heaven is earth illumined with love! as she dreamed, her horse's swift feet consumed the way. she reached the river--a silver billow between emerald banks, to-day! almost unheedingly she crossed the ford, just smiling, rapt in her vision, as memory brought back the darkness of her former crossing! then she swept on, through the dark, over-arching pines, their odor mingling with the incense of love which filled her heart. she had forgotten red wing and all that pertained to it. the new song her lips had been taught to sing had made thin and weak every melody of the past, shall care cumber the heart of the bride? she knew vaguely that she was going to red wing. she recognized the road, but it seemed glorified since she travelled it before. once, she thought she heard her name called. the tone was full of beseeching. she smiled, for she thought that love had cheated her, and syllabled the cry of that heart which would not be still until she came again. she did not see the dark, pleading face which gazed after her as her horse bore her swiftly beyond his ken. on and on, easily, softly! she knows she is approaching her journey's end, but the glamour of love enthralls her senses yet. the last valley is passed. she ascends the last hill. before her is red wing, bright and peaceful as paradise before the spoiler came. she has forgotten the story which the hostler told. the sight of the little village but heightens her rapture. she almost greets it with a shout, as she gives her horse the rein and dashes down the little street. how her face glows! the wind toys with stray tresses of her hair! how dull and amazed the people seem whom she greets so gayly! still on! around the angle of the wood she turns--and comes upon the smouldering church! ah, how the visions melt! what a cry of agony goes up from her white lips! how pale her cheeks grow as she drops the rein from her nerveless fingers! the observant horse needs no words to check his swift career. the scene of desolation stops him in an instant. he stretches out his head and looks with staring eyes upon the ruin. he snuffs with distended nostrils the smoke that rises from the burning. the villagers gather around. she answers every inquiry with low moans. gently they lead her horse under the shadow of the great oak before the old ordinary. very tenderly she is lifted down and borne to the large-armed rocker on the porch, which the weeping, trembling old "mammy" has loaded with pillows to receive her. all day long she heard the timid tread of dusky feet and listened to the tale of woe and fear. old and young, those whom she had counselled, and those whom she had taught, alike sought her presence and advice. lugena came, and showed her scarred form; brought her beaten children, and told her tale of sorrow. the past was black enough, but the shadow of a greater fear hung over the little hamlet. they feared for themselves and also for her. they begged her to go back to mr. le moyne's. she smiled and shook her head with a soft light in her eyes. she would not go back until the king came and entreated her. but she knew that would be very soon. so she roused herself to comfort and advise, and when the sun went down, she was once more the little mollie ainslie of the bankshire hills, only fairer and ruddier and sweeter than ever before, as she sat upon the porch and watched with dewy, love-lit eyes the road which led to mulberry hill. the shadows came. the night fell; the stars came out; the moon arose--he came not. stealthy footsteps came and went. faithful hearts whispered words of warning with trembling lips. she did not fear. her heart was sick. she had not once dreamed that hesden would fail to seek her out, or that he would allow her to pass one hour of darkness in this scene of horror. she almost began to wish the night might be a counterpart of that which had gone before. she took out her brother's heavy revolver, loaded every chamber, laid it on the table beside her chair, and sat, sleepless but dry-eyed, until the morning. the days went by. hesden did not come, and sent no word. he was but five miles away; he knew how she loved him; yet the grave was not more voiceless! she hoped--a little--even after that first night. she pictured possibilities which she hoped might be true. then the tones of the mother's voice came back to her--the unexplained absence--the unfulfilled engagement--and doubt was changed to certainty! she did not weep or moan or pine. the yankee girl had no base metal in her make. she folded up her vision of love and laid it away, embalmed in the fragrance of her own purity, in the inmost recess of her heart of hearts. the rack could not have wrung from her a whisper of her one day in paradise. she was simply mollie ainslie, the teacher of the colored school at red wing, once more; quiet, cool, and practical, giving herself day by day, with increased devotion, to the people whom she had served so faithfully before her brief translation. chapter xliii. a glad good-by. a few days after her departure from mulberry hill, mollie ainslie wrote to mrs. le moyne: "my dear madam: you have no doubt heard of the terrible events which have occurred at red wing. i had an intimation of trouble just as i set out on my ride, but had no idea of the horror which awaited me upon my arrival here, made all the more fearful by contrast with your pleasant home. "i cannot at such a time leave the people with whom i have labored so long, especially as their only other trusted adviser, the preacher, eliab hill, is missing. with the utmost exertion we have been able to learn nothing of him or of nimbus since the night of the fire. there is no doubt that they are dead. of course, there is great excitement, and i have had a very anxious time. i am glad to say, however, that my health continues to improve. i left some articles scattered about in the room i occupied, which i would be pleased if you would have a servant collect and give to the bearer. "with the best wishes for the happiness of yourself and mr. hesden, and with pleasant memories of your delightful home, i remain, "yours very truly, "mollie ainslie." to this she received the following reply: "miss mollie ainslie: i very much regret the unfortunate events which occasioned your hasty departure from mulberry hill. it is greatly to be hoped that all occasion for such violence will soon pass away. it is a great calamity that the colored people cannot be made to see that their old masters and mistresses are their best friends, and induced to follow their advice and leadership, instead of going after strangers and ignorant persons of their own color, or low-down white men, who only wish to use them for their own advantage. i am very sorry for eliab and the others, but i must say i think they have brought it all on themselves. i am told they have been mighty impudent and obstreperous, until really the people in the neighborhood did not feel safe, expecting every day that their houses or barns would be burned down, or their wives or daughters insulted, or perhaps worse, by the lazy, saucy crowd they had gathered about them. "eliab was a good boy, but i never did like that fellow nimbus. he was that stubborn and headstrong, even in his young days, that i can believe anything of him. then he was in the yankee army during the war, you know, and i have no doubt that he is a desperate character. i learn he has been indicted once or twice, and the general belief is that he set the church on fire, and, with a crowd of his understrappers, fixed up to represent ku klux, attacked his own house, abused his wife and took eliab off and killed him, in order to make the north believe that the people of horsford are only a set of savages, and so get the government to send soldiers here to carry the election, in order that a filthy negro and a low-down, dirty, no-account poor-white man may _mis_represent this grand old county in the legislature again. "i declare, miss ainslie, i don't see how you endure such things. you seemed while here very much of a lady, for one in your sphere of life, and i cannot understand how you can reconcile it with your conscience to encourage and live with such a terrible gang. "my son has been very busy since you left. he did not find time to inquire for you yesterday, and seemed annoyed that you had not apprised him of your intention to leave. i suppose he is afraid that his old horse might be injured if there should be more trouble at red wing. "yours truly, "hester richards le moyne." "p.s.--i understand that they are going to hunt the fellow nimbus with dogs to-morrow. i hope they will catch him and hang him to the nearest tree. i have no doubt he killed poor eliab, and did all the rest of the bad things laid to his charge. he is a desperate negro, and i don't see how you can stand up for him. i hope you will let the people of the north know the truth of this affair, and make them understand that southern gentlemen are not such savages and brutes as they are represented." the letter was full of arrows designed to pierce her breast; but mollie ainslie did not feel one of them. after what she had suffered, no ungenerous flings from such a source could cause her any pain. on the contrary, it was an object of interest to her, in that it disclosed how deep down in the heart of the highest and best, as well as the lowest and meanest, was that prejudice which had originally instigated such acts as had been perpetrated at red wing. the credulous animosity displayed by this woman to whom she had looked for sympathy and encouragement in what she deemed a holy work, revealed to her for the first time how deep and impassable was the channel which time had cut between the people of the north and those of the south. she did not lose her respect or regard for mrs. le moyne. she did not even see that any word which had been written was intended to stab her, as a woman. she only saw that the prejudice-blinded eyes had led a good, kind heart to endorse and excuse cruelty and outrage. the letter saddened but did not enrage her. she saw and pitied the pride of the sick lady whom she had learned to love in fancy too well to regard with anger on account of what was but the natural result of her life and training. chapter xliv. putting this and that together. after mollie had read the letter of mrs. le moyne, it struck her as a curious thing that she should write to her of the hunt which was to be made after nimbus, and the great excitement which there was in regard to him. knowing that mrs. le moyne and hesden were both kindly disposed toward eliab, and the latter, as she believed, toward nimbus also, it occurred to her that this might be intended as a warning, given on the hypothesis that those parties were in hiding and not dead. at the same time, also, it flashed upon her mind that lugena had not seemed so utterly cast down as might naturally be expected of a widow so suddenly and sadly bereaved. she knew something of the secretive powers of the colored race. she knew that in the old slave times one of the men now living in the little village had remained a hidden runaway for months, within five miles of his master's house, only his wife knowing his hiding-place. she knew how thousands of these people had been faithful to our soldiers escaping from confederate prisons during the war, and she felt that a secret affecting their own liberty, or the liberty of one acting or suffering in their behalf, might be given into the keeping of the whole race without danger of revelation. she remembered that amid all the clamorous grief of others, while lugena had mourned and wept over the burning of the church and the scenes of blood and horror, she had exhibited little of that poignant and overwhelming grief or unappeasable anger which she would have expected, under the circumstances, from one of her temperament. she concluded, therefore, that the woman might have some knowledge in regard to the fate of her husband, eliab, and berry, which she had not deemed it prudent to reveal. with this thought in mind, she sent for lugena and asked if she had heard that they were going to hunt for her husband with dogs. "yes, miss mollie, i'se heerd on't," was the reply, "but nebber you mind. ef nimbus is alive, dey'll nebber git him in no sech way ez dat, an' dey knows it. 'sides dat, it's tree days ago, an' nimbus ain't no sech fool ez ter stay round dat long, jes ter be cotched now. i'se glad ter hear it, dough, kase it shows ter me dat dey hain't killed him, but wants ter skeer him off, an' git him outen de kentry. de sheriff--not de high-sheriff, but one ob his understrappers--wuz up ter our house to-day, a-purtendin' ter hunt atter nimbus. i didn't put no reliance in dat, but somehow i can't make out cla'r how dey could hev got away with him an' berry an' 'liab, all on 'em, atter de fight h'yer, an' not left no trace nor sign on' em nowhar. "now, i tell yer what's my notion, miss mollie," she added, approaching closer, and speaking in a whisper; "i'se done a heap o' tinkin' on dis yer matter, an' dis is de way i'se done figgered it out. i don't keer ter let on 'bout it, an' mebbe you kin see furder inter it nor i kin, but i'se jes made up my min' dat nimbus is all right somewhars. i don't know whar, but it's somewhar not fur from 'liab--dat yer may be shore on, honey. now, yer see, miss mollie, dar's two or tree tings makes me tink so. in de fus' place, yer know, i see dat feller, berry, atter all dis ting wuz ober, an' talked wid him an' told him dat nimbus lef all right, an' dat he tuk 'liab wid him, an' dat bre'er 'liab wuz mighty bad hurt. wal, atter i told him dat, an' he'd helped me hunt up de chillens dat wuz scattered in de co'n, an' 'bout one place an' anudder, berry he 'llows dat he'll go an' try ter fin' nimbus an' 'liab. so he goes off fru de co'n wid dat ar won'ful gun dat jes keeps on a-shootin' widout ary load. "atter a while i heahs him ober in de woods a-whistlin' an' a-carryin' on like a mockin'-bird, ez you'se heerd de quar critter du many a time." mollie nodded affirmatively, and lugena went on: "i couldn't help but laugh den, dough i wuz nigh about skeered ter death, ter tink what a mighty cute trick it wuz. i knowed he wuz a callin' nimbus an' dat nimbus 'ud know it, tu, jest ez soon ez he heerd it; but yer know ennybody dat hadn't heerd it over an offen, wouldn't nebber tink dat it warn't a mocker waked up by de light, or jes mockin' a cat-bird an' rain-crow, an' de like, in his dreams, ez dey say dey does when de moon shines, yer know." mollie smiled at the quaint conceit, so well justified by the fact she had herself often observed. lugena continued: "i tell yer, miss mollie, dat ar berry's a right cute nigga, fer all dey say 'bout him. he ain't stiddy, like nimbus, yer know, ner pious like 'liab--dat is not ter hurt, yer know--but he sartin hab got a heap ob sense, fer all dat." "it was certainly a very shrewd thing, but i don't see what it has to do with the fate of nimbus," said mollie. "i don't wish to seem to discourage you, but i am quite certain, myself, that we shall never see nimbus or eliab again." "oh, yer can't discourage _me_, miss mollie," answered the colored woman bravely. "i jes knows, er ez good ez knows, dat nimbus is all right yit awhile. now i tells yer, honey, what dis yer's got ter du wid it. yer see, it must ha' been nigh about a half-hour atter nimbus left afore berry went off; jes dat er way i tole yer "bout." "well?" said mollie, inquiringly. "wal," continued lugena, "don't yer see? dar hain't been nary word heard from neither one o' dem boys sence." "well?" said mollie, knitting her brows in perplexity. "_don't_ yer see, miss mollie," said the woman impatiently, "dat dey couldn't hab got 'em bofe togedder, 'cept berry had found nimbus fust?" "well?" "_wal!_ don't yer see dar would hev been a--a--_terrible_ fight afore dem two niggas would hev gin up bre'er 'liab, let alone derselves? yer must 'member dat dey had dat ar gun. sakes-a-massy! miss mollie, yer orter hev hearn it dat night. 'peared ter me yer could hab heard it clar' roun' de yairth, ef it _is_ round, ez yer say 'tis. now, somebody--some cullu'd body--would have been shore ter heah dat gun ef dar'd been a fight." "i had not thought of that, lugena," said mollie. "co'se yer hadn't, honey; an' dere's sunthin' else yer didn't link ob, nuther, kase yer didn't know it," said lugena. "yer min' dat boy berry, he'd done borrered our mule, jest afo' dat, ter take sally an' de chillen an' what few duds dey hez down inter hanson county, whar his brudder rufe libs, an' whar dey's gwine ter libbin' tu. dar didn't nobody 'spect him ter git back till de nex' day, any more'n nimbus; an' it war jes kinder accidental-like dat either on 'em got h'yer dat night. now, miss mollie, what yer s'pose hez come ob dat ar mule an' carryall? dat's de question." "i'm sure i don't know, 'gena, said mollie thoughtfully. "ner i don't know, nuther," was the response; "but it's jes my notion dat whar dey is, right dar yer'll fin' nimbus an' berry, an' not fur off from dem yer'll find bre'er 'liab." "you may be right," said her listener, musingly. "i'se pretty shore on't, honey. yer see when dat ar under-sheriff come ter day an' had look all 'round fer nimbus, he sed, finally, sez he, 'i'se got a'tachment'--dat's what he call it, miss mollie--a'tachment 'gin de property, or sunthin' o' dat kine. i didn't know nary ting 'bout it, but i spunked up an' tole him ebbery ting in de house dar was mine. he argyfied 'bout it a right smart while, an' finally sed dar wan't nuffin' dar ob no 'count, ennyhow. den he inquired 'bout de mule an' de carryall, an' atter dat he went out an' levelled on de crap." "did what?" asked mollie. "levelled on de crap, miss, dat's what he said, least-a-ways. den he called fer de key ob de 'backer-barn, an' i tole him 'twan't nowheres 'bout de house--good reason too, kase nimbus allus do carry dat key in his breeches pocket, 'long wid his money an' terbacker. so he takes de axe an' goes up ter de barn, an' i goes 'long wid him ter see what he's gwine ter du. den he breaks de staple an' opens de do'. now, miss mollie, 'twan't but a week er two ago, of a sunday atternoon, nimbus an' i wuz in dar lookin' roun', an' dar wuz a right smart bulk o' fine terbacker dar--some two er tree-hundred poun's on't. now when de sheriff went in, dar wa'n't more'n four or five ban's ob 'backer scattered 'long 'twixt whar de pile had been an' de do'. yah! yah! i couldn't help laughin' right out, though i wuz dat mad dat i couldn't hardly see, kase i knowed ter once how 'twas. d'yer see _now_, miss mollie?" "i confess i do not," answered the teacher. "no? wal, whar yer 'spose dat 'backer gone ter, hey?" "i'm sure i don't know. where do you think?" "what i tink become ob dat 'backer? wal, miss mollie, i tink nimbus an' berry put dat 'backer in dat carryall, an' den put bre'er 'liab in on dat 'backer, an' jes druv off somewhar--'gena don't know whar, but dat 'backer 'll take 'em a long way wid dat ar mule an' carryall. it's all right, miss mollie, it's all right wid nimbus. 'gena ain't feared. she knows her ole man too well fer dat! "yer know he runned away once afo' in de ole slave times. he didn't say nary word ter me 'bout gwine ober ter de yanks, an' de folks all tole me dat i nebber'd see him no mo'. but i knowed nimbus, an' shore 'nough, atter 'bout two year, back he come! an' dat's de way it'll be dis time--atter de trouble's ober, he'll come back. but dat ain't what worries me now, miss mollie," continued lugena. "co'se i'd like ter know jes whar nimbus is, but i know he's all right. i'se a heap fearder 'bout bre'er 'liab, fer i 'llow it's jes which an' t'other ef we ever sees him again. but what troubles me now, miss mollie, is 'bout myseff." "about yourself?" asked mollie, in surprise. "'bout me an' my chillens, miss mollie," was the reply. "why, how is that, 'gena?" "wal yer see, dar's dat ar 'tachment matter. i don't understan' it, nohow." "nor i either," said mollie. "p'raps yer could make out sunthin' 'bout it from dese yer," said the colored woman, drawing a mass of crumpled papers from her pocket. mollie smoothed them out upon the table beside her, and began her examination by reading the endorsements. the first was entitled, "_peyton winburn v. nimbus desmit_, et al. _action for the recovery of real estate. summons._" the next was endorsed, "_copy of complaint_," and another, "_affidavit and order of attachment against non-resident or absconding debtor._" "what's dat, miss mollie?" asked lugena, eagerly, as the last title was read. "dat's what dat ar sheriff man said my nimbus was--a non--_non_--what, miss mollie? i tole him 'twan't no sech ting; but la sakes! i didn't know nothing in de worl' 'bout it. i jes 'llowed dat 'twas sunthin' mighty mean, an' i knowed dat i couldn't be very fur wrong nohow, ef i jes contraried ebbery word what he said. what does it mean, miss mollie?" "it just means," said mollie, "that nimbus owes somebody--this mr. winburn, i judge, and--" "it's a lie! a clar, straight-out lie!" interrupted lugena. "nimbus don't owe nobody nary cent--not nary cent, miss mollie! tole me dat hisself jest a little time ago." "yes, but this man _claims_ he owes him--swears so, in fact; and that he has run away or hidden to keep from paying it," said mollie. "he swears he is a non-resident--don't live here, you know; lives out of the state somewhere." "an' peyton winburn swars ter dat?" asked the woman, eagerly. "yes, certainly." "didn't i tell yer dat nimbus was safe, miss mollie?" she cried, springing from her chair. "don't yer see how dey cotch derselves? ef der's ennybody on de green yairth dat knows all 'bout dis ku kluckin' it's peyton winburn, and dat ar sheriff gleason. now, don't yer know dat ef he was dead dey wouldn't be a suin' on him an' a swearin' he'd run away?" "i'm sure i don't know, but it would seem so," responded mollie. "seem so! it's boun' ter be so, honey," said the colored woman, positively. "i don't know, i'm sure," said mollie. "it's a matter i don't understand. i think i had better take these papers over to captain pardee, and see what ought to be done about them. i am afraid there is an attempt to rob you of all your husband has acquired, while he is away." "dat's what i'se afeared on," said the other. "an' it wuz what nimbus 'spected from de fust ob dis h'yer ku kluck matter. dear me, what ebber will i do, i dunno--i dunno!" the poor woman threw her apron over her head and began to weep. "don't be discouraged, 'gena," said mollie, soothingly. "i'll stand by you and get mr. pardee to look after the matter for you." "t'ank ye, miss mollie, t'ank ye. but i'se afeared it won't do no good. dey's boun' ter break us up, an' dey'll do it, sooner or later! it's all of a piece--a ku kluckin' by night, and a-suin' by day. 'tain't no use, t'ain't no use! dey'll hab dere will fust er last, one way er anudder, shore!" without uncovering her head, the sobbing woman turned and walked out of the room, across the porch and down the path to the gate. "not if i can help it!" said the little yankee woman, as she smoothed down her hair, shut her mouth close, and turned to make a more thorough perusal of the papers lugena had left with her. hardly had she finished when she was astonished by lugena's rushing into the room and exclaiming, as she threw herself on her knees: "oh, miss mollie, i done forgot--i was dat ar flustered 'bout de 'tachment an' de like, dat i done forgot what i want ter tell yer most ob all. yer know, miss mollie, dem men dat got hurt dat ar night--de ku kluckers, two on 'em, one i 'llow, killed out-an'-out, an' de todder dat bad cut--oh, my god!" she cried with a shudder, "i nebber see de likes--no nebber, miss mollie. all down his face--from his forehead ter his chin, an' dat too--yes, an' his breast-bone, too--looked like dat wuz all split open an' a-bleedin'! oh, it war horrible, horrible, miss mollie!" the woman buried her face in the teacher's lap as if she would shut out the fearful spectacle. "there, there," said mollie, soothingly, as she placed a hand upon her head. "you must not think of it. you must try and forget the horrors of that night." "don't yer know, miss mollie, dat dem ku kluckers ain't a-gwine ter let de one ez done dat lib roun' h'yer, ner ennywhar else dat dey can come at 'em, world widout end?" "well, i thought you were sure that nimbus was safe?" "nimbus?" said the woman in surprise, uncovering her face and looking up. "nimbus? 'twan't him, miss mollie, 'twan't him. i 'llows it mout hev been him dat hurt de one dat 'peared ter hev been killed straight out; but it was _me_ dat cut de odder one, miss mollie." "you?" cried mollie, in surprise, instinctively drawing back. "you?" "yes'm," said lugena, humbly, recognizing the repulse. "me--wid de axe! i hope yer don't fault me fer it, miss mollie." "blame you? no indeed, 'gena!" was the reply. "only it startled me to hear you say so. you did entirely right to defend yourself and nimbus. you should not let that trouble you for a moment." "no, miss mollie, but don't yer know dat de ku kluckers ain't a-gwine ter fergit it?" "heavens!" said the yankee girl, springing up from her chair in uncontrollable excitement. "you don't think they would hurt you--a woman?" "dat didn't save me from bein' stripped an' beat, did it?" "too true, too true!" moaned the teacher, as she walked back and forth wringing her hands. "poor child! what can you do?--what can you do?" "dat's what i want ter know, miss mollie," said the woman. "i dassent sleep ter home at night, an' don't feel safe ary hour in de day. dem folks won't fergit, an' 'gena won't nebber be safe ennywhar dat dey kin come, night ner day. what will i do, miss mollie, what will i do? yer knows nimbus 'll 'llow fer 'gena ter take keer ob herself an' de chillen an' de plantation, till he comes back, er sends fer me, an' i dassent stay, not 'nudder day, miss mollie! what'll i do? what'll i do?" there was silence in the little room for a few moments, as the young teacher walked back and forth across the floor, and the colored woman sat and gazed in stupid hopelessness up into her face. presently she stopped, and, looking down upon lugena, said with impetuous fervor: "you shall not stay, lugena! you shall not stay! can you stand it a few nights more?" "oh, yes, i kin stan' it, 'cause i'se got ter. i'se been sleepin' in de woods ebber sence, an' kin keep on at it; but i knows whar it'll end, an' so der you, miss mollie." "no, it shall not, 'gena. you are right. it is not safe for you to stay. just hide yourself a few nights more, till i can look after things for you here, and i will take you away to the north, where there are no ku klux!" "yer don't mean it, miss mollie!" "indeed i do." "an' de chillen?" "they shall go too." "god bress yer, miss mollie! god bress yer!" with moans and sobs, the torrent of her tears burst forth, as the poor woman fell prone upon the floor, and catching the hem of the teacher's robe, kissed it again and again, in a transport of joy. chapter xlv. another ox gored. there was a caller who begged to see mr. le moyne for a few minutes. descending to the sitting-room, hesden found there mr. jordan jackson, who was the white candidate for the legislature upon the same ticket with a colored man who had left the county in fright immediately after the raid upon red wing. hesden was somewhat surprised at this call, for although he had known mr. jackson from boyhood, yet there had never been more than a passing acquaintance between them. it is true, mr jackson was a neighbor, living only two or three miles from mulberry hill; but he belonged to such an entirely different class of society that their knowledge of each other had never ripened into anything like familiarity. mr. jackson was what used to be termed a poor man. he and his father before him, as hesden knew, had lived on a little, poor plantation, surrounded by wealthy neighbors. they owned no slaves, and lived, scantily on the products of the farm worked by themselves. the present occupant was about hesden's own age. there being no free schools in that county, and his father having been unable, perhaps not even desiring, to educate him otherwise, he had grown up almost entirely illiterate. he had learned to sign his name, and only by strenuous exertions, after his arrival at manhood, had become able, with difficulty, to spell out words from the printed page and to write an ordinary letter in strangely-tangled hieroglyphics, in a spelling which would do credit to a phonetic reformer. he had entered the army, probably because he could not do otherwise, and being of stalwart build, and having great endurance and native courage, before the struggle was over had risen, despite his disadvantages of birth and education, to a lieutenancy. this experience had been of advantage to him in more ways than one. chief among these had been the opening of his eyes to the fact that he himself, although a poor man, and the scion of a poor family, was, in all the manly requisites that go to make up a soldier, always the equal, and very often the superior, of his aristocratic neighbors. little by little, the self-respect which had been ground out of him and his family by generations of that condition of inferiority which the common-liver, the self-helper of the south, was forced to endure under the old slave _regime_, began to grow up in his heart. he began to feel himself a man, and prized the rank-marks on his collar as the certificate and endorsement of his manhood. as this feeling developed, he began to consider the relations between himself, his family, and others like them, and the rich neighbors by whom they were surrounded and looked down upon. and more and more, as he did so, the feeling grew upon him that he and his class had been wronged, cheated--"put upon," he phrased it--in all the past. they had been the "chinking" between the "mud" of slavery and the "house-logs" of aristocracy in the social structure of the south--a little better than the mud because of the same grain and nature as the logs; but useless and nameless except as in relation to both. he felt the bitter truth of that stinging aphorism which was current among the privates of the confederate army, which characterized the war of rebellion as "the poor man's war and the rich man's fight." so, when the war was over, lieutenant jordan jackson did not return easily and contentedly to the niche in the social life of his native region to which he had been born and bred. he found the habit of leadership and command very pleasant, and he determined that he would rise in the scale of horsford society as he had risen in the army, simply because he was brave and strong. he knew that to do this he must acquire wealth, and looking about, he saw opportunities open before him which others had not noticed. almost before the smoke of battle had cleared away, jordan jackson had opened trade with the invaders, and had made himself a prime favorite in the federal camps. he coined money in those days of transition. fortunately, he had been too poor to be in debt when the war broke out. he was independently poor, because beyond the range of credit. he had lost nothing, for he had nothing but the few poor acres of his homestead to lose. so he started fair, and before the period of reconstruction began he had by thrifty management accumulated quite a competency. he had bought several plantations whose aristocratic owners could no longer keep their grip upon half-worked lands, had opened a little store, and monopolized a considerable trade. looking at affairs as they stood at that time, jordan jackson said to himself that the opportunity for him and his class had come. he had a profound respect for the power and authority of the government of the united states, _because_ it had put down the rebellion. he had been two or three times at the north, and was astounded at its collective greatness. he said that the colored man and the poor-whites of the south ought to put themselves on the side of this great, busy north, which had opened the way of liberty and progress before them, and establish free schools and free thought and free labor in the fair, crippled, south-land. he thought he saw a great and fair future looming up before his country. he freely gave expression to these ideas, and, as he traded very largely with the colored people, soon came to be regarded by them as a leader, and by "the good people of horsford" as a low-down white nigger, for whom no epithet was too vile. nevertheless, he grew in wealth, for he attended to his business himself, early and late. he answered raillery with raillery, curses with cursing, and abuse with defiance. he was elected to conventions and legislatures, where he did many foolish, some bad, and a few wise things in the way of legislation. he knew what he wanted--it was light, liberty, education, and a "fair hack" for all men. how to get it he did not know. he had been warned a thousand times that he must abandon this way of life. the natural rulers of the county felt that if they could neutralize his influence and that which went out from red wing, they could prevent the exercise of ballatorial power by a considerable portion of the majority, and by that means "redeem" the county. they did not wish to hurt jordan jackson. he was a good enough man. his father had been an honest man, and an old citizen. nobody knew a word against his wife or her family, except that they had been poor. the people who had given their hearts to the confederate cause, remembered too, at first, his gallant service; but that had all been wiped out from their minds by his subsequent "treachery." even after the attack on red wing, he had been warned by his friends to desist. one morning, he had found on the door of his store a paper containing the following words, written inside a little sketch of a coffin: [illustration: jordan jackson, if you don't get out of here in three days, you will go to the bone yard. k.k.k.] he had answered this by a defiant, ill-spelled notice, pasted just beside it, in which he announced himself as always ready to meet any crowd of "cowards and villains who were ashamed of their own faces, at any time, night or day." his card was english prose of a most vigorous type, interspersed with so much of illiterate profanity as to satisfy any good citizen that the best people of horsford were quite right in regarding him as a most desperate and dangerous man--one of those whose influence upon the colored people was to array them against the whites, and unless promptly put down, bring about a war of races--which the white people were determined never to have in horsford, if they had to kill every radical in the county in order to live in peace with their former slaves, whom they had always nourished with paternal affection and still regarded with a most tender care. this man met hesden as the latter came out upon the porch, and with a flushed face and a peculiar twitching about his mouth, asked if he could see him in private for a moment. hesden led the way to his own room. jackson then, having first shut the door, cautiously said: "you know me, mr. le moyne?" "certainly, jackson." "an' you knew my father before me?" "of course. i knew old man billy jackson very well in my young days." "did you ever know anything mean or disreputable about him?" "no, certainly not; he was a very correct man, so far as i ever heard." "poor but honest?"--with a sneer. "well, yes; a poor man, but a very correct man." "well, did you ever know anything disreputable about _me?_" keenly. "well--why--mr. jackson--you--" stammered hesden, much confused. "out with it!" angrily. "i'm a radical?" "yes--and--you know, your political course has rendered you very unpopular." "of course! a man has no right to his own political opinions." "well, but you know, mr. jackson, yours have been so peculiar and so obnoxious to our best people. besides, you have expressed them so boldly and defiantly. i do not think our people have any ill-feeling against you, personally; but you cannot wonder that so great a change as we have had should excite many of them very greatly. you should not be so violent, mr. jackson." "violent--hell! you'd better go and preach peace to eliab hill. poor fellow! i don't reckon the man lives who ever heard him say a harsh thing to any one. he was always that mild i used to wonder the lord didn't take him long ago. nigger as he was, and cripple as he was, i'd ruther had his religion than that of all the mean, hypocritical, murdering aristocrats in horsford." "but, mr. jackson, you should not speak in that way of our best citizens." "oh, the devil! i know--but that is no matter, mr. le moyne. i didn't come to argue with you. did you ever hear anything agin' me outside of my politics?" "i don't know that i ever did." "if you were in a tight place, would you have confidence in jordan jackson as a friend?" "you know i have reason to remember that," said hesden, with feeling. "you helped me when i could not help myself. it's not every man that would care about his horse carrying double when he was running away from the yanks." "ah! you remember that, then?" with a touch of pride in his voice. "yes, indeed! jackson," said hesden, warmly. "well, would you do me a good turn to pay for that?" "certainly--anything that--" hesitating. "oh, damn it, man, don't strain yourself! i didn't ask any questions when i helped you!" "mr. jackson," said hesden, with dignity, "i merely wished to say that i do not care at this time to embroil myself in politics. you know i have an old mother who is very feeble. i have long regretted that affairs are in the condition that they are in, and have wondered if something could not be done. theoretically, you are right and those who are with you. practically, the matter is very embarrassing. but i do not hesitate to say, mr. jackson, that those who commit such outrages as that perpetrated at red wing disgrace the name of gentleman, the county, and state, the age we live in, and the religion we profess. that i _will_ say." "and that's quite enough, mr. le moyne. all i wanted was to ask you to act as my trustee." "your trustee in what?" "there is a deed i have just executed conveying everything i have to you, and i want you to sell it off and dispose of it the best you can, and send me the money." "_send_ it to you?" "yes, i'm going away." "going away? why? you are not in debt?" "i don't owe a hundred dollars." "then why are you doing this? i don't understand." "mr. le moyne," said jackson, coming close to him and speaking in a low intense tone, "i was _whipped_ last night!" "whipped!" "yes." "by whom?" "by my own neighbors, in the sight of my wife and daughter!" "by the ku klux?" "that's what they call themselves." "my god, it cannot be!" "cannot?" the man's face twitched nervously, as, dropping his hat, he threw off his light coat and, opening his shirt-collar and turning away his head, showed his shoulder covered with wales, still raw and bleeding. "my god!" cried hesden, as he put up his hand and started back in horror. "and you a white man?" "yes, mr. le moyne," said jackson, turning his face, burning with shame and indignation, toward his high-bred neighbor, "and the only reason this was done--the only thing agin me--is that i was honestly in favor of giving to the colored man the rights which the law of the land says he shall have, like other men. when the war was over, mr. le moyne, i didn't 'give up,' as all you rich folks talked about doing, and try to put up with what was to come afterward. i hadn't lost nothing by the war, but, on the contrary, had gained what i had no chance to git in any other way. so i jest looked things square in the face and made up my mind that it was a good thing for me, and all such as me, that the damned old confederacy was dead. and the more i thought on't the more i couldn't help seein' and believin' that it was right and fair to free the niggers and let them have a fair show and a white man's chance--votin' and all. that's what i call a fair hack, and i swear, mr. le moyne, i don't know how it may seem to you, but to my mind any man that ain't willing to let any other man have that, is a damn coward! i'm as white as anybody, and hain't no more reason to stand up for niggers than any of the rest of the white people--no, nor half as much as most of 'em, for, as fur as i know, i hain't got no relations among 'em. but i do say that if the white folks of the south can't stand up to a fair fight with the niggers at the polls, without cuttin', and murderin', and burnin', and shootin', and whippin', and ku kluxin', and cheatin', and swindlin', they are a damned no-'count people, and don't deserve no sort of show in the world--no more than a mean, sneakin', venomous moccasin-snake--there!" "but you don't think--" hesden began. "think? damn it, i _know_!" broke in jackson. "they said if i would quit standin' up for the niggers, they'd let me off, even after they'd got me stripped and hung up. i wouldn't do it! i didn't believe then they'd cut me up this way; but they did! an' now i'm goin'. i'd stay an' fight, but 'tain't no use; an' i couldn't look a man in the eye who i thought tuk a hand in that whippin' without killin' him. i've got to go, le moyne," he said with clenched fists, "or i shall commit murder before the sun goes down." "where are you going?" "god knows! somewhere where the world's free and the earth's fresh, and where it's no crime to have been born poor or to uphold and maintain the laws of the land." "i'm sorry, jackson, but i don't blame you. you can't live here in peace, and you are wise to go," said hesden, extending his hand. "will you be my trustee?" "yes." "god bless you!" the angry, crushed, and outraged man broke into tears as he shook the hand he held. there was an hour or two of close consultation, and then hesden le moyne looked thoughtfully after this earnest and well-meaning man, who was compelled to flee from the land for which he had fought, simply because he had adopted the policy and principles which the conquering power had thrust into the fundamental law, and endeavored to carry them out in good faith. like the fugitive from slavery in the olden time, he had started toward the north pole on the quest for liberty. chapter xlvi. backward and forward. the task which hesden le moyne undertook when he assumed the care and protection of eliab hill, was no trivial one, as he well understood. he realized as fully as did nimbus the necessity of absolute concealment, for he was well aware that the blaze of excitement which would sweep over horsford, when the events that had occurred at red wing should become known, would spare no one who should harbor or conceal any of the recognized leaders of the colored men. he knew that not only that organization which had just shown its existence in the county, but the vast majority of all the white inhabitants as well, would look upon this affair as indubitable evidence of the irrepressible conflict of races, in which they all believed most devoutly. he had looked forward to this time with great apprehension. although he had scrupulously refrained from active participation in political life, it was not from any lack of interest in the political situation of the country. he had not only the ordinary instinct of the educated southern man for political thought--an instinct which makes every man in that section first of all things a partisan, and constitutes politics the first and most important business of life--but besides this general interest in public affairs he had also an inherited bias of hostility to the right of secession, as well as to its policy. his father had been what was termed a "douglas democrat," and the son had absorbed his views. with that belief in a father's infallibility which is so general in that part of the country, hesden, despite his own part in the war and the chagrin which defeat had brought, had looked only for evil results to come out of the present struggle, which he believed to have been uselessly precipitated. it was in this state of mind that he had watched the new phase of the "irrepressible conflict" which supervened upon the downfall of the rebellion in so doing, he had arrived at the following conclusions: . that it was a most fortunate and providential thing that the confederacy had failed. he had begun to realize the wisdom of washington when he referred to the dogma of "state rights" as "that bantling--i like to have said _that monster._" . that the emancipation of the slaves would ultimately prove advantageous to the white man, . that it was the part of honorable men fairly and honestly to carry out and give effect to all the conditions, expressed and implied, on which power, representation, and autonomy were restored to the recently rebellious states. this he believed to be a personal duty, and a failure so to do he regarded as a disgrace to every man in any way contributing to it, especially if he had been a soldier and had shared the defeat of which these conditions were a consequence. . he did not regard either the war or the legislation known as reconstructionary as having in any manner affected the natural relation of the races. in the old times he had never felt or believed that the slave was inherently endowed with the same rights as the master; and he did not see how the results of war could enhance his natural rights. he did not believe that the colored man had an inherent right to freedom or to self-government. whatever right of that kind he might now have was simply by the free grace of the conqueror. he had a right to the fruit of his own labor, to the care, protection, and service of his own children, to the society and comfort of his wife, to the protection of his own person, to marriage, the ballot, possessory capacity, and all those things which distinguish the citizen from the chattel--not because of his manhood, nor because of inherent co-equality of right with the white man; but simply because the national legislation gave it to him as a condition precedent of statal rehabilitation. these may seem to the northern reader very narrow views; and so they are, as compared with those that underlay the spirit of resistance to rebellion, and the fever heat for human rights, which was the animating principle in the hearts of the people when they endorsed and approved those amendments which were the basis of reconstructionary legislation. it should be remembered, however, that even these views were infinitely in advance of the ideas generally entertained by his white fellow-citizens of the south. nearly all of them regarded these matters in a very different light; and most naturally, too, as any one may understand who will lemember what had gone before, and will keep in mind that defeat does not mean a new birth, and that warfare leaves _men_ unchanged by its results, whatever may be its effects on nations and societies. they regretted the downfall of the confederacy as the triumph of a lower and baser civilization--the ascendency of a false idea and an act of unrighteous and unjustifiable subversion. to their minds it was a forcible denial of their rights, and, to a large portion of them, a dishonorable violation of that contract or treaty upon which the federal union was based, and by which the right for which they fought had, according to their construction, been assured. as viewed by them, the result of the war had not changed these facts, nor justified the infraction of the rights of the south. in the popular phrase of that day, they "accepted the situation"--which to _their_ minds, simply meant that they would not fight any more for independent existence. the north understood it to mean that they would accept cheerfully and in good faith any terms and conditions which might be imposed upon them as a condition of rehabilitation. the masses of the southern whites regarded the emancipation of the negro simply as an arbitrary exercise of power, intended as a punishment for the act of attempted secession--which act, while many believed it to have been impolitic, few believed to be in conflict with the true theory of our government. they considered the freeing of the slave merely a piece of wanton spite, inspired, in great measure, by sheer envy of southern superiority, in part by angry hate because of the troubles, perils, and losses of the war, and, in a very small degree, by honest though absurd fanaticism. they did not believe that it was done for the sake of the slave, to secure his liberty or to establish his rights; but they believed most devoutly that it was done solely and purposely to injure the master, to punish the rebel, and to still further cripple and impoverish the south. it was, to them, an unwarrantable measure of unrighteous retribution inspired by the lowest and basest motives. but if, to the mass of southern white men, emancipation was a measure born of malicious spite in the breast of the north, what should they say of that which followed--the _enfranchisement_ of the black? it was a gratuitous insult--a causeless infamy! it was intended to humiliate, without even the mean motive of advantage to be derived. they did not for a moment believe--they do not believe to-day--that the negro was enfranchised for his own sake, or because the north believed that he was entitled to self-government, or was fit for self-government; but simply and solely because it was hoped thereby to degrade, overawe, and render powerless the white element of the southern populations. they thought it a fraud in itself, by which the north pretended to give back to the south her place in the nation; but instead, gave her only a debased and degraded co-ordination with a race despised beyond the power of words to express. this anger seemed--and still seems to the northern mind--useless, absurd, and ridiculous. it appears to us as groundless and almost as laughable as the frantic and impotent rage of the chinaman who has lost his sacred queue by the hand of the christian spoiler. to the northern mind the cause is entirely incommensurate with the anger displayed. one is inclined to ask, with a laugh, "well, what of it?" perhaps there is not a single northern resident of the south who has not more than once offended some personal friend by smiling in his face while he raged, with white lips and glaring eyes, about this culminating ignominy. yet it was sadly real to them. in comparison with this, all other evils seemed light and trivial, and whatever tended to prevent it, was deemed fair and just. for this reason, the southerners felt themselves not only justified, but imperatively called upon, in every way and manner, to resist and annul all legislation having this end in view. regarding it as inherently fraudulent, malicious, and violent, they felt no compunctions in defeating its operation by counter-fraud and violence. it was thus that the elements of reconstruction affected the hearts and heads of most of the southern whites. to admit that they were honest in holding such views as they did is only to give them the benefit of a presumption which, when applied to the acts and motives of whole peoples, becomes irrefutable. a mob may be wrong-headed, but it is always right-hearted. what it does may be infamous, but underlying its acts is always the sting of a great evil or the hope of a great good. thus it was, too, that to the subtler mind and less selfish heart of hesden le moyne, every attempt to nullify the effect or evade the operation of the reconstruction laws was tinged with the idea of personal dishonor. to his understanding, the terms of surrender were, not merely that he would not again fight for a separate governmental existence, but, also, that he would submit to such changes in the national polity as the conquering majority might deem necessary and desirable as conditions precedent to restored power; and would honestly and fairly, as an honorable man and a brave soldier, carry out those laws either to successful fruition or to fair and legitimate repeal. he was not animated by any thought of advantage to himself or to his class to arise from such ideas. unlike jordan jackson, and men of his type, there was nothing which his class could gain thereby, except a share in the ultimate glory and success of an enlarged and solidified nation. the self-abnegation which he had learned from three years of duty as a private soldier and almost a lifetime of patient attendance upon a loved but exacting invalid, inclined to him to study the movements of society and the world, without especial reference to himself, or the narrow circle of his family or class. to his mind, _honor_--that honor which he accounted the dearest birthright his native south had given--required that from and after the day of his surrender he should seek and desire, not the gratification of revenge nor the display of prejudice, but the success and glory of the great republic. he felt that the american nation had become greater and more glorious by the very act of overcoming rebellion. he recognized that the initial right or wrong of that struggle, whatever it might have been, should be subordinated in all minds to the result--an individual nation. it was a greater and a grander thing to be an american than to have been a confederate! it was more honorable and knightly to be true in letter and in spirit to every law of his reunited land than to make the woes of the past an excuse for the wrongs of the present. he felt all the more scrupulous in regard to this, because those measures were not altogether such as he would have adopted, nor such as he could yet believe would prove immediately successful. he thought that every southern man should see to it especially that, if any element of reconstruction failed, it should not be on account of any lack of honest, sincere and hearty co-operation on his part. it was for this reason that he had taken such interest in the experiment that was going on at red wing in educating the colored people. he did not at first believe at all in the capacity of the negro for culture, progress, self-support, or self-government; but he believed that the experiment, having been determined on by the nation, should be fairly and honestly carried out and its success or failure completely demonstrated. he admitted frankly that, if they had such capacity, they undoubtedly had the right to use it; because he believed the right inherent and inalienable with any race or people having the capacity. he considered that it was only the lack of co-ordinate capacity that made the africans unfit to exercise co-ordinate power with individuals of the white race. he thought they should be encouraged by every means to develop what was in them, and readily admitted that, should the experiment succeed and all distinction of civil right and political power be successfully abolished, the strength and glory of the nation would be wonderfully enhanced. his partiality for the two chief promoters of the experiment at red wing had greatly increased his interest in the result, which had by no means been diminished by his acquaintance with mollie ainslie. it was not, however, until he bent over his unconscious charge in the stillness of the morning, made an examination of the wounds of his old playmate by the flickering light of the lamp, and undertook the process of resuscitation and cure, that he began to realize how his ancient prejudice was giving way before the light of what he could not but regard as truth. the application of some simple remedies soon restored eliab to consciousness, but he found that the other injuries were so serious as to demand immediate surgical attendance, and would require considerable time for their cure. his first idea had been to keep eliab's presence at his house entirely concealed; but as soon as he realized the extent of his injuries, he saw that this would be impossible, and concluded that the safer way would be to entrust the secret to those servants who were employed "about the lot," which includes, upon a southern plantation, all who are not regularly engaged in the crop. he felt the more willing to do this because of the attachment felt for the sweet-tempered but deformed minister at red wing by all of his race in the county. he carefully impressed upon the two women and charles, the stable-boy, the necessity of the utmost caution in regard to the matter, and arranged with them to care for his patient by turns, so as never to leave him alone. he sent to the post at boyleston for a surgeon, whose coming chanced not to be noticed by the neighbors, as he arrived just after dark and went away before daylight to return to his duty. a comfortable cot was arranged for the wounded man, and, to make the care of him less onerous, as well as to avoid the remark which continual use of the ladder would be sure to excite, charles was directed to cut a doorway through the other gable of the old house into one of the rooms in a newer part. charles was one of those men found on almost every plantation, who can "turn a hand to almost anything." in a short time he had arranged a door from the chamber above "marse hesden's room," and the task of nursing the stricken man back to life and such health as he might thereafter have, was carried on by the faithful band of watchers in the dim light of the old attic and amid the spicy odor of the "bulks" of tobacco, which was stored there awaiting a favorable market. hesden was so occupied with fhis care that it was not until the next day that he became aware of mollie's absence. as she had gone without preparation or farewell, he rightly judged that it was her intention to return. at first, he thought he would go at once to red wing and assure himself of her safety, but a moment's consideration showed him not only that this was probably unnecessary, but also that to do so would attract attention, and perhaps reveal the hiding-place of eliab. besides, he felt confident that she would not be molested, and thought it quite as well that she should not be at mulberry hill for a few days, until the excitement had somewhat worn away. on the next day, eliab inquired so pitifully for both miss mollie and nimbus, that hesden, although he knew it was a half-delirious anxiety, had sent charles on an errand to a plantation in that vicinity, with directions to learn all he could of affairs there, if possible without communicating directly with miss ainslie. this he did, and reported everything quiet--nimbus and berry not heard from; eliab supposed to have been killed; the colored people greatly alarmed; and "miss mollie a-comfortin' an encouragin' on 'em night an' day." together with this anxiety came the trust confided to hesden by jordan jackson, and the new, and at first somewhat arduous, duties imposed thereby. in the discharge of these he was brought into communication with a great many of the best people of the county, and did not hesitate to express his opinion freely as to the outrage at red wing. he was several times warned to be prudent, but he answered all warnings so firmly, and yet with so much feeling, that he was undisturbed. he stood so high, and had led so pure a life, that he could even be allowed to entertain obnoxious sentiments without personal danger, so long as he did not attempt to reduce them to practice or attempt to secure for colored people the rights to which he thought them entitled. however, a great deal of remark was occasioned by the fact of his having become trustee for the fugitive radical, and he was freely charged with having disgraced and degraded himself and his family by taking the part of a "renegade, radical white nigger," like jackson. this duty took him from home during the day in a direction away from red wing, and a part of each night he sat by the bedside of eliab. so that more than a week had passed, during which he had found opportunity to take but three meals with his mother, and had not yet been able to visit red wing. chapter xlvii. breasting the torrent. to make up for the sudden loss of society occasioned by the simultaneous departure of mollie and the unusual engrossment of hesden in business matters of pressing moment, as he had informed her, mrs. le moyne had sent for one of the sisters of her son's deceased wife, miss hetty lomax, to come and visit her. it was to this young lady that hesden had appealed when the young teacher was suddenly stricken down in his house, and who had so rudely refused. learning that the object of her antipathy was no longer there, miss hetty came and made herself very entertaining to the invalid by detailing to her all the horrors, real and imagined, of the past few days. day by day she was in the invalid's room, and it was from her that mrs. le moyne had learned all that was contained in her letter to mollie concerning the public feeling and excitement. a week had elapsed, when miss hetty one day appeared with a most interesting budget of news, the recital of which seemed greatly to excite mrs. le moyne. at first she listened with incredulity and resentment; then conviction seemed to force itself upon her mind, and anger succeeded to astonishment. calling her serving woman, she asked impetuously: "maggie, is your master hesden about the house?" "really now mistis," said the girl in some confusion, "i can't edsackly tell. he war, de las' time i seed him; but then he mout hev gone out sence dat, yer know." "where was he then?" "he war in his room, ma'am, wid a strange gemmen." "yes," added the mistress, in a significant tone, "he seems to have a great deal of strange company lately." the girl glanced at her quickly as she arranged the bed-clothing, and the young lady who sat in the easy chair chuckled knowingly. so the woman answered artfully, but with seeming innocence: "la, mistis, it certain am quare how you finds out t'ings. 'pears like a mouse can't stir 'bout de house, but you hears it quicker nor de cat." it was deft flattery, and the pleased mistress swallowed the bait with a smile. "i always try to know what is going on in my own house," she responded, complacently. "should t'ink yer did," said the colored woman, gazing at her in admiring wonder. "i don't 'llow dar's ennybody come inter dis yer house in one while, dat yer didn't know all 'bout 'em widout settin' eyes on 'em. i wouldn't be at all s'prised, dat i wouldn't," said she to the young lady, "ter find dat she knows whose h'yer now, an' whose been h'yer ebbery day sence marse hesden's been so busy. la! she's a woman--she's got a headpiece, she hab!" "yes," said the invalid; "i know that that odious scallawag, jordan jackson, has been here and has been shut up with my son, consulting and planning the lord knows what, here in this very house of mine. pretty business for a le moyne and a richards to be in! you all thought you'd keep it from me; but you couldn't." "la, sakes!" said the girl, with a look of relief, "yer mustn't say _me_. _i_ didn't never try ter keep it. i know'd yer'd find it out." "when do you say you saw him?" "i jes disremembers now what time it war. some time dis mornin' though. it mout hev been some two--free hours ago." "who was the gentleman with him--i hope he was a _gentleman?_" "oh la, ma'am, dat he war--right smart ob one, i should jedge, though i nebber seen his face afo' in my born days." "and don't know his name?" "not de fust letter ob it, mistis." maggie might well say that, since none of the letters of the alphabet were known to her; but when she conveyed the idea that she did not know the name of the visitor, it was certainly a stretch of the truth; but then she did not know as "marse hesden" would care about his mother knowing the name of his visitor, and she had no idea of betraying anything which concerned him against his wish. so in order to be perfectly safe, she deemed it best to deceive her mistress. "tell your master hesden i wish to see him immediately, maggie," said mrs. le moyne, imperiously. "yes'm," said the girl, as she left the room to perform her errand. there was a broad grin upon her face as she crossed the passage and knocked at the door of hesden's room, thinking how she had flattered her mistress into a revelation of her own ignorance. she was demure enough, however, when hesden himself opened the door and inquired what she wished. "please, sah, de mistis tole me ter ax yer ter come inter her room, right away." "anything the matter, maggie?" "nuffin', only jes she wants ter talk wid yer 'bout sunthin', i reckon." "who is with her?" "miss hetty." "yes"--musingly. "an' de mistis 'pears powerfully put out 'bout sunthin' or udder," volunteered the girl. "yes," repeated hesden, absently. "well. maggie, say to my mother that i am very closely engaged, and i hope she will please excuse me for a few hours." the girl returned and delivered her message. "what!" exclaimed the sick woman, in amazement. "he must have turned radical sure enough, to send me such an answer as that! maggie," she continued, with severe dignity, "you must be mistaken. return and tell my son that i am sure you are mistaken." "oh, dar ain't no mistake 'bout it, mistis. dem's de berry words marse hesden said, shore." "do as i bade you, maggie," said the mistress, quietly. "oh, certain, mistis, certain--only dar ain't no mistake," said the woman, as she returned with the message she was charged to deliver. "did you ever see such a change?" asked mrs. le moyne of her companion as soon as the door was closed upon the servant. "there never was a time before when hesden did not come the instant i called, no matter upon what he might be engaged." "yes," said the other, laughingly, "i used to tell julia that it would make me awfully jealous to have a husband jump up and leave me to go and pet his mother before the honeymoon was over." "poor julia!" sighed the invalid. "hesden never appreciated her--never. he didn't feel her loss as i did." "i should think not," replied the sister-in-law, sharply. "but he might at least have had regard enough for her memory not to have flirted so outrageously with that yankee school-marm." "what do you mean, hetty!" said mrs. le moyne, severely. "please remember that it is my son of whom you are speaking." "oh, yes," said miss hetty, sharply, "we have been speaking of him all along, and--" the door from the hall was opened quickly, and hesden looking in, said pleasantly, "i hope you are not suffering, mother?" "not more than usual, hesden," said mrs. le moyne, "but i wish to see you very particularly, my son." "i am very busy, mother, on a most important matter; but you know i will always make everything give way for you." so saying, he stepped into the room and stood awaiting his mother's pleasure, after bowing somewhat formally to the younger lady. "what are these reports i hear about you, hesden?" asked his mother, with some show of anger. "i beg your pardon, little mother," said hesden smiling; "but was it to make this inquiry you called me from my business?" "yes, indeed," was the reply; "i should like to know what there could be of more importance to you than such slanderous reports as cousin hetty tells me are being circulated about you." "i have no doubt they are interesting if cousin hetty brings them," said hesden; "but you will please excuse me now, as i have matters of more importance to attend to." he bowed, and would have passed out, but the good lady cried out almost with a shriek, "but hesden! hesden! hetty says that--that--that they say--you--are a--a radical!" she started from her pillows, and leaned forward with one white hand uplifted, as she waited his reply. he turned back instantly, stepped quickly to the bedside, and put his one arm caressingly about her as he said earnestly, "i am afraid, mother, if one speaks of things which have occurred in horsford during the past few days as a man of honor ought, he must expect to be called bad names." "but hesden--you are not--do tell me, my son," said his mother, in a tone of entreaty, "that you are _not_ one of those horrid radicals!" "there, there; do not excite yourself, mother. i will explain everything to you this evening," said he, soothingly. "but you are not a radical?" she cried, catching his hand. "i am a man of honor, always," he replied, proudly. "then you cannot be a radical," she said, with a happy smile. "but he is--he is!" exclaimed the younger lady, starting forward with flushed cheeks and pointing a trembling finger at his face, as if she had detected a guilty culprit. "he is!" she repeated. "deny it if you dare, hesden le moyne!" "indeed, miss hetty," said hesden, turning upon her with dignified severity. "may i inquire who constituted you either my judge or my accuser." "oh fie! hesden," said his mother. "isn't hetty one of the family?" "and has every richards and le moyne on the planet a right to challenge my opinions?" asked hesden. "certainly!" said his mother, with much energy, while her pale face flushed, and her upraised hand trembled--"certainly they have, my son, if they think you are about to disgrace those names. but do deny it! do tell me you are not a radical!" she pleaded. "but suppose i were?" he asked, thoughtfully. "i would disown you! i would disinherit you!" shrieked the excited woman, shrinking away from his arm as if there were contagion in the touch. "remember, sir," she continued threateningly, "that mulberry hill is still mine, and it shall never go to a radical--never!" "there, there, mother; do not excite yourself unnecessarily," said hesden. "it is quite possible that both these matters are beyond either your control or mine." "why, what do you mean?" "i simply mean that circumstances over which we have no control have formed my opinions, and others over which we have as little control may affect the ownership of this plantation." "why--what in the world! hesden, are you mad? you know that it is mine by the will of my father! who or what could interfere with my right?" "i sincerely hope that no one may," answered hesden; "but i shall be able to tell you more about these matters after dinner, when i promise that you shall know all, without any reservation." there had been a calm, almost sorrowful, demeanor about hesden during this conversation, which had held the excited women unconsciously in check. they were so astonished at the coolness of his manner and the matter-of-fact sincerity of his tones that they were quite unable to express the indignation and abhorrence they both felt that his language merited. now, however, as he moved toward the door, the younger lady was no longer able to restrain herself, "i knew it was so!" she said. "that miserable nigger-teacher wasn't here for nothing! the mean, low hussy! i should think he would have been ashamed to bring her here anyhow--under his mother's very nose!" hesden had almost reached the door of the room when these words fell upon his ear. he turned and strode across the room until he stood face to face with his mother once more. there was no lack of excitement about him now. his face was pale as death, his eyes blazed, and his voice trembled. "mother," said he, "i have often told you that i would never bring to you a wife whom you did not approve. i hope never to do so; but i wish to say one thing: miss ainslie is a pure and lovely woman. none of us have ever known her superior. she is worthy of any man's devotion. i would not have said this but for what has been spoken here. but now i say, that if i ever hear that anyone having a single drop of our blood in her veins has spoken ill of her--ay, or if her name is linked with mine in any slighting manner, even by the breath of public rumor--i will make her my wife if she will accept my hand, whatever your wishes. and further, if any one speaks slightingly of her, i will resent it as if she were my wife, so help me god!" he turned upon his heel, and strode out of the room. he had not once looked or spoken to the lady whose words had given the offense. the mother and cousin were overwhelmed with astonishment at the intensity of the usually quiet and complaisant hesden. miss hetty soon made excuses for returning to her home, and mrs. le moyne waited in dull wonder for the revelation which the evening was to bring. it seemed to her as if the world had lost its bearings and everything must be afloat, now that hesden had been so transformed as to speak thus harshly to the mother for whom his devotion had become proverbial all the country around. chapter xlviii. the price of honor. when hesden came to his mother's room that night, his countenance wore an unusually sad and thoughtful expression. his mother had not yet recovered from the shock of the morning's interview. the more she thought of it, the less she could understand either his language or his manner. that he would once think of allying himself in political thought with those who were trying to degrade and humiliate their people by putting them upon a level with the negro, she did not for a moment believe, despite what he had said. neither did she imagine, even then, that he had any feeling for mollie ainslie other than mere gratitude for the service she had rendered, but supposed that his outburst was owing merely to anger at the slighting language used toward her by cousin hetty. yet she felt a dim premonition of something dreadful about to happen, and was ill at ease during the evening meal. when it was over, the table cleared, and the servant had retired, hesden sat quiet for a long time, and then said, slowly and tenderly: "mother, i am very sorry that all these sad things should come up at this time--so soon after our loss. i know your heart, as well as mine, is sore, and i wish you to be sure that i have not, and cannot have, one unkind thought of you. do not cry," he added, as he saw the tears pouring down her face, which was turned to him with a look of helpless woe upon it--"do not cry, little mother, for we shall both of us have need of all our strength." "oh, hesden," she moaned, "if you only would not--" "please do not interrupt me," he said, checking her with a motion of his hand; "i have a long story to tell, and after that we will speak of what now troubles you. but first, i wish to ask you some questions. did you ever hear of such a person as edna richards?" "edna richards--edna richards?" said mrs. le moyne, wiping away her tears and speaking between her sobs. "it seems as if i had, but--i--i can't remember, my son. i am so weak and nervous." "calm yourself, little mother; perhaps it will come to your mind if i ask you some other questions. our grandfather, james richards, came here from pennsylvania, did he not?" "certainly, from about lancaster. he always promised to take me to see our relatives there, but he never did. you know, son, i was his youngest child, and he was well past fifty when i was born. so he was an old man when i was grown up, and could not travel very much. he took me to the north twice, but each time, before we got around to our pennsylvania friends, he was so tired out that he had to come straight home." "did you ever know anything about his family there?" "not much--nothing except what he told me in his last days. he used to talk about them a great deal then, but there was something that seemed to grieve and trouble him so much that i always did all i could to draw his mind away from the subject. especially was this the case after the boys, your uncles, died. they led rough lives, and it hurt him terribly." "do you know whether he ever corresponded with any of our relatives at the north?" "i think not. i am sure he did not after i was grown. he often spoke of it, but i am afraid there was some family trouble or disagreement which kept him from doing so. i remember in his last years he used frequently to speak of a cousin to whom he seemed to have been very much attached. he had the same name as father, who used to call him 'red jim.'" "was he then alive?" "i suppose so--at least when father last heard from him. i think he lived in massachusetts. let me see, what was the name of the town. i don't remember," after a pause. "was it marblehead?" asked the son, with some eagerness. "that's it, dear--marblehead. how funny that you should strike upon the very name?" "you think he never wrote?" "oh, i am sure not. he mourned about it, every now and then, to the very last." "was my grandfather a bachelor when he came here?" "of course, and quite an old bachelor, too. i think he was about thirty when he married your grandmother in ." "she was a lomax--margaret lomax, i believe?' "yes; that's how we come to be akin to all the lomax connection." "just so. you are sure he had never married before?" "sure? why, yes, certainly. how could he? why, hesden, what _do_ you mean? why do you ask all these questions? you do not--you cannot--oh, hesden!" she exclaimed, leaning forward and trembling with apprehension. "be calm, mother. i am not asking these questions without good cause," he answered, very gravely. after a moment, when she had recovered herself a little, he continued, holding toward her a slip of paper, as he asked: "did you ever see that signature before?" his mother took the paper, and, having wiped her glasses, adjusted them carefully and glanced at the paper. as she did so a cry burst from her lips, and she said, "oh, hesden, hesden, where did you get it? oh, dear! oh, dear!" "why, mother, what is it?" cried hesden in alarm, springing up and going quickly to her side. "that--that horrid thing, hesden! where _did_ you get it? do you know it was that which made that terrible quarrel between your grandfather and uncle john, when he struck him that--that last night, before john's body was found in the river. he was drowned crossing the ford, you know. i don't know what it was all about; but there was a terrible quarrel, and john wrote that on a sheet of paper and held it before your grandfather's face and said something to him--i don't know what. i was only a little girl then, but, ah me! i remember it as if it was but yesterday. and then father struck him with his cane. john fell as if he were dead. i was looking in at the window, not thinking any harm, and saw it all. i thought he had killed john, and ran away, determined not to tell. i never breathed a lisp of it before, son, and nobody ever knew of that quarrel, only your grandfather and me. i know it troubled him greatly after john died. oh, i can see that awful paper, as john held it up to the light, as plain as this one in my hand now." the slip of paper which she held contained only the following apparently unintelligible scrawl: "and you never saw it but once?" asked hesden, thoughtfully. "never but once before to-night, dear." "it was not uncle john's usual signature, then?" "no, indeed. is it a signature? she glanced curiously at the paper while hesden pointed out the letters, "that is what i take it to be, at least," he said. "sure enough," said mrs. le moyne, "and that might stand for john richards or james richards. it might be uncle john or your grandfather, either, child." "true, but grandfather always wrote his name plainly, j. richards. i have seen a thousand of his signatures, i reckon. besides, uncle john was not alive in ." "of course not. but what has that to do with the matter? what does it all mean anyhow? there must be some horrid secret about it, i am sure." "i do not know what it means, mother, but i am determined to find out. that is what i have been at all day, and i will not stop until i know all about it." "but how did you come to find it? what makes you think there is anything to be known about it?" "this is the way it occurred, mother. the other day it became necessary to cut a door from the chamber over my room into the attic of the old kitchen, where i have been storing the tobacco. you know the part containing the dining-room was the original house, and was at first built of hewed logs. it was, in fact, two houses, with a double chimney in the middle. afterward, the two parts were made into one, the rude stairs torn away, and the whole thing ceiled within and covered with thick pine siding without. in cutting through this, charles found between two of the old logs and next to the chinking put in on each side to keep the wall flush and smooth, a pocketbook, carefully tied up in a piece of coarse linen, and containing a yellow, dingy paper, which, although creased and soiled, was still clearly legible. the writing was of that heavy round character which marked the legal hand of the old time, and the ink, though its color had somewhat changed by time, seemed to show by contrast with the dull hue of the page even more clearly than it could have done when first written. the paper proved to be a will, drawn up in legal form and signed with the peculiar scrawl of which you hold a tracing. it purported to have been made and published in december, , at lancaster, in the state of pennsylvania, and to have been witnessed by james adiger and johan welliker of that town." "how very strange!" exclaimed mrs. le moyne. "i suppose it must have been the will of your grandfather's father." "that was what first occurred to me," answered hesden, "but on closer inspection it proved to be the will of james richards, as stated in the caption, of marblehead, in the state of massachusetts, giving and bequeathing all of his estate, both real and personal, after some slight bequests, to his beloved wife edna, except--" "stop, my son," said mrs. le moyne, quickly, "i remember now. edna was the name of the wife of father's cousin james--"red jim," he called him. it was about writing to _her_ he was always talking toward the last. so i suppose he must have been dead." "i had come to much the same conclusion," said hesden, "though i never heard that grandfather had a cousin james until to-night. i should never have thought any more of the document, however, except as an old relic, if it had not gone on to bequeath particularly 'my estate in carolina to my beloved daughter, alice e., when she shall arrive at the age of eighteen years,' and to provide for the succession in case of her death prior to that time." "that is strange," said mrs. le moyne. "i never knew that we had any relatives in the state upon that side." "that is what i thought," said the son. "i wondered where the estate was which had belonged to this james richards, who was not our ancestor, and, looking further, i found it described with considerable particlarity. it was called stillwater, and was said to be located on the waters of the hyco, in williams county." "but the hyco is not in williams county," said his listener. "no, mother, but it was then," he replied. "you know that county has been many times subdivided." "yes, i had forgotten that," she said. "but what then?" "it went on," contined hesden, "to say that he held this land by virtue of a grant from the state which was recorded in registry of deeds in williams county, in book a, page ." "it is an easy matter to find where it was, then, i suppose," said the mother. "i have already done that," he replied, "and that is the strange and unpleasant part of what i had to tell you." "i do hope," she said, smiling, "that you have not made us out cousins of any low-down family." "as to that i cannot tell, mother; but i am afraid i have found something discreditable in our own family history." "oh, i hope not, hesden," she said, plaintively. "it is so unpleasant to look back upon one's ancestors and not feel that they were strictly honorable. don't tell me, please. i had rather not hear it." "i wish you might not," said he; "but the fact which you referred to to-day--that you are, under the will of my grandfather, the owner of mulberry hill, makes it necessary that you should." "please, hesden, don't mention that. i was angry then. please forget it. what can that have to do with this horrid matter?" "it has this to do with it, mother," he replied. "the boundaries of that grant, as shown by the record, are identical with the record of the grant under which our grandfather claimed the estate of which this is a part, and which is one of the first entered upon the records of horsford county." "what do you say, hesden? i don't understand you," said his mother, anxiously. "simply that the land bequeathed in this will of j. richards, is the same as that afterward claimed and held by my grandfather, james richards, and in part now belonging to you." "it cannot be, hesden, it cannot be! there must be some mistake!" she exclaimed, impatiently. "i wish there were," he answered, "but i fear there is not. the will names as executor, 'my beloved cousin james richards, of the borough of lancaster, in the state of pennsylvania.' i presume this to have been my grandfather. i have had the records of both counties searched and find no record of any administration upon this will." "you do not think a richards could have been so dishonorable as to rob his cousin's orphans?" "alas! mother, i only know that we have always claimed title under that very grant. the grant itself is among your papers in my desk, and is dated in . i have always understood that grandfather married soon after coming here." "oh, yes, dear," was the reply, "i have heard mother tell of it a hundred times." "and that was in ?" "yes, yes; but he might have been here before, child." "that is true, and i hope it may all turn out to have been only a strange mistake." "but if it does not, hesden?" said his mother, after a moment's thought. "what do you mean to do?" "i mean first to go to the bottom of this matter and discover the truth." "and then--if--if there was--anything wrong?" "then the wrong must be righted." "but that--why, hesden, it might turn us out of doors! it might make us beggars!" "we should at least be honest ones." "but hesden, think of me--think--" she began. "so i will, little mother, of you and for you till the last hour of your life or of mine. but mother, i would rather you should leave all and suffer all, and that we should both die of starvation, than that we should live bounteously on the fruit of another's wrong." he bent over her and kissed her tenderly again and again. "never fear, mother," he said, "we may lose all else by the acts of others, but we can only lose honor by our own. i would give my life for you or to save your honor." she looked proudly upon him, and reached up her thin white hand to caress his face, as she said with overflowing eyes: "you are right, my son! if others of our name have done wrong, there is all the more need that we should do right and atone for it." chapter xlix. highly resolved. mollie ainslie had made all her preparations to leave red wing. she had investigated the grounds of the suit brought by winburn against nimbus and others. indeed, she found herself named among the "others," as well as all those who had purchased from nimbus or were living on the tract by virtue of license from him. captain pardee had soon informed her that the title of nimbus was, in fact, only a life-estate, which had fallen in by the death of the life tenant, while winburn claimed to have bought up the interests of the reversioners. he intimated that it was possible that winburn had done this while acting as the agent of colonel desmit, but this was probably not susceptible of proof, on account of the death of desmit. he only stated it as a conjecture at best. at the same time, he informed her that the small tract about the old ordinary, which had come to nimbus by purchase, and which was all that she occupied, was not included in the life-estate, but was held in fee by walter greer. she had therefore instructed him to defend for her upon nimbus's title, more for the sake of asserting his right than on account of the value of the premises. the suit was for possession and damages for detention and injury of the property, and an attachment had been taken out against nimbus's property, on the claim for damages, as a non-resident debtor. as there seemed to be no good ground for defense on the part of those who had purchased under nimbus, the attorney advised that resistance to the suit would be useless. thus they lost at once the labor of their whole life of freedom, and were compelled to begin again where slavery had left them. this, taken in connection with the burning of the church, the breaking up of the school, and the absence of eliab and nimbus, had made the once happy and busy little village most desolate and forlorn. the days which mollie ainslie had passed in the old hostel since she left mulberry hill had been days of sorrow. tears and moans and tales of anxious fear had been in her ears continually. all over the county, the process of "redemption" was being carried on. the very air was full of horrors. men with bleeding backs, women with scarred and mutilated forms, came to her to seek advice and consolation. night after night, devoted men, who did not dare to sleep in their own homes, kept watch around her, in order that her slumbers might be undisturbed. it seemed as if all law had been forgotten, and only a secret klan had power in the land. she did not dare, brave as she was, to ride alone outside of the little village. she did not really think she would be harmed, yet she trembled when the night came, and every crackling twig sent her heart into her mouth in fear lest the chivalric masqueraders should come to fulfil their vague threats against herself. but her heart bled for the people she had served, and whom she saw bowed down under the burden of a terrible, haunting fear. if she failed to make due allowance for that savageness of nature which generations of slavery are sure to beget in the master, let us not blame her. she was only a woman, and saw only what was before her. she did not see how the past injected itself into the present, and gave it tone and color. she reasoned only from what met her sight. it is not strange that she felt bitterly toward those who had committed such seemingly vandal acts. no wonder she spoke bitterly, wrote hard things to her northern friends, and denied the civilization and christianity of those who could harry, oppress, and destroy the poor, the ignorant, and the weak. it is not surprising that she sneered at the "southern gentleman," or that she wrote him down in very black characters in the book and volume of her memory. she was not a philosopher nor a politician, and she had never speculated on the question as to how near of kin virtue and vice may be. she had never considered how narrow a space it is that very often divides the hero from the criminal, the patriot from the assassin, the gentleman from the ruffian, the christian saint from the red-handed savage. her heart was hot with wrath and her tongue was tipped with bitterness. for the first time she blushed at the thought of her native land. that the great, free, unmatched republic should permit these things, should shut its eyes and turn its back upon its helpless allies in their hour of peril, was a most astounding and benumbing fact to her mind. what she had loved with all that tenacity of devotion which every northern heart has for the flag and the country, was covered with ignominy by these late events. she blushed with shame as she thought of the weak, vacillating nation which had given the promise of freedom to the ears of four millions of weak but trustful allies, and broken it to their hearts. she knew that the country had appealed to them in its hour of mortal agony, and they had answered with their blood. she knew that again it had appealed to them for aid to write the golden words of freedom in its constitution, words before unwritten, in order that they might not be continued in slavery, and they had heard and answered by their votes; and then, while the world still echoed with boastings of these achievements, it had taken away the protecting hand and said to those whose hearts were full of hate, "stay not thine hand." she thought, too, that the men who did these things--the midnight masqueraders--were rebels still in their hearts. she called them so in hers at least--enemies of the country, striving dishonorably to subvert its laws. she did not keep in mind that to every southern man and woman, save those whom the national act brought forth to civil life, the nation is a thing remote and secondary. to them the state is first, and always so far first as to make the country a dim, distant cloud, to be watched with suspicion or aversion as a something hostile to their state or section. the northern mind thinks of the nation first. the love of country centers there. his pride in his native state is as a part of the whole. as a _northerner_, he has no feeling at all. he never speaks of his section except awkwardly, and when reference to it is made absolutely necessary by circumstances. he may be from the east or the west or the middle, from maine or minnesota, but he is first of all things an american. mollie thought that the result of the war--defeat and destruction--ought to have made the white people of the south just such americans. in fact it never occurred to her simple heart but that they had always been such. in truth, she did not conceive that they could have been otherwise. she had never dreamed that there were any americans with whom it was not the first and ever-present thought that they _were_ americans. she might have known, if she had thought so far, that in that mystically-bounded region known as "the south," the people were first of all "southerners;" next "georgians," or "virginians," or whatever it might be; and last and lowest in the scale of political being, "americans." she might have known this had she but noted how the word "southern" leaps into prominence as soon as the old "mason and dixon's line" is crossed. there are "southern" hotels and "southern" railroads, "southern" steamboats, "southern" stage-coaches, "southern" express companies, "southern" books, "southern" newspapers, "southern" patent-medicines, "southern" churches, "southern" manners, "southern" gentlemen, "southern" ladies, "southern" restaurants, "southern" bar-rooms, "southern" whisky, "southern" gambling-hells, "southern" principles, "southern" _everything!_ big or little, good or bad, everything that courts popularity, patronage or applause, makes haste to brand itself as distinctively and especially "southern." then she might have remembered that in all the north--the great, busy, bustling, over-confident, giantly great-heart of the continent--there is not to be found a single "northern" hotel, steamer, railway, stage-coach, bar-room, restaurant, school, university, school-book, or any other "northern" institution. the word "northern" is no master-key to patronage or approval. there is no "northern" clannishness, and no distinctive "northern" sentiment that prides itself on being such. the "northern" man may be "eastern" or "western." he may be "knickerbocker," "pennamite," "buckeye," or "hoosier;" but above all things, and first of all things in his allegiance and his citizenship, he is an american. the "southern" man is proud of the nation chiefly because it contains his section and state; the "northern" man is proud of his section and state chiefly because it is a part of the nation. but mollie ainslie did not stop to think of these differences, or of the bias which habit gives to the noblest mind; and so her heart was full of wrath and much bitterness. she had forgiven coldness, neglect, and aspersion of herself, but she could not forgive brutality and violence toward the weak and helpless. she saw the futility of hope of aid from the nation that had deserted its allies. she felt, on the other hand, the folly of expecting any change in a people steeped in intolerance and gloating in the triumph of lawless violence over obnoxious law. she thought she saw that there was but little hope for that people for whom she had toiled so faithfully to grow to the full stature of the free man in the region where they had been slaves. she was short-sighted and impatient, but she was earnest and intense. she had done much thinking in the sorrowful days just past, and had made up her mind that whatsoever others might do, she, mollie ainslie, would do her duty. the path seemed plain to her. she had been, as it seemed to her, mysteriously led, step by step, along the way of life, always with blindfolded eyes and feet that sought not to go in the way they were constrained to take. her father and mother dead, her brother's illness brought her to the south; there his wish detained her; a seeming chance brought her to red wing; duties and cares had multiplied with her capacity; the cup of love, after one sweet draught, had been dashed from her lips; desolation and destruction had come upon the scene of her labors, impoverishment and woe upon those with whom she had been associated, and a hopeless fate upon all the race to which they belonged in the land wherein they were born. she did not propose to change these things. she did not aspire to set on foot any great movement or do any great deed, but she felt that she was able to succor a few of the oppressed race. those who most needed help and best deserved it, among the denizens of red wing, she determined to aid in going to a region where thought at least was free. it seemed to her altogether providential that at this time she had still, altogether untouched, the few thousands which oscar had given her of his army earnings, and also the little homestead on the massachusetts hills, toward which a little town had been rapidly growing during the years of unwonted prosperity succeeding the war, until now its value was greatly increased from what it was but a few years before. she found she was quite an heiress when she came to take an inventory of her estate, and made up her mind that she would use this estate to carry out her new idea. she did not yet know the how or the where, but she had got it into her simple brain that somewhere and somehow this money might be invested so as to afford a harbor of refuge for these poor colored people, and still not leave herself unprovided for. she had not arranged the method, but she had fully determined on the undertaking. this was the thought of mollie ainslie as she sat in her room at the old ordinary, one afternoon, nearly two weeks after her departure from the le moyne mansion. she had quite given up all thought of seeing hesden again. she did not rave or moan over her disappointment. it had been a sharp and bitter experience when she waked out of the one sweet dream of her life. she saw that it _was_ but a dream, foolish and wild; but she had no idea of dying of a broken heart. indeed, she did not know that her heart _was_ broken. she had loved a man whom she had fancied as brave and gentle as she could desire her other self to be. she had neither proffered her love to him nor concealed it. she was not ashamed that she loved nor ashamed that he should know it, as she believed he did. she thought he must have known it, even though she did not herself realize it at the time. if he had been that ideal man whom she loved, he would have come before, claimed her love, and declared his own. that man could never have let her go alone into desolation and danger without following at once to inquire after her. it was not that she needed his protection, but she had desired--nay, expected as a certainty--that he would come and proffer it. the ideal of her love would have done so. if hesden le moyne had come then, she would have given her life into his keeping forever after, without the reservation of a thought. that he did not come only showed that he was not her ideal, not the one she had loved, but only the dim likeness of that one. it was so much the worse for mr. hesden le moyne, but none the worse for mollie ainslie. she still loved her ideal, but knew now that it was only an ideal. thus she mused, although less explicitly, as the autumn afternoon drew to its close. she watched the sun sinking to his rest, and reflected that she would see him set but once more over the pines that skirted red wing. there was but little more to be done--a few things to pack up, a few sad farewells to be said, and then she would turn her face towards the new life she had set her heart upon. there was a step upon the path. she heard her own name spoken and heard the reply of the colored woman, who was sitting on the porch. her heart stopped beating as the footsteps approached her door. she thought her face flushed burning red, but in reality it was of a hard, pallid gray as she looked up and saw hesden le moyne standing in the doorway. chapter l. face answereth to face. "how do you do, miss mollie?" she caught her breath as she heard his ringing, tone and noted his expectant air. oh, if he had only come before! if he had not left her to face alone--he knew not what peril! but he had done so, and she could not forget it. so she went forward, and, extending her hand, took his without a throb as she said, demurely, "i am very well, mr. le moyne. how are you, and how have you left all at home?" she led the way back to the table and pointed to a chair opposite her own as she spoke. hesden le moyne had grown to love mollie ainslie almost as unconsciously as she had given her heart to him. the loss of his son had been a sore affliction. while he had known no passionate love for his cousin-wife, he yet had had the utmost respect for her, and had never dreamed that there were in his heart deeper depths of love still unexplored. after her death, his mother and his child seemed easily and naturally to fill his heart. he had admired mollie ainslie from the first. his attention had been first particularly directed to her accomplishments and attractions by the casual conversation with pardee in reference to her, and by the fact that the horse she rode was his old favorite. he had watched her at first critically, then admiringly, and finally with an unconscious yearning which he did not define. the incident of the storm and the bright picture she made in his somewhat somber home had opened his eyes as to his real feelings. at the same time had come the knowledge that there was a wide gulf between them, but he would have bridged it long before now had it not been for his affliction, which, while it drew him nearer to the object of his devotion than he had ever been before, also raised an imperative barrier against words of love. then the time of trial came. he found himself likely to be stripped of all hope of wealth, and he had been goaded into declaring to others his love for mollie, although he had never whispered a word of it to her. since that time, however, despite his somewhat dismal prospects, he had allowed his fancy greater play. he had permitted himself to dream that some time and somehow he might be permitted to call mollie ainslie his wife. she seemed so near to him! there was such a calm in her presence! he had never doubted that his passion was reciprocated. he thought that he had looked down into her heart through the soft, gray eyes, and seen himself. she had never manifested any consciousness of love, but in those dear days at the hill she had seemed to come so close to him that he thought of her love as a matter of course, as much so as if it had been already plighted. he felt too that her instinct had been as keen as his own, and that she must have discovered the love he had taken no pains to conceal. but the events which had occurred since she went to red wing had to his mind forbidden any further expression of this feeling. for her sake as well as for his own honor it must be put aside. he had no wish to conceal or deny it. the fact that he must give her up was the hardest element of the sacrifice which the newly discovered will might require at his hands. so he had come to tell her all, and he hoped that she would see where honor led him, and would hold him excused from saying, "i love you. will you be my wife?" he believed that she would, and that they would part without distrust and with unabated esteem for each other. never, until this moment, had he thought otherwise. perhaps he was not without hope still, but it was not such as could be allowed to control his action. he could not say now why it was; he could not tell what was lacking, but somehow there seemed to have been a change. she was so far away--so intangible. it was the same lithe form, the same bright face, the same pleasant voice; but the life, the soul, seemed to have gone out of the familiar presence. he sat and watched her keenly, wonderingly, as they chatted for a moment of his mother. then he said: "we have had strange happenings at mulberry hill since you left us, miss mollie." "you don't tell me!" she said laughingly. "i cannot conceive such a thing possible. dear me! how strange to think of anything out of the common happening there!" the tone and the laugh hurt him. "indeed," said he, gravely, "except for that i should have made my appearance here long ago." "you are very kind. and i assure you, i am grateful that you did not entirely forget me." her tone was mocking, but her look was so guileless as almost to make him disbelieve his ears. "i assure you, miss mollie," said he, earnestly, "you do me injustice. i was so closely engaged that i was not even aware of your departure until the second day afterward." he meant this to show how serious were the matters which claimed his attention. to him it was the strongest possible proof of their urgency. but she remembered her exultant ride to red wing, and said to-herself, "and he did not think of me for two whole days!" as she listened to his voice, her heart had been growing soft despite her; but it was hard enough now. so she smiled artlessly, and said: "only two days? why, mr. le moyne, i thought it was two weeks. that was how i excused you. charles said you were too busy to ride with me; your mother wrote that you were too busy to ask after me; and i supposed you had been too busy to think of me, ever since." "now, miss mollie," said he, in a tone of earnest remonstrance, "please do not speak in that way. things of the utmost importance have occurred, and i came over this evening to tell you of them. you, perhaps, think that i have been neglectful." "i had no right to demand anything from mr. le moyne." "yes, you had, miss ainslie," said he, rising and going around the table until he stood close beside her. "you know that only the most pressing necessity could excuse me for allowing you to leave my house unattended." "that is the way i went there," she interrupted, as she looked up at him, laughing saucily. "but that was before you had, at my request, risked your life in behalf of my child. let us not hide the truth, miss ainslie. we can never go back to the relation of mere acquaintanceship we held before that night. if you had gone away the next morning it might have been different, but every hour afterward increased my obligations to you. i came here to tell you why i had seemed to neglect them. will you allow me to do so?" "it is quite needless, because there is no obligation--none in the least--unless it be to you for generous hospitality and care and a pleasant respite from tedious duty." "why do you say that? you cannot think it is so," he said, impetuously. "you know it was my duty to have attended you hither, to have offered my services in that trying time, and by my presence and counsel saved you such annoyance as i might. you know that i could not have been unaware of this duty, and you dare not deny that you expected me to follow you very speedily after your departure." "mr. le moyne," she said, rising, with flushed cheeks and flashing eyes, "you have no right to address such language to me! it was bad enough to leave me to face danger and trouble and horror alone; but not so bad as to come here and say such things. but i am not ashamed to let you know that you are right. i _did_ expect you, hesden le moyne. as i came along the road and thought of the terrors which the night might bring, i said to myself that before the sun went down you would be here, and would counsel and protect the girl who had not shrunk from danger when you asked her to face it, and who had come to look upon you as the type of chivalry. because i thought you better and braver and nobler than you are, i am not ashamed to confess what i expected. i know it was foolish. i might have known better. i might have known that the man who would fight for a cause he hated rather than be sneered at by his neighbors, would not care to face public scorn for the sake of a 'nigger-teacher'--no matter what his obligations to her." she stood before him with quivering nostrils and flashing eyes. he staggered back, raising his hand to check the torrent of her wrath. "don't, miss ainslie, don't!" he said, in confused surprise. "oh, yes!" she continued bitterly, "you no doubt feel very much surprised that a 'yankee nigger-teacher' should dare to resent such conduct. you thought you could come to me, now that the danger and excitement have subsided, and resume the relations we held before. i know you and despise you, hesden le moyne! i have more respect for one of those who made red wing a scene of horror and destruction than for you. is that enough, sir? do you understand me now?" "oh, entirely, miss ainslie," said hesden, in a quick, husky tone, taking his hat from the table as he spoke. "but in justice to myself i must be allowed to state some facts which, though perhaps not sufficient, in your opinion, to justify my conduct, will i hope show you that you have misjudged me in part. will you hear me?" "oh, yes, i will hear anything," she said, as she sat down. "though nothing can be said that will restore the past." "unfortunately, i am aware of that. there is one thing, however, that i prize even more than that, and that is my honor. do not take the trouble to sneer. say, what i _call_ my honor, if it pleases you better, and i will not leave a stain upon that, even in your mind, if i can help it." "yes, i hear," she said, as he paused a moment. "your _honor_, i believe you said." "yes, miss ainslie," he replied with dignity; "my honor requires that i should say to you now what i had felt forbidden to say before--that, however exalted the opinion you may have formed of me, it could not have equalled that which i cherished for you--not for what you did, but for what you were--and this feeling, whatever you may think, is still unchanged." mollie started with amazement. her face, which had been pale, was all aflame as she glanced up at hesden with a frightened look, while he went on. "i do not believe that you would intentionally be unjust. so, if you will permit me, i will ask you one question. if you knew that on the day of your departure, and for several succeeding days, a human life was absolutely dependent upon my care and watchfulness, would you consider me excusable for failure to learn of your unannounced departure, or for not immediately following you hither on learning that fact?" he paused, evidently expecting a reply. "surely, mr. le moyne," she said, looking up at him in wide-eyed wonder, "you know i would." "and would you believe my word if i assured you that this was the fact?" "of course i would." "i am very glad. such was the case; and that alone prevented my following you and insisting on your immediate return." "i did not know your mother had been so ill," she said, with some contrition in her voice. "it was not my mother. i am sorry, but i cannot tell you now who it was. you will know all about it some time. and more than that," he continued, "on the fourth day after you had gone, one who had saved my life in battle came and asked me to acknowledge my debt by performing an important service for him, which has required nearly all my time since that." "oh, mr. le moyne!" she said, as the tears came into her eyes, "please forgive my anger and injustice." "i have nothing to forgive," he said. "you were not unjust--only ignorant of the facts, and your anger was but natural." "yet i should have known better. i should have trusted you more," said she, sobbing. "well, do not mind it," he said, soothingly. "but if my explanation is thus far sufficient, will you allow me to sit down while i tell you the rest? the story is a somewhat long one." "oh, pray do, mr. le moyne. excuse my rudeness as well as my anger. please be seated and let me take your hat." she took the hat and laid it on a table at the side of the room, and then returned and listened to his story. he told her all that he had told his mother the night before, explaining such things as he thought she might not fully understand. then he showed her the pocket-book and the will, which he had brought with him for that purpose. at first she listened to what he said with a constrained and embarrassed air. he had not proceeded far, however, before she began to manifest a lively interest in his words. she leaned forward and gazed into his face with an absorbed earnestness that awakened his surprise. two or three times she reached out her hand, and her lips moved, as though she would interrupt him. he stopped; but, without speaking, she nodded for him to go on. when he handed her the pocket-book and the will, she took them with a trembling hand and examined them with the utmost care. the student-lamp had been lighted before his story was ended. her face was in the soft light which came through the porcelain shade, but her hands were in the circle of bright light that escaped beneath it. he noticed that they trembled so that they could scarcely hold the paper she was trying to read. he asked if he should not read it for her. she handed him the will, but kept the pocketbook tightly clasped in both hands, with the rude scrawl, marblehead, mass., in full view. she listened nervously to the reading, never once looking up. when he had finished, she said, "and you say the land mentioned there is the plantation you now occupy?" "it embraces my mother's plantation and much more. indeed, this very plantation of red wing, except the little tract around the house here, is a part of it. the red wing ordinary tract is mentioned as one of those which adjoins it upon the west. this is the west line, and the house at mulberry hill is very near the eastern edge. it is a narrow tract, running down on this side the river until it comes to the big bend near the ford, which it crosses, and keeps on to the eastward. "it is a large belt, though i do not suppose it was then of any great value--perhaps not worth more than a shilling an acre. it is almost impossible to realize how cheap land was in this region at that time. a man of moderate wealth might have secured almost a county. especially was that the case with men who bought up what was termed "land scrip" at depreciated rates, and then entered lands and paid for them with it at par." "was that the way this was bought?" she asked. "i cannot tell," he replied. "i immediately employed mr. pardee to look the matter up, and it seems from the records that an entry had been made some time before, by one paul cresson, which was by him assigned to james richards. i am inclined to think that it was a part of the crown grant to lord granville, which had not been alienated before the revolution, and of which the state claimed the fee afterward by reason of his adhesion to the crown. the question of the right of such alien enemies to hold under crown grants was not then determined, and i suppose the lands were rated very low by reason of this uncertainty in the title." "do you think--that--that this will is genuine?" she asked, with her white fingers knotted about the brown old pocket-book. "i have no doubt about its proving to be genuine. that is evident upon its face. i hope there may be something to show that my grandfather did not act dishonorably," he replied. "but suppose--suppose there should not be; what would be the effect?" "legally, mr. pardee says, there is little chance that any valid claim can be set up under it. the probabilities are, he says, that the lapse of time will bar any such claim. he also says that it is quite possible that the devisee may have died before coming of age to take under the will, and the widow, also, before that time; in which case, under the terms of the will, it would have fallen to my grandfather." "you are not likely to lose by it then, in any event?" "if it should prove that there are living heirs whose claims are not barred by time, then, of course, they will hold, not only our plantation, but also the whole tract. in that case, i shall make it the business of my life to acquire enough to reimburse those who have purchased of my grandfather, and who will lose by this discovery." "but you are not bound to do that?" she asked, in surprise. "not legally. neither are we bound to give up the plantation if the heir is legally estopped. but i think, and my mother agrees with me, that if heirs are found who cannot recover the land by reason of the lapse of time, even then, honor requires the surrender of what we hold." "and you would give up your home?" "i should gladly do so, if i might thereby right a wrong committed by an ancestor." "but your mother, hesden, what of her?" "she would rather die than do a dishonorable thing." "yes--yes; but--you know--" "yes, i know that she is old and an invalid, and that i am young and--and unfortunate; but i will find a way to maintain her without keeping what we had never any right to hold." "you have never known the hardship of self-support!" she said. "i shall soon learn," he answered, with a shrug. she sprang up and walked quickly across the room. her hands were clasped in front of her, the backs upward and the nails digging into the white flesh. hesden wondered a little at her excitement. "thank god! thank god!" she exclaimed at last, as she sank again into her chair, and pressed her clasped hands over her eyes. "why do you say that?" he asked, curiously. "because you--because i--i hardly know," she stammered. she looked at him a moment, her face flushing and paling by turns, and stretching out her hand to him suddenly across the table, she said, looking him squarely in the face: "hesden le moyne, you are a brave man!" he took the hand in his own and pressed it to his lips, which trembled as they touched it. "miss mollie," he said, tenderly, "will you forgive my not coming before?" "if you will pardon my lack of faith in you." "you see," he said, "that my duty for the present is to my mother and the name i bear. "and mine," she answered, "is to the poor people whose wrongs i have witnessed." "what do you mean?" he asked. "i mean that i will give myself to the task of finding a refuge for those who have suffered such terrible evils as we have witnessed here at red wing." "you will leave here, then?" "in a day or two." "to return--when?" "never." their hands were still clasped across the narrow table. he looked into her eyes, and saw only calm, unflinching resolution. it piqued his self-love that she should be so unmoved. warmly as he really loved her, self-sacrificing as he felt himself to be in giving her up, he could not yet rid himself of the thought of her northern birth, and felt annoyed that she should excel him in the gentle quality of self control. he had no idea that he would ever meet her again. he had made up his mind to leave her out of his life forever, though he could not cast her out of his heart. and yet, although he had no right to expect it, he somehow felt disappointed that she showed no more regret. he had not quite looked for her to be so calm, and he was almost annoyed by it; so dropping her hand, he said, weakly, "shall i never see you again?" "perhaps"--quietly. "when?" "when you are willing to acknowledge yourself proud of me because of the work in which i have been engaged! hesden le moyne," she continued, rising, and standing before him, "you are a brave man and a proud one. you are so brave that you would not hesitate to acknowledge your regard for me, despite the fact that i am a 'nigger-teacher.' it is a noble act, and i honor you for it. but i am as proud as you, and have good reason to be, as you will know some day; and i say to you that i would not prize any man's esteem which coupled itself with an apology for the work in which i have been engaged. i count that work my highest honor, and am more jealous of its renown than of even my own good name. when you can say to me, 'i am as proud of your work as of my own honor--so proud that i wish it to be known of all men, and that all men should know that i approve,' then you may come to me. till then, farewell!" she held out her hand. he pressed it an instant, took his hat from the table, and went out into the night, dazed and blinded by the brightness he had left behind. chapter li. how sleep the brave? two days afterward, mollie ainslie took the train for the north, accompanied by lugena and her children. at the same time went captain pardee, under instructions from hesden le moyne to verify the will, discover who the testator really was, and then ascertain whether he had any living heirs. to mollie ainslie the departure was a sad farewell to a life which she had entered upon so full of abounding hope and charity, so full of love for god and man, that she could not believe that all her bright hopes had withered and only ashes remained. the way was dark. the path was hedged up. the south was "redeemed." the poor, ignorant white man had been unable to perceive that liberty for the slave meant elevation to him also. the poor, ignorant colored man had shown himself, as might well have been anticipated, unable to cope with intelligence, wealth, and the subtle power of the best trained political intellects of the nation; and it was not strange. they were all alone, and their allies were either as poor and weak as themselves, or were handicapped with the brand of northern birth. these were their allies--not from choice, but from necessity. few, indeed, were there of the highest and the best of those who had fought the nation in war as they had fought against the tide of liberty before the war began--who would accept the terms on which the nation gave re-established and greatly-increased power to the states of the south. so there were ignorance and poverty and a hated race upon one side, and, upon the other, intelligence, wealth, and pride. the former _outnumbered_ the latter; but the latter, as compared with the former, were a grecian phalanx matched against a scattered horde of scythian bowmen. the nation gave the jewel of liberty into the hands of the former, armed them with the weapons of self-government, and said: "ye are many; protect what ye have received." then it took away its hand, turned away its eyes, closed its ears to every cry of protest or of agony, and said: "we will not aid you nor protect you. though you are ignorant, from you will we demand the works of wisdom. though you are weak, great things shall be required at your hands." like the ancient taskmaster, the nation said: "_there shall no straw be given you, yet shall ye deliver the tale of bricks._" but, alas! they were weak and inept. the weapon they had received was two-edged. sometimes they cut themselves; again they caught it by the blade, and those with whom they fought seized the hilt and made terrible slaughter. then, too, they were not always wise--which was a sore fault, but not their own. nor were they always brave, or true--which was another grievous fault; but was it to be believed that one hour of liberty would efface the scars of generations of slavery? ah! well might they cry unto the nation, as did israel unto pharaoh: "theree is no straw given unto thy servants, and they say to us, 'make brick': and behold thy servants are beaten; but the fault is in thine own people." they had simply demonstrated that in the years of grace of the nineteenth century liberty could not be maintained nor prosperity achieved by ignorance and poverty, any more than in the days of moses adobe bricks could be made without straw. the nation gave the power of the south into the hands of ignorance and poverty and inexperience, and then demanded of them the fruit of intelligence, the strength of riches, and the skill of experience. it put before a keen-eyed and unscrupulous minority--a minority proud, aggressive, turbulent, arrogant, and scornful of all things save their own will and pleasure--the temptation to enhance their power by seizing that held by the trembling hands of simple-minded and unskilled guardians. what wonder that it was ravished from their care? mollie ainslie thought of these things with some bitterness. she did not doubt the outcome. her faith in truth and liberty, and her proud confidence in the ultimate destiny of the grand nation whose past she had worshiped from childhood, were too strong to permit that. she believed that some time in the future light would come out of the darkness; but between then and the present was a great gulf, whose depth of horror no man knew, in which the people to serve whom she had given herself must sink and suffer--she could not tell how long. for them there was no hope. she did not, indeed, look for a continuance of the horrors which then prevailed. she knew that when the incentive was removed the acts would cease. there would be peace, because there would no longer be any need for violence. but she was sure there would be no real freedom, no equality of right, no certainty of justice. she did not care who ruled, but she knew that this people--she felt almost like calling them her people--needed the incentive of liberty, the inspiriting rivalry of open and fair competition, to enable them to rise. ay, to prevent them from sinking lower and lower. she greatly feared that the words of a journal which gloried in all that had been done toward abbreviating and annulling the powers, rights, and opportunities of the recent slaves might yet become verities if these people were deprived of such incentives. she remembered how deeply-rooted in the southern mind was the idea that slavery was a social necessity. she did not believe, as so many had insisted, that it was founded merely in greed. she believed that it was with sincere conviction that a leading journal had declared: "the evils of free society are insufferable. free society must fail and give way to a _class society_--a social system old as the world, universal as man." she knew that the leader of a would-be nation had declared: "a thousand must die as slaves or paupers in order that one gentleman may live. yet they are cheap to any nation, even at that price." so she feared that the victors in the _post-bellum_ strife which was raging around her would succeed, for a time at least, in establishing this ideal "class society." while the nation slumbered in indifference, she feared that these men, still full of the spirit of slavery, in the very name of law and order, under the pretense of decency and justice, would re-bind those whose feet had just begun to tread the path of liberty with shackles only less onerous than those which had been dashed from their limbs by red-handed war. as she thought of these things she read the following words from the pen of one who had carefully watched the process of "redemption," and had noted its results and tendency--not bitterly and angrily, as she had done, but coolly and approvingly: "we would like to engrave a prophecy on stone, to be read of generations in the future. the negro, in these [the southern] states, will be slave again or cease to be. his sole refuge from extinction will be in slavery to the white man." [footnote: out of the numerous declarations of this conviction which have been made by the southern press every year since the war, i have selected one from the _meridian (miss.) mercury_ of july st, . i have done this simply to show that the sentiment is not yet dead.] she remembered to have heard a great man say, on a memorable occasion, that "the forms of law have always been the graves of buried liberties." she feared that, under the "forms" of _subverted_ laws, the liberties of a helpless people would indeed be buried. she had little care for the nation. it was of those she had served and whose future she regarded with such engrossing interest that she thought. she did not dream of remedying the evil. that was beyond her power. she only thought she might save some from its scath. to that she devoted herself. the day before, she had visited the cemetery where her brother's ashes reposed. she had long ago put a neat monument over his grave, and had herself supplemented the national appropriation for its care. it was a beautiful inclosure, walled with stone, verdant with soft turf, and ornamented with rare shrubbery. across it ran a little stream, with green banks sloping either way. a single great elm drooped over its bubbling waters. a pleasant drive ran with easy grade and graceful curves down one low hill and up another. the iron gate opened upon a dusty highway. beside it stood the keeper's neat brick lodge. in front, and a little to the right, lay a sleepy southern town half hidden in embowering trees. across the little ravine within the cemetery, upon the level plateau, were the graves, marked, in some cases, by little square white monuments of polished marble, on which was but the single word, "unknown." a few bore the names of those who slept below. but on one side there were five long mounds, stretching away, side by side, as wide as the graves were long, and as long as four score graves. smoothly rounded from end to end, without a break or a sign, they seemed a fit emblem of silence. where they began, a granite pillar rose high, decked with symbols of glory interspersed with emblems of mourning. cannon, battered and grim, the worn-out dogs of war, gaped with silent jaws up at the silent sky. no name was carved on base or capital, nor on the marble shield upon the shaft. only, "sacred to the memory of the unknown heroes who died--." how quick the memory fills out the rest! there had been a military prison of the confederacy just over the hill yonder, where the corn now grew so rank and thick. twelve thousand men died there and were thrown into those long trenches where are now heaped-up mounds that look like giants' graves--not buried one by one, with coffin, shroud, and funeral rite, but one upon another heaped and piled, until the yawning pit would hold no more. no name was kept, no grave was marked, but in each trench was heaped one undistinguishable mass of dead humanity! mollie ainslie, when she had bidden farewell to her brother's grave, looked on these piled-up trenches, scanned the silent shaft, and going into the keeper's office just at hand, read for herself the mournful record: known unknown , ------ total , died in prison , as she wandered back to the town, she gleaned from what she had seen a lesson of charity for the people toward whom her heart had been full of hardness. "it was thus," she said to herself, "that they treated brave foemen of their own race and people, who died, not on the battle-field, but of lingering disease in crowded prison pens, in the midst of pleasant homes and within hearing of the sabbath chimes. none cared enough to give to each a grave, put up a simple board to mark the spot where love might come and weep--nay, not enough even to make entry of the name of the dead some heart must mourn. and if they did this to their dead foemen and kinsmen, their equals, why should we wonder that they manifest equal barbarity toward the living freedman--their recent slave, now suddenly exalted. _it is the lesson and the fruitage of slavery!"_ and so she made excuse both for the barbarity of war and the savagery which followed it by tracing both to their origin. she did not believe that human nature changed in an hour, but that centuries past bore fruit in centuries to come. she thought that the former master must be healed by the slow medicament of time before he could be able to recognize in all men the sanctity of manhood; as well as that the freedman must be taught to know and to defend his rights. when she left the cemetery, she mounted midnight for a farewell ride. the next morning, before he arose, hesden le moyne heard the neigh of his old war-horse, and, springing from his bed, he ran out and found him hitched at his gate. a note was tied with a blue ribbon to his jetty forelock. he removed it, and read: "i return your noble horse with many thanks for the long loan. may i hope that he will be known henceforth only as midnight? "mollie." he thought he recognized the ribbon as one which he had often seen encircling the neck of the writer, and foolishly treasured it upon his heart as a keepsake. the train bore away the teacher, and with her the wife and children who fled, not knowing their father's fate, and the lawyer who sought an owner for an estate whose heir was too honorable to hold it wrongfully. chapter lii. redeemed out of the house of bondage. three months passed peacefully away in horsford. in the "redeemed" county its "natural rulers" bore sway once more. the crops which nimbus had cultivated were harvested by a receiver of the court. the families that dwelt at red wing awaited in sullen silence the outcome of the suits which had been instituted. of nimbus and eliab not a word had been heard. some thought they had been killed; others that they had fled. the family of berry lawson had disappeared from the new home which he had made near "bre'er rufe patterson's," in hanson county. some said that they had gone south; others that they had gone east. "bre'er rufe" declared that he did not know where they had gone. all he knew was that he was "ober dar ob a saturday night, an' dar dey was, sally an' de chillen; an' den he went dar agin ob a monday mornin' arly, an' dar dey wasn't, nary one ob' em." the excitement with regard to the will, and her fear that hesden was infected with the horrible virus of "radicalism," had most alarmingly prostrated the invalid of mulberry hill. for a long time it was feared that her life of sufferirig was near its end. hesden did not leave home at all, except once or twice to attend to some business as the trustee for the fugitive jackson. cousin hetty had become a regular inmate of the house. all the invalid's affection for her dead daughter-in-law seemed to have been transferred to hetty lomax. no one could serve her so well. even hesden's attentions were less grateful. she spoke freely of the time when she should see hetty in her sister's place, the mistress of mulberry hill. she had given up all fear of the property being claimed by others, since she had heard how small were the chances of discovering an heir whose claims were not barred; and though she had consented to forego her legal rights, she trusted that a way would be found to satisfy any who might be discovered. at any rate, she was sure that her promise would not bind her successor, and, with the usual stubbornness of the chronic invalid, she determined that the estate should not pass out of the family. in any event, she did not expect to live until the finding of an heir, should there chance to be one. one of the good citizens of the county began to show himself in public for the first time since the raid on red wing. an ugly scar stretched from his forehead down along his nose and across his lips and chin. at the least excitement it became red and angry, and gave him at all times a ghastly and malevolent appearance. he was a great hero with the best citizens; was _feted_, admired, and praised; and was at once made a deputy sheriff under the new _regime_. another most worthy citizen, the superintendent of a sabbath-school, and altogether one of the most estimable citizens of the county, had been so seriously affected with a malignant brain-fever since that bloody night that he had not yet left his bed. the colored men, most of whom from a foolish apprehension had slept in the woods until the election, now began to perceive that the nights were wholesome, and remained in their cabins. they seemed sullen and discontented, and sometimes whispered among themselves of ill-usage and unfair treatment; but they were not noisy and clamorous, as they had been before the work of "redemption." it was especially noted that they were much more respectful and complaisant to their superiors than they had been at any time since the surrender. the old time "marse" was now almost universally used, and few "niggers" presumed to speak to a white man in the country districts without removing their hats. in the towns the improvement was not so perceptible. the "sassy" ones seemed to take courage from their numbers, and there they were still sometimes "boisterous" and "obstreperous." on the whole, however, the result seemed eminently satisfactory, with a prospect of growing better every day. labor was more manageable, and there were much fewer appeals to the law by lazy, impudent, and dissatisfied laborers. the master's word was rarely disputed upon the day of settlement, and there was every prospect of reviving hope and continued prosperity on the part of men who worked their plantations by proxy, and who had been previously very greatly annoyed and discouraged by the persistent clamor of their "hands" for payment. there had been some ill-natured criticism of the course of hesden le moyne. it was said that he had made some very imprudent remarks, both in regard to the treatment of jordan jackson and the affair at red wing. there were some, indeed, who openly declared that he had upheld and encouraged the niggers at red wing in their insolent and outrageous course, and had used language unworthy of a "southern gentleman" concerning those patriotic men who had felt called upon, for the protection of their homes and property, to administer the somewhat severe lesson which had no doubt nipped disorder in the bud, saved them from the war of races which had imminently impended, and brought "redemption" to the county. several of hesden's personal friends called upon him and remonstrated with him upon his course. many thought he should be "visited," and "radicalism in the county stamped out" at once, root and branch. he received warning from the klan to the effect that he was considered a dangerous character, and must change his tone and take heed to his footsteps. as, however, his inclination to the dangerous doctrines was generally attributed in a great measure to his unfortunate infatuation for the little "nigger-teacher," it was hoped that her absence would effect a cure. especially was this opinion entertained when it became known that his mother was bitterly opposed to his course, and was fully determined to root the seeds of "radicalism" from his mind. his attachment for her was well known, and it was generally believed that she might be trusted to turn him from the error of his ways, particularly as she was the owner of red wing, and had freely declared her intention not to leave him a foot of it unless he abandoned his absurd and vicious notions. hesden himself, though he went abroad but little, saw that his friends had grown cool and that his enemies had greatly multiplied. this was the situation of affairs in the good county of horsford when, one bright morning in december--the morning of "that day whereon our saviour's birth is celebrate"--hesden le moyne rode to the depot nearest to his home, purchased two tickets to a northern city, and, when the morning train came in, assisted his "boy" charles to lift from a covered wagon which stood near by, the weak and pallid form of the long-lost "nigger preacher," eliab hill, and place him upon the train. it was noticed by the loungers about the depot that hesden carried but half concealed a navy revolver which seemed to have seen service. there was some excitement in the little crowd over the reappearance of eliab hill, but he was not interfered with. in fact, the cars moved off so quickly after he was first seen that there was no time to recover from the surprise produced by the unexpected apparition. it was not until the smoke of the engine had disappeared in the distance that the wrath of the bystanders clothed itself in words. then the air reeked with expletives. what ought to have been done was discussed with great freedom. an excited crowd gathered around charles as he was preparing to return home, and plied him with questions. his ignorance was phenomenal, but the look of stupefied wonder with which he regarded his questioners confirmed his words. it was not until he had proceeded a mile on his homeward way, with midnight in leading behind the tail-board, that, having satisfied himself that there was no one within hearing, by peeping from beneath the canvas covering of the wagon, both before and behind, he tied the reins to one of the bows which upheld the cover, abandoned the mule to his own guidance, and throwing himself upon the mattress on which eliab had lain, gave vent to roars of laughter. "yah, yah, yah!" he cried, as the tears rolled down his black face. "it du take marse hesden to wax dem fellers! dar he war, jest ez cool an' keerless ez yer please, a'standin' roun' an' waitin' fer de train an' payin' no 'tention at all ter me an' de wagon by de platform, dar. swar, but i war skeered nigh 'bout ter death, till i got dar an' seed him so quiet and keerless; an' bre'er 'liab, he war jest a-prayin' all de time--but dat's no wonder. den, when de train whistle, marse hesden turn quick an' sharp an' i seed him gib dat ole pistol a jerk roun' in front, an' he come back an' sed, jest ez cool an' quiet, 'now, charles!' i declar' it stiddied me up jes ter hear him, an' den up comes bre'er 'liab in my arms. marse hesden helps a bit an' goes fru de crowd wid his mouf shet like a steel trap. we takes him on de cars. all aboard! _whoo-oop--puff, puff!_ off she goes! an' dat crowd stan's dar a-cussin' all curration an' demselves to boot! yah, yah, yah! 'rah for marse hesden!" chapter liii. in the cyclone. then the storm burst. every possible story was set afloat. the more absurd it seemed the more generally was it credited. men talked and women chattered of nothing but hesden le moyne, his infamous "negro-loving radicalism," his infatuation with the "yankee school-marm," the anger of his mother, his ill-treatment of his cousin, hetty lomax; his hiding of the "nigger preacher" in the loft of the dining-room, his alliance with the red wing desperadoes to "burn every white house on that side of the river"--in short, his treachery, his hypocrisy, his infamy. on the street, in the stores, at the churches--wherever men met--this was the one unfailing theme of conversation. none but those who have seen a southern community excited over one subject or one man can imagine how much can be said about a little matter. the newspapers of that and the adjoining counties were full of it. colored men were catechized in regard to it. his friends vied with his enemies in vituperation, lest they should be suspected of a like offense. he was accounted a monster by many, and an enemy by all who had been his former associates, and, strangely enough, was at once looked upon as a friend and ally by every colored man, and by the few white men of the county who secretly or silently held with the "radicals." it was the baptism of fire which every southern man must face who presumes to differ from his fellows upon political questions. nothing that he had previously done or said or been could excuse or palliate his conduct. the fact that he was of a good family only rendered his alliance with "niggers" against his own race and class the more infamous. the fact that he was a man of substantial means, and had sought no office or aggrandizement by the votes of colored men, made his offence the more heinous, because he could not even plead the poor excuse of self-interest. the fact that he had served the confederacy well, and bore on his person the indubitable proof of gallant conduct on the field of battle, was a still further aggravation of his act, because it marked him as a renegade and a traitor to the cause for which he had fought. compared with a northern republican he was accounted far more infamous, because of his desertion of his family, friends, comrades, and "the cause of the south"--a vague something which no man can define, but which "fires the southern heart" with wonderful facility. comparison with the negro was still more to his disadvantage, since he had "sinned against light and knowledge," while they did not even know their own "best friends." and so the tide of detraction ebbed and flowed while hesden was absent, his destination unknown, his return a matter of conjecture, and his purpose a mystery. the most generally-accepted theory was that he had gone to washington for the purpose of maliciously misrepresenting and maligning the good people of horsford, in order to secure the stationing of soldiers in that vicinity, and their aid in arresting and bringing to trial, for various offences against the peace and persons of the colored people, some of the leading citizens of the county. in support of this they cited his intimate relations with jordan jackson, as well as with nimbus and eliab. it was soon reported that jackson had met him at washington; that nimbus desmit had also arrived there; that the whole party had been closeted with this and that leading "radical"; and that the poor, stricken, down-trodden south--the land fairest and richest and poorest and most peaceful and most chivalric, the most submissive and the most defiant; in short, the most contradictory in its self-conferred superlatives--that this land of antipodal excellences must now look for new forms of tyranny and new measures of oppression. the secrecy which had been preserved for three months in regard to eliab's place of concealment made a most profound impression upon hesden's neighbors of the county of horsford. they spoke of it in low, horrified tones, which showed that they felt deeply in regard to it. it was ascertained that no one in his family knew of the presence of eliab until the morning of his removal. miss hetty made haste to declare that in her two months and more of attendance upon the invalid she had never dreamed of such a thing. the servants stoutly denied all knowledge of it, except charles, who could not get out of having cut the door through into the other room. it was believed that hesden had himself taken all the care of the injured man, whose condition was not at all understood. how badly he had been hurt, or in what manner, none could tell. many visited the house to view the place of concealment. only the closed doors could be seen, for hesden had taken the key with him. some suggested that nimbus was still concealed there, and several advised mrs. le moyne to get some one to go into the room. however, as no one volunteered to go, nothing came of this advice. it was rumored, too, that hesden had brought into the county several detectives, who had stolen into the hearts of the unsuspecting people of horsford, and had gone northward loaded down with information that would make trouble for some of the "best men." it was generally believed that the old attic over the dining-room had long been a place where "radicals" had been wont to meet in solemn conclave to "plot against the whites." a thousand things were remembered which confirmed this view. it was here that hesden had harbored the detectives, as rahab had hidden the spies. it was quite evident that he had for a long time been an emissary of the government at washington, and no one could guess what tales of outrage he might not fabricate in order to glut his appetite for inhuman revenge. the southern man is always self-conscious. he thinks the world has him in its eye, and that he about fills the eye. this does not result from comparative depreciation of others so much as from a habit of magnifying his own image. he always poses for effect. he walks, talks, and acts "as if he felt the eyes of europe on his tail," almost as much as the peacock. there are times, however, when even he does not care to be seen, and it was observed that about this time there were a goodly number of the citizens of horsford who modestly retired from the public gaze, some of them even going into remote states with some precipitation and an apparent desire to remain for a time unknown. it was even rumored that hesden was with nimbus, disguised as a negro, in the attack made on the klan during the raid on red wing, and that, by means of the detectives, he had discovered every man engaged in that patriotic affair, as well as those concerned in others of like character. the disappearance of these men was, of course, in no way connected with this rumor. since the "southern people" have become the great jesters of the world, their conduct is not at all to be judged by the ordinary rules of cause and effect as applied to human action. it might have been mere buffoonery, quite as well as modesty, that possessed some of the "best citizens of horsford" with an irrepressible desire to view the falls of niagara from the canadian side in mid-winter. there is no accounting for the acts of a nation of masqueraders! but perhaps the most generally-accepted version of hesden's journey was that he had run away to espouse mollie ainslie. to her was traced his whole bias toward the colored population and "radical" principles. nothing evil was said of her character. she was admitted to be as good as anybody of her class could be--intelligent, bigoted, plucky, pretty, and malicious. it was a great pity that a man belonging to a good family should become infatuated by one in her station. he could never bring her home, and she would never give up her "nigger-equality notions." she had already dragged him down to what he was. such a man as he, it was strenuously asserted, would not degrade himself to stand up for such a man as jordan jackson or to associate with "niggers," without some powerful extraneous influence. that influence was mollie ainslie, who, having inveigled him into "radicalism," had now drawn him after her into the north and matrimony. but nowhere did the conduct of hesden cause more intense or conflicting feelings than at mulberry hill. his achievement in succoring, hiding, and finally rescuing eliab hill was a source of never-ending wonder, applause, and mirth in the kitchen. but miss hetty could not find words to express her anger and chagrin. without being at all forward or immodest, she had desired to succeed her dead sister in the good graces of hesden le moyne, as well as in the position of mistress of the hill. it was a very natural and proper feeling. they were cousins, had always been neighbors, and hesden's mother had encouraged the idea, almost from the time of his first wife's death. it was no wonder that she was jealous of the yankee school-marm. love is keen-eyed, and she really loved her cousin. she had become satisfied, during her stay at the hill, that he was deeply attached to mollie ainslie, and knew him too well to hope that he would change; and such a conviction was, of course, not pleasant to her vanity. but when she was convinced that he had degraded himself and her by espousing "radicalism" and associating with "niggers," her wrath knew no bounds. it seemed an especial insult to her that the man whom she had honored with her affection should have so demeaned himself. mrs. le moyne was at first astonished, then grieved, and finally angry. she especially sympathized with hetty, the wreck of whose hope she saw in this revelation. if mollie ainslie had been "one of our people," instead of "a northern nigger school-teacher," there would have been nothing so very bad about it. he had never professed any especial regard or tenderness for miss hetty, and had never given her any reason to expect a nearer relation than she had always sustained toward him. mollie was good enough in her way, bright and pretty and--but faugh! the idea! she would not believe it! hesden was not and could not be a "radical." he might have sheltered eliab--ought to have done so; that she _would_ say. he had been a slave of the family, and had a right to look to her son for protection. but to be a "radical!" she would not believe it. there was no use in talking to her. she remained stubbornly silent after she had gotten to the conclusive denial: "he could not do it!" nevertheless, she thought it well to use her power while she had any. if he was indeed a "radical," she would never forgive him--never! so she determined to make her will. a man learned in the law was brought to the hill, and hester le moyne, in due form, by her last will and testament devised the plantation to her beloved son hesden le moyne, and her affectionate cousin hetty lomax, jointly, and to their heirs forever, on condition that the said devisees should intermarry with each other within one year from the death of the devisor; and in case either of the said devisees should refuse to intermarry with the other, then the part of such devisee was to go to the other, who should thereafter hold the fee in severalty, free of all claim from the other. the new york and boston papers contained, day after day, this "personal:" "the heirs of james richards, deceased, formerly of marblehead, massachusetts, will learn something to their advantage by addressing theron pardee, care of james & jones, attorneys, at no. -- broadway, n. y." mrs. le moyne was well aware of this, and also remembered her promise to surrender the estate, should an heir be found. but that promise had been made under the influence of hesden's ardent zeal for the right, and she found by indirection many excuses for avoiding its performance. "of course," she said to herself, "if heirs should be found in my lifetime, i would revoke this testament; but it is not right that i should bind those who come after me for all time to yield to his quixotic notions. besides, why should i be juster than the law? this property has been in the family for a long time, and ought to remain there." her anger at hesden burned very fiercely, and she even talked of refusing to see him, should he return, as she had no real doubt he would. the excitement, however, prostrated her as usual, and her anger turned into querulous complainings as she grew weaker. the return of hesden, hardly a week after his departure, brought him to face this tide of vituperation at its flood. all that had been said and written and done in regard to himself came forthwith to his knowledge. he was amazed, astounded for a time, at the revelation. he had not expected it. he had expected anger, and was prepared to meet it with forbearance and gentleness; but he was not prepared for detraction and calumny and insult. he had not been so very much surprised at the odium which had been heaped upon jordan jackson. he belonged to that class of white people at the south to whom the better class owed little duty or regard. it was not so strange that they should slander that man. he could understand, too, how it was that they attributed to the colored people such incredible depravity, such capacity for evil, such impossible designs, as well as the reason why they invented for every northern man that came among them with ideas different from their own a fictitious past, reeking with infamy. he could sympathize in some degree with all of this. he had not thought, himself, that it was altogether the proper thing for the illiterate "poor-white" man, jordan jackson, to lead the negroes of the county in political hostility to the whites. he had felt naturally the distrust of the man of northern birth which a century of hostility and suspicion had bred in the air of the south. he had grown up in it. he had been taught to regard the "yankees" (which meant all northerners) as a distinct people--sometimes generous and brave, but normally envious, mean, low-spirited, treacherous, and malignant. he admitted the exceptions, but they only proved the rule. as a class he considered them cold, calculating, selfish, greedy of power and wealth, and regardless of the means by which these were acquired. above all things, he had been taught to regard them as animated by hatred of the south. knowing that this had been his own bias, he could readily excuse his neighbors for the same. but in his own case it was different. _he_ was one of themselves. they knew him to be brave, honorable, of good family, of conservative instincts, fond of justice and fair play, and governed in his actions only by the sincerest conviction. that they should accuse him of every mean and low impossibility of act and motive, and befoul his holiest purposes and thoughts, was to him a most horrible thing. his anger grew hotter and hotter, as he listened to each new tale of infamy which a week had sufficed to set afloat. then he heard his mother's reproaches, and saw that even her love was not proof against a mere change of political sentiment on his part. these things set him to thinking as he had never thought before. the scales fell from his eyes, and from the kindly gentle southern man of knightly instincts and gallant achievements was born--the "pestiferous radical." he did not hesitate to avow his conviction, and from that moment there was around him a wall of fire. he had lost his rank, degraded his caste, and fallen from his high estate. from and after that moment he was held unworthy to wear the proud appellation, "a southern gentleman." however, as he took no active part in political life, and depended in no degree upon the patronage or good will of his neighbors for a livelihood, he felt the force of this feeling only in his social relations. unaware, as yet, of the disherison which his mother had visited upon him in his absence, he continued to manage the plantation and conduct all the business pertaining to it in his own name, as he had done ever since the close of the war. at first he entertained a hope that the feeling against him would die out. but as time rolled on, and it continued still potent and virulent, he came to analyze it more closely, judging his fellows by himself, and saw that it was the natural fruit of that intolerance which slavery made necessary--which was essential to its existence. then he no longer wondered at them, but at himself. it did not seem strange that they should feel as they did, but rather that he should so soon have escaped from the tyrannical bias of mental habit. he saw that the struggle against it must be long and bitter, and he determined not to yield his convictions to the prejudices of others. it was a strange thing. in one part of the country--and that the greater in numbers, in wealth, in enterprise and vigor, in average intelligence and intellectual achievements--the sentiments he had espoused were professed and believed by a great party which prided itself upon its intelligence, purity, respectability, and devotion to principle. in two thirds of the country his sentiments were held to be honorable, wise, and patriotic. every act he had performed, every principle he had reluctantly avowed, would there have been applauded of all men. nay, the people of that portion of the country were unable to believe that any one could seriously deny those principles. yet in the other portion, where he lived, they were esteemed an ineffaceable brand of shame, which no merit of a spotless life could hide. the _southern clarion_, a newspaper of the county of horsford, in referring to his conduct, said: "of all such an example should be made. inaugurate social ostracism against every white man who gives any support to the radical party. every true southern man or woman should refuse to recognize as a gentleman any man belonging to that party, or having any dealings with it. hesden le moyne has chosen to degrade an honored name. he has elected to go with niggers, nigger teachers, and nigger preachers; but let him forever be an outcast among the respectable and high minded white people of horsford, whom he has betrayed and disgraced!" a week later, it contained another paragraph: "we understand that the purpose of hesden le moyne in going to the north was not entirely to stir up northern prejudice and hostility against our people. at least, that is what he claims. he only went, we are informed he says, to take the half-monkey negro preacher who calls himself eliab hill to a so-called college in the north to complete his education. we shall no doubt soon have this misshapen, malicious hypocrite paraded through the north as an evidence of southern barbarity. "the truth is, as we are credibly informed, that what injuries he received on the night of the raid upon red wing were purely accidental. there were some in the company, it seems, who were disappointed at not finding the black desperado, nimbus desmit, who was organizing his depraved followers to burn, kill, and ravish, and proposed to administer a moderate whipping to the fellow eliab, who was really supposed to be at the bottom of all the other's rascality. these few hot-heads burst in the door of his cabin, but one of the oldest and coolest of the crowd rushed in and, at the imminent risk of his own life, rescued him from them. in order to bring him out into the light where he could be protected, he caught the baboon-like creature by his foot, and he was somewhat injured thereby. he is said to have been shot also, but we are assured that not a shot was fired, except by some person with a repeating rifle, who fired upon the company of white men from the woods beyond the school-house. it is probable that some of these shots struck the preacher, and it is generally believed that they were fired by hesden le moyne. several who were there have expressed the opinion that, from the manner in which the shooting was done, it must have been by a man with one arm. however, eliab will make a good radical show, and we shall have another dose of puritanical, hypocritical cant about southern barbarity. well, we can bear it. we have got the power in horsford, and we mean to hold it. niggers and nigger-worshippers must take care of themselves. this is a white man's country, and white men are going to rule it, no matter whether the north whines or not." the report given in this account of the purpose of hesden's journey to the north was the correct one. in the three months in which the deformed man had been under his care, he had learned that a noble soul and a rare mind were shut up in that crippled form, and had determined to atone for his former coolness and doubt, as well as mark his approval of the course of this hunted victim, by giving him an opportunity to develop his powers. he accordingly placed him in a northern college, and became responsible for the expenses of his education. chapter liv. a bolt out of the cloud. a year had passed, and there had been no important change in the relations of the personages of our story. the teacher and her "obstreperous" pupils had disappeared from horsford and had been almost forgotten. hesden, his mother, and cousin hetty still led their accustomed life at red wing. detraction had worn itself out upon the former, for want of a new occasion. he was still made to feel, in the little society which he saw, that he was a black sheep in an otherwise spotless fold. he did not complain. he did not account himself "ostracized," nor wonder at this treatment. he saw how natural it was, how consistent with the training and development his neighbors had received. he simply said to himself, and to the few friends who still met him kindly, "i can do without the society of others as long as they can do without mine. i can wait. this thing must end some time--if not in my day, then afterward. our people must come out of it and rise above it. they must learn that to be americans is better than to be 'southern.' then they will see that the interests and safety of the whole nation demand the freedom and political co-equality of all." these same friends comforted him much as did those who argued with the man of uz. mrs. le moyne's life had gone back to its old channel. shut out from the world, she saw only the fringes of the feeling that had set so strongly against her son. indeed, she received perhaps more attention than usual in the way of calls and short visits, since she was understood to have manifested a proper spirit of resentment at his conduct. hesden himself was almost the only one who did not know of her will. it was thought, of course, that she was holding it over him _in terrorem_. yet he was just as tender and considerate of her as formerly, and she was apparently just as fond of him. she had not yet given up her plan of a matrimonial alliance for him with cousin hetty, but that young lady herself had quite abandoned the notion. in the year she had been at mulberry hill she had come to know hesden better, and to esteem him more highly than ever before. she knew that he regarded her with none of the feeling his mother desired to see between them, but they had become good friends, and after a short time she was almost the only one of his relatives that had not allowed his political views to sunder their social relations. living in the same house, it was of course impossible to maintain a constant state of siege; but she had gone farther, and had held out a flag of truce, and declared her conviction of the honesty of his views and the honorableness of his _intention_. she did not think as he did, but she had finally become willing to let him think for himself. people said she was in love with hesden, and that with his mother's aid she would yet conquer his indifference. she did not think so. she sighed when she confessed the fact to herself. she did indeed hope that he had forgotten mollie ainslie. she could never live to see her mistress at the dear old hill! the term of the court was coming on at which the suits that had been brought by winburn against the occupants of red wing must be tried. many had left the place, and it was noticed that from all who desired to leave, theron pardee had purchased, at the full value, the titles which they held under nimbus, and that they had all gone off somewhere out west. others had elected to remain, with a sort of blind faith that all would come out right after a while, or from mere disinclination to leave familiar scenes--that feeling which is always so strong in the african race. it was at this time that pardee came one day to mulberry hill and announced his readiness to make report in the matter intrusted to his charge concerning the will of j. richards. "well," said hesden, "have you found the heirs?" "i beg your pardon, mr. le moyne," said pardee; "i have assumed a somewhat complicated relation to this matter, acting under the spirit of my instructions, which makes it desirable, perhaps almost necessary, that i should confer directly with the present owner of this plantation, and that is--?" "my mother," said hesden, as he paused. "i suppose it will be mine some time," he continued laughing, "but i have no present interest in it." "yes," said the lawyer. "and is mrs. le moyne's health such as to permit her considering this matter now?" "oh, i think so," said hesden. "i will see her and ascertain." in a short time the attorney was ushered into the invalid's room, where mrs. le moyne, reclining on her beautifully decorated couch, received him pleasantly, exclaiming, "you will see how badly off i am for company, captain pardee, when i assure you that i am glad to see even a lawyer with such a bundle of papers as you have brought. i have literally nobody but these two children," glancing at hesden and hetty, "and i declare i believe i am younger and more cheerful than either of them." "your cheerfulness, madam," replied pardee, "is an object of universal remark and wonder. i sincerely trust that nothing in these papers will at all affect your equanimity." "but what have you in that bundle, captain?" she asked. "i assure you that i am dying to know why you should insist on assailing a sick woman with such a formidable array of documents." "before proceeding to satisfy your very natural curiosity, madam," answered pardee, with a glance at miss hetty, "permit me to say that my communication is of great moment to you as the owner of this plantation, and to your son as your heir, and is of such a character that you might desire to consider it carefully before it should come to the knowledge of other parties." "oh, never mind cousin hetty," said mrs. le moyne quickly. "she has just as much interest in the matter as any one." the lawyer glanced at hesden, who hastened to say, "i am sure there can be nothing of interest to me which i would not be willing that my cousin should know." the young lady rose to go, but both hesden and mrs. le moyne insisted on her remaining. "certainly," said pardee, "there can be no objection on my part. i merely called your attention to the fact as a part of my duty as your legal adviser." so miss hetty remained sitting upon the side of the bed, holding one of the invalid's hands. pardee seated himself at a small table near the bed, and, having arranged his papers so that they would be convenient for reference, began: "you will recollect, madam, that the task intrusted to me was twofold: first, to verify this will found by your son and ascertain whose testament it was, its validity or invalidity; and, in case it was valid, its effect and force. secondly, i was directed to make all reasonable effort, in case of its validity being established, to ascertain the existence of any one entitled to take under its provisions. in this book," said he, holding up a small volume, "i have kept a diary of all that i have done in regard to the matter, with dates and places. it will give you in detail what i shall now state briefly. "i went to lancaster, where the will purports to have been executed, and ascertained its genuineness by proving the signatures of the attesting witnesses, and established also the fact of their death. these affidavits'--holding up a bundle of papers--"show that i also inquired as to the testator's identity; but i could learn nothing except that the descendants of one of the witnesses who had bought your ancestor's farm, upon his removal to the south, still had his deed in possession. i copied it, and took a tracing of the signature, which is identical with that which he subsequently used --james richards, written in a heavy and somewhat sloping hand, for that time. i could learn nothing more in regard to him or his family. "proceeding then to marblehead, i learned these facts. there were two parties named james richards. they were cousins; and in order to distinguish them from each other they were called by the family and neighbors, 'red jim' and 'black jim' respectively--the one having red hair and blue eyes, and the other dark hair and black eyes." "yes," interrupted mrs. le moyne, "i was the only blonde in my family, and i have often heard my father say that i got it from some ancestral strain, perhaps the whidbys, and resembled his cousins." "yes," answered pardee, "a whidby was a common ancestress of your father and his cousin, 'red jim.' it is strange how family traits reproduce themselves in widely-separated strains of blood." "well," said hesden, "did you connect him with this will?" "most conclusively," was the reply. "in the first place, his wife's name was edna--edna goddard--before marriage, and he left an only daughter, alice. he was older than his cousin, 'black jim,' to whom he was greatly attached. the latter removed to lancaster, when about twenty-five years of age, having inherited a considerable estate in that vicinity. i had not thought of examining the record of wills while in lancaster, but on my return i went to the prothonotary's office, and verified this also. so there is no doubt about the 'black jim' of the marblehead family being your ancestor." "stop! stop! captain pardee!" interrupted mrs. le moyne quickly. "isn't marblehead near cape cod?" "yes, madam." "and buzzard's bay?" "certainly." "no wonder," said she, laughing, "that you wanted hetty to leave before you opened your budget. do pray run away, child, before you hear any more to our discredit. hesden, do please escort your cousin out of the room," she added, in assumed distress. "no indeed," laughed miss hetty; "i am getting interested, and as you would not let me go when i wished to, i have now determined to stay till the last horror is revealed." "it is too late, mother," said hesden ruefully; "fortunately, cousin hetty is not attainted, except collaterally, thus far." "well, go on, captain," said mrs. le moyne gayly. "what else? pray what was the family occupation--'calling' i believe they say in new england. i suppose they had some calling, as they never have any 'gentlemen' in that country." pardee's face flushed hotly. he was born among the new hampshire hills himself. however, he answered calmly, but with a slight emphasis, "they were seafaring men, madam." "oh, my!" cried the invalid, clapping her hands. "codfish! codfish! i knew it, hetty! i knew it! why didn't you go out of the room when i begged you to? do you hear it, hesden? that is where you get your radicalism from. my! my!" she laughed, almost hysterically, "what a family! codfish at one end and radical at the other! 'and the last state of that man was worse than the first!' what would not the newspapers give to know that of you, hesden?" she laughed until the tears came, and her auditors laughed with her. yet, despite her mirth, it was easy to detect the evidence of strong feeling in her manner. she carried it off bravely, however, and said, "but, perhaps, captain pardee, you can relieve us a little. perhaps they were not cod-fishers but mackerelers. i remember a song i have heard my father sing, beginning, "when jake came home from mack'reling, he sought his sary ann, and found that she, the heartless thing, had found another man!" "do please say that they were mackerelers!" "i am sorry i cannot relieve your anxiety on that point," said pardee, but i can assure you they were a very respectable family." "no doubt, as families _go_ 'there," she answered, with some bitterness. "they doubtless sold good fish, and gave a hundred pounds for a quintal, or whatever it is they sell the filthy truck by." "they were very successful and somewhat noted privateers during the revolution," said pardee. "worse and worse!" said mrs. le moyne. better they were fishermen than pirates! i wonder if they didn't bring over niggers too?" "i should not be at all surprised," answered pardee coolly. "this 'red jim' was master and owner of a vessel of some kind, and was on his way back from charleston, where it seems he had sold both his vessel and cargo, when he executed this will." "but how do you know that it _is_ his will?" asked hesden. "oh, there is no doubt," said pardee. "being a shipmaster, his signature was necessarily affixed to many papers. i have found not less than twenty of these, all identical with the signature of the will." "that would certainly seem to be conclusive," said hesden. "taken with other things, it is," answered pardee. "among other things is a letter from your grandfather, which was found pasted inside the cover of a bible that belonged to mrs. edna richards, in regard to the death of her husband. in it he says that his cousin visited him on his way home; went from there to philadelphia, and was taken sick; your grandfather was notified and went on, but death had taken place before he arrived. the letter states that he had but little money and no valuable papers except such as he sent. out of the money he had paid the funeral expenses, and would remit the balance as soon as he could make an opportunity. the tradition in 'red jim's' family is that he died of yellow fever in philadelphia, on his way home with the proceeds of his sale, and was robbed of his money before the arrival of his cousin. no suspicion seems ever to have fallen on "black jim." "thank god for that!" ejaculated hesden fervently. "i suppose you took care to awaken none," said mrs. le moyne. "i spoke of it to but one person, to whom it became absolutely necessary to reveal it. however, it is perfectly safe, and will go no farther." "well, did you find any descendants of this 'red jim' living?" asked mrs. le moyne. "one," answered pardee. "only one?" said she. "i declare. hesden, the richards family is not numerous if it is strong." "why do you say 'strong,' mother?" "oh, codfish and radicals, you know!" "now, mother--" "oh, if you hate to hear about it, why don't you quit the dirty crowd and be a gentleman again. or is it your new-found cousin you feel so bad for? by the way, captain, is it a boy or girl, and is it old or young?" "it is a lady, madam, some twenty years of age or thereabout." "a lady? well, i suppose that is what they call them there. married or single?" "single." "what a pity you are getting so old, hesden! you might make a match and settle her claim in that way. though i don't suppose she has any in law." "on the contrary, madam," said pardee, "her title is perfect. she can recover not only this plantation but every rood of the original tract." "you don't say!" exclaimed the invalid. "it would make her one of the richest women in the state!" "undoubtedly." "oh, it cannot be, captain pardee!" exclaimed miss hetty. "it cannot be!" "there can be no doubt about it," said pardee. "she is the great-grand-daughter of 'red jim,' and his only lineal descendant. his daughter alice, to whom this is bequeathed, married before arriving at the age of eighteen, and died in wedlock, leaving an only daughter, who also married before she became of age, and also died in wedlock, leaving a son and daughter surviving. the son died without heirs of his body, and only the daughter is left. there has never been an hour when the action of the statute was not barred." "have you seen her?" asked mrs. le moyne. "yes." "does she know her good luck?" "she is fully informed of her rights." "indeed? you told her, i suppose?" "i found her already aware of them." "why, how could that be?" "i am sure i do not know," said pardee, glancing sharply at hesden. "what," said hesden, with a start; "what did you say is the name of the heir?" "i did not say," said pardee coolly. hesden sprang to his feet, and going across the room stood gazing out of the window. "why don't you tell us the name of the heir, captain? you must know we are dying to hear all about our new cousin," said mrs. le moyne bitterly. "is she long or short, fat or lean, dark or fair? do tell us all about her?" "in appearance, madam," said pardee carelessly, "i should say she much resembled yourself at her age." "oh, captain, you flatter me, i'm sure," she answered, with just a hint of a sneer. "well, what is her name, and when does she wish to take possession?" "her name, madam, you must excuse me if i withhold for the present. i am the bearer of a proposition of compromise from her, which, if accepted, will, i hope, avoid all trouble. if not accepted, i shall find myself under the necessity of asking to be relieved from further responsibility in this matter." "come here, hesden," said his mother, "and hear what terms your new cousin wants for mulberry hill. i hope we won't have to move out till spring. it would be mighty bad to be out of doors all winter. go on, captain pardee, hesden is ready now. this is what comes of your silly idea about doing justice to some low-down yankee. it's a pity you hadn't sense enough to burn the will up. it would have been better all round. the wealth will turn the girl's head, and the loss of my home will kill me," she continued fiercely to her son. "as to the young lady, you need have no fear," said pardee. "she is not one of the kind that lose their heads. "ah, you seem to be quite an admirer of her?" "i am, madam." "if we do not accept her proposal, you will no doubt become her attorney?" "i am such already." "you don't say so? well, you are making good speed. i should think you might have waited till you had dropped us before picking her up. but then, it will be a good thing to be the attorney of such an heiress, and we shall be poor indeed after she gets her own--as you say it is." "madam," said pardee seriously, "i shall expect you to apologize both to me and to my client when you have heard her proposition." "i shall be very likely to, mr. pardee," she said, with a dry laugh. "i come of an apologetic race. old jim richards was full of apologies. he liked to have died of them, numberless times. but what is your proposal?" "as i said," remarked pardee, "my client--i beg pardon--the great-grand-daughter of 'red jim' richards, instructs me to say that she does not desire to stain her family name or injure your feelings by exposing the fraud of your ancestor, 'black jim' richards. "what, sir!" said mrs. le moyne sharply. "fraud! you had better measure your words, sir, when you speak of my father. do you hear that, hesden? have you lost all spirit since you became a radical?" she continued, while her eyes flashed angrily. "i am sorry to say that i do not see what milder term could be used," said hesden calmly. "go on with your proposition, sir." "well, as i said," continued the lawyer, "this young lady, desiring to save the family name and your feelings from the shock of exposure, has instructed me to say: first, that she does not wish to disturb any of those rights which have been obtained by purchase from your ancestor; and second, that she understands that there is a dispute in regard to the title of a portion of it--the tract generally known as red wing--neither of the parties claiming which have any title as against her. she understands that the title held by winburn is technically good against that of the colored man, nimbus desmit, providing hers is not set up. "now she proposes that if you will satisfy winburn and obtain a quit-claim from him to desmit, she will make a deed in fee to mrs. le moyne of the whole tract; and as you hold by inheritance from one who purported to convey the fee, the title will thereafter be estopped, and all rights held under the deeds of 'black jim' richards will be confirmed." "well, what else?" asked mrs. le moyne breathlessly, as he paused. "there is nothing more." "nothing more! why, does the girl propose to give away all this magnificent property for nothing?" she asked in astonishment. "absolutely nothing to her own comfort or advantage," answered the attorney. "well, now, that is kind--that is kind!" said the invalid. "i am sorry for what i have said of her, captain pardee." "i thought you would be, madam," he replied. "you must attend to that red wing matter immediately, hesden," she said, thoughtfully. "you accept the proposal then?" asked pardee. "accept, man? of course we do!" said mrs. le moyne. "stop, mother!" said hesden. "you may accept for yourself, but not for me. is this woman able to give away such a fortune?" he asked of pardee. "she is not rich. she has been a teacher, and has some property--enough, she insists, for comfort," was the answer. "if she had offered to sell, i would have bought at any possible price, but i cannot take such a gift!" "do you accept the terms?" asked pardee of mrs. le moyne. "i do," she answered doggedly, but with a face flushing with shame. "then, madam, let me say that i have already shown the proofs in confidence to winburn's attorney. he agrees that they have no chance, and is willing to sell the interest he represents for five hundred dollars. that i have already paid, and have taken a quit-claim to desmit. upon the payment of that, and my bill for services, i stand ready to deliver to you the title." the whole amount was soon ascertained and a check given to pardee for the sum. thereupon he handed over to mrs. le moyne a deed in fee-simple, duly executed, covering the entire tract, except that about red wing, which was conveyed to nimbus in a deed directly to him. mrs. le moyne unfolded the deed, and turning quickly to the last page read the name of the donor: "mollie ainslie!" "what!" she exclaimed, "not the little nigger teacher at red wing?" "the same, madam," said pardee, with a smile and a bow. the announcement was too much for the long-excited invalid. she fell back fainting upon her pillow, and while cousin hetty devoted herself to restoring her relative to consciousness, pardee gathered up his papers and withdrew. hesden followed him, presently, and asked where miss ainslie was. "i am directed," said pardee, "not to disclose her residence, but will at any time forward any communication you may desire to make." chapter lv. an unconditional surrender. the next day mr. pardee received a note from mrs. le moyne, requesting him to come to mulberry hill at his earliest convenience. being at the time disengaged, he returned with the messenger. upon being ushered again into the invalid's room, he found miss hetty lomax with a flushed face standing by the bedside. both the ladies greeted him with some appearance of embarrassment. "cousin hetty," said the invalid, "will you ask hesden to come here for a moment?" miss hetty left the room, and returned a moment afterward in company with hesden. "hesden," said mrs. le moyne, "were you in earnest in what you said yesterday in regard to receiving any benefits under this deed?" "certainly, mother," replied hesden; "i could never consent to do so." "very well, my son," said the invalid; "you are perhaps right; but i wish you to know that i had heretofore made my will, giving to you and cousin hetty a joint interest in my estate. you know the feeling which induced me to do so. i am in the confessional to-day, and may as well admit that i was hasty and perhaps unjust in so doing. in justice to cousin hetty i wish also to say--" "oh, please, mrs. le moyne," interrupted hetty, blushing deeply. "hush, my child," said the invalid tenderly; "i must be just to you as well as to others. hetty," she continued, turning her eyes upon hesden, who stood looking in wonder from one to the other, "has long tried to persuade me to revoke that instrument. i have at length determined to cancel and destroy it, and shall proceed to make a new one, which i desire that both of you shall witness when it has been drawn." being thus dismissed, hesden and his cousin withdrew, while pardee seated himself at the little table by the bedside, on which writing materials had already been placed, and proceeded to receive instructions and prepare the will as she directed. when it had been completed and read over to her, she said, wearily, "that is right." the attorney called hesden and his cousin, who, having witnessed the will by her request, again withdrew. "now mr. pardee," said mrs. le moyne sadly, "i believe that i have done my duty as well as hesden has done his. it is hard, very hard, for me to give up projects which i have cherished so long. as i have constituted you my executor, i desire that you will keep this will, and allow no person to know its contents unless directed by me to do so, until my death." "your wishes shall be strictly complied with, madam," said pardee, as he folded the instrument and placed it in his pocket. "i have still another favor to request of you, mr. pardee," she said. "i have written this note to miss ainslie, which i wish you to read and then transmit to her. no, no," she continued, as she saw him about to seal the letter which she had given him, without reading it; "you must read it. you know something of what it has cost me to write it, and will be a better judge than i as to whether it contains all that i should say." thus adjured, pardee opened the letter and read: "mulberry hill saturday, oct. , . "my dear miss ainslie: "captain pardee informed us yesterday of your nobly disinterested action in regard to the estate rightfully belonging to you. words cannot express my gratitude for the consideration you have shown to our feelings in thus shielding the memory of the dead. mr. pardee will transmit to you with this the papers, showing that we have complied with your request. pardon me if i do not write as warmly as i ought. one as old and proud as i cannot easily adapt herself to so new and strange a role. i hope that time will enable me to think more calmly and speak more freely of this matter. "hoping you will forgive my constraint, and believe that it arises from no lack of appreciation of your magnanimity, but only springs from my own weakness; and asking your pardon for all unkindness of thought, word, or act in the past, i remain, "yours gratefully, "hester richards le moyne." "my dear mrs. le moyne," said pardee, as he extended his hand and grasped that of the suffering woman, "i am sure miss ainslie would never require any such painful acknowledgment at your hands." "i know she would not," was the reply; "it is not she that requires it, but myself--my honor, mr. pardee. you must not suppose, nor must she believe, that the wife of a le moyne can forget the obligations of justice, though her father may have unfortunately done so." "but i am sure it will cause her pain," said pardee. "would it cause her less were i to refuse what she has so delicately given?" "no, indeed," said the attorney. "then i see no other way." "perhaps there is none," said pardee thoughtfully. "you think i have said enough?" she asked. "you could not say more," was the reply. after a moment's pause he continued, "are you willing that i should give miss ainslie any statement i may choose of this matter?" "i should prefer," she answered, "that nothing more be said; unless," she added, with a smile, "you conceive that your duty imperatively demands it." "and hesden?" he began. "pardon me, sir," she said, with dignity; "i will not conceal from you that my son's course has given me great pain; indeed, you are already aware of that fact. since yesterday, i have for the first time admitted to myself that in abandoning the cause of the southern people he has acted from a sense of duty. my own inclination, after sober second thought," she added, as a slight flush overspread her pale face, "would have been to refuse, as he has done, this bounty from the hands of a stranger; more particularly from one in the position which miss ainslie has occupied; but i feel also that her unexpected delicacy demands the fullest recognition at our hands. hesden will take such course as his own sense of honor may dictate." "am i at liberty to inform him of the nature of the testament which you have made?" "i prefer not." "well," said pardee, "if there is nothing more to be done i will bid you good-evening, hoping that time may yet bring a pleasant result out of these painful circumstances." after the lawyer had retired, mrs. le moyne summoned her son to her bedside and said, "i hope you will forgive me, hesden, for all--" "stop, mother," said he, playfully laying his hand over her mouth; "i can listen to no such language from you. when i was a boy you used to stop my confessions of wrong-doing with a kiss; how much more ought silence to be sufficient between us now." he knelt by her side and pressed his lips to hers. "oh, my son, my son!" said the weeping woman, as she pushed back the hair above his forehead and looked into his eyes; "only give your mother time--you know it is so hard--so hard. i am trying, hesden; and you must be very kind to me, very gentle. it will not be for long, but we must be alone--all alone--as we were before all these things came about. only," she added sobbingly, "only little hildreth is not here now." "believe me, mother," said he, and the tears fell upon the gentle face over which he bent, "i will do nothing to cause you pain. my opinions i cannot renounce, because i believe them right." "i know, i know, my son," she said; "but it is so hard--so hard--to think that we must lose the place which we have always held in the esteem of--all those about us." there was silence for a time, and then she continued, "hetty thinks it is best--that--that she--should--not remain here longer at this time. she is perhaps right, my son. you must not blame her for anything that has occurred; indeed--indeed she is not at fault. in fact," she added, "she has done much toward showing me my duty. of course it is hard for her, as it is for me, to be under obligations to--to--such a one as miss ainslie. it is very hard to believe that she could have done as she has without some--some unworthy motive." "mother!" said hesden earnestly, raising his head and gazing reproachfully at her. "don't--don't, my son! i am trying--believe me, i am trying; but it is so hard. why should she give up all this for our sakes?" "not for ours mother--not for ours alone; for her own as well." "oh, my son, what does she know of family pride?" "mother," said he gravely, "she is prouder than we ever were. oh, i _know_ it,"--seeing the look of incredulity upon her face;--"prouder than any richards or le moyne that ever lived; only it is a different kind of pride. she would _starve_, mother," he continued impetuously; "she would work her fingers to the bone rather than touch one penny of that estate." "oh, why--why, hesden, should she do that? just to shield my father's name?" "not alone for that," said hesden. "partly to show that she can give you pride for pride, mother." "do you think so, hesden?" "i am sure of it." "will you promise me one thing?" "whatever you shall ask." "do not write to her, nor in any way communicate with her, except at my request." "as you wish." chapter lvi. some old letters. i. "red wing, saturday, feb. , . "miss mollie ainslie: "i avail myself of your kind permission to address you a letter through captain pardee, to whom i will forward this to-morrow. i would have written to you before, because i knew you must be anxious to learn how things are at this place, where you labored so long; but i was very busy--and, to tell you the truth, i felt somewhat hurt that you should withhold from me for so long a time the knowledge even of where you were. it is true, i have known that you were somewhere in kansas; but i could see no reason why you should not wish it to be known exactly where; nor can i now. i was so foolish as to think, at first, that it was because you did not wish the people where you now live to know that you had ever been a teacher in a colored school. "when i returned here, however, and learned something of your kindness to our people--how you had saved the property of my dear lost brother nimbus, and provided for his wife and children, and the wife and children of poor berry, and so many others of those who once lived at red wing; and when i heard captain pardee read one of your letters to our people, saying that you had not forgotten us, i was ashamed that i had ever had such a thought. i know that you must have some good reason, and will never seek to know more than you may choose to tell me in regard to it. you may think it strange that i should have had this feeling at all; but you must remember that people afflicted as i am become very sensitive--morbid, perhaps--and are very apt to be influenced by mere imagination rather than by reason. "after completing my course at the college, for which i can never be sufficiently grateful to mr. hesden, i thought at first that i would write to you and see if i could not obtain work among some of my people in the west. before i concluded to do so, however, the president of the college showed me a letter asking him to recommend some one for a colored school in one of the northern states. he said he would be willing to recommend me for that position. of course i felt very grateful to him, and very proud of the confidence he showed in my poor ability. before i had accepted, however, i received a letter from mr. hesden, saying that he had rebuilt the school-house at red wing, that the same kind people who furnished it before had furnished it again, and that he wished the school to be re-opened, and desired me to come back and teach here. at first i thought i could not come; for the memory of that terrible night--the last night that i was here--came before me whenever i thought of it; and i was so weak as to think i could not ever come here again. then i thought of mr. hesden, and all that he had done for me, and felt that i would be making a very bad return for his kindness should i refuse any request he might make. so i came, and am very glad that i did. "it does not seem like the old red wing, miss mollie. there are not near so many people here, and the school is small in comparison with what it used to be. somehow the life and hope seem to have gone out of our people, and they do not look forward to the future with that confident expectation which they used to have. it reminds me very much of the dull, plodding hopelessness of the old slave time. it is true, they are no longer subject to the terrible cruelties which were for a while visited upon them; but they feel, as they did in the old time, that their rights are withheld from them, and they see no hope of regaining them. with their own poverty and ignorance and the prejudices of the white people to contend with, it does indeed seem a hopeless task for them to attempt to be anything more, or anything better, than they are now. i am even surprised that they do not go backward instead of forward under the difficulties they have to encounter. "i am learning to be more charitable than i used to be, miss mollie, or ever would have been had i not returned here. it seems to me now that the white people are not so much to be blamed for what has been done and suffered since the war, as pitied for that prejudice which has made them unconsciously almost as much _slaves_ as my people were before the war. i see, too, that these things cannot be remedied at once. it will be a long, sad time of waiting, which i fear our people will not endure as well as they did the tiresome waiting for freedom. i used to think that the law could give us our rights and make us free. i now see, more clearly than ever before, that we must not only make _ourselves_ free, but must overcome all that prejudice which slavery created against our race in the hearts of the white people. it is a long way to look ahead, and i don't wonder that so many despair of its ever being accomplished. i know it can only be done through the attainment of knowledge and the power which that gives. "i do not blame for giving way to despair those who are laboring for a mere pittance, and perhaps not receiving that; who have wives and children to support, and see their children growing up as poor and ignorant as themselves. if i were one of those, miss mollie, and whole and sound, i wouldn't stay in this country another day. i would go somewhere where my children would have a chance to learn what it is to be free, whatever hardship i might have to face in doing so, for their sake. but i know that they cannot go--at least not all of them, nor many of them; and i think the lord has dealt with me as he has in order that i might be willing to stay here and help them, and share with them the blessed knowledge which kind friends have given to me. "mr. hesden comes over to see the school very often, and is very much interested in it. i have been over to mulberry hill once, and saw the dear old 'mistress.' she has failed a great deal, miss mollie, and it does seem as if her life of pain was drawing to an end. she was very kind to me, asked all about my studies, how i was getting on, and inquired very kindly of you. she seemed very much surprised when i told her that i did not know where you were, only that you were in the west. it is no wonder that she looks worn and troubled, for mr. hesden has certainly had a hard time. i do not think it is as bad now as it has been, and some of the white people, even, say that he has been badly treated. but, miss mollie, you can't imagine the abuse he has had to suffer because he befriended me, and is what they call a 'radical.' "there is one thing that i cannot understand. i can see why the white people of the south should be so angry about colored people being allowed to vote. i can understand, too, why they should abuse mr. hesden, and the few like him, because they wish to see the colored people have their rights and become capable of exercising them. it is because they have always believed that we are an inferior race, and think that the attempt to elevate us is intended to drag them down. but i cannot see why the people of the _north_ should think so ill of such men as mr. hesden. it would be a disgrace for any man there to say that he was opposed to the colored man having the rights of a citizen, or having a fair show in any manner. but they seem to think that if a man living at the south advocates those rights, or says a word in our favor, he is a low-down, mean man. if we had a few men like mr, hesden in every county, i think it would soon be better; but if it takes as long to get each one as it has to get him, i am afraid a good many generations will live and die before that good time will come. "i meant to have said more about the school, miss mollie; but i have written so much that i will wait until the next time for that. hoping that you will have time to write to me, i remain "your very grateful pupil, "eliab hill." ii. "mulberry hill, wednesday, march , . "miss mollie ainslie: "through the kindness of our good friend, captain pardee, i send you this letter, together with an instrument, the date of which you will observe is the same as that of my former letter. you will see that i have regarded myself only as a trustee and a beneficiary, during life, of your self-denying generosity. the day after i received your gift, i gave the plantation back to you, reserving only the pleasing privilege of holding it as my own while i lived. the opportunity which i then hoped might some time come has now arrived. i can write to you now without constraint or bitterness. my pride has not gone; but i am proud of you, as a relative proud as myself, and far braver and more resolute than i have ever been. "my end is near, and i am anxious to see you once more. the dear old plantation is just putting on its spring garment of beauty. will you not come and look upon your gift in its glory, and gladden the heart of an old woman whose eyes long to look upon your face before they see the brightness of the upper world? "come, and let me say to the people of horsford that you are one of us--a richards worthier than the worthiest they have known! "yours, with sincerest love, "hester richards le moyne. "p. s.--i ought to say that, although hesden is one of the witnesses to my will, he knows nothing of its contents. he does not know that i have written to you, but i am sure he will be glad to see you. "h. r. le m." iii. mrs. le moyne received the following letter in reply: "march , . "my dear mrs. le moynb: "your letter gave me far greater pleasure than you can imagine. but you give me much more credit for doing what i did than i have any right to receive. while i know that i would do the same now, to give you pleasure and save you pain, as readily as i did it then from a worse motive, i must confess to you that i did it, almost solely i fear, to show you that a yankee girl, even though a teacher of a colored school, could be as proud as a southern lady. i did it to humiliate _you._ please forgive me; but it is true, and i cannot bear to receive your praise for what really deserves censure. i have been ashamed of myself very many times for this unworthy motive for an act which was in itself a good one, but which i am glad to have done, even so unworthily. "i thank you for your love, which i hope i may better deserve hereafter. i inclose the paper which you sent me, and hope you will destroy it at once. i could not take the property you have so kindly devised to me, and you can readily see what trouble i should have in bestowing it where it should descend as an inheritance. "do not think that i need it at all. i had a few thousands which i invested in the great west when i left the south, three years ago, in order to aid those poor colored people at red wing, whose sufferings appealed so strongly to my sympathies. by good fortune a railroad has come near me, a town has been built up near by and grown into a city, as in a moment, so that my venture has been blessed; and though i have given away some, the remainder has increased in value until i feel myself almost rich. my life has been very pleasant, and i hope not altogether useless to others. "i am sorry that i cannot do as you wish. i know that you will believe that i do not now act from any un-worthy motive, of from any lack of appreciation of your kindness, or doubt of your sincerity. thanking you again for your kind words and hearty though undeserved praises, i remain, "yours very truly, "mollie ainslie." "hesden," said mrs. le moyne to her son, as he sat by her bedside while she read this letter, "will you not write to miss ainslie?" "what!" said he, looking up from his book in surprise. "do you mean it?" "indeed i do, my son," she answered, with a glance of tenderness. "i tried to prepare you a surprise, and wrote for her to come and visit us; but she will not come at my request. i am afraid you are the only one who can overcome her stubbornness. "i fear that i should have no better success," he answered. nevertheless, he went to his desk, and, laying out some paper, he placed upon it, to hold it in place while he wrote, a great black hoof with a silver shoe, bearing on the band about its crown the word "midnight." after many attempts he wrote as follows: "miss mollie ainslie: "will you permit me to come and see you, upon the conditions imposed when i saw you last? "hesden le moyne." iv. while hesden waited for an answer to this letter, which had been forwarded through captain pardee, he received one from jordan jackson. it was somewhat badly spelled, but he made it out to be as follows: "eupolia, kansas, sunday, march , . "my dear le moyne: "i have been intending to write to you for a long time, but have been too busy. you never saw such a busy country as this. it just took me off my legs when i first came out here. i thought i knew what it meant to 'git up and git.' nobody ever counted me hard to start or slow to move, down in that country; but here--god bless you, le moyne, i found i wasn't half awake! work? lord! lord! how these folks do work and tear around! it don't seem so very hard either, because when they have anything to do they don't do nothing else, and when have nothing to do they make a business of that, too. "then, they use all sorts of machinery, and never do anything by hand-power that a horse can be made to do, in any possible way. the horses do all the ploughing, sowing, hoeing, harvesting, and, in fact, pretty much all the farm-work; while the man sits up on a sulky-seat and fans himself with a palm-leaf hat. so that, according to my reckoning, one man here counts for about as much as four in our country. "i have moved from where i first settled, which was in a county adjoining this. i found that my notion of just getting a plantation to settle down on, where i could make a living and be out of harm's way, wasn't the thing for this country, nohow. a man who comes here must pitch in and count for all he's worth. it's a regular ground-scuffle, open to all, and everybody choosing his own hold. morning, noon, and night the world is awake and alive; and if a man isn't awake too, it tramps on right over him and wipes him out, just as a stampeded buffalo herd goes over a hunter's camp. "everybody is good-natured and in dead earnest. every one that comes is welcome, and no questions asked. kin and kin-in-law don't count worth a cuss. nobody stops to ask where you come from, what's your politics, or whether you've got any religion. they don't care, if you only mean 'business.' they don't make no fuss over nobody. there ain't much of what we call 'hospitality' at the south, making a grand flourish and a big lay-out over anybody; but they just take it, as a matter of course, that you are all right and square and honest, and as good as anybody till you show up diferent. there ain't any big folks nor any little ones. of course, there are rich folks and poor ones, but the poor are just as respectable as the rich, feel just as big, and take up just as much of the road. there ain't any crawling nor cringing here. everybody stands up straight, and don't give nor take any sass from anybody else. the west takes right hold of every one that comes into it and makes him a part of itself, instead of keeping him outside in the cold to all eternity, as the south does the strangers who go there. "i don't know as you'd like it; but if any one who has been kept down and put on, as poor men are at the south, can muster pluck enough to get away and come here, he'll think he's been born over again, or i'm mistaken. nobody asks your politics. i don't reckon anybody knew mine for a year. the fact is, we're all too busy to fuss with our neighbors or cuss them about their opinions. i've heard more politics in a country store in horsford in a day than i've heard here in eupolia in a year--and we've got ten thousand people here, too. i moved here last year, and am doing well. i wouldn't go back and live in that d--d hornet's nest that i felt so bad about leaving--not for the whole state, with a slice of the next one throwed in. "i've meant to tell you, a half dozen times, about that little yankee gal that used to be at red wing; but i've been half afraid to, for fear you would get mad about it. my wife said that when she came away there was a heap of talk about you being sorter 'sweet' on the 'nigger-school-marm.' i knew that she was sick at your house when i was there, and so, putting the two together, i 'llowed that for once there might be some truth in a horsford rumor. i reckon it must have been a lie, though; or else she 'kicked' you, which she wouldn't stand a speck about doing, even if you were the president, if you didn't come up to her notion. it's a mighty high notion, too, let me tell you; and the man that gits up to it'll have to climb. bet your life on that! "but that's all no matter. i reckon you'll be glad to know how she's gettin' on out here, anyhow. she come here not a great while after i did; but, bless your stars, she wasn't as green as i, not by any manner of means. she didn't want to hide out in a quiet part of the country, where the world didn't turn around but once in two days. no, sir! she was keen--just as keen as a razor-blade. she run her eye over the map and got inside the railroad projects somehow, blessed if i know how; and then she just went off fifty miles out of the track others was taking, and bought up all the land she could pay for, and got trusted for all the credit that that brought her; and here she is now, with eupolia building right up on her land, and just a-busting up her quarter-sections into city lots, day after day, till you can't rest. "just think on't, moyne! it's only three years ago and she was teaching a nigger school, there in red wing; and now, god bless you, here she is, just a queen in a city that wasn't nowhere then. i tell you, she's a team! just as proud as lucifer, and as wide-awake as a hornet in july. she beats anything i ever did see. she's given away enough to make two or three, and i'll be hanged if it don't seem to me that every cent she gives just brings her in a dollar. the people here just worship her, as they have a good right to; but she ain't a bit stuck up. she's got a whole lot of them red wing niggers here, and has settled them down and put them to work, and made them get on past all expectation. she just tells right out about her having taught a nigger school down in horsford, and nobody seems to think a word on't. in fact, i b'lieve they rather like her better for it. "i heard about her soon after she came here, but, to tell the truth, i thought i was a little better than a 'nigger-teacher,' if i was in kansas. so i didn't mind anything about her till eupolia began to grow, and i came to think about going into trading again. then i came over, just to look around, you know. i went to see the little lady, feeling mighty 'shamed, you may bet, and more than half of the notion that she wouldn't care about owning that she'd ever seen me before. but, lord love you! i needn't have had any fear about that. nobody ever had a heartier welcome than she gave me, until she found that i had been living only fifty miles away for a year and hadn't let her know. then she come down on me--whew! i thought there was going to be a blizzard, sure enough. "'jordan jackson,' said she, 'you just go home and bring that wife and them children here, where they can see something and have a rest.' "i had to do it, and they just took to staying in eupolia here nigh about all the time. so i thought i might as well come too; and here i am, doing right well, and would be mighty glad to see an old friend if you could make up your mind to come this way. we are all well, and remember you as the kindest of all old friends in our time of need. "i never wrote as long a letter as this before, and never 'llow to do it again. "your true friend, "jordan jackson." v. in due time there came to hesden le moyne an envelope, containing only a quaintly-shaped card, which looked as if it had been cut from the bark of a brown-birch tree. on one side was printed, in delicate script characters, "miss mollie ainslie, eupolia, kansas." on the other was written one word: "come." a bride came to mulberry hill with the may roses, and when mrs. le moyne had kissed her who knelt beside her chair for a maternal benison, she placed a hand on either burning cheek, and, holding the face at arm's length, said, with that archness which never forsook her, "what am i to do about the old plantation? hesden refuses to be my heir, and you refuse to be my devisee; must i give it to the poor?" the summer bloomed and fruited; the autumn glowed and faded; and peace and happiness dwelt at red wing. but when the christmas came, wreaths of _immortelles_ lay upon a coffin in "mother's room," and hesden and mollie dropped their tears upon the sweet, pale face within. so hesden and mollie dwelt at red wing. the heirs of "red jim" had their own, and the children of "black jim" were not dispossessed. chapter lvii. a sweet and bitter fruitage. the charms of the soft, luxurious climate were peculiarly grateful to mollie after the harshness of the kansas winter and the sultry summer winds that swept over the heated plains. there was something, too, very pleasant in renewing her associations with that region in a relation so different from that under which she had formerly known it. as the teacher at red wing, her life had not been wholly unpleasant; but that which had made it pleasant had proceeded from herself and not from others. the associations which she then formed had been those of kindly charity--the affection which one has for the objects of sympathetic care. so far as the world in which she now lived was concerned--the white world and white people of horsford--she had known nothing of them, nor they of her, but as each had regarded the other as a curious study. their life had been shut out from her, and her life had been a matter that did not interest them. she had wondered that they did not think and feel as she did with regard to the colored people; and they, that any one having a white skin and the form of woman should come a thousand miles to become a servant of servants. the most charitable among them had deemed her a fool; the less charitable, a monster. in the few points of contact which she had with them personally, she had found them pleasant. in the few relations which they held toward the colored people, and toward her as their friend, she had found them brutal and hateful beyond her power to conceive. then, her life had been with those for whom she labored, so far as it was in or of the south at all. they had been the objects of her thought, her interest, and her care. their wrongs had entered into her life, and had been the motive of her removal to the west. out of these conditions, by a curious evolution, had grown a new life, which she vainly tried to graft upon the old without apparent disjointure. now, by kinship and by marriage, she belonged to one of the most respectable families of the region. it was true that hesden. had sullied his family name by becoming a radical; but as he had never sought official position, nor taken any active part in enforcing or promulgating the opinions which he held; had, in fact, identified himself with the party of odious principles only for the protection of the victims of persecution or the assertion of the rights of the weak--he was regarded with much more toleration and forbearance than would otherwise have been displayed toward him. in addition to this, extravagant rumors came into the good county of horsford respecting the wealth which mollie ainslie had acquired, and of the pluck and enterprise which she had displayed in the far west. it was thought very characteristic of the brave young teacher of red wing, only her courage was displayed there in a different manner. so they took a sort of pride in her, as if she had been one of themselves; and as they told to each other the story of her success, they said, "ah, i knew she would make her mark! any girl that had her pluck was too good to remain a nigger-teacher long. it was lucky for hesden, though. by george! he made his radicalism pay, didn't he? well, well; as long as he don't trouble anybody, i don't see why we should not be friends with him--if he _is_ a radical." so they determined that they would patronize and encourage hesden le moyne and his wife, in the hope that he might be won back to his original excellence, and that she might be charmed with the attractions of southern society and forget the bias of her yankee origin. the occupants of mulberry hill, therefore, received much attention, and before the death of hesden's mother had become prime favorites in the society of horsford. it is true that now and then they met with some exhibition of the spirit which had existed before, but in the main their social life was pleasant; and, for a considerable time, hesden felt that he had quite regained his original status as a "southern gentleman," while mollie wondered if it were possible that the people whom she now met upon such pleasant terms were those who had, by their acts of violence, painted upon her memory such horrible and vivid pictures. she began to feel as if she had done them wrong, and sought by every means in her power to identify herself with their pleasures and their interests. at the same time, she did not forget those for whom she had before labored, and who had shown for her such true and devoted friendship. the school at red wing was an especial object of her care and attention. rarely did a week pass that her carriage did not show itself in the little hamlet, and her bright face and cheerful tones brought encouragement and hope to all that dwelt there. having learned from hesden and eliab the facts with regard to the disappearance of nimbus, she for a long time shared lugena's faith in regard to her husband, and had not yet given up hope that he was alive. indeed, she had taken measures to discover his whereabouts; but all these had failed. still, she would not abandon the hope that he would some time reappear, knowing how difficult it was to trace one altogether unnoted by any except his own race, who were not accustomed to be careful or inquisitive with regard to the previous life of their fellows. acting as his trustee, not by any specific authority, but through mere good-will, hesden had managed the property, since the conclusion of the winburn suit, so as to yield a revenue, which lugena had carefully applied to secure a home in the west, in anticipation of her husband's return. this had necessarily brought him into close relations with the people of red wing, who had welcomed mollie with an interest half proprietary in its character. was she not _their_ miss mollie? had she not lived in the old "or'nary," taught in their school, advised, encouraged, and helped them? they flocked around her, each reminding her of his identity by recalling some scene or incident of her past life, or saying, with evident pride, "miss mollie, i was one of your scholars--i was." she did not repel their approaches, nor deny their claim to her attention. she recognized it as a duty that she should still minister to their wants, and do what she could for their elevation. and, strangely enough, the good people of horsford did not rebel nor cast her off for so doing. the rich wife of hesden le moyne, the queen of the growing kansas town, driving in her carriage to the colored school-house, and sitting as lady patroness upon the platform, was an entirely different personage, in their eyes, from the yankee girl who rode midnight up and down the narrow streets, and who wielded the pedagogic sceptre in the log school-house that nimbus had built. she could be allowed to patronize the colored school; indeed, they rather admired her for doing so, and a few of them now and then went with her, especially on occasions of public interest, and wondered at the progress that had been made by that race whose capacity they had always denied. every autumn hesden and mollie went to visit her kansas home, to look after her interests there, help and advise her colored proteges, breathe the free air, and gather into their lives something of the busy, bustling spirit of the great north. the contrast did them good. hesden's ideas were made broader and fuller; her heart was reinvigorated; and both returned to their southern home full of hope and aspiration for its future. so time wore on, and they almost forgot that they held their places in the life which was about them by sufferance and not of right; that they were allowed the privilege of associating with the "best people of horsford," not because they were of them, or entitled to such privilege, but solely upon condition that they should submit themselves willingly to its views, and do nothing or attempt nothing to subvert its prejudices. since the county had been "redeemed" it had been at peace. the vast colored majority, once overcome, had been easily held in subjection. there was no longer any violence, and little show of coercion, so far as their political rights were concerned. at first it was thought necessary to discourage the eagerness with which they sought to exercise the elective franchise, by frequent reference to the evils which had already resulted therefrom. now and then, when some ambitious colored man had endeavored to organize his people and to secure political advancement through their suffrages, he had been politely cautioned in regard to the danger, and the fate which had overwhelmed others was gently recalled to his memory. for a while, too, employers thought it necessary to exercise the power which their relations with dependent laborers gave them, to prevent the neglect of agricultural interests for the pursuit of political knowledge, and especially to prevent absence from the plantation upon the day of election. after a time, however, it was found that such care was unnecessary. the laws of the state, carefully revised by legislators wisely chosen for that purpose, had taken the power from the irresponsible hands of the masses, and placed it in the hands of the few, who had been wont to exercise it in the olden time. that vicious idea which had first grown up on the inclement shores of massachusetts bay, and had been nourished and protected and spread abroad throughout the north and west as the richest heritage which sterile new england could give to the states her sons had planted; that outgrowth of absurd and fanatical ideas which had made the north free, and whose absence had enabled the south to remain "slave"--the township system, with its free discussion of all matters, even of the most trivial interest to the inhabitants; that nursery of political virtue and individual independence of character, comporting, as it did, very badly with the social and political ideas of the south--this system was swept away, or, if retained in name, was deprived of all its characteristic elements. in the foolish fever of the reconstruction era this system had been spread over the south as the safeguard of the new ideas and new institutions then introduced. it was foolishly believed that it would produce upon the soil of the south the same beneficent results as had crowned its career at the north. so the counties were subdivided into small self-governing communities, every resident in which was entitled to a voice in the management of its domestic interests. trustees and school commissioners and justices of the peace and constables were elected in these townships by the vote of the inhabitants. the roads and bridges and other matters of municipal finance were put directly under the control of the inhabitants of these miniature boroughs. massachusetts was superimposed upon south carolina. that system which had contributed more than all else to the prosperity, freedom, and intelligence of the northern community was invoked by the political theorists of the reconstruction era as a means of like improvement there. it did not seem a dangerous experiment. one would naturally expect similar results from the same system in different sections, even though it had not been specifically calculated for both latitudes. especially did this view seem natural, when it was remembered that wherever the township system had existed in any fullness or perfection, there slavery had withered and died without the scath of war; that wherever in all our bright land the township system had obtained a foothold and reached mature development, there intelligence and prosperity grew side by side; and that wherever this system had not prevailed, slavery had grown rank and luxuriant, ignorance had settled upon the people, and poverty had brought its gaunt hand to crush the spirit of free men and establish the dominion of class. the astute politicians of the south saw at once the insane folly of this project. they knew that the system adapted to new england, the mainspring of western prosperity, the safeguard of intelligence and freedom at the north, could not be adapted to the social and political elements of the south. they knew that the south had grown up a peculiar people; that for its government, in the changed state of affairs, must be devised a new and untried system of political organization, assimilated in every possible respect to the institutions which had formerly existed. it is true, those institutions and that form of government had been designed especially to promote and protect the interests of slavery and the power of caste. but they believed that the mere fact of emancipation did not at all change the necessary and essential relations between the various classes of her population, so far as her future development and prosperity were concerned. therefore, immediately upon the "redemption" of these states from the enforced and sporadic political ideas of the reconstruction era, they set themselves earnestly at work to root out and destroy all the pernicious elements of the township system, and to restore that organization by which the south had formerly achieved power and control in the national councils, had suppressed free thought and free speech, had degraded labor, encouraged ignorance, and established aristocracy. the first step in this measure of counter-revolution and reform was to take from the inhabitants of the township the power of electing the officers, and to greatly curtail, where they did not destroy, the power of such officers. it had been observed by these sagacious statesmen that in not a few instances incapable men had been chosen to administer the laws, as justices of the peace and as trustees of the various townships. very often, no doubt, it happened that there was no one of sufficient capacity who would consent to act in such positions as the representatives of the majority. sometimes, perhaps, incompetent and corrupt men had sought these places for their own advantage. school commissioners may have been chosen who were themselves unable to read. there may have been township trustees who had never yet shown sufficient enterprise to become the owners of land, and legislators whose knowledge of law had been chiefly gained by frequent occupancy of the prisoner's dock. such evils were not to be endured by a proud people, accustomed not only to self-control, but to the control of others. they did not stop to inquire whether there was more than one remedy for these evils. the system itself was attainted with the odor of puritanism. it was communistic in its character, and struck at the very deepest roots of the social and political organization which had previously prevailed at the south. so it was changed. from and after that date it was solemnly enacted that either the governor of the state or the prevailing party in the legislature should appoint all the justices of the peace in and for the various counties; that these in turn should appoint in each of the subdivisions which had once been denominated townships, or which had been clothed with the power of townships, school commissioners and trustees, judges of election and registrars of voters; and that in the various counties these chosen few, or the state executive in their stead, should appoint the boards of commissioners, who were to control the county finances and have direction of all municipal affairs. of course, in this counter-revolution there was not any idea of propagating or confirming the power of the political party instituting it! it was done simply to protect the state against incompetent officials! the people were not wise enough to govern themselves, and could only become so by being wisely and beneficently governed by others, as in the ante-bellum era. from it, however, by a _curious accident_, resulted that complete control of the ballot and the ballot-box by a dominant minority so frequently observed in those states. observe that the legislature or the executive appointed the justices of the peace; they in turn met in solemn conclave, a body of electors, taken wholly or in a great majority from the same party, and chose the commissioners of the county. these, again, a still more select body of electors, chose with the utmost care the trustees of the townships, the judges of election, and the registrars of voters. so that the utmost care was taken to secure entire harmony throughout the state. it mattered not how great the majority of the opposition in this county or in that; its governing officers were invariably chosen from the body of the minority. by these means a _peculiar safeguard_ was also extended to the ballot. all the inspectors throughout the state being appointed by the same political power, were carefully chosen to secure the results of good government. either all or a majority of every board were of the same political complexion, and, if need be, the remaining members, placed there in order that there should be no just ground of complaint upon the part of the opposition, were unfitted by nature or education for the performance of their duty. if not blind, they were usually profound strangers to the cadmean mystery. thus the registration of voters and the elections were carefully devised to secure for all time the beneficent results of "redemption." it was found to be a very easy matter to allow the freedman to indulge, without let or hindrance, his wonderful eagerness for the exercise of ballotorial power, without injury to the public good. from and after that time elections became simply a harmless amusement. there was no longer any need of violence. the peaceful paths of legislation were found much more pleasant and agreeable, as well as less obnoxious to the moral feelings of that portion of mankind who were so unfortunate as to dwell without the boundaries of these states. in order, however, to secure entire immunity from trouble or complaint, it was in many instances provided that the ballots should be destroyed as soon as counted, and the inspectors were sworn to execute this law. in other instances, it was provided, with tender care for the rights of the citizen, that if by any chance there should be found within the ballot-box at the close of an election any excess of votes over and above the number the tally-sheet should show to have exercised that privilege at that precinct, instead of the whole result being corrupted, and the voice of the people thereby stifled, one member of the board of inspectors should be blindfolded, and in that condition should draw from the box so many ballots as were in excess of the number of voters, and that the result, whatever it might be, should be regarded and held as the voice of the people. by this means formal fraud was avoided, and the voice of the people declared free from all legal objection. it is true that when the ticket was printed upon very thin paper, in very small characters, and was very closely folded and the box duly shaken, the smaller ballots found their way to the bottom, while the larger ones remained upon the top; so that the blindfolded inspector very naturally removed these and allowed the tissue ballots to remain and be counted. it is true, also, that the actual will of the majority thus voting was thus not unfrequently overwhelmingly negatived. yet this was the course prescribed by the law, and the inspectors of elections were necessarily guiltless of fraud. so it had been in horsford. the colored majority had voted when they chose. the ballots had been carefully counted and the result scrupulously ascertained and declared. strangely enough, it was found that, whatever the number of votes cast, the majorities were quite different from those which the same voters had given in the days before the "redemption," while there did not seem to have been any great change in political sentiment. perhaps half a dozen colored voters in the county professed allegiance to the party which they had formerly opposed; but in the main the same line still separated the races. it was all, without question, the result of wise and patriotic legislatioa! chapter lviii. coming to the front. in an evil hour hesden le moyne yielded to the solicitations of those whom he had befriended, and whose rights he honestly believed had been unlawfully subverted, and became a candidate in his county. it had been so long since he had experienced the bitterness of persecution on account of his political proclivities, and the social relations of his family had been so pleasant, that he had almost forgotten what he had once passed through; or rather, he had come to believe that the time had gone by when such weapons would be employed against one of his social grade. the years of silence which had been imposed on him by a desire to avoid unnecessarily distressing his mother, had been years of thought, perhaps the richer and riper from the fact that he had refrained from active participation in political life. like all his class at the south, he was, if not a politician by instinct, at least familiar from early boyhood with the subtle discussion of political subjects which is ever heard at the table and the fireside of the southern gentleman. he had regarded the experiment of reconstruction, as he believed, with calm, unprejudiced sincerity; he had buried the past, and looked only to the future. it was not for his own sake or interest that he became a candidate; he was content always to be what he was--a quiet country gentleman. he loved his home and his plantation; he thoroughly enjoyed the pursuits of agriculture, and had no desire to be or do any great thing. his mother's long illness had given him a love for a quiet life, his books and his fireside; and it was only because he thought that he could do something to reconcile the jarring factions and bring harmony out of discord, and lead his people to see that the nation was greater and better than the south; that its interests and prosperity were also their interest, their prosperity, and their hope--that hesden le moyne consented to forego the pleasant life which he was leading and undertake a brief voyage upon the stormy sea of politics. he did not expect that all would agree with him, but he believed that they would listen to him without prejudice and without anger. and he so fully believed in the conclusions he had arrived at that he thought no reasonable man could resist their force or avoid reaching a like result. his platform, as he called it, when he came to announce himself as a candidate at the court house on the second day of the term of court, in accordance with immemorial custom in that county, was simply one of plain common-sense. he was not an office-holder or a politician. he did not come of an office-holding family, nor did he seek position or emolument. he offered himself for the suffrages of his fellow-citizens simply because no other man among them seemed willing to stand forth and advocate those principles which he believed to be right, expedient, and patriotic. he was a white man, he said, and had the prejudices and feelings that were common to the white people of the south. he had not believed in the right or the policy of secession, in which he differed from some of his neighbors; but when it came to the decision of that question by force of arms he had yielded his conviction and stood side by side upon the field of battle with the fiercest fire-eaters of the land. no man could accuse him of being remiss in any duty which he owed his state or section. but all that he insisted was past. there was no longer any distinct sectional interest or principle to be maintained. the sword had decided that, whether right or wrong as an abstraction, the doctrine of secession should never be practically asserted in the government. the result of the struggle had been to establish, beyond a peradventure, what had before been an unsettled question: that the nation had the power and the will to protect itself against any disintegrating movement. it might not have decided what was the meaning of the constitution, and so not determined upon which side of this question lay the better reasoning; but it had settled the practical fact. this decision he accepted; he believed that they all accepted it--with only this difference, perhaps, that he believed it rendered necessary a change in many of the previous convictions of the southern people. they had been accustomed to call themselves southern men; after that, americans. hereafter it became their duty and their interest to be no longer southern men, but americans only. "having these views," he continued, "it is my sincere conviction that we ought to accept, in spirit as well as in form, the results of this struggle; not in part, but fully." the first result had been the freeing in the slave. in the main he believed that had been accepted, if not cheerfully, at least finally. the next had been the enfranchisement of the colored man. this he insisted had not been honestly accepted by the mass of the white people of the south. every means, lawful and unlawful, had been resorted to to prevent the due operation of these laws. he did not speak of this in anger or to blame. knowing their prejudices and feelings, he could well excuse what had been done; but he insisted that it was not, and could not be, the part of an honest, brave and intelligent people to nullify or evade any portion of the law of the land. he did not mean that it was the duty of any man to submit without opposition to a law which he believed to be wrong; but that opposition should never be manifested by unlawful violence, unmanly evasion, or cowardly fraud. he realized that, at first, anger might over-bear both patriotism and honor, under the sting of what was regarded as unparalleled wrong, insult, and outrage; but there had been time enough for anger to cool, and for his people to look with calmness to the future that lay before, and let its hopes and duties overbalance the disappointments of the past. he freely admitted that had the question of reconstruction been submitted to him for determination, he would not have adopted the plan which had prevailed; but since it had been adopted and become an integral part of the law of the land, he believed that whoever sought to evade its fair and unhindered operation placed himself in the position of a law-breaker. they had the right, undoubtedly, by fair and open opposition to defeat any party, and to secure the amendment or repeal of any law or system of laws. but they had no right to resist law with violence, or to evade law by fraud. the right of the colored man to exercise freely and openly his elective franchise, without threat, intimidation, or fear, was the same as that of the whitest man he addressed; and the violation of that right, or the deprivation of that privilege, was, really an assault upon the right and liberty of the white voter also. no rights were safe unless the people had that regard for law which would secure to the weakest and the humblest citizen the free and untrammeled enjoyment and exercise of every privilege which the law conferred. he characterized the laws that had been enacted in regard to the conduct of elections and the selection of local officers as unmanly and shuffling--an assertion of the right to nullify national law by fraud, which the south had failed to maintain by the sword, and had by her surrender virtually acknowledged herself in honor bound to abandon. he did not believe, he would not believe, that his countrymen of the south, his white fellow-citizens of the good old county of horsford, had fairly and honestly considered the position in which recent events and legislation had placed them, not only before the eyes of the country, but of the civilized world. it had always been claimed, he said, that a white man is by nature, and not merely by the adventitious circumstances of the past, innately and inherently, and he would almost add infinitely, the superior of the colored man. in intellectual culture, experience, habits of self-government and command, this was unquestionably true. whether it were true as a natural and scientific fact was, perhaps, yet to be decided. but could it be possible that a people, a race priding itself upon its superiority, should be unwilling or afraid to see the experiment fairly tried? "have we," he asked, "so little confidence in our moral and intellectual superiority that we dare not give the colored man an equal right with us to exercise the privilege which the nation has conferred upon him? are the white people of the south so poor in intellectual resources that they must resort to fraud or open violence to defeat the ignorant and weak colored man of even the least of his law-given rights? "we claim," he continued, "that he is ignorant. it is true. are we afraid that he will grow wiser than we? we claim that he has not the capacity to acquire or receive a like intellectual development with ourselves. are we afraid to give him a chance to do so? could not intelligence cope with ignorance without fraud? boasting that we could outrun our adversary, would we hamstring him at the starting-post? it was accounted by all men, in all ages, an unmanly thing to steal, and a yet more unmanly thing to steal from the weak; so that it has passed into a proverb, 'only a dog would steal the blind man's dinner.' and yet," he said, "we are willing to steal the vote of the ignorant, the blind, the helpless colored man!" it was not for the sake of the colored man, he said in conclusion, that he appealed to them to pause and think. it was because the honor, the nobility, the intelligence of the white man was being degraded by the course which passion and resentment, and not reason or patriotism, had dictated. he appealed to his hearers as _white men_, not so much to give to the colored man the right to express his sentiments at the ballot-box, as to regard that right as sacred because it rested upon the law, which constituted the foundation and safeguard of their own rights. he would not appeal to them as southern men, for he hoped the day was at hand when there would no more be any such distinction. but he would appeal to them as men--honest men, honorable men--and as american citizens, to honor the law and thereby honor themselves. it had been said that the best and surest way to secure the repeal of a bad law was first to secure its unhindered operation. especially was this true of a people who had boasted of unparalleled devotion to principle, of unbounded honor, and of the highest chivalry. how one of them, or all of them, could claim any of these attributes of which they had so long boasted, and yet be privy to depriving even a single colored man of the right which the nation had given him, or to making the exercise of that right a mockery, he could not conceive; and he would not believe that they would do it when once the scales of prejudice and resentment had fallen from their eyes. if they had been wronged and outraged as a people, their only fit revenge was to display a manhood and a magnanimity which should attest the superiority upon which they prided themselves. this address was received by his white hearers with surprised silence; by the colored men with half-appreciative cheers. they recognized that the speaker was their friend, and in favor of their being allowed the free exercise of the rights of citizenship. his white auditors saw that he was assailing with some bitterness and earnest indignation both their conduct and what they had been accustomed to term their principles. there was no immediate display of hostility or anger; and hesden le moyne returned to his home full of hope that the time was at hand for which he had so long yearned, when the people of his native south should abandon the career of prejudice and violence into which they had been betrayed by resentment and passion. early the next morning some of his friends waited upon him and adjured him, for his own sake, for the sake of his family and friends, to withdraw from the canvass. this he refused to do. he said that what he advocated was the result of earnest conviction, and he should always despise himself should he abandon the course he had calmly decided to take. whatever the result, he would continue to the end. then they cautiously intimated to him that his course was fraught with personal danger. "what!" he cried, "do you expect me to flinch at the thought of danger? i offered my life and gave an arm for a cause in which i did not believe; shall i not brave as much in the endeavor to serve my country in a manner which my mind and conscience approve? i seek for difficulty with no one; but it may as well be understood that hesden le moyne does not turn in his tracks because of any man's anger. i say to you plainly that i shall neither offer personal insult nor submit to it in this canvass." his friends left him with heavy hearts, for they foreboded ill. it was not many days before he found that the storm of detraction and contumely through which he had once passed was but a gentle shower compared with the tornado which now came down upon his head. the newspapers overflowed with threat, denunciation, and abuse. one of them declared: "the man who thinks that he can lead an opposition against the organized democracy of horsford county is not only very presumptuous, but extremely bold. such a man will require a bodyguard of democrats in his canvass and a gibraltar in his rear on the day of the election." another said: "the radical candidate would do well to take advice. the white men of the state desire a peaceful summer and autumn. they are wearied of heated political strife. if they are forced to vigorous action it will be exceedingly vigorous, perhaps unpleasantly so. those who cause the trouble will suffer most from it. bear that in mind, persons colored and white-skinned. we reiterate our advice to the reflective and argumentative radical leader, to be careful how he goes, and not stir up the animals too freely; they have teeth and claws." still another said: "will our people suffer a covert danger to rankle in their midst until it gains strength to burst into an open enemy? will they tamely submit while hesden le moyne rallies the colored men to his standard and hands over horsford to the enemy? will they stand idly and supinely, and witness the consummation of such an infamous conspiracy? no! a thousand times, no! awake! stir up your clubs; let the shout go up; put on your red shirts and let the ride begin. let the young men take the van, or we shall be sold into political slavery." another sounded the key-note of hostility in these words: "every white man who dares to avow himself a radical should be promptly branded as the bitter and malignant enemy of the south; every man who presumes to aspire to office through republican votes should be saturated with stench. as for the negroes, let them amuse themselves, if they will, by voting the radical ticket. we have the count. we have a thousand good and true men in horsford whose brave ballots will be found equal to those of five thousand vile radicals." one of his opponents, in a most virulent speech, called attention to the example of a celebrated confederate general. "he, too," said the impassioned orator, "served the confederacy as bravely as hesden le moyne, and far more ably. but he became impregnated with the virus of radicalism; he abandoned and betrayed the cause for which he fought; he deserted the southern people in the hour of need and joined their enemies. he was begged and implored not to persevere in his course, but he drifted on and on, and floundered deeper and deeper into the mire, until he landed fast in the slough where he sticks to-day. and what has he gained? scorn, ostracism, odiurn, ill-will--worse than all, the contempt of the men who stood by him in the shower of death and destruction. let hesden le moyne take warning by his example." and so it went on, day after day. personal affront was studiously avoided, but in general terms he was held up to the scorn and contempt of all honest men as a renegade and a traitor. those who had seemed his friends fell away from him; the home which had been crowded with pleasant associates was desolate, or frequented only by those who came to remonstrate or to threaten. he saw his mistake, but he knew that anger was worse than useless. he did not seek to enrage, but to convince. failing in this, he simply performed the duty which he had undertaken, as he said he would do it--fearlessly, openly, and faithfully. the election came, and the result--was what he should have been wise enough to foresee. nevertheless, it was a great and grievous disappointment to hesden le moyne. not that he cared about a seat in the legislature; but it was a demonstration to him that in his estimate of the people of whom he had been so proud he had erred upon the side of charity. he had believed them better than they had shown themselves. the fair future which he had hoped was so near at hand seemed more remote than ever. his hope for his people and his state was crushed, and apprehension of unspeakable evil in the future forced itself upon his heart. chapter lix. the shuttlecock of fate. "marse hesden, marse hesden!" there was a timorous rap upon the window of hesden le moyne's sleeping-room in the middle of the night, and, waking, he heard his name called in a low, cautious voice. "who is there?" he asked. "sh--sh! don't talk so loud, marse hesden. please come out h'yer a minnit, won't yer?" the voice was evidently that of a colored man, and hesden had no apprehension or hesitancy in complying with the request. in fact, his position as a recognized friend of the colored race had made such appeals to his kindness and protection by no means unusual. he rose at once, and stepped out upon the porch. he was absent for a little while, and when he returned his voice was full of emotion as he said to his wife, "mollie, there is a man here who is hungry and weary. i do not wish the servants to know of his presence. can you get him something to eat without making any stir?" "why, what--" began mollie. "it will be best not to stop for any questions," said hesden hurriedly, as he lighted a lamp and, pouring some liquor into a glass, started to return. "get whatever you can at once, and bring it to the room above. i will go and make up a fire." mollie rose, and, throwing on a wrapper, proceeded to comply with her husband's request. but a few moments had elapsed when she went up the stairs bearing a well-laden tray. her slippered feet made no noise, and when she reached the chamber-door she saw her husband kneeling before the fire, which was just beginning to burn brightly. the light shone also upon a colored man of powerful frame who sat upon a chair a little way back, his hat upon the floor beside him, his gray head inclined upon his breast, and his whole attitude indicating exhaustion. "here it is, hesden," she said quietly, as she stepped into the room. the colored man raised his head wearily as she spoke, and turned toward her a gaunt face half hidden by a gray, scraggly beard. no sooner did his eyes rest upon her than they opened wide in amazement. he sprang from his chair, put his hand to his head, as if to assure himself that he was not dreaming, and said, "what!--yer ain't--'fore god it must be--miss mollie!" "oh, nimbus!" cried mollie, with a shriek. her face was pale as ashes, and she would have fallen had not hesden sprang to her side and supported her with his arm, while he said, "hush! hush! you must not speak so loud. i did not expect you so soon or i would have told you." the colored man fell upon his knees, and gazed in wonder on the scene. "oh, marse hesden!" he cried, "is it--can it be our miss mollie, or has nimbus gone clean crazy wid de rest ob his misfortins?" "no, indeed!" said hesden. "it is really miss mollie, only i have stolen her away from her old friends and made her mine." "there is no mistake about it, nimbus," said mollie, as she extended her hand, which the colored man clasped in both his own and covered with tears and kisses, while he said, between his sobs, "tank god! t'ank god! nimbus don't keer now! he ain't afeared ob nuffin' no mo', now he's seen de little angel dat use ter watch ober him, an' dat he's been a-dreamin' on all dese yeahs! bress god, she's alive! dar ain't no need ter ax fer 'gena ner de little ones now; i knows dey's all right! miss mollie's done tuk keer o' dem, else she wouldn't be h'yer now. bress de lord, i sees de deah little lamb once mo'." "there, there!" said mollie gently. "you must not talk any more now. i have brought you something to eat. you are tired and hungry. you must eat now. everything is all right. 'gena and the children are well, and have been looking for you every day since you went away." "bress god! bress god! i don't want nuffin' mo' !" said nimbus. he would have gone on, in a wild rhapsody of delight, but both hesden and mollie interposed and compelled him to desist and eat. ah! it was a royal meal that the poor fugitive had spread before him. mollie brought some milk. a coffee-pot was placed upon the fire, and while he ate they told him of some of the changes that had taken place. when at length hesden took him into the room where eliab had remained concealed so long, and closed the door and locked it upon him, they could still hear the low tones of thankful prayer coming from within. hesden knocked upon the door to enjoin silence, and they returned to their room, wondering at the providence which had justified the faith of the long-widowed colored wife. the next day hesden went to the court house to ascertain what charges there were against nimbus. he found there were none. the old prosecution for seducing the laborers of mr. sykes had long ago been discontinued. strangely enough, no others had been instituted against him. for some reason the law had not been appealed to to avenge the injuries of the marauders who had devastated red wing. on his return, hesden came by way of red wing and brought eliab home with him. the meeting between the two old friends was very affecting. since the disappearance of nimbus, eliab had grown more self-reliant. his two years and more of attendance at a northern school had widened and deepened his manhood as well as increased his knowledge, and the charge of the school at red wing had completed the work there begun. his self-consciousness had diminished, and it no longer required the spur of intense excitement to make him forget his affliction. his last injuries had made him even more helpless, when separated from his rolling-chair, but his life had been too full to enable him to dwell upon his weakness so constantly as formerly. in nimbus there was a change even more apparent. gray hairs, a bowed form, a furrowed face, and that sort of furtive wildness which characterizes the man long hunted by his enemies, had taken the place of his former unfearing, bull-fronted ruggedness. his spirit was broken. he no longer looked to the future with abounding hope, careless of its dangers. "yer's growed away from me, bre'er 'liab," he said at length, when they had held each other's hands and looked into each other's faces for a long time. "yer wouldn't know how ter take a holt o' nimbus ter hev him tote yer roun', now. yer's growed away from him--clean away," he added sadly. "you, too, have changed, brother nimbus," said eliab soothingly. "yes, i'se changed, ob co'se; but not as you hez, bre'er 'liab. dis h'yer ole shell hez changed. nimbus couldn't tote yer roun' like he used. i'se hed a hard time--a hard time, 'liab, an' i ain't nuffin' like de man, i used ter be; but i hain't changed inside like you hez. i'se jes de same ole nimbus dat i allus wuz--jes de same, only kinder broke down in sperrit, bre'er 'liab. i hain't growed ez you hev. i hain't no mo' man dan i was den--not so much, in fac'. i don't keer now no mo' 'bout what's a-gwine ter be. i'se an' ole man, 'liab--an' ole man, of i is young." that night he told his story to a breathless auditory. "yes, bre'er 'liab, dar's a heap o' t'ings happened sence dat ar mornin' i lef' you h'yer wid marse hesden. yer see, i went back fust whar i'd lef berry, an' we tuk an' druv de mule an' carry-all inter a big pine thicket, down by de ribber, an' dar we stays all day mighty close; only once, when i went out by de road an' sees miss mollie ridin' by. i calls out to her jest ez loudez i dared to; but, la sakes! she didn't h'year me." "was that you, nimbus?" asked mollie, turning from a bright-eyed successor to little hildreth, whom she had been proudly caressing. "i thought i heard some one call me, but did not think of its being you. i am so sorry! i stopped and looked, but could see nothing." "no, you didn't see me, miss mollie, but it done me a power o' good ter see _you_. i knowed yer was gwine ter red wing, an' yer'd take keer on an' advise dem ez wuz left dar. wal, dat night we went back an' got the 'backer out o' de barn. i tuk a look roun' de house, an' went ter de smoke-house, an' got a ham of meat an' some other t'ings. i 'llowed dat 'gena'd know i'd been dar, but didn't dare ter say nuffin' ter nobody, fer fear de sheriff's folks mout be a watchin' roun'. i 'llowed dey'd hev out a warrant for me, an' p'raps fer berry too, on account o' what we'd done de night afo'." "they never did," said hesden. "yer don't tell me!" exclaimed nimbus, in surprise. "no. there has never been any criminal process against you, except for enticing berry away from old granville sykes," said hesden. "wal," responded nimbus, "t'was all de same. i t'ought dey would. de udder wuz 'nough, dough. ef dey could once cotch me on dat, i reckon dey could hev hung me fer nuffin', fer dat matter." "it was a very wise thing in you to leave the country," said hesden. "there is no doubt of that." "t'ank ye, marse hesden, t'ank ye," said nimbus. "i'se glad ter know i hain't been a fool allus, ef i is now. but now i t'inks on't, marse hesden, i'd like ter know what come of dem men dat 'gena an' me put our marks on dat night." "one of them died a year or two afterward--was never well after that night--and the other is here, alive and well, with a queer seam down the middle of his face," said hesden. "died, yer say?" said nimbus. "wal, i'se right sorry, but he lived a heap longer nor bre'er 'liab would, ef i hadn't come in jest about dat time." "yes, indeed," said eliab, as he extended his hand to his old friend. "wal," continued nimbus, "we went on ter wellsboro, an' dar we sold de 'backer. den we kinder divided up. i tuk most o' de money an' went on south, an' berry tuk de mule an' carry-all an' started fer his home in hanson county. i tuk de cars an' went on, a-stoppin' at one place an' anodder, an' a wukkin' a little h'yer an' dar, but jest a-'spectin' ebbery minnit ter be gobbled up by a officer an' brought back h'yer. i'd heard dat texas wuz a good place fer dem ter go ter dat didn't want nobody ter find 'em; so i sot out ter go dar. when i got ez fur ez fairfax, in louisiana, i was tuk down wid de fever, an' fer nigh 'bout six month i wa'ant ob no account whatebber. an' who yer tink tuk keer ob me den, marse hesden?" "i am sure i don't know," was the reply. "no, yer wouldn't nebber guess," said nimbus; "but twa'n't nobody else but my old mammy, lorency." "you don't say! well, that was strange," said hesden. "it was quare, marse hesden. she was gittin' on to be a old woman den. she's dead sence. yer see, she knowed me by my name, an' she tuk keer on me, else i'd nebber been here ter tell on't. atter i got better like, she sorter persuaded me ter stay dar. i wuz powerful homesick, an' wanted ter h'year from 'gena an' de chillen, an' ef i'd hed money 'nough left, i'd a come straight back h'yer; but what with travellin' an' doctors' bills, an' de like, i hadn't nary cent. den i couldn't leave my ole mammy, nuther. she'd hed a hard time sence de wah, a-wukkin' fer herself all alone, an' i wuz boun' ter help her all i could. i got a man to write ter miss mollie; but de letter come back sayin' she wa'n't h'yer no mo'. den i got him to write ter whar she'd been afo' she come south; but that come back too." "why did you not write to me?" said hesden. "wal," said nimbus, with some confusion, "i wuz afeared ter do it, marse hesden. i wuz afeared yer mout hev turned agin me. i dunno why 'twuz, but i wuz mighty skeered ob enny white folks, 'ceptin' miss mollie h'yer. so i made it up wid mammy, dat we should wuk on till we'd got 'nough ter come back; an' den we'd come, an' i'd stop at some place whar i wa'n't knowed, an' let her come h'yer an' see how t'ings wuz. "i'd jest about got ter dat pint, when i hed anodder pull-back. yer see, dar wuz two men, both claimed ter be sheriff o' dat parish. dat was--let me see, dat was jes de tenth yeah atter de s'render, fo' years alter i left h'yer. one on 'em, ez near ez i could make out, was app'inted by de guv'ner, an' t'odder by a man dat claimed ter be guv'ner. de fust one called on de cullu'd men ter help him hold de court house an' keep t'ings a-gwine on right; an' de t'odder, he raised a little army an' come agin' us. i'd been a sojer, yer know, an' i t'ought i wuz bound ter stan' up fer de guv'ment. so i went in ter fight wid de rest. we t'rew up some bres'wuks, an' when dey druv us outen dem we fell back inter de court house. den dar come a boat load o' white folks down from sweevepo't, an' we hed a hard time a-fightin' on 'em. lots ob us got killed, an' some o' dem. we hadn't many guns ner much ammunition. it war powerful hot, an' water wuz skeerce. "so, atter a while, we sent a flag o' truce, an' 'greed ter s'render ebberyting, on condition dat dey wouldn't hurt us no mo'. jest ez quick ez we gib up dey tuk us all pris'ners. dar was twenty-sebben in de squad i wuz wid. 'long a while atter dark, dey tuk us out an' marched us off, wid a guard on each side. we hadn't gone more'n two or t'ree hundred yards afo' de guard begun ter shoot at us. dey hit me in t'ree places, an' i fell down an' rolled inter a ditch by de roadside, kinder under de weeds like. atter a while i sorter come ter myself an' crawled off fru de weeds ter de bushes. nex' day i got a chance ter send word ter mammy, an' she come an' nussed me till we managed ter slip away from dar." "poor nimbus!" said mollie, weeping. "you have had a hard time indeed!" "not so bad as de odders," was the reply. "dar wuz only two on us dat got away at all. the rest wuz all killed." "yes," said hesden, "i remember that affair. it was a horrible thing. when will our southern people learn wisdom!" "i dunno dat, marse hesden," said nimbus, "but i do know dat de cullu'd folks is larnin' enough ter git outen dat. you jes mark my words, ef dese t'ings keep a-gwine on, niggers'll be skeerce in dis kentry purty soon. we can't be worse off, go whar we will, an' i jes count a cullu'd man a fool dat don't pole out an' git away jest ez soon ez he finds a road cut out dat he kin trabbel on." "but that was three years ago, nimbus," said hesden. "where have you been since?" "wal, yer see, atter dat," said nimbus, "we wuz afeared ter stay dar any mo'. so we went ober inter miss'ippi, mammy an' me, an' went ter wuk agin. i wasn't berry strong, but we wukked hard an' libbed hard ter git money ter come back wid. mammy wuz powerful anxious ter git back h'yer afo' she died. we got along tollable-like, till de cotting wuz about all picked, an' hadn't drawed no wages at all, to speak on. den, one day, de boss man on de plantation, he picked a quarrel wid mammy 'bout de wuk, an' presently hit her ober her ole gray head wid his cane. i couldn't stan' dat, nohow, so i struck him, an' we hed a fight. i warn't nuffin' ter what i war once, but dar war a power o' strength in me yet, ez he found out. "dey tuk me up an' carried me ter jail, an' when de court come on, my ole mammy wuz dead; so i couldn't prove she war my mammy, an' i don't 'llow 'twould hev made enny difference ef i had. the jury said i war guilty, an' de judge fined me a hundred dollars an' de costs, an' sed i wuz ter be hired out at auction ter pay de fine, an' costs, an' sech like. so i wuz auctioned off, an' brought twenty-five cents a day. 'cordin' ter de law, i hed ter wuk two days ter make up my keep fer ebbery one i lost. i war sick an' low-sperrited, an' hadn't no heart ter wuk, so i lost a heap o' days. den i run away once or twice, but dey cotch me, an' brought me back. so i kep' losin' time, an' didn't git clean away till 'bout four months ago. sence den i'se been wukkin' my way back, jes dat skeery dat i dassent hardly walk de roads fer fear i'd be tuk up agin. but i felt jes like my ole mammy dat wanted ter come back h'yer ter die." "but you are not going to die," said mollie, smiling through her tears. "your plantation is all right. we will send for 'gena and the children, and you and eliab can live again at red wing and be happy." "i don't want ter lib dar, miss mollie," said nimbus. "i ain't a-gwine ter die, ez you say; but i don't want ter lib h'yer, ner don't want my chillen ter. i want 'em ter lib whar dey kin be free, an' hev 'bout half a white man's chance, ennyhow." "but what about red wing?" asked hesden. "i'd like ter see it once mo'," said the broken-hearted man, while the tears ran down his face. "i 'llowed once that i'd hab a heap o' comfort dar in my ole days. but dat's all passed an' gone, now--passed an' gone! i'll tell yer what, marse hesden, i allus 'llowed fer bre'er 'liab ter hev half o' dat plantation. now yer jes makes out de papers an' let him hev de whole on't, an' i goes ter kansas wid 'gena." "no, no, nimbus," said eliab; "i could not consent--" "yes yer kin, 'liab," said nimbus quickly, with some of his old-time arrogance. "yer kin an' yer will. you kin use dat er trac' o' lan' an' make it wuth sunthin' ter our people, an' i can't. so, yer sees, i'll jes be a-doin' my sheer, an' i'll allus t'ink, when i hears how yer's gittin' along an' a-doin' good, dat i'se a pardner wid ye in de wuk o' gibbin' light ter our people, so dat dey'll know how ter be free an' keep free forebber an' ebber. amen!" the listeners echoed his "amen," and eliab, flinging himself into the arms of nimbus, by whom he had been sitting, and whose hand he had held during the entire narrative, buried his face upon his breast and wept. chapter lx. the exodian. hesden and mollie were on their way homeward from eupolia, where they had inspected their property and had seen nimbus united with his family and settled for a new and more hopeful start in life. they had reached that wonderful young city of seventy-seven hills which faces toward free kansas and reluctantly bears the ban which slavery put upon missouri. while they waited for their train in the crowded depot in which the great ever-welcoming far west meets and first shakes hands with ever-swarming east, they strolled about among the shifting crowd. soon they came upon a dusky group whose bags and bundles, variegated attire, and unmistakable speech showed that they were a party of those misguided creatures who were abandoning the delights of the south for the untried horrors of a life upon the plains of kansas. these were of all ages, from the infant in arms to the decrepit patriarch, and of every shade of color, from saxon fairness with blue eyes and brown hair to ebon blackness. they were telling their stories to a circle of curious listeners. there was no lack of variety of incident, but a wonderful similarity of motive assigned for the exodus they had undertaken. there were ninety-four of them, and they came from five different states--alabama, georgia, mississippi, louisiana, and texas. they had started without preconcert, and were unacquainted with each other until they had collected into one body as the lines of travel converged on the route to kansas. a few of the younger ones said that they had come because they had heard that kansas was a country where there was plenty of work and good wages, and where a colored man could get pay for what he did. others told strange tales of injustice and privation. some, in explanation of their evident poverty, showed the contracts under which they had labored. some told of personal outrage, of rights withheld, and of law curiously diverted from the ends of justice to the promotion of wrong. by far the greater number of them, however, declared their purpose to be to find a place where their children could grow up free, receive education, and have "a white man's chance" in the struggle of life. they did not expect ease or affluence themselves, but for their offspring they craved liberty, knowledge, and a fair start. while hesden and mollie stood watching this group, with the interest one always feels in that which reminds him of home, seeing in these people the forerunners of a movement which promised to assume astounding proportions in the near future, they were startled by an exclamation from one of the party: "wall, i declar'! ef dar ain't miss mollie--an' 'fore god, marse hesden, too!" stumbling over the scattered bundles in his way, and pushing aside those who stood around, berry lawson scrambled into the presence of the travelers, bowing and scraping, and chuckling with delight; a battered wool hat in one hand, a shocking assortment of dilapidated clothing upon his person, but his face glowing with honest good-nature, and his tones resonant of fun, as if care and he had always been strangers. "how d'ye, miss mollie--sah'vent, marse hesden. i 'llow i must be gittin' putty nigh ter de promised lan' when i sees you once mo'. yah, yah! yer hain't done forgot berry, i s'pose? kase ef yer hez, i'll jes hev ter whistle a chune ter call myself ter mind. jes, fer instance now, like dis h'yer." then raising his hands and swaying his body in easy accompaniment, he began to imitate the mocking-bird in his mimicry of his feathered companions. he was very proud of this accomplishment, and his performance soon drew attention from all parts of the crowded depot. noticing this, hesden said, "there, there, berry; that will do. there is no doubt as to your identity. we both believe that nobody but berry lawson could do that, and are very glad to see you." mollie smiled assent. "t'ank ye, sah. much obleeged fer de compliment. hope i see yer well, an' miss mollie de same. yer do me proud, both on yer," said berry, bowing and scraping again, making a ball of his old hat, sidling restlessly back and forth, and displaying all the limpsy litheness of his figure, in his embarrassed attempts to show his enjoyment. "'pears like yer's trabblin' in company," he added, with a glance at mollie's hand resting on hesden's arm. "yes," said hesden good-naturedly; "miss mollie is mrs. le moyne now." "yer don't say!" said berry, in surprise. "der lo'd an' der nation, what will happen next? miss mollie an' marse hesden done married an' a-meetin' up wid berry out h'yer on de berry edge o' de kingdom! jest ez soon hab expected to a' seen de vanguard o' de resurrection. yer orter be mighty proud, marse hesden. we used ter t'ink, 'bout red wing, dat dar wa'n't nary man dat ebber cast a shadder good 'nough fer miss mollie." "and so there isn't," said hesden, laughing, "but we can't stand here and talk all day. where are you from?" "whar's i frum? ebbery place on de green yairth, marse hesden, 'ceptin' dis one, whar dey hez ter shoe de goats fer ter help 'em climb de bluffs; an' please de lo'd i'll be from h'yer jest es soon ez de train come's 'long dat's 'boun' fer de happy land of canaan.'" "we shall have to stop over, dear," said hesden to his wife. "there's no doing anything with berry in the time we have between the trains. have you any baggage?" he asked of berry, "baggage? dat i hab--a whole handkercher full o' clean clo'es--jest ez soon ez dey's been washed, yer know. yah, yah!" "where are you going?" "whar's i gwine? gwine west, ter grow up wid de kentry, marse hesden." "there, there, take your bundle and come along." "all right, marse hesden. jest ez soon wuk fer you ez ennybody. good-by, folkses," said he, waving his hat to his late traveling companions. "i'se mighty sorry to leave yer, but biz is biz, yer know, an' i'se got a job. wish yer good luck, all on yer. jes let 'em know i'm on der way, will yer? ef yo' gits dar afo' i do, jes tell 'em i'se a-comin' too," he sang, as he followed hesden and mollie out of the depot, amid the laughter of the crowd which had gathered about them. their baggage was soon removed from the platform, and, with berry on the seat with the driver, they went to the hotel. then, taking him down the busy street that winds around between the sharp hills as though it had crawled up, inch by inch, from the river-bottom below, hesden procured him some new clothes and a valise, which berry persisted in calling a "have'em-bag," and took him back to the hotel as his servant. as hesden started to his room, the rejuvenated fugitive inquired, "please, marse hesden, does yer know ennyt'ing what's a come ob--ob my sally an' de chillen. it's been a powerful time sence i seed 'em, marse hesden. i 'llow ter send fer 'em jest ez quick ez i find whar dey is, an' gits de money, yer know." "they are all right, berry. you may come to my room in half an hour, and we will tell you all about them," answered hesden. hardly had he reached his room when he heard the footsteps of berry without. going to the door he was met by berry with the explanation, "beg parding, marse hesden. i knowed 'twa'n't de time fer me ter come yit, but somehow i'llowed it would git on pearter ef i wuz somewhar nigh you an' miss mollie. i'se half afeared i'se ies been dreamin' ennyhow." "well, come in," said hesden. berry entered the room, and sat in unwonted silence while mollie and her husband told him what the reader already knows about his family and friends. the poor fellow's tears flowed freely, but he did not interrupt, save to ask now and then a question. when they had concluded, he sat a while in silence, and then said, "bress de lo'd! berry won't nebber hab no mo' doubt 'bout de lo'd takin' keer ob ebberybody--speshully niggas an' fools. h'yer i'se been a-feelin' mighty hard kase de ole marster 'llowed berry ter be boxed roun', h'yer an' dar, fus' dis way an' now dat, an' let him be run off from his wife an' chillen dat he t'ought der couldn't nobody take keer on but hissef; an' h'yer all de time de good lo'd hez been a-lookin' atter 'em an' a-nussin' 'em like little lambs, widout my knowin' ennyt'ing about it, er even axin' fer him ter do it. berry!" he continued, speaking to himself, "yer's jest a gran' rascal, an' desarve ter be whacked roun' an' go hungry fer--" "berry," interrupted mollie, "have you had your breakfast?" "brekfas', miss mollie?" said berry, "what berry want ob any brekfas'? ain't what yer's been a-tellin' on him brekfas' an' dinner an' supper ter him? brekfas' don't matter ter him now. he's jes dat full o' good t'ings dat he won't need no mo' for a week at de berry least." "tell the truth, berry; when did you eat last?" "wal, i 'clar, miss mollie, ef berry don't make no mistake, he bed a squar meal night afo' las', afo' we leave saint lewy. de yemergrant train runs mighty slow, an' berry wa'n't patronizin' none o' dem cheap shops 'long de way--not much; yah, yah!" hesden soon arranged to relieve his discomfort, and that night he told them where he had been and what had befallen him in the mean time. berry's story. "yer see, atter i lef bre'er nimbus, i went back down inter hanson county; but i wuz jes dat bad skeered dat i darn't show myse'f in de daytime at all. so i jes' tuk sally an' de chillen in de carry-all dat nimbus lent me wid de mule, an' started on furder down east. 'clar, i jes hev ter pay nimbus fer dat mule an' carry-all, de berry fus' money i gits out h'yer in kansas. it certain war a gret help ter berry. jest as long ez i hed dat tertrabbel wid, i knowed i war safe; kase nobody wouldn't nebber'spect i was runnin' away in dat sort ob style. wal, i went way down east, an' denex' spring went ter crappin' on sheers on a cotting plantation. sally 'n' me we jes made up ourminds dat we wouldn't draw no rations from de boss man. ner ax him fer ary cent ob money de whole yeah, an' den, yer know, dar wouldn't be nary 'count agin us when de year wuz ober. so sally, she 'llowed dat she'd wuk fer de bread an' meat an' take keer ob de chillen, wid de few days' help i might spar' outen de crap. de boss man, he war boun' by de writin's ter feed de mule. dat's de way we sot in. "we got 'long mighty peart like till some time atter de crap wuz laid by, 'long bout roastin'-ear-time. den sally tuk sick, an' de fus' dat i knowed we wuz out o' meat. sally wuz powerful sot agin my goih' ter de boss man fer enny orders on destore, kase we knowed how dat wukked afo'. den i sez, 'see h'yer, sally, i'se done got it. dar's dat piece ob corn dar, below de house, is jest a-gittin' good fer roastin-yeahs, now, we'll jes pick offen de outside rows, an' i'll be dod-dinged ef we can't git 'long wid dat till de crap comes off; an' i'll jes tell maise hooper--dat wuz de name o' de man what owned de plantation--dat i'll take dem rows inter my sheer.' so it went on fer a week er two, an' i t'ought i wuz jes gittin' on like a quarter hoss. sally wuz nigh 'bout well, an' 'llowed she'd be ready ter go ter wuk de nex' week; when one mo'nin' i tuk the basket an' went down ter pick some corn. jest ez i'd got de basket nigh 'bout full, who should start up dar, outen de bushes, on'y jes marse hooper; an' he sez, mighty brisk-like, 'so? i 'llowed i'd cotch yer 'fore i got fru! stealin' corn, is yer?' "den i jes larfed right out, an' sez i, 'dat's de fus' time i ebber heerd ob ennybody a-stealin' corn out ob his own field! yah! yah!' jes so-like. 'ain't dis yer my crap, marse hooper? didn't i make it, jest a-payin' ter you one third on't for de rent?' t'ought i hed him, yer know. but, law sakes, he didn't hev no sech notion, not much. so he sez, sez he: "'no yer don't! dat mout a' done once, when de radikils wuz in power, but de legislatur las' winter dey made a diff'rent sort ob a law, slightually. dey sed dat ef a renter tuk away enny o' de crap afo' it wuz all harvested an' diwided, widout de leave o' de owner, got afo' hand, he was guilty o' stealin' '--larsininy, he called it, but its all de same. an' he sed, sez he, 'dar ain't no use now, berry lawson. yer's jes got yer choice. yer kin jes git up an' git, er else i hez yer 'dicted an' sent ter state prison fer not less ner one year nor more'n twenty--dat's 'cordin' ter de law.' "den i begun ter be skeered-like, an' i sez, sez i, 'arn't yer gwine ter let me stay an' gether my crap?' "'damn de crap,' sez he (axin' yer parding, miss mollie, fer usin' cuss-words), 'i'll take keer o' de crap; don't yer be afeared o' dat. yer t'ought yer was damn smart, didn't yer, not takin' enny store orders, an' a-tryin' to fo'ce me ter pay yer cash in de lump? but now i'se got yer. dis lan'lo'd an' tenant act war made fer jes sech cussed smart niggers ez you is.' "'marse hooper,' sez i, 'is dat de law?' "'sartin,' sez he, 'jes you come long wid me ober ter squar tice's, an' ef he don't say so i'll quit--dat's all.' "so we went ober ter squar tice's, an' he sed marse hooper war right--dat it war stealin' all de same, even ef it war my own crap. den i seed dat marse hooper hed me close, an' i begun ter beg off, kase i knowed it war a heap easier ter feed him soft corn dan ter fight him in de law, when i wuz boun' ter git whipped. de squar war a good sort ob man, an' he kinder 'suaded marse hooper ter 'comp' de matter wid me; an' dat's what we did finally. he gin me twenty dollahs an' i signed away all my right ter de crap. den he turned in an' wanted ter hire me fer de nex yeah; but de squar, he tuk me out an' sed i'd better git away from dar, kase ennybody could bring de matter up agin me an' git me put in de penitentiary fer it, atter all dat hed been sed an' done. so we geared up, an' moved on. sally felt mighty bad, an' it did seem hard; but i tried ter chirk her up, yer know, an' tole her dat, rough ez it war, it war better nor we'd ebber done afo', kase we hed twenty dollahs an' didn't owe nuffin'. "i 'llowed we'd git clean away dat time, an' we didn't stop till we'd got inter anodder state." "wal, dar i sot in ter wuk a cotting crap agin. dis time i 'llowed i'd jes take de odder way; an' so i tuk up all de orders on de sto' dat de boss man would let me hev, kase i 'llowed ter git what i could ez i went 'long, yer know. so, atter de cotting wuz all picked, an' de 'counts all settled up, dar warn't only jest one little bag ob lint a comin' ter berry. i tuk dat inter de town one saturday in de ebenin', an' went roun' h'yer an' dar, a-tryin' ter git de biggest price 'mong de buyers dat i could. "it happened dat i done forgot al 'bout it's comin' on late, an' jest a little atter sun-down, i struck on a man dat offered me 'bout a cent a poun' more'n ennybody else hed done, an' i traded wid him. den i druv de mule roun', an' hed jes got de cotting out ob de carry-all an' inter de sto', when, fust i knowed, 'long come a p'liceman an' tuk me up for selling cotting atter sun-down. i tole him dat it was my own cotting, what i'd done raised myself, but he sed ez how it didn't make no sort of diff'rence at all. he 'clared dat de law sed ez how ennybody ez sold er offered fer sale any cotting atter sundown an' afore sun-up, should be sent ter jail jes de same ez ef he'd done stole it. den i axed de man dat bought de cotting ter gib it back ter me, but he wouldn't do dat, nohow, nor de money for it nuther. so dey jes' toted me off ter jail. "i knowed der warn't no use in savin' nuffin' den. so when sally come in i tole her ter jes take dat ar mule an' carry-all an' sell 'em off jest ez quick ez she could, so dat nobody wouldn't git hold ob dem. but when she tried ter do it, de boss man stopped her from it, kase he hed a mortgage on 'em fer de contract; an' he sed ez how i hedn't kep' my bargain kase i'd gone an' got put in jail afo' de yeah was out. so she couldn't git no money ter pay a lawyer, an' i don't s'pose 'twould hev done enny good ef she hed. i tole her not ter mind no mo' 'bout me, but jes ter come back ter red wing an' see ef miss mollie couldn't help her out enny, yer see i was jes shore dey'd put me in de chain-gang, an' i didn't want her ner de chillen ter be whar dey'd see me a totin' 'roun' a ball an' chain. "shore 'nough, when de court come on, dey tried me an' fotch me in guilty o' sellin' cotting alter sundown. de jedge, he lectured me powerful fer a while, an' den he ax me what i'd got ter say 'bout it. dat's de way i understood him ter say, ennyhow. so, ez he wuz dat kind ez ter ax me ter speak in meetin', i 'llowed twa'n't no mo' dan polite fer me ter say a few words, yer know. i told him squar out dat i t'ought 'twas a mighty quare law an' a mighty mean one, too, dat put a man in de chain-gang jes kase he sold his own cotting atter sundown, when dey let ennybody buy it an' not pay fer it at all. i tole him dat dey let 'em sell whisky an' terbacker an' calico and sto' clo'es an' ebbery t'ing dat a nigger hed ter buy, jest all times o' day an' night; an' i jest bleeved dat de whole t'ing war jest a white man's trick ter git niggas in de chain-gang. den de jedge he tried ter set down on me an' tole me ter stop, but i wuz dat mad dat when i got a-gwine dar warn't no stoppin' me till de sheriff he jes grabbed me by de scruff o' de neck, an' sot me down jest ennyway--all in a heap, yer know. den de jedge passed sentence, yer know, an' he sed dat he gib me one year fer de stealin' an' one year fer sassin' de court. "so dey tuk me back ter jail, but, lor' bress ye, dey didn't git me inter de chain-gang, nohow. 'fore de mo'nin' come i'd jes bid good-by ter dat jail an' was a pintin' outen dat kentry, in my weak way, ez de ministers say, jest ez fast ez i could git ober de groun'. "den i jes clean gib up. i couldn't take my back trac nowhar, fer fear i'd be tuk up. i t'ought it all ober while i wuz a trabblin' 'long; an' i swar ter god, marse hesden, i jes did peg out ob all hope. i couldn't go back ter sallie an' de chillen, ner couldn't do 'em enny good ef i did; ner i couldn't send fer dem ter come ter me, kase i hedn't nuffin' ter fotch 'em wid. so i jes kinder gin out, an' went a-sloshin' roun', not a-keerin' what i done er what was ter come on me. i kep' a'sendin' letters ter sally h'yer an' dar, but, bress yer soul, i nebber heard nuffin' on 'em atterwards. den i t'ought i'd try an' git money ter go an' hunt 'em up, but it was jes' ez it was afo'. i dunno how, but de harder i wuk de porer i got, till finally i jes started off afoot an' alone ter go ter kansas; an' h'yer i is, ready ter grow up wid de kentry, marse hesden, jest ez soon ez i gits ter sally an' de chillen." "i'm glad you have not had any political trouble," said hesden. "p'litical trouble?" said berry. "wal, marse hesden, yer knows dat berry is jes too good-natered ter do ennyt'ing but wuk an' larf, an' do a little whistlin' an banjo-pickin' by way ob a change; but i be dinged ef it don't 'pear ter me dat it's all p'litical trouble. who's berry ebber hurt? what's he ebber done, i'd like ter know, ter be debbled roun' dis yer way? i use ter vote, ob co'se. t'ought i hed a right ter, an' dat it war my duty ter de kentry dat hed gib me so much. but i don't do dat no mo'. two year ago i quit dat sort o' foolishness. what's de use? i see'd 'em count de votes, marse hesden, an' den i knowed dar warn't no mo' use ob votin' gin dat. yer know, dey 'pints all de jedges ob de 'lection derselves, an' so count de votes jest ez dey wants 'em. dar in our precinct war two right good white men, but dey 'pinted nary one o' dem ter count de votes. oh no, not ter speak on! dey puts on de board a good-'nough old cullu'd man dat didn't know 'b' from a bull's foot. wal, our white men 'ranges de t'ing so dat dey counts our men ez dey goes up ter de box an' dey gibs out de tickets dereselves. now, dar wuz six hundred an' odd ob our tickets went inter dat box. dat's shore. but dar wa'n't t'ree hundred come out. i pertended ter be drunk, an' laid down by de chimbly whar dar was a peep-hole inter dat room, an' seed dat countin' done. when dey fust opened de box one on 'em sez, sez he, "'lord god! what a lot o' votes!' den dey all look an' 'llowed dar war a heap mo' votes than dey'd got names. so they all turned in ter count de votes. dar wuz two kinds on 'em. one wuz little bits ob slick, shiny fellers, and de odders jes common big ones. when dey'd got 'em all counted they done some figurin,' an' sed dey'd hev ter draw out 'bout t'ree hundred an' fifty votes. so dey put 'em all back in de box, all folded up jest ez dey wuz at de start, an' den dey shuck it an' shuck it an' shuck it, till it seemed ter me 'em little fellers wuz boun' ter slip fru de bottom. den one on 'em wuz blindfolded, an' he drew outen de box till he got out de right number--mostly all on 'em de big tickets, mind ye, kase dey wuz on top, yer know. den dey count de rest an' make up de papers, an' burns all de tickets. "now what's de use o' votin' agin dat? i can't see what fer dey put de tickets in de box at all. 'tain't half ez fa'r ez a lottery i seed one time in melton; kase dar dey kep turnin' ober de wheel, an' all de tickets hed a fa'r show. no, marse hesden, i nebber does no mo' votin' till i t'inks dar's a leetle chance o' habbin' my vote counted jest ez i drops it inter de box, 'long wid de rest. i don't see no use in it." "you are quite right, berry," said hesden; "but what do _you_ say is the reason you have come away from the south?" "jest kase a poor man dat hain't got no larnin' is wuss off dar dan a cat in hell widout claws; he can't fight ner he can't climb. i'se wukked hard an' been honest ebber sence de s'render an' i hed ter walk an' beg my rations ter git h'yer. [footnote: the actual words used by a colored man well-known to the writer in giving his reason for joining the "exodus," in a conversation in the depot at kansas city, in february last.] dat's de reason!" said berry, springing to his feet and speaking excitedly. "yes, berry, you have been unfortunate, but i know all are not so badly off." "t'ank god fer dat!" said berry. "yer see i'd a' got' long well 'nough ef i'd hed a fa'r shake an' hed knowd' all 'bout de law, er ef de law hadn't been made ter cotch jes sech ez me. i didn't ebber 'spect nuffin' but jest a tollable libbin', only a bit ob larnin, fer my chillen. i tried mighty hard, an' dis is jes what's come on't. i don't pertend ter say what's de matter, but sunthin' is wrong, or else sunthin' hez been wrong, an' dis that we hez now is jest de fruits on't--i dunno which. i can't understand it, nohow. i don't hate nobody, an' i don't know ez dar's enny way out, but only jes ter wait an' wait ez we did in slave times fer de good time ter come. i wuz jes dat tuckered out a-tryin,' dat i t'ought i'd come out h'yer an' wait an' see ef i couldn't grow up wid de kentry, yer know. yah, yah!" the next morning the light-hearted exodian departed, with a ticket for eupolia and a note to his white fellow-fugitive from the evils which a dark past has bequeathed to the south--jordan jackson, now the agent of hesden and mollie in the management of their interests at that place. hesden and mollie continued their homeward journey, stopping for a few days in washington on their way. chapter lxi. what shall the end be? two men sat upon one of the benches in the shade of a spreading elm in the shadow of the national capitol, as the sun declined toward his setting. they had been walking and talking as only earnest, thoughtful men are wont to talk. they had forgotten each other and themselves in the endeavor to forecast the future of the country after a consideration of its past. one was tall, broad, and of full habit, with a clear blue eye, high, noble forehead, and brown beard and hair just beginning to be flecked with gray, and of a light complexion inclining to floridness. he was a magnificent type of the northern man. he had been the shaper of his own destiny, and had risen to high position, with the aid only of that self-reliant manhood which constitutes the life and glory of the great free north. he was the child of the north-west, but his ancestral roots struck deep into the rugged hills of new england. the west had made him broader and fuller and freer than the stock from which he sprang, without impairing his earnestness of purpose or intensity of conviction. the other, more slender, dark, with something of sallowness in his sedate features, with hair and beard of dark brown clinging close to the finely-chiseled head and face, with an empty sleeve pinned across his breast, showed more of litheness and subtlety, and scarcely less of strength, than the one on whom he gazed, and was an equally perfect type of the southern-born american. the one was the honorable washington goodspeed, m.c., and the other was hesden le moyne. "well, mr. le moyne," said the former, after a long and thoughtful pause, "is there any remedy for these things? can the south and the north ever be made one people in thought, spirit, and purpose? it is evident that they have not been in the past; can they become so in the future? wisdom and patriotism have thus far developed no cure for this evil; they seem, indeed, to have proved inadequate to the elucidation of the problem. have you any solution to offer?" "i think," replied le moyne, speaking slowly and thoughtfully, "that there is a solution lying just at our hand, the very simplicity of which, perhaps, has hitherto prevented us from fully appreciating its effectiveness." "ah!" said goodspeed, with some eagerness, "and what may that be?" "education!" was the reply. "oh, yes," said the other, with a smile. "you have adopted, then, the fourth of july remedy for all national ills?" "if you mean by 'fourth of july remedy,'" replied hesdeu with some tartness, "that it is an idea born of patriotic feeling alone, i can most sincerely answer, yes. you will please to recollect that every bias of my mind and life has been toward the southern view of all things. i doubt if any man of the north can appreciate the full force and effect of that bias upon the minds and hearts of those exposed to its operation. when the war ended i had no reason or motive for considering the question of rebuilding the national prosperity and power upon a firmer and broader basis than before. that was left entirely to you gentlemen of the north. it was not until you, the representatives of the national power, had acted--ay, it was not until your action had resulted in apparent failure--that i began to consider this question at all. i did so without any selfish bias or hope, beyond that which every man ought to have in behalf of the nation which he is a part, and in which he expects his children to remain. so that i think i may safely say that my idea of the remedy does spring from a patriotism as deep and earnest as ever finds expression upon the national holiday." "oh, i did not mean that," was the half-apologetic rejoinder; "i did not mean to question your sincerity at all; but the truth is, there has been so much impracticable theorizing upon this subject that one who looks for results can scarcely restrain an expression of impatience when that answer is dogmatically given to such an inquiry." "without entirely indorsing your view as to the impracticality of what has been said and written upon this subject," answered le moyne, "i must confess that i have never yet seen it formulated in a manner entirely satisfactory to myself. for my part, i am thoroughly satisfied that it is not only practicable, but is also the sole practicable method of curing the ills of which we have been speaking. it seems to me also perfectly apparent why the remedy has not previously been applied--why the patriotism and wisdom of the past has failed to hit upon this simple remedy." "well, why was it?" "the difference between the north and the south before the war," said le moyne, "was twofold; both the political and the social organizations of the south were utterly different from those of the north, and could not be harmonized with them. the characteristics of the _social_ organization you, in common with the intelligent masses of the north, no doubt comprehend as fully and clearly as is possible for one who has not personally investigated its phenomena. your northern social system was builded upon the idea of inherent equality--that is, of equality and opportunity; so that the only inequality which could exist was that which resulted from the accident of wealth or difference of capacity in the individual. "the social system of the south was opposed to this in its very elements. at the very outset it was based upon a wide distinction, never overlooked or forgotten for a single moment. under no circumstances could a colored man, of whatever rank or grade of intellectual power, in any respect, for a single instant overstep the gulf which separated him from the caucasian, however humble, impoverished, or degraded the latter might be. this rendered easy and natural the establishment of other social grades and ideas, which tended to separate still farther the northern from the southern social system. the very fact of the african being thus degraded led, by natural association, to the degradation of those forms of labor most frequently delegated to the slave. by this means free labor became gradually to be considered more and more disreputable, and self-support to be considered less and less honorable. the necessities of slavery, as well as the constantly growing pride of class, tended very rapidly toward the subversion of free thought and free speech; so that, even with the white man of any and every class, the right to hold and express opinions different from those entertained by the bulk of the master-class with reference to all those subjects related to the social system of the south soon came to be questioned, and eventually utterly denied. all these facts the north--that is, the northern people, northern statesmen, northern thinkers--have comprehended _as_ facts. their influence and bearings, i may be allowed to say, they have little understood, because they have not sufficiently realized their influence upon the minds of those subjected, generation after generation, to their sway. "on the other hand, the wide difference between the _political_ systems of the north and the south seems never to have affected the northern mind at all. the northern statesmen and political writers seem always to have proceeded upon the assumption that the removal of slavery, the changing of the legal status of the african, resulting in the withdrawal of one of the props which supported the _social_ system of the south, would of itself overthrow not only that system, but the political system which had grown up along with it, and which was skillfully designed for its maintenance and support. of the absolute difference between the political systems of the south and the north, and of the fact that the social and political systems stood to each other in the mutual relation of cause and effect, the north seems ever to have been profoundly ignorant." "well," said mr. goodspeed, "i must confess that i cannot understand what difference there is, except what arose out of slavery." "the questien is not," said le moyne, "whether it _arose_ out of slavery, but whether it would of necessity fall with the extinction of slavery _as a legal status_. it is, perhaps, impossible for any one to say exactly how much of the political system of the south grew out of slavery, and how much of slavery and its consequences were due to the southern political system." "i do not catch your meaning," said goodspeed. "except for the system of slavery and the exclusion of the blacks from the exercise and enjoyment of poitical rights and privileges, i cannot see that the political system of the south differed materially from that of the north." "precisely so," said le moyne. "your inability to perceive my meaning very clearly illustrates to my mind the fact which i am endeavoring to impress upon you. if you will consider for a moment the history of the country, you will observe that a system prevailed in the nou-slaveholding states which was unknown, either in name or essential attributes, throughout the slaveholding part of the country." "yes?" said the other inquiringly. "what may that have been?" "in one word," said le moyne--"the 'township' system." "oh, yes," laughed the congressman lightly; "the yankee town-meeting." "exactly," responded le moyne; "yet i venture to say that the presence and absence of the town-meeting--the township system or its equivalent--in the north and in the south, constituted a difference not less vital and important than that of slavery itself. in fact, sir, i sincerely believe that it is to the township system that the north owes the fact that it is not to-day as much slave territory as the south was before the war." "what!" said the northerner, with surprise, "you do not mean to say that the north owes its freedom, its prosperity, and its intelligence--the three things in which it differs from the south most materially--entirely to the yankee town-meeting?" "perhaps not entirely," said le moyne; "but in the main i think it does. and there are certain facts connected with our history which i think, when you consider them carefully, will incline you to the same belief." "indeed; i should be glad to know them." "the first of these," continued le moyne, "is the fact that in every state in which the township system really prevailed, slavery was abolished without recourse to arms, without civil discord or perceptible evil results. the next is that in the states in which the township system did not prevail in fact as well as name, the public school system did not exist, or had only a nominal existence; and the proportion of illiteracy in those states as a consequence was, _among the whites alone_, something like four times as great as in those states in which the township system flourished. and this, too, notwithstanding almost the entire bulk of the ignorant immigration from the old world entered into the composition of the northern populations. and, thirdly, there resulted a difference which i admit to be composite in its causes--that is, the difference in average wealth. leaving out of consideration the capital invested in slaves, the _per capita_ valuation of the states having the township system was something more than three times the average in those where it was unknown." "but what reason can you give for this belief?" said goodspeed. "how do you connect with the consequences, which cannot be doubted, the cause you assign? the differences between the south and the north have hitherto been attributed entirely to slavery; why do you say that they are in so great a measure due to differences of political organization?" "i can very well see," was the reply, "that one reared as you were should fail to understand at once the potency of the system which has always been to you as much a matter of course as the atmosphere by which you are surrounded. it was not until harvey's time--indeed, it was not until a much later period--that we knew in what way and manner animal life was maintained by the inhalation of atmospheric air. the fact of its necessity was apparent to every child, but how it operated was unknown. i do not now profess to be able to give all of those particulars which have made the township system, or its equivalent, an essential concomitant of political equality, and, as i think, the vital element of american liberty. but i can illustrate it so that you will get the drift of my thought." "i should be glad if you would," said goodspeed. "the township system," continued le moyne, "may, for the present purpose, be denned to be the division of the entire territory of the state into small municipalises, the inhabitants of which control and manage for themselves, directly and immediately, their own local affairs. each township is in itself a miniature republic, every citizen of which exercises in its affairs equal power with every other citizen. each of these miniature republics becomes a constituent element of the higher representative republic--namely, a county, which is itself a component of the still larger representative republic, the state. it is patterned upon and no doubt grew out of the less perfect borough systems of europe, and those inchoate communes of our saxon forefathers which were denominated '_hundreds_.' it is the slow growth of centuries of political experience; the ripe fruit of ages of liberty-seeking thought. "the township is the shield and nursery of individual freedom of thought and action. the young citizen who has never dreamed of a political career becomes interested in some local question affecting his individual interests. a bridge is out of repair; a roadmaster has failed to perform his duty; a constable has been remiss in his office; a justice of the peace has failed to hold the scales with even balance between rich and poor; a school has not been properly cared for; the funds of the township have been squandered; or the assumption of a liability is proposed by the township trustees, the policy of which he doubts. he has the remedy in his own hands. he goes to the township meeting, or he appears at the town-house upon election day, and appeals to his own neighbors--those having like interests with himself. he engages in the struggle, hand to hand and foot to foot with his equals; he learns confidence in himself; he begins to measure his own power, and fits himself for the higher duties and responsibilities of statesmanship." "well, well," laughed goodspeed, "there is something in that. i remember that iny first political experience was in trying to defeat a supervisor who did not properly work the roads of his district; but i had never thought that in so doing i was illustrating such a doctrine as you have put forth." "no; the doctrine is not mine," said le moyne. "others, and especially that noted french political philosopher who so calmly and faithfully investigated our political system--the author of 'democracy in america'--clearly pointed out, many years ago, the exceptional value of this institution, and attributed to it the superior intelligence and prosperity of the north." "then," was the good-natured reply, "your prescription for the political regeneration of the south is the same as that which we all laughed at as coming from horace greeley immediately upon the downfall of the confederacy--that the government should send an army of surveyors to the south to lay off the land in sections and quarter-sections, establish parallel roads, and enforce topographic uniformity upon the nation? "not at all," said le moyne. "i think that the use of the term 'township' in a _double_ sense has misled our political thinkers in estimating its value. it is by no means necessary that the township of the united states survey should be arbitrarily established in every state. in fact, the township system really finds its fullest development where such a land division does not prevail, as in new england, pennsylvania, and other states. it is the _people_ that require to be laid off in townships, not the land. arkansas, missouri, alabama, all have their lands laid off in the parallelograms prescribed by the laws regulating united states surveys; but their _people_ are not organized into self-governing communes." "but was there no equivalent system of local self-government in those states?" "no; and there is not to-day. in some cases there are lame approaches to it; but in none of the former slave states were the counties made up of self-governing subdivisions. the south is to-day and always has been a stranger to local self-government. in many of those states every justice of the peace, every school committeeman, every inspector of elections is appointed by some central power in the county, which is in turn itself appointed either by the chief executive of the state or by the dominant party in the legislature. there may be the form of townships, but the differential characteristic is lacking--the self-governing element of the township." "i don't know that i fully comprehend you," said goodspeed. "please illustrate." "well, take one state for an example, where the constitution adopted during the reconstruction period introduced the township system, and authorized the electors of each township to choose their justices of the peace, constables, school-cominitteemen, and other local officials. it permitted the people of the county to choose a board of commissioners, who should administer the financial matters of the county, and, in some instances, exeicise a limited judicial authority. but now they have, in effect, returned to the old system. the dominant party in the legislature appoints every justice of the peace in the state. the justices of the peace of each county elect from their number the county commissioners; the county commissioners appoint the school-committeemen, the roadmasters, the registrars of election and the judges of election; so that every local interest throughout the entire state is placed under the immediate power and control of the dominant party, although not a tenth part of the voters of any particular township or county may belong to that party. in another state all this power, and even more, is exercised by the chief executive; and in all of them you will find that the county--or its equivalent, the parish--is the smallest political unit having a municipal character." chapter lxii. how? there was a moment of silence, after which the northern man said thoughtfully. "i think i understand your views, mr. le moyne, and must admit that both the facts and the deductions which you make from them are very interesting, full of food for earnest reflection, and, for aught i know, may fully bear out your view of their effects. still, i cannot see that your remedy for this state of affairs differs materially in its practicability from that of the departed philosopher of chappaqua. he prescribed a division of the lands, while, if i understand you, you would have the government in some way prescribe and control the municipal organisations of the people of the various states. i cannot see what power the national government has, or any branch of it, which could effectuate that result." "it can only be done as it was done at the north," said le moyne quietly. "well, i declare!" said goodspeed, with an outburst of laughter, "your riddle grows worse and worse--more and more insoluble to my mind. how, pray, was it done at the north? i always thought we got it from colonial times. i am sure the new england town-meeting came over in the mayflower." "so it did!" responded hesden, springing to his feet; "so it did; it came over in the hearts of men who demanded, and were willing to give up everything else to secure the right of local self-government. the little colony upon the mayflower was a township, and every man of its passengers carried the seed of the ideal township system in his heart." "admitted, admitted, mr. le moyne," said the other, smiling at his earnestness. "but how shall we repeat the experiment? would you import men into every township of the south, in order that they might carry the seeds of civil liberty with them, and build up the township system there?" "by no means. i would make the men on the spot. i would so mold the minds of every class of the southern people that all should be indoctrinated with the spirit of local self-government." "but how would you do it?" "with spelling-books!" answered hesden sententiously. "there we are," laughed the other, "at the very point we started from. like the poet of the western bar-room, you may well say, my friend, 'and so i end as i did begin.'" "yes," said le moyne, "we have considered the _desirability_ of education, and you have continually cried, with good-natured incredulity, 'how shall it be done?' are you not making that inquiry too soon?" "not at all," said the congressman earnestly; "i see how desirable is the result, and i am willing to do anything in my power to attain it, if there is any means by which it can be accomplished." "that is it," said le moyne; "you are _willing_; you recognize that it would be a good thing; you wish it might be done; you have no desire to stand in the way of its accomplishment. that is not the spirit which achieves results. nothing is accomplished by mere assent. the american people must first be thoroughly satisfied that it is a necessity. the french may shout over a red cap, and overturn existing systems for a vague idea; but american conservatism consists in doing nothing until it is absolutely necessary. we never move until the fifty-ninth minute of the eleventh hour. "only think of it! you fought a rebellion, based professedly upon slavery as a corner-stone, for almost two years before you could bring yourselves to disturb that corner-stone. you knew the structure would fall if that were done; but the american people waited and waited until every man was fully satisfied that there was no other possible road to success. it is just so in this matter. i feel its necessity. you do not.' "there i think you do me injustice," said goodspeed, "i feel the necessity of educating every citizen of the republic, as well as you." "no doubt, in a certain vague way," was the reply; "but you do not feel it as the only safety to the republic to-day; and i do." "i confess i do not see, as you seem to, the immediate advantage, or the immediate danger, more than that which has always threatened us," answered the congressman. "this, after all, is the real danger, i think," said le moyne. "the states containing only one third of the population of this union contain also more than two thirds of its entire illiteracy. twenty-five out of every hundred--one out of every four--of the _white voters_ of the former slave states cannot read the ballots which they cast; forty-five per cent of the entire voting strength of those sixteen states are unable to read or write." "well?" said the other calmly, seeing le moyne look at him as though expecting him to show surprise. "_well!_" said le moyne. "i declare your northern phlegm is past my comprehension.--'well,' indeed! it seems to me as bad as bad can be. only think of it--only six per cent of intelligence united with this illiterate vote makes a majority!" "well?" was the response again, still inquiringly. "and that majority," continued le moyne, "would choose seventy-two per cent of the electoral votes necessary to name a president of the united states!" "well," said the other, with grim humor, "they are not very likely to do it at present, anyhow." "that is true," replied le moyne. "but there is still the other danger, and the greater evil. that same forty-five per cent are of course easily made the subjects of fraud or violence, and we face this dilemma: they may either use their power wrongfully, or be wrongfully deprived of the exercise of their ballotorial rights. either alternative is alike dangerous. if we suppose the illiterate voter to be either misled or intimidated, or prevented from exercising his judgment and his equality of right with others in the control of our government, then we have the voice of this forty-five per cent silenced--whether by intimidation or by fraud matters not. then a majority of the remaining fifty-four per cent, or, say, twenty-eight per cent of one third of the population of the nation in a little more than one third of the states, might exercise seventy-two per cent of the electoral power necessary to choose a president, and a like proportion of the legislative power necessary to enact laws. will the time ever come, my friend, when it will be safe to put in the way of any party such a temptation as is presented by this opportunity to acquire power?" "no, no, no," said the northern man, with impatience. "but what can you do? education will not make men honest, or patriotic, or moral." "true enough," was the reply. "nor will the knowledge of toxicology prevent the physician from being a poisoner, or skill in handwriting keep a man from becoming a forger. but the study of toxicology will enable the physician to save life, and the study of handwriting is a valuable means of preventing the results of wrongful acts. so, while education does not make the voter honest, it enables him to protect himself against the frauds of others, and not only increases his power but inspires him to resist violence. so that, in the aggregate, you northerners are right in the boast which you make that intelligence makes a people stronger and braver and freer." "so your remedy is--" began the other. "not _my_ remedy, but the _only_ remedy, is to educate the people until they shall be wise enough to know what they ought to do, and brave enough and strong enough to do it." "oh, that is all well enough, if it could be done," said goodspeed. "therefore it is," returned hesden, "that it _must_ be done." "but _how?_" said the other querulously. "you know that the constitution gives the control of such matters entirely to the states. the nation cannot interfere with it. it is the duty of the states to educate their citizens--a clear and imperative duty; but if they will not do it the nation cannot compel them." "yes," said hesden, "i know. for almost a century you said that about slavery; and you have been trying to hunt a way of escape from your enforced denial of it ever since. but as a matter of fact, when you came to the last ditch and found no bridge across, you simply made one. when it became an unavoidable question whether the union or slavery should live, you chose the union. the choice may come between the union and ignorance; and if it does, i have no fear as to which the people will choose. the doctrine of state rights is a beautiful thing to expatiate upon, but it has been the root of nearly all the evil the country has suffered. however, i believe that this remedy can at once be applied without serious inconvenience from that source." "how?" asked the other; "that is what i want to know." "understand me," said le moyne; "i do not consider the means so important as the end. when the necessity is fully realized the means will be discovered; but i believe that we hold the clue even now in our hands." "well, what is it?" was the impatient inquiry. "a fund of about a million dollars," said le moyne, "has already been distributed to free public schools in the south, upon a system which does not seriously interfere with the jealously-guarded rights of those states." "you mean the peabody fund?" "yes; i do refer to that act of unparalleled beneficence and wisdom." "but that was not the act of the nation." "very true; but why should not the nation distribute a like bounty upon the same system? it is admitted, beyond serious controversy, that the nation may raise and appropriate funds for such purposes among the different states, provided it be not for the exclusive benefit of any in particular. it is perhaps past controversy that the government might distribute a fund to the different states _in the proportion of illiteracy_. this, it is true, would give greater amounts to certain states than to others, but only greater in proportion to the evil to be remedied." "yes," said the other; "but the experience of the nation in distributing lands and funds for educational purposes has not been encouraging. the results have hardly been commensurate with the investment." "that is true," said hesden, "and this is why i instance the peabody fund. that is not given into the hands of the officers of the various states, but when a school is organized and fulfills the requirements laid down for the distribution of that fund, in regard to numbers and average attendance--in other words, is shown to be an efficient institution of learning--then the managers of the fund give to it a sum sufficient to defray a certain proportion of its expenses." "and you think such a system might be applied to a government appropriation?" "certainly. the amount to which the county, township, or school district would be entitled might be easily ascertained, and upon the organization and maintenance of a school complying with the reasonable requirements of a well-drawn statute in regard to attendance and instruction, such amount might be paid over." "yes," was the reply, after a thoughtful pause; "but would not that necessitate a national supervision of state schools?" "to a certain extent, yes. yet there would be nothing compulsory about it. it would only be such inspection as would be necessary to determine whether the applicant had entitled himself to share the nation's bounty. surely the nation may condition its own bounty." "but suppose these states should refuse to submit to such inspection, or accept such appropriation?" "that is the point, exactly, to which i desire to bring your attention," said le moyne. "ignorance, unless biased by religious bigotry, always clamors for knowledge. you could well count upon the forty-five per cent of ignorant voters insisting upon the reception of that bounty. the number of those that recognize the necessity of instructing the ignorant voter, even in those states, is hourly increasing, and but a brief time would elapse until no party would dare to risk opposition to such a course. i doubt whether any party would venture upon it, even now." "but are not its results too remote, mr. le moyne, to make such a measure of present interest in the cure of present evils?" "not at all," answered hesden. "by such a measure you bring the purest men of the south into close and intimate relations with the government. you cut off the sap which nourishes the yet living root of the state rights dogma. you bring every man to feel as you feel, that there is something greater and grander than his state and section. besides that, you draw the poison from the sting which rankles deeper than you think. the southern white man feels, and justly feels, that the burden of educating the colored man ought not to be laid upon the south alone. he says truly, 'the nation fostered and encouraged slavery; it gave it greater protection and threw greater safeguards around it than any other kind of property; it encouraged my ancestors and myself to invest the proceeds of generations of care and skill and growth in slaves. when the war ended it not only at one stroke dissipated all these accumulations, but it also gave to these men the ballot, and would now drive me, for my own protection, to provide for their education. this is unjust and oppressive. i will not do it, nor consent that it shall be done by my people or by our section alone.' to such a man--and there are many thousands of them--such a measure would come as an act of justice. it would be a grateful balm to his outraged feelings, and would incline him to forget, much more readily than he otherwise would, what he regards to be the injustice of emancipation. it will lead him to consider whether he has not been wrong in supposing that the emancipation and enfranchisement of the blacks proceeded from a feeling of resentment, and was intended as a punishment merely. it will incline him to consider whether the people of the north, the controlling power of the government at that time, did not act from a better motive than he has given them credit for. but even if this plan should meet with disapproval, instead of approval, from the white voters of the south, it would still be the true and wise policy for the nation to pursue." "so you really think," said the northerner dubiously, "that such a measure would produce good results even in the present generation?" "unquestionably," was the reply. "perhaps the chief incentive to the acts which have disgraced our civilization--which have made the white people of the south almost a unit in opposing by every means, lawful and unlawful, the course of the government in reconstruction, has been a deep and bitter conviction that hatred, envy, and resentment against them on the part of the north, were the motives which prompted those acts. such a measure, planned upon a liberal scale, would be a vindication of the manhood of the north; an assertion of its sense of right as well as its determination to develop at the south the same intelligence, the same freedom of thought and action, the same equality of individual right, that have made the north prosperous and free and strong, while the lack of them has made the south poor and ignorant and weak." "well, well," said the congressman seriously, "you may be right. i had never thought of it _quite_ in that light before. it is worth thinking about, my friend; it is worth thinking about." "that it is!" said le moyne, joyfully extending his hand. "think! if you will only _think_--if the free people of the north will only think of this matter, i have no fears but a solution will be found. mine may not be the right one. that is no matter. as i said, the question of method is entirely subordinate to the result. but let the people think, and they will think rightly. don't think of it as a politician in the little sense of that word, but in the great one. don't try to compel the nation to accept your view or mine; but spur the national thought by every possible means to consider the evil, to demand its cure, and to devise a remedy." so, day by day, the "irrepressible conflict" is renewed. the past bequeaths to the present its wondrous legacy of good and ill. names are changed, but truths remain. the soil which slavery claimed, baptized with blood becomes the promised land of the freedman and poor white. the late master wonders at the mockery of fate. ignorance marvels at the power of knowledge. love overleaps the barriers of prejudice, and faith laughs at the impossible. "the world goes up and the world goes down, the sunshine follows the rain; and yesterday's sneer and yesterday's frown can never come over again." on the trestle-board of the present, liberty forever sets before the future some new query. the wise-man sweats drops of blood. the greatheart abides in his strength. the king makes commandment. the fool laughs. report on the condition of the south carl schurz first published th congress, senate. ex. doc. st session. no. . message of the president of the united states, communicating, _in compliance with a resolution of the senate of the th instant, information in relation to the states of the union lately in rebellion, accompanied by a report of carl schurz on the states of south carolina, georgia, alabama, mississippi, and louisiana; also a report of lieutenant general grant, on the same subject_. december , .--read and ordered to be printed, with the reports of carl schurz and lieutenant general grant. _to the senate of the united states_: in reply to the resolution adopted by the senate on the th instant, i have the honor to state, that the rebellion waged by a portion of the people against the properly constituted authorities of the government of the united states has been suppressed; that the united states are in possession of every state in which the insurrection existed; and that, as far as could be done, the courts of the united states have been restored, post offices re-established, and steps taken to put into effective operation the revenue laws of the country. as the result of the measures instituted by the executive, with the view of inducing a resumption of the functions of the states comprehended in the inquiry of the senate, the people in north carolina, south carolina, georgia, alabama, mississippi, louisiana, arkansas, and tennessee, have reorganized their respective state governments, and "are yielding obedience to the laws and government of the united states," with more willingness and greater promptitude than, under the circumstances, could reasonably have been anticipated. the proposed amendment to the constitution, providing for the abolition of slavery forever within the limits of the country, has been ratified by each one of those states, with the exception of mississippi, from which no official information has yet been received; and in nearly all of them measures have been adopted or are now pending to confer upon freedmen rights and privileges which are essential to their comfort, protection, and security. in florida and texas the people are making commendable progress in restoring their state governments, and no doubt is entertained that they will at an early period be in a condition to resume all of their practical relations with the federal government. in "that portion of the union lately in rebellion" the aspect of affairs is more promising than, in view of all the circumstances, could well have been expected. the people throughout the entire south evince a laudable desire to renew their allegiance to the government, and to repair the devastations of war by a prompt and cheerful return to peaceful pursuits. an abiding faith is entertained that their actions will conform to their professions, and that, in acknowledging the supremacy of the constitution and the laws of the united states, their loyalty will be unreservedly given to the government, whose leniency they cannot fail to appreciate, and whose fostering care will soon restore them to a condition of prosperity. it is true, that in some of the states the demoralizing effects of war are to be seen in occasional disorders, but these are local in character, not frequent in occurrence, and are rapidly disappearing as the authority of civil law is extended and sustained. perplexing questions were naturally to be expected from the great and sudden change in the relations between the two races, but systems are gradually developing themselves under which the freedman will receive the protection to which he is justly entitled, and, by means of his labor, make himself a useful and independent member of the community in which he has his home. from all the information in my possession, and from that which i have recently derived from the most reliable authority, i am induced to cherish the belief that sectional animosity is surely and rapidly merging itself into a spirit of nationality, and that representation, connected with a properly adjusted system of taxation, will result in a harmonious restoration of the relations of the states to the national union. the report of carl schurz is herewith transmitted, as requested by the senate. no reports from the honorable john covode have been received by the president. the attention of the senate is invited to the accompanying report of lieutenant general grant, who recently made a tour of inspection through several of the states whose inhabitants participated in the rebellion. andrew johnson washington, d.c., _december_ , . report of carl schurz on the states of south carolina, georgia, alabama, mississippi, and louisiana. sir: when you did me the honor of selecting me for a mission to the states lately in rebellion, for the purpose of inquiring into the existing condition of things, of laying before you whatever information of importance i might gather, and of suggesting to you such measures as my observations would lead me to believe advisable, i accepted the trust with a profound sense of the responsibility connected with the performance of the task. the views i entertained at the time, i had communicated to you in frequent letters and conversations. i would not have accepted the mission, had i not felt that whatever preconceived opinions i might carry with me to the south, i should be ready to abandon or modify, as my perception of facts and circumstances might command their abandonment or modification. you informed me that your "policy of reconstruction" was merely experimental, and that you would change it if the experiment did not lead to satisfactory results. to aid you in forming your conclusions upon this point i understood to be the object of my mission, and this understanding was in perfect accordance with the written instructions i received through the secretary of war. these instructions confined my mission to the states of south carolina, georgia, alabama, mississippi, and the department of the gulf. i informed you, before leaving the north, that i could not well devote more than three months to the duties imposed upon me, and that space of time proved sufficient for me to visit all the states above enumerated, except texas. i landed at hilton head, south carolina, on july , visited beaufort, charleston, orangeburg, and columbia, returned to charleston and hilton head; thence i went to savannah, traversed the state of georgia, visiting augusta, atlanta, macon, milledgeville, and columbus; went through alabama, by way of opelika, montgomery, selma, and demopolis, and through mississippi, by way of meridian, jackson, and vicksburg; then descended the mississippi to new orleans, touching at natchez; from new orleans i visited mobile, alabama, and the teche country, in louisiana, and then spent again some days at natchez and vicksburg, on my way to the north. these are the outlines of my journey. before laying the results of my observations before you, it is proper that i should state the _modus operandi_ by which i obtained information and formed my conclusions. wherever i went i sought interviews with persons who might be presumed to represent the opinions, or to have influence upon the conduct, of their neighbors; i had thus frequent meetings with individuals belonging to the different classes of society from the highest to the lowest; in the cities as well as on the roads and steamboats i had many opportunities to converse not only with inhabitants of the adjacent country, but with persons coming from districts which i was not able to visit; and finally i compared the impressions thus received with the experience of the military and civil officers of the government stationed in that country, as well as of other reliable union men to whom a longer residence on the spot and a more varied intercourse with the people had given better facilities of local observation than my circumstances permitted me to enjoy. when practicable i procured statements of their views and experience in writing as well as copies of official or private reports they had received from their subordinates or other persons. it was not expected of me that i should take formal testimony, and, indeed, such an operation would have required more time than i was able to devote to it. my facilities for obtaining information were not equally extensive in the different states i visited. as they naturally depended somewhat upon the time the military had had to occupy and explore the country, as well as upon the progressive development of things generally, they improved from day to day as i went on, and were best in the states i visited last. it is owing to this circumstance that i cannot give as detailed an account of the condition of things in south carolina and georgia as i am able to give with regard to louisiana and mississippi. instead of describing the experiences of my journey in chronological order, which would lead to endless repetitions and a confused mingling of the different subjects under consideration, i propose to arrange my observations under different heads according to the subject matter. it is true, not all that can be said of the people of one state will apply with equal force to the people of another; but it will be easy to make the necessary distinctions when in the course of this report they become of any importance. i beg to be understood when using, for the sake of brevity, the term "the southern people," as meaning only the people of the states i have visited. condition of things immediately after the close of the war. in the development of the popular spirit in the south since the close of the war two well-marked periods can be distinguished. the first commences with the sudden collapse of the confederacy and the dispersion of its armies, and the second with the first proclamation indicating the "reconstruction policy" of the government. of the first period i can state the characteristic features only from the accounts i received, partly from unionists who were then living in the south, partly from persons that had participated in the rebellion. when the news of lee's and johnston's surrenders burst upon the southern country the general consternation was extreme. people held their breath, indulging in the wildest apprehensions as to what was now to come. men who had occupied positions under the confederate government, or were otherwise compromised in the rebellion, run before the federal columns as they advanced and spread out to occupy the country, from village to village, from plantation to plantation, hardly knowing whether they wanted to escape or not. others remained at their homes yielding themselves up to their fate. prominent unionists told me that persons who for four years had scorned to recognize them on the street approached them with smiling faces and both hands extended. men of standing in the political world expressed serious doubts as to whether the rebel states would ever again occupy their position as states in the union, or be governed as conquered provinces. the public mind was so despondent that if readmission at some future time under whatever conditions had been promised, it would then have been looked upon as a favor. the most uncompromising rebels prepared for leaving the country. the masses remained in a state of fearful expectancy. this applies especially to those parts of the country which were within immediate reach of our armies or had previously been touched by the war. where union soldiers had never been seen and none were near, people were at first hardly aware of the magnitude of the catastrophe, and strove to continue in their old ways of living. such was, according to the accounts i received, the character of that first period. the worst apprehensions were gradually relieved as day after day went by without bringing the disasters and inflictions which had been vaguely anticipated, until at last the appearance of the north carolina proclamation substituted new hopes for them. the development of this second period i was called upon to observe on the spot, and it forms the main subject of this report. returning loyalty. it is a well-known fact that in the states south of tennessee and north carolina the number of white unionists who during the war actively aided the government, or at least openly professed their attachment to the cause of the union, was very small. in none of those states were they strong enough to exercise any decisive influence upon the action of the people, not even in louisiana, unless vigorously supported by the power of the general government. but the white people at large being, under certain conditions, charged with taking the preliminaries of "reconstruction" into their hands, the success of the experiment depends upon the spirit and attitude of those who either attached themselves to the secession cause from the beginning, or, entertaining originally opposite views, at least followed its fortunes from the time that their states had declared their separation from the union. the first southern men of this class with whom i came into contact immediately after my arrival in south carolina expressed their sentiments almost literally in the following language: "we acknowledge ourselves beaten, and we are ready to submit to the results of the war. the war has practically decided that no state shall secede and that the slaves are emancipated. we cannot be expected at once to give up our principles and convictions of right, but we accept facts as they are, and desire to be reinstated as soon as possible in the enjoyment and exercise of our political rights." this declaration was repeated to me hundreds of times in every state i visited, with some variations of language, according to the different ways of thinking or the frankness or reserve of the different speakers. some said nothing of adhering to their old principles and convictions of right; others still argued against the constitutionality of coercion and of the emancipation proclamation; others expressed their determination to become good citizens, in strong language, and urged with equal emphasis the necessity of their home institutions being at once left to their own control; others would go so far as to say they were glad that the war was ended, and they had never had any confidence in the confederacy; others protested that they had been opposed to secession until their states went out, and then yielded to the current of events; some would give me to understand that they had always been good union men at heart, and rejoiced that the war had terminated in favor of the national cause, but in most cases such a sentiment was expressed only in a whisper; others again would grumblingly insist upon the restoration of their "rights," as if they had done no wrong, and indicated plainly that they would submit only to what they could not resist and as long as they could not resist it. such were the definitions of "returning loyalty" i received from the mouths of a large number of individuals intelligent enough to appreciate the meaning of the expressions they used. i found a great many whose manner of speaking showed that they did not understand the circumstances under which they lived, and had no settled opinions at all except on matters immediately touching their nearest interests. upon the ground of these declarations, and other evidence gathered in the course of my observations, i may group the southern people into four classes, each of which exercises an influence upon the development of things in that section: . those who, although having yielded submission to the national government only when obliged to do so, have a clear perception of the irreversible changes produced by the war, and honestly endeavor to accommodate themselves to the new order of things. many of them are not free from traditional prejudice but open to conviction, and may be expected to act in good faith whatever they do. this class is composed, in its majority, of persons of mature age--planters, merchants, and professional men; some of them are active in the reconstruction movement, but boldness and energy are, with a few individual exceptions, not among their distinguishing qualities. . those whose principal object is to have the states without delay restored to their position and influence in the union and the people of the states to the absolute control of their home concerns. they are ready, in order to attain that object, to make any ostensible concession that will not prevent them from arranging things to suit their taste as soon as that object is attained. this class comprises a considerable number, probably a large majority, of the professional politicians who are extremely active in the reconstruction movement. they are loud in their praise of the president's reconstruction policy, and clamorous for the withdrawal of the federal troops and the abolition of the freedmen's bureau. . the incorrigibles, who still indulge in the swagger which was so customary before and during the war, and still hope for a time when the southern confederacy will achieve its independence. this class consists mostly of young men, and comprises the loiterers of the towns and the idlers of the country. they persecute union men and negroes whenever they can do so with impunity, insist clamorously upon their "rights," and are extremely impatient of the presence of the federal soldiers. a good many of them have taken the oaths of allegiance and amnesty, and associated themselves with the second class in their political operations. this element is by no means unimportant; it is strong in numbers, deals in brave talk, addresses itself directly and incessantly to the passions and prejudices of the masses, and commands the admiration of the women. . the multitude of people who have no definite ideas about the circumstances under which they live and about the course they have to follow; whose intellects are weak, but whose prejudices and impulses are strong, and who are apt to be carried along by those who know how to appeal to the latter. much depends upon the relative strength and influence of these classes. in the course of this report you will find statements of facts which may furnish a basis for an estimate. but whatever their differences may be, on one point they are agreed: further resistance to the power of the national government is useless, and submission to its authority a matter of necessity. it is true, the right of secession in theory is still believed in by most of those who formerly believed in it; some are still entertaining a vague hope of seeing it realized at some future time, but all give it up as a practical impossibility for the present. all movements in favor of separation from the union have, therefore, been practically abandoned, and resistance to our military forces, on that score, has ceased. the demonstrations of hostility to the troops and other agents of the government, which are still occurring in some localities, and of which i shall speak hereafter, spring from another class of motives. this kind of loyalty, however, which is produced by the irresistible pressure of force, and consists merely in the non-commission of acts of rebellion, is of a negative character, and might, as such, hardly be considered independent of circumstances and contingencies. oath-taking. a demonstration of "returning loyalty" of a more positive character is the taking of the oaths of allegiance and amnesty prescribed by the general government. at first the number of persons who availed themselves of the opportunities offered for abjuring their adhesion to the cause of the rebellion was not very large, but it increased considerably when the obtaining of a pardon and the right of voting were made dependent upon the previous performance of that act. persons falling under any of the exceptions of the amnesty proclamation made haste to avert the impending danger; and politicians used every means of persuasion to induce people to swell the number of voters by clearing themselves of all disabilities. the great argument that this was necessary to the end of reconstructing their state governments, and of regaining the control of their home affairs and their influence in the union, was copiously enlarged upon in the letters and speeches of prominent individuals, which are before the country and need no further comment. in some cases the taking of the oath was publicly recommended in newspapers and addresses with sneering remarks, and i have listened to many private conversations in which it was treated with contempt and ridicule. while it was not generally looked upon in the state i visited as a very serious matter, except as to the benefits and privileges it confers, i have no doubt that a great many persons took it fully conscious of the obligations it imposes, and honestly intending to fulfil them. the aggregate number of those who thus had qualified themselves for voting previous to the election for the state conventions was not as large as might have been expected. the vote obtained at these elections was generally reported as very light--in some localities surprisingly so. it would, perhaps, be worth while for the government to order up reports about the number of oaths administered by the officers authorized to do so, previous to the elections for the state conventions; such reports would serve to indicate how large a proportion of the people participated in the reconstruction movement at that time, and to what extent the masses were represented in the conventions. of those who have not yet taken the oath of allegiance, most belong to the class of indifferent people who "do not care one way or the other." there are still some individuals who find the oath to be a confession of defeat and a declaration of submission too humiliating and too repugnant to their feelings. it is to be expected that the former will gradually overcome their apathy, and the latter their sensitiveness, and that, at a not remote day, all will have qualified themselves, in point of form, to resume the right of citizenship. on the whole, it may be said that the value of the oaths taken in the southern states is neither above nor below the value of the political oaths taken in other countries. a historical examination of the subject of political oaths will lead to the conclusion that they can be very serviceable in certain emergencies and for certain objects, but that they have never insured the stability of a government, and never improved the morals of a people. feeling towards the soldiers and the people of the north. a more substantial evidence of "returning loyalty" would be a favorable change of feeling with regard to the government's friends and agents, and the people of the loyal states generally. i mentioned above that all organized attacks upon our military forces stationed in the south have ceased; but there are still localities where it is unsafe for a man wearing the federal uniform or known as an officer of the government to be abroad outside of the immediate reach of our garrisons. the shooting of single soldiers and government couriers was not unfrequently reported while i was in the south, and even as late as the middle of september, major miller, assistant adjutant general of the commissioner of the freedmen's bureau in alabama, while on an inspecting tour in the southern counties of that state, found it difficult to prevent a collision between the menacing populace and his escort. his wagon-master was brutally murdered while remaining but a short distance behind the command. the murders of agents of the freedmen's bureau have been noticed in the public papers. these, and similar occurrences, however, may be looked upon as isolated cases, and ought to be charged, perhaps, only to the account of the lawless persons who committed them. but no instance has come to my notice in which the people of a city or a rural district cordially fraternized with the army. here and there the soldiers were welcomed as protectors against apprehended dangers; but general exhibitions of cordiality on the part of the population i have not heard of. there are, indeed, honorable individual exceptions to this rule. many persons, mostly belonging to the first of the four classes above enumerated, are honestly striving to soften down the bitter feelings and traditional antipathies of their neighbors; others, who are acting more upon motives of policy than inclination, maintain pleasant relations with the officers of the government. but, upon the whole, the soldier of the union is still looked upon as a stranger, an intruder--as the "yankee," "the enemy." it would be superfluous to enumerate instances of insult offered to our soldiers, and even to officers high in command; the existence and intensity of this aversion is too well known to those who have served or are now serving in the south to require proof. in this matter the exceptions were, when i was there, not numerous enough to affect the rule. in the documents accompanying this report you will find allusions confirming this statement. i would invite special attention to the letter of general kirby smith, (accompanying document no. .) this feeling of aversion and resentment with regard to our soldiers may, perhaps, be called natural. the animosities inflamed by a four years' war, and its distressing incidents, cannot be easily overcome. but they extend beyond the limits of the army, to the people of the north. i have read in southern papers bitter complaints about the unfriendly spirit exhibited by the northern people--complaints not unfrequently flavored with an admixture of vigorous vituperation. but, as far as my experience goes, the "unfriendly spirit" exhibited in the north is all mildness and affection compared with the popular temper which in the south vents itself in a variety of ways and on all possible occasions. no observing northern man can come into contact with the different classes composing southern society without noticing it. he may be received in social circles with great politeness, even with apparent cordiality; but soon he will become aware that, although he may be esteemed as a man, he is detested as a "yankee," and, as the conversation becomes a little more confidential and throws off ordinary restraint, he is not unfrequently told so; the word "yankee" still signifies to them those traits of character which the southern press has been so long in the habit of attributing to the northern people; and whenever they look around them upon the traces of the war, they see in them, not the consequences of their own folly, but the evidences of "yankee wickedness." in making these general statements, i beg to be understood as always excluding the individual exceptions above mentioned. it is by no means surprising that prejudices and resentments, which for years were so assiduously cultivated and so violently inflamed, should not have been turned into affection by a defeat; nor are they likely to disappear as long as the southern people continue to brood over their losses and misfortunes. they will gradually subside when those who entertain them cut resolutely loose from the past and embark in a career of new activity on a common field with those whom they have so long considered their enemies. of this i shall say more in another part of this report. but while we are certainly inclined to put upon such things the most charitable construction, it remains nevertheless true, that as long as these feelings exist in their present strength, they will hinder the growth of that reliable kind of loyalty which springs from the heart and clings to the country in good and evil fortune. situation of unionists. it would have been a promising indication of returning loyalty if the old, consistent, uncompromising unionists of the south, and those northern men who during the war settled down there to contribute to the prosperity of the country with their capital and enterprise, had received that measure of consideration to which their identification with the new order of things entitled them. it would seem natural that the victory of the national cause should have given those who during the struggle had remained the firm friends of the union, a higher standing in society and an enlarged political influence. this appears to have been the case during that "first period" of anxious uncertainty when known unionists were looked up to as men whose protection and favor might be of high value. at least it appears to have been so in some individual instances. but the close of that "first period" changed the aspect of things. it struck me soon after my arrival in the south that the known unionists--i mean those who during the war had been to a certain extent identified with the national cause--were not in communion with the leading social and political circles; and the further my observations extended the clearer it became to me that their existence in the south was of a rather precarious nature. already in charleston my attention was called to the current talk among the people, that, when they had the control of things once more in their own hands and were no longer restrained by the presence of "yankee" soldiers, men of dr. mackey's stamp would not be permitted to live there. at first i did not attach much importance to such reports; but as i proceeded through the country, i heard the same thing so frequently repeated, at so many different places, and by so many different persons, that i could no longer look upon the apprehensions expressed to me by unionists as entirely groundless. i found the same opinion entertained by most of our military commanders. even governor sharkey, in the course of a conversation i had with him in the presence of major general osterhaus, admitted that, if our troops were then withdrawn, the lives of northern men in mississippi would not be safe. to show that such anticipations were not extravagant, i would refer to the letter addressed to me by general osterhaus. (accompanying document no. .) he states that he was compelled to withdraw the garrison from attala county, mississippi, the regiment to which that garrison belonged being mustered out, and that when the troops had been taken away, four murders occurred, two of white union men, and two of negroes. (he informed me subsequently that the perpetrators were in custody.) he goes on to say: "there is no doubt whatever that the state of affairs would be intolerable for all union men, all recent immigrants from the north, and all negroes, the moment the protection of the united states troops were withdrawn." general osterhaus informed me of another murder of a union man by a gang of lawless persons, in jackson, about the end of june. general slocum, in his order prohibiting the organization of the state militia in mississippi, speaks of the "outrages committed against northern men, government couriers, and negroes." (accompanying document no. .) he communicated to me an official report from lieutenant colonel yorke, commanding at port gibson, to general davidson, pointing in the same direction. general canby stated to me that he was obliged to disband and prohibit certain patrol organizations in louisiana because they indulged in the gratification of private vengeance. lieutenant hickney, assistant commissioner of the freedmen's bureau, at shreveport, louisiana, in a report addressed to assistant commissioner conway, says: "the life of a northern man who is true to his country and the spirit and genius of its institutions, and frankly enunciates his principles, is not secure where there is not a military force to protect him." (accompanying document no. .) mr. william king, a citizen of georgia, well known in that state, stated to me in conversation: "there are a great many bad characters in the country, who would make it for some time unsafe for known union people and northerners who may settle down here to live in this country without the protection of the military." the affair of scottsborough, in the military district of northern alabama, where a sheriff arrested and attempted to bring to trial for murder union soldiers who had served against the guerillas in that part of the country, an attempt which was frustrated only by the prompt interference of the district commander, has become generally known through the newspapers. (accompanying document no. .) it is not improbable that many cases similar to those above mentioned have occurred in other parts of the south without coming to the notice of the authorities. it is true these are mere isolated cases, for which it would be wrong to hold anybody responsible who was not connected with them; but it is also true that the apprehensions so widely spread among the unionists and northern men were based upon the spirit exhibited by the people among whom they lived. i found a good many thinking of removing themselves and their families to the northern states, and if our troops should be soon withdrawn the exodus will probably become quite extensive unless things meanwhile change for the better. aspect of the political field. the status of this class of unionists in the political field corresponds with what i have said above. in this respect i have observed practical results more closely in mississippi than in any other state. i had already left south carolina and georgia when the elections for the state conventions took place. of alabama, i saw only mobile after the election. in louisiana, a convention, a legislature, and a state government had already been elected, during and under the influence of the war, and i left before the nominating party conventions were held; but i was in mississippi immediately after the adjournment of the state convention, and while the canvass preparatory to the election of the legislature and of the state and county officers was going on. events have since sufficiently developed themselves in the other states to permit us to judge how far mississippi can be regarded as a representative of the rest. besides, i found the general spirit animating the people to be essentially the same in all the states above mentioned. the election for the state convention in mississippi was, according to the accounts i have received, not preceded by a very vigorous and searching canvass of the views and principles of the candidates. as i stated before, the vote was very far from being full, and in most cases the members were elected not upon strictly defined party issues, but upon their individual merits as to character, intelligence, and standing in society. only in a few places the contest between rival candidates was somewhat animated. it was probably the same in alabama, georgia, and south carolina. the mississippi convention was, in its majority, composed of men belonging to the first two of the four classes above mentioned. there were several union men in it of the inoffensive, compromising kind--men who had been opposed to secession in the beginning, and had abstained from taking a prominent part in the rebellion unless obliged to do so, but who had, at least, readily acquiesced in what was going on. but there was, as far as i have been able to ascertain, only one man there who, like the unionists of east tennessee, had offered active resistance to the rebel authorities. this was mr. crawford, of jones county; he was elected by the poor people of that region, his old followers, as their acknowledged leader, and his may justly be looked upon as an exceptional case. how he looked upon his situation appears from a speech he delivered in that convention, and especially from the amended version of it placed into my hands by a trustworthy gentleman of my acquaintance who had listened to its delivery. (accompanying document no. .) but several instances have come to my knowledge, in which union men of a sterner cast than those described as acquiescing compromisers were defeated in the election, and, aside from mr. crawford's case, none in which they succeeded. the impulses by which voters were actuated in making their choice appeared more clearly in the canvass for state officers, congressmen, and members of the legislature, when the antecedents and political views of candidates were more closely scrutinized and a warmer contest took place. the population of those places in the south which have been longest in the possession of our armies is generally the most accommodating as to the new order of things; at least the better elements are there in greater relative strength. a union meeting at vicksburg may, therefore, be produced as a not unfavorable exponent of mississippi unionism. among the documents attached to this report you will find three speeches delivered before such a meeting--one by mr. richard cooper, candidate for the attorney generalship of the state; one by hon. sylvanus evans, candidate for congress; and one by colonel partridge, candidate for a seat in the legislature. (accompanying document no. .) the speakers represented themselves as union men, and i have learned nothing about them that would cast suspicion upon the sincerity of their declarations as far as they go; but all there qualified their unionism by the same important statement. mr. cooper: "in i opposed an attempt to break up the united states government, and in i did the same. i travelled in alabama and mississippi to oppose the measure. (applause.) but after the state did secede, i did all in my power to sustain it." (heavy applause.) mr. evans: "in i was a delegate from lauderdale county to the state convention, then and in being opposed to the act of secession, and fought against it with all my powers. but when the state had seceded, i went with it as a matter of duty, and i sustained it until the day of the surrender with all my body and heart and mind." (great applause.) colonel partridge: "he was a union man before the war and a soldier in the war. he had performed his duty as a private and an officer on the battle-field and on the staff." these speeches, fair specimens of a majority of those delivered by the better class of politicians before the better class of audiences, furnish an indication of the kind of unionism which, by candidates, is considered palatable to the people of that region. and candidates are generally good judges as to what style of argument is best calculated to captivate the popular mind. in some isolated localities there may be some chance of success for a candidate who, proclaiming himself a union man, is not able to add, "but after the state had seceded i did all in my power to sustain it," although such localities are certainly scarce and difficult to find. it is not so difficult to find places in which a different style of argument is considered most serviceable. your attention is respectfully invited to a card addressed to the voters of the sixth judicial district of mississippi by mr. john t. hogan, candidate for the office of district attorney. (accompanying document no. .) when, at the commencement of the war, kentucky resolved to remain in the union, mr. hogan, so he informs the constituency, was a citizen of kentucky; because kentucky refused to leave the union mr. hogan left kentucky. he went to mississippi, joined the rebel army, and was wounded in battle; and because he left his native state to fight against the union, "therefore," mr. hogan tells his mississippian constituency, "he cannot feel that he is an alien in their midst, and, with something of confidence in the result, appeals to them for their suffrages." such is mr. hogan's estimate of the loyalty of the sixth judicial district of mississippi. a candidate relying for success upon nothing but his identification with the rebellion might be considered as an extreme case. but, in fact, mr. hogan only speaks out bluntly what other candidates wrap up in lengthy qualifications. it is needless to accumulate specimens. i am sure no mississippian will deny that if a candidate there based his claims upon the ground of his having left mississippi when the state seceded, in order to fight for the union, his pretensions would be treated as a piece of impudence. i feel warranted in saying that unionism absolutely untinctured by any connexion with, or at least acquiescence in the rebellion, would have but little chance of political preferment anywhere, unless favored by very extraordinary circumstances; while men who, during the war, followed the example of the union leaders of east tennessee, would in most places have to depend upon the protection of our military forces for safety, while nowhere within the range of my observation would they, under present circumstances, be considered eligible to any position of trust, honor, or influence, unless it be in the county of jones, as long as the bayonets of the united states are still there. the tendency of which in the preceding remarks i have endeavored to indicate the character and direction, appeared to prevail in all the states that came under my observation with equal force, some isolated localities excepted. none of the provisional governments adopted the policy followed by the late "military government" of tennessee: to select in every locality the most reliable and most capable union men for the purpose of placing into their hands the positions of official influence. those who had held the local offices before and during the rebellion were generally reappointed, and hardly any discrimination made. if such wholesale re-appointments were the only thing that could be done in a hurry, it may be asked whether the hurry was necessary. even in louisiana, where a state government was organized during the war and under the influence of the sentiments which radiated from the camps and headquarters of the union army, and where there is a union element far stronger than in any other of the states i visited, even there, men who have aided the rebellion by word and act are crowding into places of trust and power. governor wells, when he was elected lieutenant governor of louisiana, was looked upon and voted for as a thorough unionist; but hardly had he the patronage of the state government in his hands, when he was carried along by the seemingly irresistible current. even members of the "conservative union party," and friends of governor wells, expressed their dissatisfaction with the remarkable "liberality" with which he placed men into official positions who had hardly returned from the rebel army, or some other place where they had taken refuge to avoid living under the flag of the united states. the apprehension was natural that such elements would soon obtain a power and influence which the governor would not be able to control even if he wished. taking these things into consideration, the re-nomination of governor wells for the governorship can certainly not be called a victory of that union sentiment to which he owed his first election. while i was in new orleans an occurrence took place which may be quoted as an illustration of the sweep of what i might call the _reactionary movement_. when general shepley was military governor of louisiana, under general butler's regime, a school board was appointed for the purpose of reorganizing the public schools of new orleans. a corps of loyal teachers was appointed, and the education of the children was conducted with a view to make them loyal citizens. the national airs were frequently sung in the schools, and other exercises introduced, calculated to impregnate the youthful minds of the pupils with affection for their country. it appears that this feature of the public schools was distasteful to that class of people with whose feelings they did not accord. mr. h. kennedy, acting mayor of new orleans, early in september last, disbanded the school board which so far had conducted the educational affairs of the city, and appointed a new one. the composition of this new school board was such as to induce general canby to suspend its functions until he could inquire into the loyalty of its members. the report of the officer intrusted with the investigation is among the documents annexed hereto. (accompanying document no. .) it shows that a large majority of the members had sympathized with the rebellion, and aided the confederate government in a variety of ways. but as no evidence was elicited proving the members legally incapable of holding office, general canby considered himself obliged to remove the prohibition, and the new school board entered upon its functions. without offering any comment of my own, i annex an editorial taken from the "new orleans times," of september , evidently written in defence of the measure. (accompanying document no. .) its real substance, stripped of all circumlocutions, can be expressed in a few words: "the schools of new orleans have been institutions so intensely and demonstratively loyal as to become unpopular with those of our fellow-citizens to whom such demonstrations are distasteful, and they must be brought back under 'popular control' so as to make them cease to be obnoxious in that particular." it was generally understood, when the new school board was appointed, that a mr. rodgers was to be made superintendent of public schools. in major lowell's report to general canby (accompanying document no. ) this mr. rodgers figures as follows: "mr. rodgers, the candidate for the position of superintendent of public schools, held the same office at the commencement of the war. his conduct at that time was imbued with extreme bitterness and hate towards the united states, and, in his capacity as superintendent, he introduced the 'bonnie blue flag' and other rebel songs into the exercises of the schools under his charge. in histories and other books where the initials 'u.s.' occurred he had the same erased, and 'c.s.' substituted. he used all means in his power to imbue the minds of the youth intrusted to his care with hate and malignity towards the union. he has just returned from the late confederacy, where he has resided during the war. at the time he left the city to join the army he left his property in the care of one finley, who claims to be a british subject, but held the position of sergeant in a confederate regiment of militia." no sooner was the above-mentioned prohibition by general canby removed when mr. rodgers was actually appointed, and he now presides over the educational interests of new orleans. there is something like system in such proceedings. similar occurrences, such as the filling with rebel officers of professorships in the military institute of louisiana, where formerly general sherman held a position, have already become known to the country, and it is unnecessary to go into further details. many cases of this description are not of much importance in themselves, but serve as significant indications of the tendency of things in the south. it is easily understood that, under such circumstances, unionists of the consistent, uncompromising kind do not play an enviable part. it is a sad fact that the victory of the national arms has, to a great extent, resulted in something like a political ostracism of the most loyal men in that part of the country. more than once have i heard some of them complain of having been taunted by late rebels with their ill fortune; and it is, indeed, melancholy for them to reflect that, if they had yielded to the current of public sentiment in the rebel states instead of resisting it, their present situation and prospects would be much more pleasing. nor is such a reflection calculated to encourage them, or others, to follow a similar course if similar emergencies should again arise. what has been accomplished. while the generosity and toleration shown by the government to the people lately in rebellion has not met with a corresponding generosity shown by those people to the government's friends, it has brought forth some results which, if properly developed, will become of value. it has facilitated the re-establishment of the forms of civil government, and led many of those who had been active in the rebellion to take part in the act of bringing back the states to their constitutional relations; and if nothing else were necessary than the mere putting in operation of the mere machinery of government in point of form, and not also the acceptance of the results of the war and their development in point of spirit, these results, although as yet incomplete, might be called a satisfactory advance in the right direction. there is, at present, no danger of another insurrection against the authority of the united states on a large scale, and the people are willing to reconstruct their state governments, and to send their senators and representatives to congress. but as to the moral value of these results, we must not indulge in any delusions. there are two principal points to which i beg to call your attention. in the first place, the rapid return to power and influence of so many of those who but recently were engaged in a bitter war against the union, has had one effect which was certainly not originally contemplated by the government. treason does, under existing circumstances, not appear odious in the south. the people are not impressed with any sense of its criminality. and, secondly, there is, as yet, among the southern people an _utter absence of national feeling_. i made it a business, while in the south, to watch the symptoms of "returning loyalty" as they appeared not only in private conversation, but in the public press and in the speeches delivered and the resolutions passed at union meetings. hardly ever was there an expression of hearty attachment to the great republic, or an appeal to the impulses of patriotism; but whenever submission to the national authority was declared and advocated, it was almost uniformly placed upon two principal grounds: that, under present circumstances, the southern people could "do no better;" and then that submission was the only means by which they could rid themselves of the federal soldiers and obtain once more control of their own affairs. some of the speakers may have been inspired by higher motives, but upon these two arguments they had principally to rely whenever they wanted to make an impression upon the popular mind. if any exception is to be made to this rule it is louisiana, in whose metropolis a different spirit was cultivated for some time; but even there, the return in mass of those who followed the fortunes of the confederate flag during the war does not appear to have a favorable influence upon the growth of that sentiment. (see gen. canby's letter, accompanying document no. .) while admitting that, at present, we have perhaps no right to expect anything better than this submission--loyalty which springs from necessity and calculation--i do not consider it safe for the government to base expectations upon it, which the manner in which it manifests itself does not justify. the reorganization of civil government is relieving the military, to a great extent, of its police duties and judicial functions; but at the time i left the south it was still very far from showing a satisfactory efficiency in the maintenance of order and security.--in many districts robbing and plundering was going on with perfect impunity; the roads were infested by bands of highwaymen; numerous assaults occurred, and several stage lines were considered unsafe. the statements of major general woods, brigadier general kilby smith and colonel gilchrist, (accompanying documents nos. , and ,) give a terrible picture of the state of things in the localities they refer to. it is stated that civil officers are either unwilling or unable to enforce the laws; that one man does not dare to testify against another for fear of being murdered, and that the better elements of society are kept down by lawless characters under a system of terrorism. from my own observation i know that these things are not confined to the districts mentioned in the documents above referred to. both the governors of alabama and mississippi complained of it in official proclamations. cotton, horse and cattle stealing was going on in all the states i visited on an extensive scale. such a state of demoralization would call for extraordinary measures in any country, and it is difficult to conceive how, in the face of the inefficiency of the civil authorities, the removal of the troops can be thought of. in speaking above of the improbability of an insurrectionary movement on a large scale, i did not mean to say that i considered resistance in detail to the execution of the laws of congress and the measures of the government impossible. of all subjects connected with the negro question i shall speak in another part of this report. but there is another matter claiming the attention and foresight of the government. it is well known that the levying of taxes for the payment of the interest on our national debt is, and will continue to be, very unpopular in the south. it is true, no striking demonstrations have as yet been made of any decided unwillingness on the part of the people to contribute to the discharge of our national obligations. but most of the conversations i had with southerners upon this subject led me to apprehend that they, politicians and people, are rather inclined to ask money of the government as compensation for their emancipated slaves, for the rebuilding of the levees on the mississippi, and various kinds of damage done by our armies for military purposes, than, as the current expression is, to "help paying the expenses of the whipping they have received." in fact, there are abundant indications in newspaper articles, public speeches, and electioneering documents of candidates, which render it eminently probable that on the claim of compensation for their emancipated slaves the southern states, as soon as readmitted to representation in congress, will be almost a unit. in the mississippi convention the idea was broached by mr. potter, in an elaborate speech, to have the late slave states relieved from taxation "for years to come," in consideration of "debt due them" for the emancipated slaves; and this plea i have frequently heard advocated in private conversations. i need not go into details as to the efforts made in some of the southern states in favor of the assumption by those states of their debts contracted during the rebellion. it may be assumed with certainty that those who want to have the southern people, poor as they are, taxed for the payment of rebel debts, do not mean to have them taxed for the purpose of meeting our national obligations. but whatever devices may be resorted to, present indications justify the apprehension that the enforcement of our revenue laws will meet with a refractory spirit, and may require sterner measures than the mere sending of revenue officers into that part of the country. i have annexed to this report numerous letters addressed to me by gentlemen whose views on the loyalty of the southern people and kindred topics, formed as they are upon an extended observation and long experience, are entitled to consideration. (letter of general gillmore, accompanying document no. ; letter of dr. mackey, no. ; letter of mr. sawyer, no. ; letter of general hatch, no. ; letter of mr. pilsbury, no. ; statement of general steedman, no. ; letter of general croxton, no. ; letter of general canby, no. ; letter of general kirby smith, no. , &c.) in these papers a variety of opinions is expressed, some to a certain extent sanguine, others based upon a less favorable experience. i offer them to you, without exception, as they came to me. many of the gentlemen who wrote them have never been in any way connected with party politics, and their utterances may be looked upon as coming from unbiassed and impartial observers. the negro question--first aspects. the principal cause of that want of national spirit which has existed in the south so long, and at last gave birth to the rebellion, was, that the southern people cherished, cultivated, idolized their peculiar interests and institutions in preference to those which they had in common with the rest of the american people. hence the importance of the negro question as an integral part of the question of union in general, and the question of reconstruction in particular. when the war came to a close, the labor system of the south was already much disturbed. during the progress of military operations large numbers of slaves had left their masters and followed the columns of our armies; others had taken refuge in our camps; many thousands had enlisted in the service of the national government. extensive settlements of negroes had been formed along the seaboard and the banks of the mississippi, under the supervision of army officers and treasury agents, and the government was feeding the colored refugees, who could not be advantageously employed, in the so-called contraband camps. many slaves had also been removed by their masters, as our armies penetrated the country, either to texas or to the interior of georgia and alabama. thus a considerable portion of the laboring force had been withdrawn from its former employments. but a majority of the slaves remained on the plantations to which they belonged, especially in those parts of the country which were not touched by the war, and where, consequently, the emancipation proclamation was not enforced by the military power. although not ignorant of the stake they had in the result of the contest, the patient bondmen waited quietly for the development of things. but as soon as the struggle was finally decided, and our forces were scattered about in detachments to occupy the country, the so far unmoved masses began to stir. the report went among them that their liberation was no longer a mere contingency, but a fixed fact. large numbers of colored people left the plantations; many flocked to our military posts and camps to obtain the certainty of their freedom, and others walked away merely for the purpose of leaving the places on which they had been held in slavery, and because they could now go with impunity. still others, and their number was by no means inconsiderable, remained with their former masters and continued their work on the field, but under new and as yet unsettled conditions, and under the agitating influence of a feeling of restlessness. in some localities, however, where our troops had not yet penetrated and where no military post was within reach, planters endeavored and partially succeeded in maintaining between themselves and the negroes the relation of master and slave, partly by concealing from them the great changes that had taken place, and partly by terrorizing them into submission to their behests. but aside from these exceptions, the country found itself thrown into that confusion which is naturally inseparable from a change so great and so sudden. the white people were afraid of the negroes, and the negroes did not trust the white people; the military power of the national government stood there, and was looked up to, as the protector of both. upon this power devolved the task to bring order into that chaos. but the order to be introduced was a new order, of which neither the late masters nor the late slaves had an adequate conception. all the elements of society being afloat, the difficulties were immense. the military officers and agents of the freedmen's bureau, to whom the negroes applied for advice and guidance, either procured them such employment as could be found, or persuaded them to return to their plantations and to continue in the cultivation of the crops, promising them that their liberty, rights, and interests should be protected. upon the planters they urged the necessity of making fair and equitable contracts with the freedmen, admonishing them to treat their laborers as free men ought to be treated. these efforts met with such success as the difficulties surrounding the problem permitted to expect. large numbers of negroes went back to the fields, according to the advice they had received, but considerable accumulations still remained in and around the towns and along the seaboard, where there was no adequate amount of profitable employment for them. the making and approving of contracts progressed as rapidly as the small number of officers engaged in that line of duty made it possible, but not rapidly in proportion to the vast amount of work to be accomplished. the business experience of many of the officers was but limited; here and there experiments were tried which had to be given up. in numerous cases contracts were made and then broken, either by the employers or the laborers, and the officers in charge were overwhelmed with complaints from both sides. while many planters wanted to have the laborers who had left them back on their plantations, others drove those that had remained away, and thus increased the number of the unemployed. moreover, the great change had burst upon the country in the midst of the agricultural labor season when the crops that were in the ground required steady work to make them produce a satisfactory yield, and the interruption of labor, which could not but be very extensive, caused considerable damage. in one word, the efforts made could not prevent or remedy, in so short a time, the serious disorders which are always connected with a period of precipitous transition, and which, although natural, are exceedingly embarrassing to those who have to deal with them. the solution of the social problem in the south, if left to the free action of the southern people, will depend upon two things: , upon the ideas entertained by the whites, the "ruling class," of the problem, and the manner in which they act upon their ideas; and , upon the capacity and conduct of the colored people. options of the whites. that the result of the free labor experiment made under circumstances so extremely unfavorable should at once be a perfect success, no reasonable person would expect. nevertheless, a large majority of the southern men with whom i came into contact announced their opinions with so positive an assurance as to produce the impression that their minds were fully made up. in at least nineteen cases of twenty the reply i received to my inquiry about their views on the new system was uniformly this: "you cannot make the negro work, without physical compulsion." i heard this hundreds of times, heard it wherever i went, heard it in nearly the same words from so many different persons, that at last i came to the conclusion that this is the prevailing sentiment among the southern people. there are exceptions to this rule, but, as far as my information extends, far from enough to affect the rule. in the accompanying documents you will find an abundance of proof in support of this statement. there is hardly a paper relative to the negro question annexed to this report which does not, in some direct or indirect way, corroborate it. unfortunately the disorders necessarily growing out of the transition state continually furnished food for argument. i found but few people who were willing to make due allowance for the adverse influence of exceptional circumstances. by a large majority of those i came in contact with, and they mostly belonged to the more intelligent class, every irregularity that occurred was directly charged against the system of free labor. if negroes walked away from the plantations, it was conclusive proof of the incorrigible instability of the negro, and the impracticability of free negro labor. if some individual negroes violated the terms of their contract, it proved unanswerably that no negro had, or ever would have, a just conception of the binding force of a contract, and that this system of free negro labor was bound to be a failure. if some negroes shirked, or did not perform their task with sufficient alacrity, it was produced as irrefutable evidence to show that physical compulsion was actually indispensable to make the negro work. if negroes, idlers or refugees crawling about the towns, applied to the authorities for subsistence, it was quoted as incontestably establishing the point that the negro was too improvident to take care of himself, and must necessarily be consigned to the care of a master. i heard a georgia planter argue most seriously that one of his negroes had shown himself certainly unfit for freedom because he impudently refused to submit to a whipping. i frequently went into an argument with those putting forth such general assertions, quoting instances in which negro laborers were working faithfully, and to the entire satisfaction of their employers, as the employers themselves had informed me. in a majority of cases the reply was that we northern people did not understand the negro, but that they (the southerners) did; that as to the particular instances i quoted i was probably mistaken; that i had not closely investigated the cases, or had been deceived by my informants; that they _knew_ the negro would not work without compulsion, and that nobody could make them believe he would. arguments like these naturally finished such discussions. it frequently struck me that persons who conversed about every other subject calmly and sensibly would lose their temper as soon as the negro question was touched. effects of such opinions, and general treatment of the negro. a belief, conviction, or prejudice, or whatever you may call it, so widely spread and apparently so deeply rooted as this, that the negro will not work without physical compulsion, is certainly calculated to have a very serious influence upon the conduct of the people entertaining it. it naturally produced a desire to preserve slavery in its original form as much and as long as possible--and you may, perhaps, remember the admission made by one of the provisional governors, over two months after the close of the war, that the people of his state still indulged in a lingering hope slavery might yet be preserved--or to introduce into the new system that element of physical compulsion which would make the negro work. efforts were, indeed, made to hold the negro in his old state of subjection, especially in such localities where our military forces had not yet penetrated, or where the country was not garrisoned in detail. here and there planters succeeded for a limited period to keep their former slaves in ignorance, or at least doubt, about their new rights; but the main agency employed for that purpose was force and intimidation. in many instances negroes who walked away from the plantations, or were found upon the roads, were shot or otherwise severely punished, which was calculated to produce the impression among those remaining with their masters that an attempt to escape from slavery would result in certain destruction. a large proportion of the many acts of violence committed is undoubtedly attributable to this motive. the documents attached to this report abound in testimony to this effect. for the sake of illustration i will give some instances: brigadier general fessenden reported to major general gillmore from winnsboro, south carolina, july , as follows: "the spirit of the people, especially in those districts not subject to the salutary influence of general sherman's army, is that of concealed and, in some instances, of open hostility, though there are some who strive with honorable good faith to promote a thorough reconciliation between the government and their people. a spirit of bitterness and persecution manifests itself towards the negroes. they are shot and abused outside the immediate protection of our forces _by men who announce their determination to take the law into their own hands, in defiance of our authority_. to protect the negro and punish these still rebellious individuals it will be necessary to have this country pretty thickly settled with soldiers." i received similar verbal reports from other parts of south carolina. to show the hopes still indulged in by some, i may mention that one of the sub-district commanders, as he himself informed me, knew planters within the limits of his command who had made contracts with their former slaves _avowedly_ for the object of keeping them together on their plantations, so that they might have them near at hand, and thus more easily reduce them to their former condition, when, after the restoration of the civil power, the "unconstitutional emancipation proclamation" would be set aside. cases in which negroes were kept on the plantations, either by ruse or violence, were frequent enough in south carolina and georgia to call forth from general saxton a circular threatening planters who persisted in this practice with loss of their property, and from major general steedman, commander of the department of georgia, an order bearing upon the same subject. at atlanta, georgia, i had an opportunity to examine some cases of the nature above described myself. while i was there, th and th of august, several negroes came into town with bullet and buckshot wounds in their bodies. from their statements, which, however, were only corroborating information previously received, it appeared that the reckless and restless characters of that region had combined to keep the negroes where they belonged. several freedmen were shot in the attempt to escape, others succeeded in eluding the vigilance of their persecutors; large numbers, terrified by what they saw and heard, quietly remained under the restraint imposed upon them, waiting for better opportunities. the commander of the sub-district and post informed me that bands of guerillas were prowling about within a few miles of the city, making it dangerous for soldiers and freedmen to show themselves outside of the immediate reach of the garrison, and that but a few days previous to my arrival a small squad of men he had sent out to serve an order upon a planter, concerning the treatment of freedmen, had been driven back by an armed band of over twenty men, headed by an individual in the uniform of a rebel officer. as our troops in georgia were at that time mostly concentrated at a number of central points, and not scattered over the state in small detachments, but little information was obtained of what was going on in the interior of the country. a similar system was followed in alabama, but enough has become known to indicate the condition of things in localities not immediately under the eye of the military. in that state the efforts made to hold the negro in a state of subjection appear to have been of a particularly atrocious nature. rumors to that effect which reached me at montgomery induced me to make inquiries at the post hospital. the records of that institution showed a number of rather startling cases which had occurred immediately after the close of the war, and some of a more recent date; all of which proved that negroes leaving the plantations, and found on the roads, were exposed to the savagest treatment. an extract from the records of the hospital is appended, (accompanying document no. ;) also a statement signed by the provost marshal at selma, alabama, major j.p. houston, (accompanying document no. .) he says: "there have come to my notice officially twelve cases, in which i am morally certain the trials have not been had yet, that negroes were killed by whites. in a majority of cases the provocation consisted in the negroes' trying to come to town or to return to the plantation after having been sent away. the cases above enumerated, i am convinced, are but a small part of those that have actually been perpetrated." in a report to general swayne, assistant commissioner of the freedmen's bureau, in alabama, communicated to me by the general, captain poillon, agent of the bureau at mobile, says of the condition of things in the southwestern part of the state, july : "there are regular patrols posted on the rivers, who board some of the boats; after the boats leave they hang, shoot, or drown the victims they may find on them, and all those found on the roads or coming down the rivers are almost invariably murdered. the bewildered and terrified freedmen know not what to do--to leave is death; to remain is to suffer the increased burden imposed upon them by the cruel taskmaster, whose only interest is their labor, wrung from them by every device an inhuman ingenuity can devise; hence the lash and murder is resorted to to intimidate those whom fear of an awful death alone cause to remain, while patrols, negro dogs and spies, disguised as yankees, keep constant guard over these unfortunate people." in a letter addressed to myself, september , captain poillon says: "organized patrols, with negro hounds, keep guard over the thoroughfares; bands of lawless robbers traverse the country, and the unfortunate who attempts to escape, or he who returns for his wife or child, is waylaid or pursued with hounds, and shot or hung." (accompanying document no. .) in mississippi i received information of a similar character. i would respectfully invite your attention to two letters--one by colonel hayne, st texas cavalry, and one by colonel brinkerhoff--giving interesting descriptions of the condition of the freedmen, and the spirit of the whites shortly after the close of the war. (accompanying documents nos. and .) lieutenant colonel p.j. yorke, post commander at port gibson, mississippi, reported to general davidson, on august , that a "county patrol" had been organized by citizens of his sub-district, which, for reasons given, he had been obliged to disband; one of these reasons was, in his own language, that: "the company was formed out of what they called picked men, _i.e._, those only who had been actually engaged in the war, and were known as strong disunionists. the negroes in the sections of country these men controlled were kept in the most abject slavery, and treated in every way contrary to the requirements of general orders no. , from the war department." (accompanying document no. .) as late as september , captain j.h. weber, agent of the freedmen's bureau, reported to colonel thomas, assistant commissioner of the bureau, in the state of mississippi, as follows: "in many cases negroes who left their homes during the war, and have been within our military lines, and having provided homes here for their families, going back to get their wives and children, have been driven off, and told that they could not have them. in several cases guards have been sent to aid people in getting their families; in many others it has been impracticable, as the distance was too great. in portions of the northern part of this district the colored people are kept in slavery still. the white people tell them that they were free during the war, but the war is now over, and they must go to work again as before. the reports from sub-commissioners nearest that locality show that the blacks are in a much worse state than ever before, the able-bodied being kept at work under the lash, and the young and infirm driven off to care for themselves. as to protection from the civil authorities, there is no such thing outside of this city." (accompanying document no. .) the conviction, however, that slavery in the old form cannot be maintained has forced itself upon the minds of many of those who ardently desired its preservation. but while the necessity of a new system was recognized as far as the right of property in the individual negro is concerned, many attempts were made to introduce into that new system the element of physical compulsion, which, as above stated, is so generally considered indispensable. this was done by simply adhering, as to the treatment of the laborers, as much as possible to the traditions of the old system, even where the relations between employers and laborers had been fixed by contract. the practice of corporal punishment was still continued to a great extent, although, perhaps, not in so regular a manner as it was practiced in times gone by. it is hardly necessary to quote any documentary evidence on this point; the papers appended to this report are full of testimony corroborating the statement. the habit is so inveterate with a great many persons as to render, on the least provocation, the impulse to whip a negro almost irresistible. it will continue to be so until the southern people will have learned, so as never to forget it, that a black man has rights which a white man is bound to respect. here i will insert some remarks on the general treatment of the blacks as a class, from the whites as a class. it is not on the plantations and at the hands of the planters themselves that the negroes have to suffer the greatest hardships. not only the former slaveholders, but the non-slaveholding whites, who, even previous to the war, seemed to be more ardent in their pro-slavery feelings than the planters themselves, are possessed by a singularly bitter and vindictive feeling against the colored race since the negro has ceased to be property. the pecuniary value which the individual negro formerly represented having disappeared, the maiming and killing of colored men seems to be looked upon by many as one of those venial offences which must be forgiven to the outraged feelings of a wronged and robbed people. besides, the services rendered by the negro to the national cause during the war, which make him an object of special interest to the loyal people, make him an object of particular vindictiveness to those whose hearts were set upon the success of the rebellion. the number of murders and assaults perpetrated upon negroes is very great; we can form only an approximative estimate of what is going on in those parts of the south which are not closely garrisoned, and from which no regular reports are received, by what occurs under the very eyes of our military authorities. as to my personal experience, i will only mention that during my two days sojourn at atlanta, one negro was stabbed with fatal effect on the street, and three were poisoned, one of whom died. while i was at montgomery, one negro was cut across the throat evidently with intent to kill, and another was shot, but both escaped with their lives. several papers attached to this report give an account of the number of capital cases that occurred at certain places during a certain period of time. it is a sad fact that the perpetration of those acts is not confined to that class of people which might be called the rabble. several "gentlemen of standing" have been tried before military commissions for such offences. these statements are naturally not intended to apply to all the individuals composing the southern people. there are certainly many planters who, before the rebellion, treated their slaves with kindness, and who now continue to treat them as free laborers in the same manner. there are now undoubtedly many plantations in the south on which the relations between employers and employees are based upon mutual good will. there are certainly many people there who entertain the best wishes for the welfare of the negro race, and who not only never participated in any acts of violence, but who heartily disapprove them. i have no doubt, a large majority can, _as to actual participation_--not, however, as to the bitter spirit--i offer a good plea of not guilty. but however large or small a number of people may be guilty of complicity in such acts of persecution, those who are opposed to them have certainly not shown themselves strong enough to restrain those who perpetrate or favor them. so far, the _spirit of persecution_ has shown itself so strong as to make the protection of the freedman by the military arm of the government in many localities necessary--in almost all, desirable. it must not be forgotten that in a community a majority of whose members is peaceably disposed, but not willing or not able to enforce peace and order, a comparatively small number of bold and lawless men can determine the character of the whole. the rebellion itself, in some of the southern states, furnished a striking illustration of this truth. general ideas and schemes of whites concerning the freedmen. some of the planters with whom i had occasion to converse expressed their determination to adopt the course which best accords with the spirit of free labor, to make the negro work by offering him fair inducements, to stimulate his ambition, and to extend to him those means of intellectual and moral improvement which are best calculated to make him an intelligent, reliable and efficient free laborer and a good and useful citizen. those who expressed such ideas were almost invariably professed union men, and far above the average in point of mental ability and culture. i found a very few instances of original secessionists also manifesting a willingness to give the free-labor experiment a fair trial. i can represent the sentiments of this small class in no better way than by quoting the language used by an alabama judge in a conversation with me. "i am one of the most thoroughly whipped men in the south," said he; "i am a genuine old secessionist, and i believe now, as i always did, we had the constitutional right to secede. but the war has settled that matter, and it is all over now. as to this thing of free negro labor, i do not believe in it, but i will give it a fair trial. i have a plantation and am going to make contracts with my hands, and then i want a real yankee to run the machine for me; not one of your new yorkers or pennsylvanians, but the genuine article from massachusetts or vermont--one who can not only farm, but sing psalms and pray, and teach school--a real abolitionist, who believes in the thing just as i don't believe in it. if he does not succeed, i shall consider it proof conclusive that you are wrong and i am right." i regret to say that views and intentions so reasonable i found confined to a small minority. aside from the assumption that the negro will not work without physical compulsion, there appears to be another popular notion prevalent in the south, which stands as no less serious an obstacle in the way of a successful solution of the problem. it is that the negro exists for the special object of raising cotton, rice and sugar _for the whites_, and that it is illegitimate for him to indulge, like other people, in the pursuit of his own happiness in his own way. although it is admitted that he has ceased to be the property of a master, it is not admitted that he has a right to become his own master. as colonel thomas, assistant commissioner of the freedmen's bureau in mississippi, in a letter addressed to me, very pungently expresses it: "the whites esteem the blacks their property by natural right, and, however much they may admit that the relations of masters and slaves have been destroyed by the war and by the president's emancipation proclamation, they still have an ingrained feeling that the blacks at large belong to the whites at large, and whenever opportunity serves, they treat the colored people just as their profit, caprice or passion may dictate." (accompanying document no. .) an ingrained feeling like this is apt to bring forth that sort of class legislation which produces laws to govern one class with no other view than to benefit another. this tendency can be distinctly traced in the various schemes for regulating labor which here and there see the light. immediately after the emancipation of the slaves, when the general confusion was most perplexing, the prevalent desire among the whites seemed to be, if they could not retain their negroes as slaves, to get rid of them entirely. wild speculations were indulged in, how to remove the colored population at once and to import white laborers to fill its place; how to obtain a sufficient supply of coolies, &c., &c. even at the present moment the removal of the freedmen is strongly advocated by those who have the traditional horror of a free negro, and in some sections, especially where the soil is more adapted to the cultivation of cereals than the raising of the staples, planters appear to be inclined to drive the negroes away, at least from their plantations. i was informed by a prominent south carolinian in july, that the planters in certain localities in the northwestern part of his state had been on the point of doing so, but better counsel had been made to prevail upon them; and colonel robinson, th united states colored infantry, who had been sent out to several counties in southern alabama to administer the amnesty oath, reported a general disposition among the planters of that region to "set the colored people who had cultivated their crops during the summer, adrift as soon as the crops would be secured, and not to permit the negro to remain upon any footing of equality with the white man in that country." (accompanying document no. .) the disposition to drive away all the negroes from the plantations was undoubtedly confined to a few districts; and as far as the scheme of wholesale deportation is concerned, practical men became aware, that if they wanted to have any labor done, it would have been bad policy to move away the laborers they now have before others were there to fill their places. all these devices promising at best only distant relief, and free negro labor being the only thing in immediate prospect, many ingenious heads set about to solve the problem, how to make free labor compulsory by permanent regulations. shortly after the close of the war some south carolina planters tried to solve this problem by introducing into the contracts provisions leaving only a small share of the crops to the freedmen, subject to all sorts of constructive charges, and then binding them to work off the indebtedness they might incur. it being to a great extent in the power of the employer to keep the laborer in debt to him, the employer might thus obtain a permanent hold upon the person of the laborer. it was something like the system of peonage existing in mexico. when these contracts were submitted to the military authorities for ratification, general hatch, commanding at charleston, at once issued an order prohibiting such arrangements. i had an opportunity to examine one of these contracts, and found it drawn up with much care, and evidently with a knowledge of the full bearings of the provisions so inserted. appended to this report is a memorandum of a conversation i had with mr. w. king, of georgia, a gentleman of good political sentiments and undoubtedly benevolent intentions. he recommends a kind of guardianship to be exercised by the employer over the freedman. he is a fair representative, not of the completely unprejudiced, but of the more liberal-minded class of planters, and his sayings show in what direction even those who are not actuated by any spirit of bitterness against the negro, seek a way out of their perplexities. (accompanying document no. .) i annex also two documents submitted to mr. benjamin f. flanders, special treasury agent at new orleans, who then had the management of freedmen's affairs in louisiana, in november and december, . they are not of a recent date, but may be taken as true representations of the ideas and sentiments entertained by large numbers to-day. the first (accompanying document no. ) contains "suggestions on the wants of planters before embarking their capital in the cultivation of staple crops," and was submitted by a committee to a meeting of planters at new orleans, november , . it speaks for itself. the others (accompanying document no. ) is a letter addressed to mr. flanders by mr. t. gibson, a louisiana planter, who is well known in new orleans as professing much affection for the negro. it commences with the assertion that he "has no prejudices to overcome, and would do the black all the good in his power," and winds up with a postscript strongly insisting upon the necessity of corporal punishment, the "great desideratum in obtaining labor from free blacks being _its enforcement_." municipal regulations. the motives and spirit bringing forth such ideas found a still clearer expression in some attempted municipal regulations. in no state within the range of my observation had, at the time of my visit, so much progress been made in the reorganization of local government as in louisiana. in most of the parishes the parish authorities had exercised their functions for some time; in others the organization was less complete. governor wells informed me that he had filled the parish offices with men recommended to him by the people of the parishes, and it is fair to assume that in most cases the appointees represented the views and sentiments of the ruling class. some of the local authorities so appointed furnished us an indication of the principles upon which they thought it best to regulate free labor within their jurisdiction. mr. w.b. stickney, agent of the freedmen's bureau at shreveport, louisiana, reported to the assistant commissioner of the bureau in louisiana as follows: "august .--the following is a literal copy of a document brought to this office by a colored man, which is conclusive evidence that there are those who still claim the negro as their property: "'this boy calvin has permit to hire to whom he pleases, but i shall hold him as my property until set free by congress. july , . (signed.) e.v. tully.'" the spirit of the above also made its appearance in another form, in the action of the police board of the parish of bossier, which was an attempt to revive at once the old slave laws, and to prevent the freedmen from obtaining employment (away) from their former masters. the gist of the enactment alluded to is contained in the paragraph directing the officers on patrol duty "to arrest and take up all idle and vagrant persons running at large without employment and carry them before the proper authorities, to be dealt with as the law directs." a regulation like this certainly would make it difficult for freedmen to leave their former masters for the purpose of seeking employment elsewhere. the matter was submitted to brevet major general hawkins, commanding western district of louisiana, who issued an order prohibiting the parish police forces from arresting freedmen unless for positive offence against the law. clearer and more significant was the ordnance passed by the police board of the town of opelousas, louisiana. (accompanying document no. .) it deserves careful perusal. among a number of regulations applying exclusively to the negro, and depriving him of all liberty of locomotion, the following striking provisions are found: section . no negro or freedman shall be permitted to rent or keep a house within the limits of the town _under any circumstances_, and any one thus offending shall be ejected and _compelled to find an employer_ or leave the town within twenty-four hours. the lessor or furnisher of the house leased or kept as above shall pay a fine of ten dollars for each offence. section . no negro or freedman shall reside within the limits of the town of opelousas _who is not in the regular service of some white person or former owner_. section . no freedman shall sell, barter or exchange, any articles of merchandise or traffic within the limits of opelousas without permission in writing from his employer, or the mayor, or president of the board. this ordinance was at first approved by a lieutenant colonel of the united states forces having local command there, and it is worthy of note that thereupon the infection spread at once, and similar ordinances were entertained by the police boards of the town of franklin and of the parish of st. landry. (accompanying document no. ). the parish ordinance of st. landry differs from the town ordinances of opelousas and franklin in several points, and wherever there is any difference, it is in the direction of greater severity. it imposes heavier fines and penalties throughout, and provides, in addition, for a system of corporal punishment. it is also ordained "that the aforesaid penalties shall be _summarily enforced_, and that it shall be the duty of the _captain or chief of patrol_ to see that the aforesaid ordinances are promptly executed." while the town ordinances provide that a negro who does not find an employer shall be compelled to leave the town, the parish or county ordinance knows nothing of letting the negro go, but simply _compels_ him to find an employer. finally, it is ordained "that it shall be the duty of every _citizen_ to act as a police officer for the detection of offences and the apprehension of offenders, who shall be immediately handed over to the proper captain or chief of patrol." it is true, an "organization of free labor" upon this plan would not be exactly the re-establishment of slavery in its old form, but as for the practical working of the system with regard to the welfare of the freedman, the difference would only be for the worse. the negro is not only not permitted to be idle, but he is positively prohibited from working or carrying on a business for himself; he is _compelled_ to be in the "regular service" of a white man, and if he has no employer he is _compelled_ to find one. it requires only a simple understanding among the employers, and the negro is just as much bound to his employer "for better and for worse" as he was when slavery existed in the old form. if he should attempt to leave his employer on account of non-payment of wages or bad treatment he is _compelled_ to find another one; and if no other will take him he will be _compelled_ to return to him from whom he wanted to escape. the employers, under such circumstances, are naturally at liberty to arrange the matter of compensation according to their tastes, for the negro will be compelled to be in the regular service of an employer, whether he receives wages or not. the negro may be permitted by his employer "to hire his own time," for in the spirit and intent of the ordinance his time never properly belongs to him. but even the old system of slavery was more liberal in this respect, for such "permission to hire his own time" "shall never extend over seven days at any one time." (sec. .) the sections providing for the "_summary_" enforcement of the penalties and placing their infliction into the hands of the "chief of patrol"--which, by the way, throws some light upon the objects for which the militia is to be reorganized--place the freedmen under a sort of permanent martial law, while the provision investing every white man with the power and authority of a police officer as against every black man subjects them to the control even of those individuals who in other communities are thought hardly fit to control themselves. on the whole, this piece of legislation is a striking embodiment of the idea that although the former owner has lost his individual right of property in the former slave, "the blacks at large belong to the whites at large." such was the "organization of free labor" ordained by officials appointed by governor wells, and these ordinances were passed while both the emancipation proclamation and a provision in the new constitution of louisiana abolishing slavery in that state forever were recognized as being in full force. it is needless to say that as soon as these proceedings came to the knowledge of the freedmen's bureau and the department commander they were promptly overruled. but governor wells did not remove the police boards that had thus attempted to revive slavery in a new form. the opposition to the negro's controlling his own labor, carrying on business independently on his own account--in one word, working for his own benefit--showed itself in a variety of ways. here and there municipal regulations were gotten up heavily taxing or otherwise impeding those trades and employments in which colored people are most likely to engage. as an illustration, i annex an ordinance passed by the common council of vicksburg, (accompanying document no. ,) together with a letter from colonel thomas, in which he says: "you will see by the city ordinance that a drayman, or hackman, must file a bond of five hundred dollars, in addition to paying for his license. the mayor requires that the bondsmen must be freeholders. the laws of this state do not, and never did, allow a negro to own land or hold property; the white citizens refuse to sign any bonds for the freedmen. the white citizens and authorities say that it is for their interest to drive out all independent negro labor; that the freedmen must hire to white men if they want to do this kind of work." i found several instances of a similar character in the course of my observations, of which i neglected to procure the documentary evidence. it may be said that these are mere isolated cases; and so they are. but they are the local outcroppings of a spirit which i found to prevail everywhere. if there is any difference, it is in the degree of its intensity and the impatience or boldness with which it manifests itself. of the agencies which so far restrained it from venturing more general demonstrations i shall speak in another part of this report. education of the freedmen. it would seem that all those who sincerely desire to make the freedman a freeman in the true sense of the word, must also be in favor of so educating him as to make him clearly understand and appreciate the position he is to occupy in life, with all its rights and corresponding duties, and to impart to him all the knowledge necessary for enabling him to become an intelligent co-operator in the general movements of society. as popular education is the true ground upon which the efficiency and the successes of free-labor society grow, no man who rejects the former can be accounted a consistent friend of the latter. it is also evident that the education of the negro, to become general and effective after the full restoration of local government in the south, must be protected and promoted as an integral part of the educational systems of the states. i made it a special point in most of the conversations i had with southern men to inquire into their views with regard to this subject. i found, indeed, some gentlemen of thought and liberal ideas who readily acknowledged the necessity of providing for the education of the colored people, and who declared themselves willing to co-operate to that end to the extent of their influence. some planters thought of establishing schools on their estates, and others would have been glad to see measures taken to that effect by the people of the neighborhoods in which they lived. but whenever i asked the question whether it might be hoped that the legislatures of their states or their county authorities would make provisions for negro education, i never received an affirmative, and only in two or three instances feebly encouraging answers. at last i was forced to the conclusion that, aside from a small number of honorable exceptions, the popular prejudice is almost as bitterly set against the negro's having the advantage of education as it was when the negro was a slave. there may be an improvement in that respect, but it would prove only how universal the prejudice was in former days. hundreds of times i heard the old assertion repeated, that "learning will spoil the nigger for work," and that "negro education will be the ruin of the south." another most singular notion still holds a potent sway over the minds of the masses--it is, that the elevation of the blacks will be the degradation of the whites. they do not understand yet that the continual contact with an ignorant and degraded population must necessarily lower the mental and moral tone of the other classes of society. this they might have learned from actual experience, as we in the north have been taught, also by actual experience, that the education of the lower orders is the only reliable basis of the civilization as well as of the prosperity of a people. the consequence of the prejudice prevailing in the southern states is that colored schools can be established and carried on with safety only under the protection of our military forces, and that where the latter are withdrawn the former have to go with them. there may be a few localities forming exceptions, but their number is certainly very small. i annex a few papers bearing upon this subject. one is a letter addressed to me by chaplain joseph warren, superintendent of education under the freedmen's bureau in mississippi. (accompanying document no. .) the long and extensive experience of the writer gives the views he expresses more than ordinary weight. after describing the general spirit of opposition to the education of the negroes exhibited in mississippi, and enumerating the reasons assigned for it, he says: "in view of these things i have no doubt but that, if our protection be withdrawn, negro education will be hindered in every possible way, including obstructions by fraud and violence. i have not the smallest expectation that, with the state authorities in full power, a northern citizen would be protected in the exercise of his constitutional right to teach and preach to the colored people, and shall look for a renewal of the fearful scenes in which northerners were whipped, tarred and feathered, warned off, and murdered, before the war." the letter gives many details in support of this conclusion, and is in every respect worth perusing. in the letter of general kirby smith (accompanying document no. ) occurs the following statement referring to the condition of things in mobile, alabama: "threats were made to destroy all school-houses in which colored children were taught, and in two instances they were fired. the same threats were made against all churches in which colored people assembled to worship, and one of them burned. continued threats of assassination were made against the colored preachers, and one of them is now under special guard by order of major general woods." while i was in louisiana general canby received a petition, signed by a number of prominent citizens of new orleans, praying him "to annul order no. , which authorizes a board of officers to levy a tax on the taxpayers of the parish of orleans to defray the expense of educating the freedmen." the reasons given for making this request are as follows: "most of those who have lost their slaves by the rebellion, and whose lands are in the course of confiscation, being thus deprived of the means of raising corn for their hungry children, have not anything left wherewith to pay such a tax. the order in question, they consider, violates that sacred principle which requires taxation to be equal throughout the united states. _if the freedmen are to be educated at public expense, let it be done from the treasury of the united states_." (accompanying document no. .) many of the signers of this petition, who wanted to be relieved of the school tax on the ground of poverty, were counted among the wealthy men of new orleans, and they forgot to state that the free colored element of louisiana, which represents a capital of at least thirteen millions and pays a not inconsiderable proportion of the taxes, contributes at the same time for the support of the schools for whites, from which their children are excluded. i would also invite attention to some statements concerning this matter contained in the memorandum of my conversation with mr. king, of georgia. (accompanying document no. .) while travelling in the south i found in the newspapers an account of an interview between general howard and some gentlemen from mississippi, in which a dr. murdoch, from columbus, mississippi, figured somewhat conspicuously. he was reported to have described public sentiment in mississippi as quite loyal, and especially in favor of giving the colored race a good education. i inquired at the freedmen's bureau whether anything was known there of a feeling so favorable to negro education among dr. murdoch's neighbors. the information i received is contained in a letter from the assistant commissioner, colonel thomas. (accompanying document no. .) it appears that the feeling of dr. murdoch's neighbors at columbus was not only not in favor of negro education, but that, according to the report of the agent of the freedmen's bureau at that place, "the citizens of the town are so prejudiced against the negroes that they are opposed to all efforts being made for their education or elevation;" that "the people will not give rooms or allow the children of their hired freedmen to attend the schools," and that the citizens of the place have written a letter to the officers, saying "that they would respectfully ask that no freedmen's schools be established under the auspices of the bureau, as it would tend to disturb the present labor system, and take from the fields labor that is so necessary to restore the wealth of the state." it seems dr. murdoch's neighbors do not form an exception to the general rule. in this connexion i may add that several instances have come to my notice of statements about the condition of things in the late rebel states, being set afloat by southerners visiting the north, which would not bear close investigation. the reason, probably, is that gentlemen are attributing their own good intentions to the rest of their people with too great a liberality. having thus given my experience and impressions with regard to the spirit actuating the southern people concerning the freedman and the free-labor problem, and before inquiring into their prospective action, i beg leave to submit a few remarks on the conduct of the negro. the freedman. the first southern men with whom i came into contact after my arrival at charleston designated the general conduct of the emancipated slaves as surprisingly good. some went even so far as to call it admirable. the connexion in which they used these laudatory terms was this: a great many colored people while in slavery had undoubtedly suffered much hardship and submitted to great wrongs, partly inseparably connected with the condition of servitude, and partly aggravated by the individual wilfulness and cruelty of their masters and overseers. they were suddenly set free; and not only that: their masters but a short time ago almost omnipotent on their domains, found themselves, after their defeat in the war, all at once face to face with their former slaves as a conquered and powerless class. never was the temptation to indulge in acts of vengeance for wrongs suffered more strongly presented than to the colored people of the south; but no instance of such individual revenge was then on record, nor have i since heard of any case of violence that could be traced to such motives. the transition of the southern negro from slavery to freedom was untarnished by any deeds of blood, and the apprehension so extensively entertained and so pathetically declaimed upon by many, that the sudden and general emancipation of the slaves would at once result in "all the horrors of st. domingo," proved utterly groundless. this was the first impression i received after my arrival in the south, and i received it from the mouths of late slaveholders. nor do i think the praise was unjustly bestowed. in this respect the emancipated slaves of the south can challenge comparison with any race long held in servitude and suddenly set free. as to the dangers of the future, i shall speak of them in another connexion. but at that point the unqualified praise stopped and the complaints began: the negroes would not work; they left their plantations and went wandering from place to place, stealing by the way; they preferred a life of idleness and vagrancy to that of honest and industrious labor; they either did not show any willingness to enter into contracts, or, if they did, showed a stronger disposition to break them than to keep them; they were becoming insubordinate and insolent to their former owners; they indulged in extravagant ideas about their rights and relied upon the government to support them without work; in one word, they had no conception of the rights freedom gave, and of the obligations freedom imposed upon them. these complaints i heard repeated with endless variations wherever i went. nor were they made without some show of reason. i will review them one after another. _unwillingness to work_.--that there are among the negroes a good many constitutionally lazy individuals is certainly true. the propensity to idleness seems to be rather strongly developed in the south generally, without being confined to any particular race. it is also true that the alacrity negroes put into their work depends in a majority of cases upon certain combinations of circumstances. it is asserted that the negroes have a prejudice against working in the cultivation of cotton, rice, and sugar. although this prejudice, probably arising from the fact that the cotton, rice, and sugar fields remind the former slave of the worst experiences of his past life, exists to some extent, it has not made the freedmen now on the plantations unwilling to cultivate such crops as the planters may have seen fit to raise. a few cases of refusal may have occurred. but there is another fact of which i have become satisfied in the course of my observations, and which is of great significance: while most of the old slaveholders complain of the laziness and instability of their negro laborers, the northern men engaged in planting, with whom i have come into contact, almost uniformly speak of their negro laborers with satisfaction, and these northern men almost exclusively devote themselves to the cultivation of cotton. a good many southern planters, in view of the fact, expressed to me their intention to engage northern men for the management of their plantations. this circumstance would seem to prove that under certain conditions the negro may be expected to work well. there are two reasons by which it may be explained: first, that a northern man knows from actual experience what free labor is, and understands its management, which the late slaveholder, still clinging to the traditions of the old system, does not; and then, that the negro has more confidence in a northern man than in his former master. when a northern man discovers among his laboring force an individual that does not do his duty, his first impulse is to discharge him, and he acts accordingly. when a late slaveholder discovers such an individual among his laborers, his first impulse is to whip him, and he is very apt to suit the act to the impulse. ill treatment is a doubtful encouragement for free laborers, and it proves more apt to drive those that are still at work away than to make the plantation attractive to others. but if the reasons above stated are sufficient to explain why the negroes work better for northern than for southern men, it will follow that a general improvement will take place as soon as the latter fulfil the same conditions--that is, as soon as southern men learn what free labor is and how to manage it in accordance with its principles, and as soon as they succeed in gaining the confidence of the colored people. in the reports of officers of the freedmen's bureau, among the documents annexed to this, you will find frequent repetitions of the statement that the negro generally works well where he is decently treated and well compensated. nor do the officers of the freedmen's bureau alone think and say so. southern men, who were experimenting in the right direction, expressed to me their opinion to the same effect. some of them told me that the negroes on their plantations worked "as well as ever," or even "far better than they had expected." it is true the number of planters who made that admission was small, but it nearly corresponded with the number of those who, according to their own statements, gave free negro labor a perfectly fair trial, while all those who prefaced everything they said with the assertion that "the negro will not work without physical compulsion," could find no end to their complaints. there are undoubtedly negroes who will not do well under the best circumstances, just as there are others who will do well under the worst. in another part of this report i have already set forth the exceptional difficulties weighing upon the free-labor experiment in the south during this period of transition. the sudden leap from slavery to freedom is an exciting event in a man's life, and somewhat calculated to disturb his equanimity for a moment. people are on such occasions disposed to indulge themselves a little. it would have shown much more wisdom in the negroes if all of them had quietly gone to work again the next day. but it is not reasonable to expect the negroes to possess more wisdom than other races would exhibit under the same circumstances. besides, the willingness to work depends, with whites as well as blacks, somewhat upon the nature of the inducements held out, and the unsatisfactory regulation of the matter of wages has certainly something to do with the instability of negro labor which is complained of. northern men engaged in planting almost uniformly pay wages in money, while southern planters, almost uniformly, have contracted with their laborers for a share in the crop. in many instances the shares are allotted between employers and laborers with great fairness; but in others the share promised to the laborers is so small as to leave them in the end very little or nothing. moreover, the crops in the south looked generally very unpromising from the beginning, which naturally reduced the value falling to the lot of the laborer. i have heard a good many freedmen complain that, taking all things into consideration, they really did not know what they were working for except food, which in many instances was bad and scanty; and such complaints were frequently well founded. in a large number of cases the planters were not to blame for this; they had no available pecuniary means, and in many localities found it difficult to procure provisions. but these unfavorable circumstances, combined with the want of confidence in northern men, were well calculated to have an influence upon the conduct of the negro as a laborer. i have heard it said that money is no inducement which will make a negro work. it is certain that many of them, immediately after emancipation, had but a crude conception of the value of money and the uses it can be put to. it may, however, be stated as the general rule, that whenever they are at liberty to choose between wages in money and a share in the crop, they will choose the former and work better. many cases of negroes engaged in little industrial pursuits came to my notice, in which they showed considerable aptness not only for gaining money, but also for saving and judiciously employing it. some were even surprisingly successful. i visited some of the plantations divided up among freedmen and cultivated by them independently without the supervision of white men. in some instances i found very good crops and indications of general thrift and good management; in others the corn and cotton crops were in a neglected and unpromising state. the excuse made was in most cases that they had obtained possession of the ground too late in the season, and that, until the regular crops could be harvested, they were obliged to devote much of their time to the raising and sale of vegetables, watermelons, &c., for the purpose of making a living in the meantime. on the whole i feel warranted in making the following statement: many freedmen--not single individuals, but whole "plantation gangs"--are working well; others do not. the difference in their efficiency coincides in a great measure with a certain difference in the conditions under which they live. the conclusion lies near, that if the conditions under which they work well become general, their efficiency as free laborers will become general also, aside from individual exceptions. certain it is, that by far the larger portion of the work done in the south is done by freedmen. _vagrancy_.--large numbers of colored people left the plantations as soon as they became aware that they could do so with impunity. that they could so leave their former masters was for them the first test of the reality of their freedom. a great many flocked to the military posts and towns to obtain from the "yankees" reliable information as to their new rights. others were afraid lest by staying on the plantations where they had been held as slaves they might again endanger their freedom. still others went to the cities, thinking that there the sweets of liberty could best be enjoyed. in some places they crowded together in large numbers, causing serious inconvenience. but a great many, probably a very large majority, remained on the plantations and made contracts with their former masters. the military authorities, and especially the agents of the freedmen's bureau, succeeded by continued exertions in returning most of those who were adrift to the plantations, or in finding other employment for them. after the first rush was over the number of vagrants grew visibly less. it may be said that where the freedmen's bureau is best organized there is least vagrancy among the negroes. here and there they show considerable restlessness, partly owing to local, partly to general causes. among the former, bad treatment is probably the most prominent; among the latter, a feeling of distrust, uneasiness, anxiety about their future, which arises from their present unsettled condition. it is true, some are going from place to place because they are fond of it. the statistics of the freedmen's bureau show that the whole number of colored people supported by the government since the close of the war was remarkably small and continually decreasing. this seems to show that the southern negro, when thrown out of his accustomed employment, possesses considerable ability to support himself. it is possible, however, that in consequence of short crops, the destitution of the country, and other disturbing influences, there may be more restlessness among the negroes next winter than there is at present. where the results of this year's labor were very unsatisfactory, there will be a floating about of the population when the contracts of this year expire. it is to be expected, however, that the freedmen's bureau will be able to remedy evils of that kind. other emancipatory movements, for instance the abolition of serfdom in russia, have resulted in little or no vagrancy; but it must not be forgotten that the emancipated serfs were speedily endowed with the ownership of land, which gave them a permanent moral and material interest in the soil upon which they lived. a similar measure would do more to stop negro vagrancy in the south than the severest penal laws. in every country the number of vagrants stands in proportion to the number of people who have no permanent local interests, unless augmented by exceptional cases, such as war or famine. _contracts_.--freedmen frequently show great disinclination to make contracts with their former masters. they are afraid lest in signing a paper they sign away their freedom, and in this respect they are distrustful of most southern men. it generally requires personal assurances from a united states officer to make them feel safe. but the advice of such an officer is almost uniformly followed. in this manner an immense number of contracts has been made, and it is daily increasing. a northern man has no difficulty in making contracts, and but little in enforcing them. the complaints of southern men that the contracts are not well observed by the freedmen are in many instances well founded. the same can be said of the complaints of freedmen with regard to the planters. the negro, fresh from slavery, has naturally but a crude idea of the binding force of a written agreement, and it is galling to many of the planters to stand in such relations as a contract establishes to those who formerly were their slaves. i was, however, informed by officers of the freedmen's bureau, and by planters also, that things were improving in that respect. contracts will be more readily entered into and more strictly kept as soon as the intimate relations between labor and compensation are better understood and appreciated on both sides. _insolence and insubordination_.--the new spirit which emancipation has awakened in the colored people has undoubtedly developed itself in some individuals, especially young men, to an offensive degree. hence cases of insolence on the part of freedmen occur. but such occurrences are comparatively rare. on the whole, the conduct of the colored people is far more submissive than anybody had a right to expect. the acts of violence perpetrated by freedmen against white persons do not stand in any proportion to those committed by whites against negroes. every such occurrence is sure to be noticed in the southern papers and we have heard of but very few. when southern people speak of the insolence of the negro, they generally mean something which persons who never lived under the system of slavery are not apt to appreciate. it is but very rarely what would be called insolence among equals. but, as an old planter said to me, "our people cannot realize yet that the negro is free." a negro is called insolent whenever his conduct varies in any manner from what a southern man was accustomed to when slavery existed. the complaints made about the insubordination of the negro laborers on plantations have to be taken with the same allowance. there have been, no doubt, many cases in which freedmen showed a refractory spirit, where orders were disobeyed, and instructions disregarded. there have been some instances of positive resistance. but when inquiring into particulars, i found not unfrequently that the employer had adhered too strictly to his old way of doing things. i hardly heard any such complaints from northern men. i have heard planters complain very earnestly of the insubordinate spirit of their colored laborers because they remonstrated against the practice of corporeal punishment. this was looked upon as a symptom of an impending insurrection. a great many things are regarded in the old slave states as acts of insubordination on the part of the laborer which, in the free states, would be taken as perfectly natural and harmless. the fact is, a good many planters are at present more nervously jealous of their authority than before, while the freedmen are not always inclined to forget that they are free men. _extravagant notions_.--in many localities i found an impression prevailing among the negroes that some great change was going to take place about christmas. feeling uneasy in their present condition, they indulged in the expectation that government intended to make some further provision for their future welfare, especially by ordering distributions of land among them. to counteract this expectation, which had a tendency to interfere seriously with the making of contracts for the next season, it was considered necessary to send military officers, and especially agents of the freedmen's bureau, among them, who, by administering sound advice and spreading correct information, would induce them to suit their conduct to their actual circumstances. while in the south i heard of many instances in which this measure had the desired effect, and it is to be expected that the effect was uniformly good wherever judicious officers were so employed. impressions like the above are very apt to spread among the negroes, for the reason that they ardently desire to become freeholders. in the independent possession of landed property they see the consummation of their deliverance. however mistaken their notions may be in other respects, it must be admitted that this instinct is correct. _relations between the two races_.--there are whites in the south who profess great kindness for the negro. many of them are, no doubt, sincere in what they say. but as to the feelings of the masses, it is hardly necessary to add anything to what i have already stated. i have heard it asserted that the negroes also cherish feelings of hostility to the whites. taking this as a general assertion, i am satisfied that it is incorrect. the negroes do not trust their late masters because they do not feel their freedom sufficiently assured. many of them may harbor feelings of resentment towards those who now ill-treat and persecute them, but as they practiced no revenge after their emancipation for wrongs suffered while in slavery, so their present resentments are likely to cease as soon as the persecution ceases. if the persecution and the denial of their rights as freemen continue, the resentments growing out of them will continue and spread. the negro is constitutionally docile and eminently good-natured. instances of the most touching attachment of freedmen to their old masters and mistresses have come to my notice. to a white man whom they believe to be sincerely their friend they cling with greater affection even than to one of their own race. by some northern speculators their confidence has been sadly abused. nevertheless, the trust they place in persons coming from the north, or in any way connected with the government, is most childlike and unbounded. there may be individual exceptions, but i am sure they are not numerous. those who enjoy their confidence enjoy also their affection. centuries of slavery have not been sufficient to make them the enemies of the white race. if in the future a feeling of mutual hostility should develop itself between the races, it will probably not be the fault of those who have shown such an inexhaustible patience under the most adverse and trying circumstances. in some places that i visited i found apprehensions entertained by whites of impending negro insurrections. whenever our military commanders found it expedient to subject the statements made to that effect by whites to close investigation, they uniformly found them unwarranted by fact. in many instances there were just reasons for supposing that such apprehensions were industriously spread for the purpose of serving as an excuse for further persecution. in the papers annexed to this report you will find testimony supporting this statement. the negro is easily led; he is always inclined to follow the advice of those he trusts. i do, therefore, not consider a negro insurrection probable as long as the freedmen are under the direct protection of the government, and may hope to see their grievances redressed without resorting to the extreme means of self-protection. there would, perhaps, be danger of insurrections if the government should withdraw its protection from them, and if, against an attempt on the part of the whites to reduce them to something like their former condition, they should find themselves thrown back upon their own resources. of this contingency i shall speak below. _education_.--that the negroes should have come out of slavery as an ignorant class is not surprising when we consider that it was a penal offence to teach them while they were in slavery; but their eager desire to learn, and the alacrity and success with which they avail themselves of every facility offered to them in that respect, has become a matter of notoriety. the statistics of the freedmen's bureau show to what extent such facilities have been offered and what results have been attained. as far as my information goes, these results are most encouraging for the future. prospective--the reactionary tendency. i stated above that, in my opinion, the solution of the social problem in the south did not depend upon the capacity and conduct of the negro alone, but in the same measure upon the ideas and feelings entertained and acted upon by the whites. what their ideas and feelings were while under my observation, and how they affected the contact of the two races, i have already set forth. the question arises, what policy will be adopted by the "ruling class" when all restraint imposed upon them by the military power of the national government is withdrawn, and they are left free to regulate matters according to their own tastes? it would be presumptuous to speak of the future with absolute certainty; but it may safely be assumed that the same causes will always tend to produce the same effects. as long as a majority of the southern people believe that "the negro will not work without physical compulsion," and that "the blacks at large belong to the whites at large," that belief will tend to produce a system of coercion, the enforcement of which will be aided by the hostile feeling against the negro now prevailing among the whites, and by the general spirit of violence which in the south was fostered by the influence slavery exercised upon the popular character. it is, indeed, not probable that a general attempt will be made to restore slavery in its old form, on account of the barriers which such an attempt would find in its way; but there are systems intermediate between slavery as it formerly existed in the south, and free labor as it exists in the north, but more nearly related to the former than to the latter, _the introduction of which will be attempted_. i have already noticed some movements in that direction, which were made under the very eyes of our military authorities, and of which the opelousas and st. landry ordinances were the most significant. other things of more recent date, such as the new negro code submitted by a committee to the legislature of south carolina, are before the country. they have all the same tendency, because they all spring from the same cause. it may be objected that evidence has been given of a contrary spirit by the state conventions which passed ordinances abolishing slavery in their states, and making it obligatory upon the legislatures to enact laws for the protection of the freedmen. while acknowledging the fact, i deem it dangerous to be led by it into any delusions. as to the motives upon which they acted when abolishing slavery, and their understanding of the bearings of such an act, we may safely accept the standard they have set up for themselves. when speaking of popular demonstrations in the south in favor of submission to the government, i stated that the principal and almost the only argument used was, that they found themselves in a situation in which "they could do no better." it was the same thing with regard to the abolition of slavery; wherever abolition was publicly advocated, whether in popular meetings or in state conventions, it was on the ground of necessity--not unfrequently with the significant addition that, as soon as they had once more control of their own state affairs, they could settle the labor question to suit themselves, whatever they might have to submit to for the present. not only did i find this to be the common talk among the people, but the same sentiment was openly avowed by public men in speech and print. some declarations of that kind, made by men of great prominence, have passed into the newspapers and are undoubtedly known to you. i append to this report a specimen, (accompanying document, no. ,) not as something particularly remarkable, but in order to represent the current sentiment as expressed in the language of a candidate for a seat in the state convention of mississippi. it is a card addressed to the voters of wilkinson county, mississippi, by general w.l. brandon. the general complains of having been called "an unconditional, immediate emancipationist--an abolitionist." he indignantly repels the charge and avows himself a good pro-slavery man. "but, fellow-citizens," says he, "what i may in common with you have to submit to, is a very different thing. slavery has been taken from us; the power that has already practically abolished it threatens totally and forever to abolish it. _but does it follow that i am in favor of this thing? by no means_. my honest conviction is, we must accept the situation as it is, _until we can get control once more of our own state affairs. we cannot do otherwise and get our place again in the union, and occupy a position, exert an influence that will protect us against greater evils which threaten us_. i must, as any other man who votes or holds an office, submit _for the time_ to evils i cannot remedy." general brandon was elected on that platform, and in the convention voted for the ordinance abolishing slavery, and imposing upon the legislature the duty to pass laws for the protection of the freedmen. and general brandon is certainly looked upon in mississippi as an honorable man, and an honest politician. what he will vote for when his people have got once more control of their own state affairs, and his state has regained its position and influence in the union, it is needless to ask. i repeat, his case is not an isolated one. he has only put in print what, as my observations lead me to believe, a majority of the people say even in more emphatic language; and the deliberations of several legislatures in that part of the country show what it means. i deem it unnecessary to go into further particulars. it is worthy of note that the convention of mississippi--and the conventions of other states have followed its example--imposed upon subsequent legislatures the obligation not only to pass laws for the protection of the freedmen in person and property, but also _to guard against the dangers arising from sudden emancipation_. this language is not without significance; not the blessings of a full development of free labor, but only the dangers of emancipation are spoken of. it will be observed that this clause is so vaguely worded as to authorize the legislatures to place any restriction they may see fit upon the emancipated negro, in perfect consistency with the amended state constitutions; for it rests with them to define what the dangers of sudden emancipation consist in, and what measures may be required to guard against them. it is true, the clause does not authorize the legislatures to re-establish slavery in the old form; but they may pass whatever laws they see fit, stopping short only one step of what may strictly be defined as "slavery." peonage of the mexican pattern, or serfdom of some european pattern, may under that clause be considered admissible; and looking at the legislative attempts already made, especially the labor code now under consideration in the legislature of south carolina, it appears not only possible, but eminently probable, that the laws which will be passed to guard against the dangers arising from emancipation will be directed against the spirit of emancipation itself. a more tangible evidence of good intentions would seem to have been furnished by the admission of negro testimony in the courts of justice, which has been conceded in some of the southern states, at least in point of form. this being a matter of vital interest to the colored man, i inquired into the feelings of people concerning it with particular care. at first i found hardly any southern man that favored it. even persons of some liberality of mind saw seemingly insurmountable objections. the appearance of a general order issued by general swayne in alabama, which made it optional for the civil authorities either to admit negro testimony in the state courts or to have all cases in which colored people were concerned tried by officers of the bureau or military commissions, seemed to be the signal for a change of position on the part of the politicians. a great many of them, seeing a chance for getting rid of the jurisdiction of the freedmen's bureau, dropped their opposition somewhat suddenly and endeavored to make the admission of negro testimony in the state courts palatable to the masses by assuring them that at all events it would rest with the judges and juries to determine in each case before them whether the testimony of negro witnesses was worth anything or not. one of the speeches delivered at vicksburg, already referred to in another connexion, and a card published by a candidate for office, (accompanying document no. ,) furnish specimens of that line of argument. in my despatch from montgomery, alabama, i suggested to you that instructions be issued making it part of the duty of agents of the freedmen's bureau to appear in the state courts as the freedmen's next friend, and to forward reports of the proceedings had in the principal cases to the headquarters of the bureau. in this manner it would have been possible to ascertain to what extent the admission of negro testimony secured to the colored man justice in the state courts. as the plan does not seem to have been adopted, we must form our conclusions from evidence less complete. among the annexed documents there are several statements concerning its results, made by gentlemen whose business it was to observe. i would invite your attention to the letters of captain paillon, agent of the freedmen's bureau at mobile; major reynolds, assistant commissioner of the bureau at natchez; and colonel thomas, assistant commissioner for the state of mississippi. (accompanying documents nos. and .) the opinions expressed in these papers are uniformly unfavorable. it is to be hoped that at other places better results have been attained. but i may state that even by prominent southern men, who were anxious to have the jurisdiction of the state courts extended over the freedmen, the admission was made to me that the testimony of a negro would have but little weight with a southern jury. i frequently asked the question, "do you think a jury of your people would be apt to find a planter who has whipped one of his negro laborers guilty of assault and battery?" the answer almost invariably was, "you must make some allowance for the prejudices of our people." it is probable that the laws excluding negro testimony from the courts will be repealed in all the states lately in rebellion if it is believed that a satisfactory arrangement of this matter may in any way facilitate the "readmission" of the states, but i apprehend such arrangements will hardly be sufficient to secure to the colored man impartial justice as long as the feelings of the whites are against him and they think that his rights are less entitled to respect than their own. more potent certainly than the laws of a country are the opinions of right and wrong entertained by its people. when the spirit of a law is in conflict with such opinions, there is but little prospect of its being faithfully put in execution, especially where those who hold such opinions are the same who have to administer the laws. the facility with which southern politicians acquiesce in the admission of negro testimony is not surprising when we consider that the practical management of the matter will rest with their own people. i found them less accommodating with regard to "constitutional amendment." nine-tenths of the intelligent men with whom i had any conversation upon that subject expressed their willingness to ratify the first section, abolishing slavery throughout the united states, but not the second section, empowering congress "to enforce the foregoing by appropriate legislation." i feel warranted in saying that, while i was in the south, this was the prevailing sentiment. nevertheless, i deem it probable that the "constitutional amendment" will be ratified by every state legislature, provided the government insists upon such ratification as a _conditio sine qua non_ of readmission. it is instructive to observe how powerful and immediate an effect the announcement of such a condition by the government produces in southern conventions and legislatures. it would be idle to assume, however, that a telegraphic despatch, while it may beat down all parliamentary opposition to this or that measure, will at the same time obliterate the prejudices of the people; nor will it prevent those prejudices from making themselves seriously felt in the future. it will require measures of a more practical character to prevent the dangers which, as everybody that reads the signs of the times must see, are now impending. the militia. i do not mean to say that the southern people intend to retrace the steps they have made as soon as they have resumed control of their state affairs. although they regret the abolition of slavery, they certainly do not intend to re-establish it in its old form. although they are at heart opposed to the admission of negro testimony in the courts of justice, they probably will not re-enact the laws excluding it. but while accepting the "abolition of slavery," they think that some species of serfdom, peonage, or some other form of compulsory labor is not slavery, and may be introduced without a violation of their pledge. although formally admitting negro testimony, they think that negro testimony will be taken practically for what they themselves consider it "worth." what particular shape the reactionary movement will assume it is at present unnecessary to inquire. there are a hundred ways of framing apprenticeship, vagrancy, or contract laws, which will serve the purpose. even the mere reorganization of the militia upon the old footing will go far towards accomplishing the object. to this point i beg leave to invite your special attention. the people of the southern states show great anxiety to have their militia reorganized, and in some instances permission has been given. in the case of mississippi i gave you my reasons for opposing the measure under existing circumstances. they were, first, that county patrols had already been in existence, and had to be disbanded on account of their open hostility to union people and freedmen. (see colonel yorke's report, accompanying document no. .) second, that the governor proposed to arm the people upon the ground that the inhabitants refused to assist the military authorities in the suppression of crime, and that the call was addressed, not to the loyal citizens of the united states, but expressly to the "young men who had so distinguished themselves for gallantry" in the rebel service. (see correspondence between governor sharkey and general osterhaus, accompanying document no. .) and third, because the state was still under martial law, and the existence of organized and armed bodies not under the control of the military commander was inconsistent with that state of things. but there are other more general points of view from which this question must be looked at in order to be appreciated in its most important bearings. i may state, without fear of contradiction, that, in every case, where permission was asked for reorganizing the militia, the privilege or duty of serving in that armed organization was intended to be confined to the whites. in the conversations i had with southern men about this matter, the idea of admitting colored people to the privilege of bearing arms as a part of the militia was uniformly treated by them as a thing not to be thought of. the militia, whenever organized, will thus be composed of men belonging to one class, to the total exclusion of another. this concentration of organized physical power in the hands of one class will necessarily tend, and is undoubtedly designed, to give that class absolute physical control of the other. the specific purpose for which the militia is to be reorganized appears clearly from the uses it was put to whenever a local organization was effected. it is the restoration of the old patrol system which was one of the characteristic features of the regime of slavery. the services which such patrols are expected to perform consist in maintaining what southern people understand to be the order of society. indications are given in several of the accompanying documents. among others, the st. landry and bossier ordinances define with some precision what the authority and duties of the "chief patrols" are to be. the militia, organized for the distinct purpose of enforcing the authority of the whites over the blacks, is in itself practically sufficient to establish and enforce a system of compulsory labor without there being any explicit laws for it; and, being sustained and encouraged by public opinion, the chief and members of "county patrols" are not likely to be over-nice in the construction of their orders. this is not a mere supposition, but an opinion based upon experience already gathered. as i stated above, the reorganization of the county patrol system upon the basis here described will result in the establishment of a sort of permanent martial law over the negro. it is, therefore, not even necessary that the reaction against that result of the war, which consists in emancipation, should manifest itself by very obnoxious legislative enactments, just as in some of the slave states slavery did not exist by virtue of the state constitution. it may be practically accomplished, and is, in fact, practically accomplished whenever the freed man is not protected by the federal authorities, without displaying its character and aims upon the statute book. negro insurrections and anarchy. that in times like ours, and in a country like this, a reaction in favor of compulsory labor cannot be ultimately successful, is as certain as it was that slavery could not last forever. but a movement in that direction can prevent much good that might be accomplished, and produce much evil that might be avoided. not only will such a movement seriously interfere with all efforts to organize an efficient system of free labor, and thus very materially retard the return of prosperity in the south, but it may bring on a crisis as dangerous and destructive as the war of the rebellion itself. i stated above that i did not deem a negro insurrection probable as long as the freedmen were assured of the direct protection of the national government. whenever they are in trouble, they raise their eyes up to that power, and although they may suffer, yet, as long as that power is visibly present, they continue to hope. but when state authority in the south is fully restored, the federal forces withdrawn, and the freedmen's bureau abolished, the colored man will find himself turned over to the mercies of those whom he does not trust. if then an attempt, is made to strip him again of those rights which he justly thought he possessed, he will be apt to feel that he can hope for no redress unless he procure it himself. if ever the negro is capable of rising, he will rise then. men who never struck a blow for the purpose of gaining their liberty, when they were slaves, are apt to strike when, their liberty once gained, they see it again in danger. however great the patience and submissiveness of the colored race may be, it cannot be presumed that its active participation in a war against the very men with whom it again stands face to face, has remained entirely without influence upon its spirit. what a general insurrection of the negroes would result in, whether it would be easy or difficult to suppress it, whether the struggle would be long or short, what race would suffer most, are questions which will not be asked by those who understand the problem to be, not how to suppress a negro insurrection, but how to prevent it. certain it is, it would inflict terrible calamities upon both whites and blacks, and present to the world the spectacle of atrocities which ought to be foreign to civilized nations. the negro, in his ordinary state, is docile and good-natured; but when once engaged in a bloody business, it is difficult to say how far his hot impulses would carry him; and as to the southern whites, the barbarous scenes the country has witnessed since the close of the rebellion, indicate the temper with which they would fight the negro as an insurgent. it would be a war of extermination, revolting in its incidents, and with ruin and desolation in its train. there may be different means by which it can be prevented, but there is only one certain of effect: it is, that the provocations be avoided which may call it forth. but even if it be prevented by other means, it is not the only danger which a reactionary movement will bring upon the south. nothing renders society more restless than a social revolution but half accomplished. it naturally tends to develop its logical consequences, but is hindered by adverse agencies which work in another direction; nor can it return to the point from which it started. there are, then, continual vibrations and fluctuations between two opposites which keep society in the nervous uneasiness and excitement growing from the lingering strife between the antagonistic tendencies. all classes of society are intensely dissatisfied with things as they are. general explosions may be prevented, but they are always imminent. this state of uncertainty impedes all successful working of the social forces; people, instead of devoting themselves with confidence and steadiness to solid pursuits, are apt to live from hand to mouth, or to indulge in fitful experiments; capital ventures out but with great timity; the lawless elements of the community take advantage of the general confusion and dissatisfaction, and society drifts into anarchy. there is probably at the present moment no country in the civilized world which contains such an accumulation of anarchical elements as the south. the strife of the antagonistic tendencies here described is aggravated by the passions inflamed and the general impoverishment brought about by a long and exhaustive war, and the south will have to suffer the evils of anarchical disorder until means are found to effect a final settlement of the labor question in accordance with the logic of the great revolution. the true problem.--difficulties and remedies. in seeking remedies for such disorders, we ought to keep in view, above all, the nature of the problem which is to be solved. as to what is commonly termed "reconstruction," it is not only the political machinery of the states and their constitutional relations to the general government, but the whole organism of southern society that must be reconstructed, or rather constructed anew, so as to bring it in harmony with the rest of american society. the difficulties of this task are not to be considered overcome when the people of the south take the oath of allegiance and elect governors and legislatures and members of congress, and militia captains. that this would be done had become certain as soon as the surrenders of the southern armies had made further resistance impossible, and nothing in the world was left, even to the most uncompromising rebel, but to submit or to emigrate. it was also natural that they should avail themselves of every chance offered them to resume control of their home affairs and to regain their influence in the union. but this can hardly be called the first step towards the solution of the true problem, and it is a fair question to ask, whether the hasty gratification of their desire to resume such control would not create new embarrassments. the true nature of the difficulties of the situation is this: the general government of the republic has, by proclaiming the emancipation of the slaves, commenced a great social revolution in the south, but has, as yet, not completed it. only the negative part of it is accomplished. the slaves are emancipated in point of form, but free labor has not yet been put in the place of slavery in point of fact. and now, in the midst of this critical period of transition, the power which originated the revolution is expected to turn over its whole future development to another power which from the beginning was hostile to it and has never yet entered into its spirit, leaving the class in whose favor it was made completely without power to protect itself and to take an influential part in that development. the history of the world will be searched in vain for a proceeding similar to this which did not lead either to a rapid and violent reaction, or to the most serious trouble and civil disorder. it cannot be said that the conduct of the southern people since the close of the war has exhibited such extraordinary wisdom and self-abnegation as to make them an exception to the rule. in my despatches from the south i repeatedly expressed the opinion that the people were not yet in a frame of mind to legislate calmly and understandingly upon the subject of free negro labor. and this i reported to be the opinion of some of our most prominent military commanders and other observing men. it is, indeed, difficult to imagine circumstances more unfavorable for the development of a calm and unprejudiced public opinion than those under which the southern people are at present laboring. the war has not only defeated their political aspirations, but it has broken up their whole social organization. when the rebellion was put down they found themselves not only conquered in a political and military sense, but economically ruined. the planters, who represented the wealth of the southern country, are partly laboring under the severest embarrassments, partly reduced to absolute poverty. many who are stripped of all available means, and have nothing but their land, cross their arms in gloomy despondency, incapable of rising to a manly resolution. others, who still possess means, are at a loss how to use them, as their old way of doing things is, by the abolition of slavery, rendered impracticable, at least where the military arm of the government has enforced emancipation. others are still trying to go on in the old way, and that old way is in fact the only one they understand, and in which they have any confidence. only a minority is trying to adopt the new order of things. a large number of the plantations, probably a considerable majority of the more valuable estates, is under heavy mortgages, and the owners know that, unless they retrieve their fortunes in a comparatively short space of time, their property will pass out of their hands. almost all are, to some extent, embarrassed. the nervous anxiety which such a state of things produces extends also to those classes of society which, although not composed of planters, were always in close business connexion with the planting interest, and there was hardly a branch of commerce or industry in the south which was not directly or indirectly so connected. besides, the southern soldiers, when returning from the war, did not, like the northern soldiers, find a prosperous community which merely waited for their arrival to give them remunerative employment. they found, many of them, their homesteads destroyed, their farms devastated, their families in distress; and those that were less unfortunate found, at all events, an impoverished and exhausted community which had but little to offer them. thus a great many have been thrown upon the world to shift as best they can. they must do something honest or dishonest, and must do it soon, to make a living, and their prospects are, at present, not very bright. thus that nervous anxiety to hastily repair broken fortunes, and to prevent still greater ruin and distress, embraces nearly all classes, and imprints upon all the movements of the social body a morbid character. in which direction will these people be most apt to turn their eyes? leaving the prejudice of race out of the question, from early youth they have been acquainted with but one system of labor, and with that one system they have been in the habit of identifying all their interests. they know of no way to help themselves but the one they are accustomed to. another system of labor is presented to them, which, however, owing to circumstances which they do not appreciate, appears at first in an unpromising light. to try it they consider an experiment which they cannot afford to make while their wants are urgent. they have not reasoned calmly enough to convince themselves that the trial must be made. it is, indeed, not wonderful that, under such circumstances, they should study, not how to introduce and develop free labor, but how to avoid its introduction, and how to return as much and as quickly as possible to something like the old order of things. nor is it wonderful that such studies should find an expression in their attempts at legislation. but the circumstance that this tendency is natural does not render it less dangerous and objectionable. the practical question presents itself: is the immediate restoration of the late rebel states to absolute self-control so necessary that it must be done even at the risk of endangering one of the great results of the war, and of bringing on in those states insurrection or anarchy, or would it not be better to postpone that restoration until such dangers are passed? if, as long as the change from slavery to free labor is known to the southern people only by its destructive results, these people must be expected to throw obstacles in its way, would it not seem necessary that the movement of social "reconstruction" be kept in the right channel by the hand of the power which originated the change, until that change can have disclosed some of its beneficial effects? it is certain that every success of free negro labor will augment the number of its friends, and disarm some of the prejudices and assumptions of its opponents. i am convinced one good harvest made by unadulterated free labor in the south would have a far better effect than all the oaths that have been taken, and all the ordinances that have as yet been passed by southern conventions. but how can such a result be attained? the facts enumerated in this report, as well as the news we receive from the south from day to day, must make it evident to every unbiased observer that unadulterated free labor cannot be had at present, unless the national government holds its protective and controlling hand over it. it appears, also, that the more efficient this protection of free labor against all disturbing and reactionary influences, the sooner may such a satisfactory result be looked for. one reason why the southern people are so slow in accommodating themselves to the new order of things is, that they confidently expect soon to be permitted to regulate matters according to their own notions. every concession made to them by the government has been taken as an encouragement to persevere in this hope, and, unfortunately for them, this hope is nourished by influences from other parts of the country. hence their anxiety to have their state governments restored _at once_, to have the troops withdrawn, and the freedmen's bureau abolished, although a good many discerning men know well that, in view of the lawless spirit still prevailing, it would be far better for them to have the general order of society firmly maintained by the federal power until things have arrived at a final settlement. had, from the beginning, the conviction been forced upon them that the adulteration of the new order of things by the admixture of elements belonging to the system of slavery would under no circumstances be permitted, a much larger number would have launched their energies into the new channel, and, seeing that they could do "no better," faithfully co-operated with the government. it is hope which fixes them in their perverse notions. that hope nourished or fully gratified, they will persevere in the same direction. that hope destroyed, a great many will, by the force of necessity, at once accommodate themselves to the logic of the change. if, therefore, the national government firmly and unequivocally announces its policy not to give up the control of the free-labor reform until it is finally accomplished, the progress of that reform will undoubtedly be far more rapid and far less difficult than it will be if the attitude of the government is such as to permit contrary hopes to be indulged in. the machinery by which the government has so far exercised its protection of the negro and of free labor in the south--the freedmen's bureau--is very unpopular in that part of the country, as every institution placed there as a barrier to reactionary aspirations would be. that abuses were committed with the management of freedmen's affairs; that some of the officers of the bureau were men of more enthusiasm than discretion, and in many cases went beyond their authority: all this is certainly true. but, while the southern people are always ready to expatiate upon the shortcomings of the freedmen's bureau, they are not so ready to recognize the services it has rendered. i feel warranted in saying that not half of the labor that has been done in the south this year, or will be done there next year, would have been or would be done but for the exertions of the freedmen's bureau. the confusion and disorder of the transition period would have been infinitely greater had not an agency interfered which possessed the confidence of the emancipated slaves; which could disabuse them of any extravagant notions and expectations and be trusted; which could administer to them good advice and be voluntarily obeyed. no other agency, except one placed there by the national government, could have wielded that moral power whose interposition was so necessary to prevent southern society from falling at once into the chaos of a general collision between its different elements. that the success achieved by the freedmen's bureau is as yet very incomplete cannot be disputed. a more perfect organization and a more carefully selected personnel may be desirable; but it is doubtful whether a more suitable machinery can be devised to secure to free labor in the south that protection against disturbing influences which the nature of the situation still imperatively demands. immigration. a temporary continuation of national control in the southern states would also have a most beneficial effect as regards the immigration of northern people and europeans into that country; and such immigration would, in its turn, contribute much to the solution of the labor problem. nothing is more desirable for the south than the importation of new men and new ideas. one of the greatest drawbacks under which the southern people are laboring is, that for fifty years they have been in no sympathetic communion with the progressive ideas of the times. while professing to be in favor of free trade, they adopted and enforced a system of prohibition, as far as those ideas were concerned, which was in conflict with their cherished institution of slavery; and, as almost all the progressive ideas of our days were in conflict with slavery, the prohibition was sweeping. it had one peculiar effect, which we also notice with some asiatic nations which follow a similar course. the southern people honestly maintained and believed, not only that as a people they were highly civilized, but that their civilization was the highest that could be attained, and ought to serve as a model to other nations the world over. the more enlightened individuals among them felt sometimes a vague impression of the barrenness of their mental life, and the barbarous peculiarities of their social organization; but very few ever dared to investigate and to expose the true cause of these evils. thus the people were so wrapt up in self-admiration as to be inaccessible to the voice even of the best-intentioned criticism. hence the delusion they indulged in as to the absolute superiority of their race--a delusion which, in spite of the severe test it has lately undergone, is not yet given up; and will, as every traveller in the south can testify from experience, sometimes express itself in singular manifestations. this spirit, which for so long a time has kept the southern people back while the world besides was moving, is even at this moment still standing as a serious obstacle in the way of progress. nothing can, therefore, be more desirable than that the contact between the southern people and the outside world should be as strong and intimate as possible; and in no better way can this end be subserved than by immigration in mass. of the economical benefits which such immigration would confer upon the owners of the soil it is hardly necessary to speak. immigration wants encouragement. as far as this encouragement consists in the promise of material advantage, it is already given. there are large districts in the south in which an industrious and enterprising man, with some capital, and acting upon correct principles, cannot fail to accumulate large gains in a comparatively short time, as long as the prices of the staples do not fall below what they may reasonably be expected to be for some time to come. a northern man has, besides, the advantage of being served by the laboring population of that region with greater willingness. but among the principal requisites for the success of the immigrant are personal security and a settled condition of things. personal security is honestly promised by the thinking men of the south; but another question is, whether the promise and good intentions of the thinking men will be sufficient to restrain and control the populace, whose animosity against "yankee interlopers" is only second to their hostile feeling against the negro. if the military forces of the government should be soon and completely withdrawn, i see reasons to fear that in many localities immigrants would enjoy the necessary security only when settling down together in numbers strong enough to provide for their own protection. on the whole, no better encouragement can be given to immigration, as far as individual security is concerned, than the assurance that the national government will be near to protect them until such protection is no longer needed. the south needs capital. but capital is notoriously timid and averse to risk itself, not only where there actually is trouble, but where there is serious and continual danger of trouble. capitalists will be apt to consider--and they are by no means wrong in doing so--that no safe investments can be made in the south as long as southern society is liable to be convulsed by anarchical disorders. no greater encouragement can, therefore, be given to capital to transfer itself to the south than the assurance that the government will continue to control the development of the new social system in the late rebel states until such dangers are averted by a final settlement of things upon a thorough free-labor basis. how long the national government should continue that control depends upon contingencies. it ought to cease as soon as its objects are attained; and its objects will be attained sooner and with less difficulty if nobody is permitted to indulge in the delusion that it will cease _before_ they are attained. this is one of the cases in which a determined policy can accomplish much, while a half-way policy is liable to spoil things already accomplished. the continuance of the national control in the south, although it may be for a short period only, will cause some inconvenience and expense; but if thereby destructive collisions and anarchical disorders can be prevented, justice secured to all men, and the return of peace and prosperity to all parts of this country hastened, it will be a paying investment. for the future of the republic, it is far less important that this business of reconstruction be done quickly than that it be well done. the matter well taken in hand, there is reason for hope that it will be well done, and quickly too. in days like these great changes are apt to operate themselves rapidly. at present the southern people assume that free negro labor will not work, and therefore they are not inclined to give it a fair trial. as soon as they find out that they must give it a fair trial, and that their whole future power and prosperity depend upon its success, they will also find out that it will work, at least far better than they have anticipated. then their hostility to it will gradually disappear. this great result accomplished, posterity will not find fault with this administration for having delayed complete "reconstruction" one, two, or more years. although i am not called upon to discuss in this report the constitutional aspects of this question, i may be pardoned for one remark. the interference of the national government in the local concerns of the states lately in rebellion is argued against by many as inconsistent with the spirit of our federal institutions. nothing is more foreign to my ways of thinking in political matters than a fondness for centralization or military government. nobody can value the blessings of local self-government more highly than i do. but we are living under exceptional circumstances which require us, above all, to look at things from a practical point of view; and i believe it will prove far more dangerous for the integrity of local self-government if the national control in the south be discontinued--while by discontinuing it too soon, it may be rendered necessary again in the future--than if it be continued, when by continuing it but a limited time all such future necessity may be obviated. at present these acts of interference are but a part of that exceptional policy brought forth by the necessities into which the rebellion has plunged us. although there will be some modifications in the relations between the states and the national government, yet these acts of direct interference in the details of state concerns will pass away with the exceptional circumstances which called them forth. but if the social revolution in the south be now abandoned in an unfinished state, and at some future period produce events provoking new and repeated acts of direct practical interference--and the contingency would by no means be unlikely to arise--such new and repeated acts would not pass over without most seriously affecting the political organism of the republic. negro suffrage. it would seem that the interference of the national authority in the home concerns of the southern states would be rendered less necessary, and the whole problem of political and social reconstruction be much simplified, if, while the masses lately arrayed against the government are permitted to vote, the large majority of those who were always loyal, and are naturally anxious to see the free labor problem successfully solved, were not excluded from all influence upon legislation. in all questions concerning the union, the national debt, and the future social organization of the south, the feelings of the colored man are naturally in sympathy with the views and aims of the national government. while the southern white fought against the union, the negro did all he could to aid it; while the southern white sees in the national government his conqueror, the negro sees in it his protector; while the white owes to the national debt his defeat, the negro owes to it his deliverance; while the white considers himself robbed and ruined by the emancipation of the slaves, the negro finds in it the assurance of future prosperity and happiness. in all the important issues the negro would be led by natural impulse to forward the ends of the government, and by making his influence, as part of the voting body, tell upon the legislation of the states, render the interference of the national authority less necessary. as the most difficult of the pending questions are intimately connected with the status of the negro in southern society, it is obvious that a correct solution can be more easily obtained if he has a voice in the matter. in the right to vote he would find the best permanent protection against oppressive class-legislation, as well as against individual persecution. the relations between the white and black races, even if improved by the gradual wearing off of the present animosities, are likely to remain long under the troubling influence of prejudice. it is a notorious fact that the rights of a man of some political power are far less exposed to violation than those of one who is, in matters of public interest, completely subject to the will of others. a voter is a man of influence; small as that influence may be in the single individual, it becomes larger when that individual belongs to a numerous class of voters who are ready to make common cause with him for the protection of his rights. such an individual is an object of interest to the political parties that desire to have the benefit of his ballot. it is true, the bringing face to face at the ballot-box of the white and black races may here and there lead to an outbreak of feeling, and the first trials ought certainly to be made while the national power is still there to prevent or repress disturbances; but the practice once successfully inaugurated under the protection of that power, it would probably be more apt than anything else to obliterate old antagonisms, especially if the colored people--which is probable, as soon as their own rights are sufficiently secured--divide their votes between the different political parties. the effect of the extension of the franchise to the colored people upon the development of free labor and upon the security of human rights in the south being the principal object in view, the objections raised on the ground of the ignorance of the freedmen become unimportant. practical liberty is a good school, and, besides, if any qualification can be found, applicable to both races, which does not interfere with the attainment of the main object, such qualification would in that respect be unobjectionable. but it is idle to say that it will be time to speak of negro suffrage when the whole colored race will be educated, for the ballot may be necessary to him to secure his education. it is also idle to say that ignorance is the principal ground upon which southern men object to negro suffrage, for if it were, that numerous class of colored people in louisiana who are as highly educated, as intelligent, and as wealthy as any corresponding class of whites, would have been enfranchised long ago. it has been asserted that the negro would be but a voting machine in the hand of his employer. on this point opinions seem to differ. i have heard it said in the south that the freedmen are more likely to be influenced by their schoolmasters and preachers. but even if we suppose the employer to control to a certain extent the negro laborer's vote, two things are to be taken into consideration: . the class of employers, of landed proprietors, will in a few years be very different from what it was heretofore in consequence of the general breaking up, a great many of the old slaveholders will be obliged to give up their lands and new men will step into their places; and . the employer will hardly control the vote of the negro laborer so far as to make him vote against his own liberty. the beneficial effect of an extension of suffrage does not always depend upon the intelligence with which the newly admitted voters exercise their right, but sometimes upon the circumstances in which they are placed; and the circumstances in which the freedmen of the south are placed are such that, when they only vote for their own liberty and rights, they vote for the rights of free labor, for the success of an immediate important reform, for the prosperity of the country, and for the general interests of mankind. if, therefore, in order to control the colored vote, the employer, or whoever he may be, is first obliged to concede to the freedman the great point of his own rights as a man and a free laborer, the great social reform is completed, the most difficult problem is solved, and all other questions it will be comparatively easy to settle. in discussing the matter of negro suffrage i deemed it my duty to confine myself strictly to the practical aspects of the subject. i have, therefore, not touched its moral merits nor discussed the question whether the national government is competent to enlarge the elective franchise in the states lately in rebellion by its own act; i deem it proper, however, to offer a few remarks on the assertion frequently put forth, that the franchise is likely to be extended to the colored man by the voluntary action of the southern whites themselves. my observation leads me to a contrary opinion. aside from a very few enlightened men, i found but one class of people in favor of the enfranchisement of the blacks: it was the class of unionists who found themselves politically ostracised and looked upon the enfranchisement of the loyal negroes as the salvation of the whole loyal element. but their numbers and influence are sadly insufficient to secure such a result. the masses are strongly opposed to colored suffrage; anybody that dares to advocate it is stigmatized as a dangerous fanatic; nor do i deem it probable that in the ordinary course of things prejudices will wear off to such an extent as to make it a popular measure. outside of louisiana only one gentleman who occupied a prominent political position in the south expressed to me an opinion favorable to it. he declared himself ready to vote for an amendment to the constitution of his state bestowing the right of suffrage upon all male citizens without distinction of color who could furnish evidence of their ability to read and write, without, however, disfranchising those who are now voters and are not able to fulfil that condition. this gentleman is now a member of one of the state conventions, but i presume he will not risk his political standing in the south by moving such an amendment in that body. the only manner in which, in my opinion, the southern people can be induced to grant to the freedman some measure of self-protecting power in the form of suffrage, is to make it a condition precedent to "readmission." deportation of the freedmen. i have to notice one pretended remedy for the disorders now agitating the south, which seems to have become the favorite plan of some prominent public men. it is that the whole colored population of the south should be transported to some place where they could live completely separated from the whites. it is hardly necessary to discuss, not only the question of right and justice, but the difficulties and expense necessarily attending the deportation of nearly four millions of people. but it may be asked, what would become of the industry of the south for many years, if the bulk of its laboring population were taken away? the south stands in need of an increase and not of a diminution of its laboring force to repair the losses and disasters of the last four years. much is said of importing european laborers and northern men; this is the favorite idea of many planters who want such immigrants to work on their plantations. but they forget that european and northern men will not come to the south to serve as hired hands on the plantations, but to acquire property for themselves, and that even if the whole european immigration at the rate of , a year were turned into the south, leaving not a single man for the north and west, it would require between fifteen and twenty years to fill the vacuum caused by the deportation of the freedmen. aside from this, the influx of northern men or europeans will not diminish the demand for hired negro labor; it will, on the contrary, increase it. as europeans and northern people come in, not only vast quantities of land will pass from the hands of their former owners into those of the immigrants, but a large area of new land will be brought under cultivation; and as the area of cultivation expands, hired labor, such as furnished by the colored people, will be demanded in large quantities. the deportation of the labor so demanded would, therefore, be a very serious injury to the economical interests of the south, and if an attempt were made, this effect would soon be felt. it is, however, a question worthy of consideration whether it would not be wise to offer attractive inducements and facilities for the voluntary migration of freedmen to some suitable district on the line of the pacific railroad. it would answer a double object: . it would aid in the construction of that road, and . if this migration be effected on a large scale it would cause a drain upon the laboring force of the south; it would make the people affected by that drain feel the value of the freedmen's labor, and show them the necessity of keeping that labor at home by treating the laborer well, and by offering him inducements as fair as can be offered elsewhere. but whatever the efficiency of such expedients may be, the true problem remains, not how to remove the colored man from his present field of labor, but how to make him, where he is, a true freeman and an intelligent and useful citizen. the means are simple: protection by the government until his political and social status enables him to protect himself, offering to his legitimate ambition the stimulant of a perfectly fair chance in life, and granting to him the rights which in every just organization of society are coupled with corresponding duties. conclusion. i may sum up all i have said in a few words. if nothing were necessary but to restore the machinery of government in the states lately in rebellion in point of form, the movements made to that end by the people of the south might be considered satisfactory. but if it is required that the southern people should also accommodate themselves to the results of the war in point of spirit, those movements fall far short of what must be insisted upon. the loyalty of the masses and most of the leaders of the southern people, consists in submission to necessity. there is, except in individual instances, an entire absence of that national spirit which forms the basis of true loyalty and patriotism. the emancipation of the slaves is submitted to only in so far as chattel slavery in the old form could not be kept up. but although the freedman is no longer considered the property of the individual master, he is considered the slave of society, and all independent state legislation will share the tendency to make him such. the ordinances abolishing slavery passed by the conventions under the pressure of circumstances, will not be looked upon as barring the establishment of a new form of servitude. practical attempts on the part of the southern people to deprive the negro of his rights as a freeman may result in bloody collisions, and will certainly plunge southern society into restless fluctuations and anarchical confusion. such evils can be prevented only by continuing the control of the national government in the states lately in rebellion until free labor is fully developed and firmly established, and the advantages and blessings of the new order of things have disclosed themselves. this desirable result will be hastened by a firm declaration on the part of the government, that national control in the south will not cease until such results are secured. only in this way can that security be established in the south which will render numerous immigration possible, and such immigration would materially aid a favorable development of things. the solution of the problem would be very much facilitated by enabling all the loyal and free-labor elements in the south to exercise a healthy influence upon legislation. it will hardly be possible to secure the freedman against oppressive class legislation and private persecution, unless he be endowed with a certain measure of political power. as to the future peace and harmony of the union, it is of the highest importance that the people lately in rebellion be not permitted to build up another "peculiar institution" whose spirit is in conflict with the fundamental principles of our political system; for as long as they cherish interests peculiar to them in preference to those they have in common with the rest of the american people, their loyalty to the union will always be uncertain. i desire not to be understood as saying that there are no well-meaning men among those who were compromised in the rebellion. there are many, but neither their number nor their influence is strong enough to control the manifest tendency of the popular spirit. there are great reasons for hope that a determined policy on the part of the national government will produce innumerable and valuable conversions. this consideration counsels lenity as to persons, such as is demanded by the humane and enlightened spirit of our times, and vigor and firmness in the carrying out of principles, such as is demanded by the national sense of justice and the exigencies of our situation. in submitting this report i desire to say that i have conscientiously endeavored to see things as they were, and to represent them as i saw them: i have been careful not to use stronger language than was warranted by the thoughts i intended to express. a comparison of the tenor of the annexed documents with that of my report, will convince you that i have studiously avoided overstatements. certain legislative attempts at present made in the south, and especially in south carolina, seem to be more than justifying the apprehensions i have expressed. conscious though i am of having used my best endeavors to draw, from what i saw and learned, correct general conclusions, yet i am far from placing too great a trust in my own judgment, when interests of such magnitude are at stake. i know that this report is incomplete, although as complete as an observation of a few months could enable me to make it. additional facts might be elicited, calculated to throw new light upon the subject. although i see no reason for believing that things have changed for the better since i left for the south, yet such may be the case. admitting all these possibilities, i would entreat you to take no irretraceable step towards relieving the states lately in rebellion from all national control, until such favorable changes are clearly and unmistakably ascertained. to that end, and by virtue of the permission you honored me with when sending me out to communicate to you freely and unreservedly my views as to measures of policy proper to be adopted, i would now respectfully suggest that you advise congress to send one or more "investigating committees" into the southern states, to inquire for themselves into the actual condition of things, before final action is taken upon the readmission of such states to their representation in the legislative branch of the government, and the withdrawal of the national control from that section of the country. i am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, carl schurz. his excellency andrew johnson, _president of the united states_. documents accompanying the report of major general carl schurz. no. . headquarters department of south carolina, _hilton head, s.c., july_ , . dear sir: i have received your letter of the th instant, from charleston, propounding to me three questions, as follows: st. do you think that there are a number of _bona fide_ loyal persons in this state large enough to warrant the early establishment of civil government? d. do you think that the white population of south carolina, if restored to the possession of political power in this state, would carry out the spirit of the emancipation proclamation, and go to work in a _bona fide_ manner to organize free labor? d. what measures do you think necessary to insure such a result in this state? the first of these questions i am forced to answer in the negative, provided that white persons only are referred to in the expression "_bona fide loyal persons_," and provided that "the early establishment of civil government" means the early withdrawal of the general control of affairs from the united states authorities. to the second question, i answer that i do not think that the white inhabitants of south carolina, if left to themselves, are yet prepared to carry out the spirit of the emancipation proclamation; neither do i think that they would organize free labor upon any plan that would be of advantage to both whites and blacks until the mutual distrust and prejudice now existing between the races are in a measure removed. to the third question i answer, that, in order to secure the carrying out of the "spirit of the emancipation proclamation," and the organization of really free labor in good faith, it appears to me necessary that the military, or some other authority derived from the national government, should retain a supervisory control over the civil affairs in this state until the next season's crops are harvested and secured. the reasons which have dictated my replies i shall notice quite briefly. loyalty in south carolina--such loyalty as is secured by the taking of the amnesty oath and by the reception of executive clemency--does not approach the standard of loyalty in the north. it is not the golden fruit of conviction, but the stern and unpromising result of necessity, arising from unsuccessful insurrection. the white population of the state accept the condition which has been imposed upon them, simply because there is no alternative. they entered upon the war in the spring of and arrayed themselves on the side of treason with a unanimity of purpose and a malignity of feeling not equalled by that displayed in any other state. the individual exceptions to this rule were too few in numbers and were possessed of too little power to be taken into account at all. although the overt treason then inaugurated has been overcome by superior force, few will claim that it has been transformed into loyalty toward the national government. i am clearly of the opinion that it has not, and that time and experience will be necessary to effect such a change. all intelligent whites admit that the "abolition of slavery" and the "impracticability of secession" are the plain and unmistakable verdicts of the war. their convictions as yet go no further. their preference for the "divine institution," and their intellectual belief in the right of a state to secede, are as much articles of faith in their creed at the present moment as they were on the day when the ordinance of secession was unanimously adopted. when the rebel armies ceased to exist, and there was no longer any force that could be invoked for waging war against the nation, the insurgents accepted that fact simply as proof of the impossibility of their establishing an independent government. this sentiment was almost immediately followed by a general desire to save as much property as possible from the general wreck. to this state of the public mind, which succeeded the surrender of the rebel armies with noteworthy rapidity, i am forced to attribute the prevailing willingness and desire of the people to "return" to their allegiance, and resume the avocations of peace. i do not regard this condition of things as at all discouraging. it is, indeed, better than i expected to see or dared to hope for in so short a time. one good result of it is, that guerilla warfare, which was so very generally apprehended, has never been resorted to in this state. there was a sudden and general change from a state of war to a state of peace, and, with the exception of frequent individual conflicts, mostly between the whites and blacks, and often, it is true, resulting in loss of life, that peace has rarely been disturbed. it is, however, a peace resulting from a cool and dispassionate appeal to reason, and not from any convictions of right or wrong; it has its origin in the head, and not in the heart. impotency and policy gave it birth, and impotency, policy and hope keep it alive. it is not inspired by any higher motives than these, and higher motives could hardly be expected to follow immediately in the footsteps of armed insurrection. the hopes of the people are fixed, as a matter of course, upon the president. the whites hope and expect to recover the preponderating influence which they have lost by the war, and which has been temporarily replaced by the military authority throughout the state, and they receive with general satisfaction the appointment of mr. perry as provisional governor of the state, and regard it as a step toward their restoration to civil and political power. even those men who have taken the lead during the war, not only in the heartiness and liberality of their support of the rebel cause, but also in the bitterness of their denunciation of the national government and the loyal people of the northern states, express themselves as entirely satisfied with the shape which events are taking. the colored population, on the contrary, or that portion of it which moulds the feelings and directs the passions of the mass, look with growing suspicion upon this state of affairs, and entertain the most lively apprehensions with regard to their future welfare. they have no fears of being returned to slavery, having the most implicit faith in our assurance of its abolition for all time to come, but they think they see the power which has held the lash over them through many generations again being restored to their former masters, and they are impressed with a greater or less degree of alarm. thus the "irrepressible conflict," the antagonism of interest, thought, and sentiment between the races is perpetuated. the immediate resumption by the whites of the civil and political power of the state would have a tendency to augment this evil. at the present time all differences between the whites and blacks, but more especially those growing out of agreements for compensated labor, are promptly and willingly referred to the nearest military authority for adjustment; the whites well knowing that simple justice will be administered, and the blacks inspired by the belief that we are their friends. this plan works smoothly and satisfactorily. many of the labor contracts upon the largest plantations have been made with special reference to the planting and harvesting of the next year's crops; others expire with the present year. the immediate restoration of the civil power by removing military restraint from those planters who are not entirely sincere in their allegiance, and have not made their pledges and especially their labor contracts in good faith, and by withdrawing from the blacks that source of protection to which alone they look for justice with any degree of confidence, would, by engendering new suspicions, and new prejudices between the races, work disadvantageously to both in a pecuniary sense, while the successful solution of the important question of free black labor would be embarrassed, deferred, and possibly defeated, inasmuch as it would be placed thereby in the hands of men who are avowedly suspicious of the negro, and have no confidence in his fitness for freedom, or his willingness to work; who regard the abolition of slavery as a great sectional calamity, and who, under the semblance and even the protection of the law, and without violating the letter of the emancipation proclamation, would have it in their power to impose burdens upon the negro race scarcely less irksome than those from which it has theoretically escaped. indeed, the ordinary vagrancy and apprenticeship laws now in force in some of the new england states (slightly modified perhaps) could be so administered and enforced upon the blacks in south carolina as to keep them in practical slavery. they could, while bearing the name of freeman, be legally subjected to all the oppressive features of serfdom, peonage, and feudalism combined, without possessing the right to claim, much less the power to exact, any of the prerogatives and amenities belonging to either of those systems of human bondage. all this could be done without violating the letter of the emancipation proclamation; no argument is necessary to prove that it would be a total submission of its spirit. even upon the presumption that the whites, when again clothed with civil authority, would be influenced by a sincere desire to enforce the emancipation proclamation, and organize free labor upon a wise and just basis, it would seem injudicious to intrust them with unlimited power, which might be wielded to the injury of both races until the prejudices and animosities which generated the rebellion and gave it life and vigor have had time to subside. few men have any clear conception of what the general good at the present time requires in the way of state legislation. a thousand vague theories are floating upon the public mind. the evils which we would have to fear from an immediate re-establishment of civil government would be not only hasty and ignorant but excessive legislation. while there may be wide differences of opinion as to which is the greater of these two evils _per se_, i am free to express my belief that one or the other of them would be very likely to follow the immediate restoration of civil government, and that it would be not only injudicious in itself but productive of prospective harm, to whites as well as blacks, to place the former in a position where a community of feeling, the promptings of traditional teachings, and the instincts of self-interest and self-preservation, would so strongly tempt them to make a choice. i believe that a respectable majority of the most intelligent whites would cordially aid any policy calculated, in their opinion, to secure the greatest good of the greatest number, blacks included, but i do not regard them as yet in a condition to exercise an unbiassed judgment in this matter. inasmuch as very few of them are yet ready to admit the practicability of ameliorating the condition of the black race to any considerable extent, they would not be likely at the present time to devise a wise system of free black labor. neither would they be zealous and hopeful co-laborers in such a system if desired by others. i have spoken of the contract system which has been inaugurated by the military authorities throughout the state as working smoothly and satisfactorily. this statement should, of course, be taken with some limitation. it was inaugurated as an expedient under the pressure of stringent necessity at a time when labor was in a greatly disorganized state, and there was manifest danger that the crops, already planted, would be lost for want of cultivation. many of the negroes, but more especially the able-bodied ones and those possessing no strong family ties, had, under the novel impulses of freedom, left the plantation where they had been laboring through the planting season, and flocked to the nearest military post, becoming a useless and expensive burden upon our hands. very many plantations, under extensive cultivation, were entirely abandoned. at places remote from military posts, and that had never been visited by our troops, this exodus did not take place so extensively or to a degree threatening a very general loss of crops. the negroes were retained partly through ignorance or uncertainty of their rights and partly through fear of their former masters and the severe discipline unlawfully enforced by them. under the assurance that they were free, that they would be protected in the enjoyment of their freedom and the fruits of their labor, but would not be supported in idleness by the government so long as labor could be procured, the flow of negroes into the towns and military posts was stopped, and most of them already accumulated there were induced to return to the plantations and resume work under contracts to be approved and enforced by the military authorities. both planters and negroes very generally, and apparently quite willingly, fell into this plan as the best that could be improvised. although there have been many instances of violation of contracts, (more frequently, i think, by the black than by the white,) and although the plan possesses many defects, and is not calculated to develop all the advantages and benefits of a wise free-labor system. i am not prepared to recommend any material modification of it, or anything to replace it, at least for several months to come. for reasons already suggested i believe that the restoration of civil power that would take the control of this question out of the hands of the united states authorities (whether exercised through the military authorities or through the freedmen's bureau) would, instead of removing existing evils, be almost certain to augment them. very respectfully, your obedient servant, q.a. gillmore, _major general_. general carl schurz, _charleston, s.c._ no. . charleston, south carolina, _july_ , . general: since handing you my letter of yesterday i have read a speech reported to have been delivered in greenville, south carolina, on the d instant. i have judged of mr. perry by reports of others, but as i now have an opportunity from his own lips of knowing his opinions, i must request that you will cross out that portion of my letter referring to him. very respectfully, your obedient servant, john p. hatch, _brevet major general, commanding_. major general carl schurz. headquarters military district of charleston, _charleston, south carolina, july_ , . general: in answer to your question as to the disposition of the people being such as to justify their speedy return to the control of political power, i would say no. many portions of the state have not yet been visited by our troops, and in other parts not long enough occupied to encourage the formation of a new party, disposed to throw off the old party rulers, who, after thirty years preaching sedition, succeeded in carrying their point and forcing the people into rebellion. were elections to be held now, the old leaders already organized would carry everything by the force of their organization. i would say delay action, pardon only such as the governor can recommend, and let him only recommend such as he feels confident will support the views of the government. men who supported nullification in thirty-two, and have upheld the doctrine of states' rights since, should not be pardoned; they cannot learn new ways. i have read with care the published proceedings of every public meeting held in this state, and have observed that not one single resolution has yet been passed in which the absolute freedom of the colored man was recognized, or the doctrine of the right of secession disavowed. why is this? because the old leaders have managed the meetings, and they cannot see that a new order of things exists. they still hope to obtain control of the state, and then to pass laws with reference to the colored people which shall virtually re-establish slavery; and although they look upon secession as at present hopeless, a future war may enable them to again raise the standard. you ask what signs do they show of a disposition to educate the blacks for the new position they are to occupy? this is a question that has so far been but little discussed. no education, except as to their religious duties, was formerly allowed, and this only to make them contented in their position of servitude. whilst thoroughly instructed in the injunction, "servants obey your masters," adultery was not only winked at, but, unfortunately, in too many cases practically recommended. a few gentlemen have said to me that they were willing to have the blacks taught to read and write, but little interest appears to be felt on the subject. with reference to the benefit to be derived by the general government by delaying the formation for the present of a state government, i will be brief. it will discourage the old leaders who are anxious to seize immediately the reins of power. it will, by allowing time for discussion, give the people an opportunity to become acquainted with subjects they have heretofore trusted to their leaders. wherever our troops go, discussion follows, and it would be best that the people should not commit themselves to a line of policy, they have not had time to examine and decide upon coolly. it will give the young men ambitious of rising opportunity for organizing on a new platform a party which, assisted by the government, can quiet forever the questions which have made the state of south carolina a thorn in the side of the union. these young men, many of whom have served in the army, take a practical view of their present condition that the old stay-at-homes cannot be brought to understand. give them time and support and they will do the work required of them. their long absence has made it necessary to become acquainted with the people; but they will be listened to as men who have honestly fought in a cause which has failed, and will be respected for as honestly coming out in support of the now only reasonable chance of a peaceful government for the future. where our troops have been the longest time stationed we have the most friends; and were the people thoroughly convinced that the government (until they have shown a disposition to unite heartily in its support) is determined not to give them a state government, the change would go on much more rapidly. the selection of governor perry was most fortunate. i know of no other man in south carolina who could have filled the position. i remain, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, jno. p. hatch, _brevet major general commanding_. general carl schurz. no. . charleston, s.c., _july_ , . general: in compliance with your verbal request, made at our interview this a.m., to express to you my opinions and impressions regarding the status of the people of south carolina, and of such others of the insurrectionary states with whom i have come in contact, respecting a return to their allegiance to the federal government, and a willingness on their part to sustain and support the same in its efforts to restore and accomplish the actual union of the states, and also their probable adhesion to the several acts and proclamations which have been enacted and promulgated by the legislative and executive branches of the government, i beg to reply, that, as an officer of one of the departments, i have been enabled by constant intercourse with large numbers of this people to form an approximate estimate of the nature of their loyalty, and also to gain a knowledge of the prejudices which remain with them towards the forces, military and political, which have prevailed against them after the struggle of the last four years, and established the integrity and power of the republic. whatever may be said upon the abstract question of voluntary or forcible state secession, the defeat of the insurrectionary forces has been so perfect and complete, that the most defiant have already avowed their allegiance to the national government. the first experience of the insurgents is a complete submission, followed by a promise to abstain from all further acts of rebellion--in fact, the nucleus of their loyalty is necessity, while perhaps some with still a sentiment of loyalty in their hearts for the old flag turn back, like the prodigal, with tearful eyes, wasted means, and exhausted energies. at the present time there can be but few loyal men in the state of south carolina who, through evil and good report, have withstood the wiles of secession. south carolina has been sown broadcast for the last thirty years with every conceivable form of literature which taught her children the divine right of state sovereignty, carrying with it all its accompanying evils. the sovereign state of south carolina in her imperial majesty looked down upon the republic itself, and only through a grand condescension, remained to supervise and balance the power which, when not controlling, she had sworn to destroy. the works of calhoun were the necessary companion of every man of culture and education. they were by no means confined to the libraries of the economist and politician. when the national troops pillaged the houses and deserted buildings of charleston, the streets were strewn with the pamphlets, sermons and essays of politicians, clergymen, and belles-lettres scholars, all promulgating, according to the ability and tastes of their several authors, the rights of the sovereign state. no public occasion passed by which did not witness an assertion of these rights, and the gauntlet of defiance was ever upon the ground. it is the loyalty of such a people that we have to consider. as a people the south carolinians are brave and generous in certain directions. in their cities there is great culture, and many of the citizens are persons of refinement, education and taste. the educated classes are well versed in the history of our country, and many have an intimate knowledge of the varied story of political parties. but from the lowest to the highest classes of the white population there is an instinctive dread of the negro and an utter abhorrence of any doctrine which argues an ultimate improvement of his condition beyond that of the merest chattel laborer. the first proposition made by the southerner on all occasions of discussion is, that the emancipation proclamation of the president was a grievous error from every point of view; that in the settlement of the various questions arising from the insurrection, the national government assumes a responsibility which belongs to the several states, and now that the supremacy of the general government is established, and the prospect of a resuscitation, rehabilitation, reconstruction, or simple assertion of the legislative and executive powers of the separate states, a lingering hope yet remains with many, that although african slavery is abolished, the states may yet so legislate as to place the negro in a state of actual peonage and submission to the will of the employer. therefore, we have combined with a forced and tardy loyalty a lingering hope that such state legislation can be resorted to as will restore the former slave to, as nearly as possible, the condition of involuntary servitude. and the question naturally arises, how long must we wait for a higher and purer expression of fealty to the union, and for a more intelligent and just appreciation of the question of free colored, labor which the results of the contest have forced upon us? i am satisfied, that while no efforts must be spared to instil into the minds of the freedmen the necessity of patient labor and endeavor, and a practical knowledge of the responsibilities of their new condition, by a judicious system of education, the white southerner is really the most interesting pupil, and we must all feel a solicitude for his enlightenment. the principles of liberty have been working for a number of years in our republic, and have secured various great political results. latterly they have worked with wonderful and rapid effect, and it has ever been by aid of all the forces of education and enlightened commerce between man and man that the progress of true freedom has been hastened and made secure. when the southern planter sees it demonstrated beyond a doubt that the free labor of the black man, properly remunerated, conduces to his pecuniary interests, at that moment he will accept the situation, and not before, unless it is forced upon him; therefore, it is the white southerner that must be educated into a realization of his responsibility in the settlement of these questions, and by a systematic and judicious education of the freedman a citizen will gradually be developed; and the two classes, finding their interests mutual, will soon settle the now vexed question of suffrage. i am firmly of opinion that the government cannot afford to relax its hold upon these states until a loyal press, representing the views of the government, shall disseminate its sentiments broadcast all over this southern land; and when all the avenues and channels of communication shall have been opened, and the policy of the government shall be more easily ascertained and promulgated, and the states, or the citizens thereof in sufficient numbers, shall have avowed by word and act their acceptance of the new order of things, we may then safely consider the expediency of surrendering to each state legislature the duty of framing its necessary constitution and code, and all other adjuncts of civil government. if the form of our government were monarchical, we might be more sanguine of the success of any proposed measure of amnesty, because of the immediate power of the government to suppress summarily any disorder arising from too great leniency; but to delegate to the states themselves the quelling of the tumult which they have themselves raised, is, to say the least, a doubtful experiment. many thinking carolinians have said that they preferred that the government should first itself demonstrate the system of free labor, to such an extent that the planter would gladly avail himself of the system and carry it on to its completion. the presence of a strong military force is still needed in the state of south carolina to maintain order, and to see that the national laws are respected, as well as to enforce such municipal regulations as the occasion demands. for such service, officers of sound, practical sense should be chosen--men whose appreciation of strict justice both to employer and employee would compensate even for a lack of mere skilful military knowledge; men without the mean prejudices which are the bane of some who wear the insignia of the national service. i believe that affairs in south carolina are yet in a very crude state; that outrages are being practiced upon the negro which the military arm should prevent. doubtless many stories are fabricated or exaggerated, but a calm and candid citizen of charleston has said: "is it wonderful that this should be so; that men whose slaves have come at their call, but now demur, hesitate, and perhaps refuse labor or demand certain wages therefor--that such men, smarting under their losses and defeats, should vent their spite upon a race slipping from their power and asserting their newly acquired rights? is abuse not a natural result?" but time, enlightenment, and the strenuous efforts of the government can prevent much of this. i am, therefore, convinced that the education of the white and black must go hand in hand together until the system of free labor is so absolutely demonstrated that the interest of the employer will be found in the intelligence, the well-being, and the comfort of the employed. i believe that the great sources of benevolence at the north should still flood this southern land with its bounty--that the national government should encourage each state to receive all the implements of labor, education and comfort which a generous people can bestow, not merely for the benefit of the black freedman, but for the disenthralled white who has grovelled in the darkness of a past age, and who has been, perhaps, the innocent oppressor of a people he may yet serve, and with them enter into the enjoyment of a more glorious freedom than either have ever conceived. with sentiments of respect and esteem, i beg to remain, general, your obedient servant, john h. pilsbury, _deputy supervising and assistant special agent treasury department_. major general carl schurz, &c., &c., &c. no. . _views expressed by major general steedman in conversation with carl schurz_. augusta, georgia, _august_ , . i have been in command of this department only a month, and can, therefore, not pretend to have as perfect a knowledge of the condition of affairs, and the sentiments of the people of georgia, as i may have after longer experience. but observations so far made lead me to the following conclusions: the people of this state, with only a few individual exceptions, are submissive but not loyal. if intrusted with political power at this time they will in all probability use it as much as possible to escape from the legitimate results of the war. their political principles, as well as their views on the slavery question, are the same as before the war, and all that can be expected of them is that they will submit to actual necessities from which there is no escape. the state is quiet, in so far as there is no organised guerilla warfare. conflicts between whites and blacks are not unfrequent, and in many instances result in bloodshed. as to the labor question, i believe that the planters of this region have absolutely no conception of what free labor is. i consider them entirely incapable of legislating understandingly upon the subject at the present time. the organization of labor in this state, especially in the interior, has so far, in most cases, been left to the planters and freedmen themselves, the organization of the freedmen's bureau being as yet quite imperfect. a great many contracts have been made between planters and freedmen, some of which were approved by the military authorities and some were not. general wilde, the principal agent of the freedmen's bureau in this state, is, in my opinion, entirely unfit for the discharge of the duties incumbent upon him. he displays much vigor where it is not wanted, and shows but very little judgment where it is wanted. until the freedmen's bureau will be sufficiently organized in this state i deem it necessary to temporarily intrust the provost marshals, now being stationed all over the state, one to every four counties, with the discharge of its functions, especially as concerns the making of contracts and the adjustment of difficulties between whites and blacks. i deem it impracticable to refer such difficulties for adjustment to such civil courts as can at present be organized in this state. it would be like leaving each party to decide the case for itself, and would undoubtedly at once result in a free fight. it will be so until the people of this state have a more accurate idea of the rights of the freedmen. the military power is, in my opinion, the only tribunal which, under existing circumstances, can decide difficulties between whites and blacks to the satisfaction of both parties and can make its decisions respected. as for the restoration of civil power in this state, i apprehend it cannot be done without leading to the necessity of frequent interference on the part of the military until the sentiments of the people of georgia have undergone a very great change. this memorandum was read to general steedman by me and he authorized me to submit it in this form to the president. c. schurz. no. . headquarters district of columbus, _macon, georgia, august_ , . general: there are no loyal people in georgia, except the negroes; nor are there any considerable number who would under any circumstances offer armed resistance to the national authority. an officer, without arms or escort, could arrest any man in the state. but, while their submission is thus complete and universal, it is not a matter of choice, but a stern necessity which they deplore. if allowed they will readily reorganize their state government and administer it upon correct principles, except in matters pertaining to their former slaves. on this subject they admit the abolition of the institution, and will so frame their constitution, hoping thereby to procure their recognition as a state government, when they will at once, by legislation, reduce the freedmen to a condition worse than slavery. yet while they will not recognize the rights of their former slaves themselves, they will submit to its full recognition by the national government, which can do just as it pleases and no resistance will be offered. my own clear opinion is, it will have to do everything that may be necessary to secure real practical freedom to the former slaves. the disturbances at present are chiefly due, i think, to the swarm of vagrants thrown upon society by the disbanding of the rebel armies and the emancipation of the slaves at a season of the year when it is difficult for those who seek to find employment. after the st of january i apprehend no trouble, as the culture of the next crop will absorb all the labor of the country. in the interim a great deal of care and diligence will be required. hence i recommend the importance of sending men of energy and business capacity to manage the affairs of the freedmen's bureau. i am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, john t. croxton, _brigadier general united states_. general carl schurz. no. . headquarters department of the gulf, _new orleans, june_ , . sir: i have the honor to transmit for your consideration a copy of the correspondence between the governor of louisiana and myself touching the relations between the state and the military authorities in this department. the instructions upon this subject are, and probably designedly, indefinite. they indicate, however, the acceptance by the president of the constitution of the state, adopted in september, , as the means of re-establishing civil government in the state and the recognition of the governor as his agent in accomplishing this work. the same principle gives validity to such of the state laws as are not in conflict with this constitution, or repealed by congressional legislation, or abrogated by the president's proclamation or orders issued during the rebellion. this leaves many questions undetermined, except so far as they are settled by the law of nations and the laws of war, so far as my authority extends. i will turn over all such questions to the state government; and in cases that do not come within the legitimate authority of a military commander, will report them for such action as his excellency the president, or the war department, may think proper to adopt. i have had a very free conference with the governor upon this subject, and i believe that he concurs with me that the course i have indicated in the correspondence with him is not only the legal but the only course that will avoid the appeals to the local courts by interested or designing men, which are now dividing those who profess to be working for the same object--the re-establishment of civil authority throughout the state. then, in addition, many questions, in which the interests of the government are directly involved, or in which the relations of the general government to the states, as affected by the rebellion, are left unsettled by any adequate legislation. i do not think it will be wise to commit any of these questions, either directly or indirectly, to the jurisdiction of the state or other local courts, and will not so commit them unless instructed to do so. it is very possible that in the varied and complicated questions that will come up there may be differences of opinion between the governor and myself, but there shall be no discord of action, and i will give to his efforts the fullest support in my power. i have the honor to be, very respectfully, sir, e.r.s. canby, _major general commanding_. the secretary of war, _washington, d.c._ official copy: r. des anges, _major, a.a.g._ state of louisiana, executive department, _new orleans, june_ , . general: there is a class of officers holding and exercising the duties of civil officers in this state who claim to hold their right to the same by virtue of deriving their appointment from military authority exercised either by general shepley as military governor, or michael hahn, and in some cases by major general banks, commander of the department of the gulf. these men resist my power to remove on the ground that i am not clothed with military power, although the offices they fill are strictly civil offices, and the power of appointing to the same to fill vacancies (which constructively exist until the office is filled according to law) is one of my prerogatives as civil governor. to dispossess these men by legal process involves delay and trouble. many of the persons so holding office are obnoxious to the charges of official misconduct and of obstructing my efforts to re-establish civil government. for the purpose, therefore, of settling the question, and relieving the civil government of the state from the obstructions to its progress caused by the opposition of these men, i would respectfully suggest to you, general, the expediency of your issuing an order revoking all appointments made by military or semi-military authority to civil offices in this state prior to the th of march, , the date on which i assumed the duties of governor. i fix that date because it is only since that period the governor has been confined to strictly civil powers, and what military power has been exercised since in appointments to office has been from necessity and was unavoidable. i throw out these suggestions, general, for your consideration. on my recent visit to the capital i had full and free conversation with president johnson on the subject of reorganizing civil government in louisiana, and while deprecating the interference of military power in civil government beyond the point of actual necessity, yet he fully appreciated the difficulties of my position, and assured me that i should be sustained by him in all necessary and legal measures to organize and uphold civil government. i have the honor to be, very respectfully, &c., j. madison wells, _governor of louisiana_. major general e.r.s. canby, _commanding department of the gulf_. official copy: r. des anges, _major, a.a.g._ headquarters department of the gulf, _new orleans, june_ , . sir: i have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of the th instant, asking me to revoke all appointments made by military or semi-military authority to civil offices in the state prior to the th of march, . i have given this subject the attention and serious consideration which its importance demands, and i find it complicated not only with the private and public interests of the people and state of louisiana, but also with the direct interests of the government of the united states, or with the obligations imposed upon the government by the condition of the country or by the antecedent exercise of lawful military authority. to the extent that these considerations obtain they are controlling considerations, and i cannot find that i have any authority to delegate the duties devolved upon me by my official position, or to evade the responsibilities which it imposes. i venture the suggestion, also, that the evils complained of, and which are so apparent and painful to all who are interested in the restoration of civil authority, will scarcely be obtained by the course you recommend, but will, in my judgment, give rise to complications that will embarrass not only the state but the general government. all officers who hold their offices by the tenure of military appointment are subject to military authority and control, and will not be permitted to interfere in any manner whatever with the exercise of functions that have been committed to you as governor of louisiana. if they are obnoxious to the charge of misconduct in office, or of obstructing you in your efforts to re-establish civil government, they will, upon your recommendation, be removed. if, under the constitution and laws of the state, the power of appointment resides in the governor, my duty will be ended by vacating the appointment. if the office is elective, the military appointment will be cancelled so soon as the successor is elected and qualified. in the alternative cases the removal will be made, and successors recommended by you, and against whom there are no disqualifying charges, will be appointed. this, in my judgment, is the only course which will remove all legal objections, or even legal quibbles. i desire to divest myself as soon as possible of all questions of civil administration, and will separate, as soon and as far as i can, all such questions from those that are purely military in their character, and commit them to the care of the proper officers of the civil government. some of these questions are complicated in their character, and involve not only private and public interests, but the faith of the national government; originating in the legal exercise of military authority, they can only be determined by the same authority. there is another consideration, not directly but incidentally involved in the subject of your communication, to which i have the honor to invite your attention. the results of the past four years have worked many changes both as to institutions and individuals within the insurrectionary states, giving to some of the interests involved an absolutely national character, and in others leaving the relations between the general government and the states undetermined. so far as congress has legislated upon these subjects, it has placed them under the direct control of the general government, and under the laws of nations and laws of war the same principle applies to the other subject. until congress has legislated upon this subject, or until executive authority sanctions it, no questions of this character will be committed to the jurisdiction of the local courts. i make these suggestions to you for the reason that i have already found a strong disposition in some sections of the country to forestall the action of the general government by bringing these subjects more or less directly under the control of the local courts; and i have neither the authority nor the disposition to establish precedents that may possibly embarrass the future action of the government. i take this occasion to assure your excellency of my hearty co-operation in your efforts to re-establish civil government, and in any measures that may be undertaken for the benefit of the state or people of louisiana. i shall be happy at all times to confer with you upon any of these subjects, and to give you, whenever necessary, any assistance that you may require. i have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, e.r.s. canby, _major general, commanding_. his excellency the governor of louisiana, _new orleans, la_. official copy: r. des anges, _major, a.a.g._ state of louisiana, executive department, _new orleans, june_ , . general: i have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of the th instant, in answer to mine of the th, relating to the expediency of your revoking the appointment of all civil officers in the state made by military or semi-military authority. i desire to state that your views and suggestions, as regards your duty and proper course of action in the premises, are entirely satisfactory to me. for the care you have bestowed on the subject, and the earnest disposition you evince to do all in your power to promote the interests of civil government in this unfortunate state, by co-operating with and sustaining me in all legitimate measures to that end, i beg to return you, not only my own thanks, but i feel authorized to speak for the great mass of our fellow-citizens, and to include them in the same category. with high respect, i subscribe myself, your obedient servant, j. madison wells, _governor of louisiana_. major general e.r.s. canby, _commanding department of the gulf_. official copy: r. des anges, _major, a.a.g._ headquarters department of louisiana, _new orleans, september_ , . sir: in compliance with your request, i have the honor to submit some remarks upon the civil government of louisiana, and its relation to the military administration of this department. these relations are more anomalous and complicated, probably, than in any other insurrectionary state, and it will be useful in considering these questions to bear in mind the changes that have occurred since the occupation of this city by the union forces. these are, briefly-- . the military administration of the commander of the department of the gulf, major general butler. . the military government, of which brigadier general shepley was the executive, by appointment of the president. . the provisional government, of which the hon. m. hahn was the executive, by appointment of the president, upon nomination by the people at an election held under military authority. . the constitutional government, organized under the constitution adopted by the convention in july, , and ratified by the people at an election held in september of that year. of this government the hon. j.m. wells is the present executive. this government has not yet been recognized by congress, and its relation to the military authority of the department has never been clearly defined. being restrained by constitutional limitations, its powers are necessarily imperfect, and it is frequently necessary to supplant them by military authority. many of the civil officers still hold their positions by the tenure of military appointments holding over until elections can be held under the constitution. these appointments may be vacated by the commander of the department, and, if under the constitution the power of appointment reside in the governor, be filled by him: if it does not, the appointment must be filled by the military commander. very few removals and no appointments have been made by me during my command of the department; but the governor has been advised that all persons holding office by the tenure of military appointment were subject to military supervision and control, and would not be permitted to interfere in the duties committed to him by the president of restoring "civil authority in the state of louisiana;" that upon his recommendation, and for _cause_, such officers would be removed; and if the power of appointment was not under the constitution vested in him, the appointment would be made by the department commander, if, upon his recommendation, there was no disqualifying exception. the instructions to the military commanders, in relation to the previous governments, were general, and i believe explicit; but, as their application passed away with the existence of these governments, it is not necessary to refer to them here. those that relate to the constitutional government are very brief, so far, at least, as they have reached me. in a confidential communication from his excellency to the late president, in which he deprecated, in strong terms, any military interferences, and expressed very freely his own views and wishes, he concluded by saying that "the military must be judge and master so long as the necessity for the military remains;" and, in my instructions from the war department, of may , , the secretary of war says: "the president directs me to express his wish that the military authorities render all proper assistance to the civil authorities in control in the state of louisiana, and not to interfere with its action further than it may be necessary for the peace and security of the department." these directions and wishes have been conclusive, and i have given to the civil authorities whatever support and assistance they required, and have abstained from any interference with questions of civil or local state administration, except when it was necessary to protect the freedmen in their newly acquired rights, and to prevent the local courts from assuming jurisdiction in cases where, of law and of right, the jurisdiction belongs inclusively to the united states courts or united states authorities. with the appointments made by the governor i have no right to interfere unless the appointees are disqualified by coming under some one of the exceptions made by the president in his proclamation of may , , or, (as in one or two instances that have occurred,) in the case of double appointments to the same office, when a conflict might endanger the peace and security of the department. my personal and official intercourse with the governor has been of the most cordial character. i have had no reason to distrust his wish and intention to carry out the views of the president. i do distrust both the loyalty and the honesty (political) of some of his advisers, and i look with apprehension upon many of the appointments made under these influences during the past two months. the feeling and temper of that part of the population of louisiana which was actively engaged in or sympathized with the rebellion have also materially changed within that period. the political and commercial combinations against the north are gaining in strength and confidence every day. political, sectional, and local questions, that i had hoped were buried with the dead of the past four years, are revived. independent sovereignty, state rights, and nullification, where the power to nullify is revoked, are openly discussed. it may be that these are only ordinary political discussions, and that i attach undue importance to them from the fact that i have never before been so intimately in contact with them; but, to my judgment, they indicate very clearly that it will not be wise or prudent to commit any question involving the paramount supremacy of the government of the united states to the states that have been in insurrection until the whole subject of restoration has been definitively and satisfactorily adjusted. before leaving this subject i think it proper to invite your attention to the position of a part of the colored population of this state. by the president's proclamation of january , , certain parishes in this state (thirteen in number) were excepted from its provisions--the condition of the negroes as to slavery remaining unchanged until they were emancipated by the constitution of . if this constitution should be rejected (the state of louisiana not admitted under it) the legal condition of these people will be that of slavery until this defect can be cured by future action. the government of the city of new orleans, although administered by citizens, derives its authority from military orders, and its offices have always been under the supervision and control of the commander of the department, or of the military governor of the state. the present mayor was appointed by major general hurlbut, removed by major general banks, and reinstated by myself. under the constitution and laws of the state the principal city offices are elective, but the time has not yet been reached when an election for these offices should be held. although standing in very different relations from the state government, i have thought it proper to apply the same rule, and have not interfered with its administration except so far as might be necessary to protect the interests of the government, or to prevent the appointment to offices of persons excepted by the president's proclamation. very respectfully, your obedient servant, ed. r.s. canby, _major general, commanding_. major general carl schurz _united states volunteers, new orleans_. no. . _statement of general thomas kilby smith_. new orleans, _september_ , . i have been in command of the southern district of alabama since the commencement of general canby's expedition against mobile, and have been in command of the district and post of mobile, with headquarters at mobile, from june until the th of august, and relinquished command of the post on september . during my sojourn i have become familiar with the character and temper of the people of all of southern alabama. it is my opinion that with the exception of a small minority, the people of mobile and southern alabama are disloyal in their sentiments and hostile to what they call the united states, and that a great many of them are still inspired with a hope that at some future time the "confederacy," as they style it, will be restored to independence. in corroboration of this assertion, i might state that in conversation with me bishop wilmer, of the diocese of alabama, (episcopal), stated that to be his belief; that when i urged upon him the propriety of restoring to the litany of his church that prayer which includes the prayer for the president of the united states, the whole of which he had ordered his rectors to expunge, he refused, first, upon the ground that he could not pray for a continuance of martial law; and secondly, that he would stultify himself in the event of alabama and the southern confederacy regaining their independence. this was on the th of june. this man exercises a widespread influence in the state, and his sentiments are those of a large proportion of what is called the better class of people, and particularly the women. hence the representatives of the united states flag are barely tolerated. they are not welcome among the people in any classes of society. there is always a smothered hatred of the uniform and the flag. nor is this confined to the military, but extends to all classes who, representing northern interests, seek advancement in trade, commerce, and the liberal professions, or who, coming from the north, propose to locate in the south. the men who compose the convention do, in my opinion, not represent the people of alabama, because the people had no voice in their election. i speak with assurance on this subject, because i have witnessed the proceedings in my district. i do not desire to reflect upon the personnel of the delegation from mobile, which is composed of clever and honorable men, but whatever may be their political course, they will not act as the true representatives of the sentiments and feelings of the people. i desire in this connexion to refer to the statements of captain poillon, which you have submitted to me, and to indorse the entire truthfulness thereof. i have known captain poillon intimately, and have been intimately acquainted with the proceedings of the freedmen's bureau. many of the facts stated by captain poillon i know of my own personal knowledge, and all i have examined into and believe. on the th of july i permitted in mobile a procession of the freedmen, the only class of people in mobile who craved of me the privilege of celebrating the anniversary of the declaration of independence. six thousand well-dressed and orderly colored people, escorted by two regiments of colored troops, paraded the streets, assembled in the public squares, and were addressed in patriotic speeches by orators of their own race and color. these orators counselled them to labor and to wait. this procession and these orations were the signal for a storm of abuse upon the military and the freedmen and their friends, fulminated from the street corners by the then mayor of the city and his common council and in the daily newspapers, and was the signal for the hirelings of the former slave power to hound down, persecute, and destroy the industrious and inoffensive negro. these men were found for the most part in the police of the city, acting under the direction of the mayor, r.h. hough, since removed. the enormities committed by these policemen were fearful. within my own knowledge colored girls seized upon the streets had to take their choice between submitting to outrage on the part of the policemen or incarceration in the guard-house. these men, having mostly been negro drivers and professional negro whippers, were fitting tools for the work in hand. threats of and attempts at assassination were made against myself. threats were made to destroy all school-houses in which colored children were taught, and in two instances they were fired. the same threats were made against all churches in which colored people assembled to worship, and one of them burned. continued threats of assassination were made against the colored preachers, and one of them is now under special guard by order of major general wood. when mayor hough was appealed to by this man for protection, he was heard to say that no one connected with the procession of the th of july need to come into his court, and that their complaints would not be considered. although mayor hough has been removed, a large majority of these policemen are still in office. mayor forsyth has promised to reform this matter. it is proper to state that he was put in office by order of governor parsons, having twice been beaten at popular elections for the mayoralty by mr. hough. this gives an indication of what will result when the office will again be filled by a popular election. the freedmen and colored people of mobile are, as a general thing, orderly, quiet, industrious, and well dressed, with an earnest desire to learn and to fit themselves for their new status. my last report from the school commissioners of the colored schools of mobile, made on the th of july, showed pupils in daily attendance. they give no cause for the wholesale charges made against them of insurrection, lawlessness, and hostility against their former masters or the whites generally. on the contrary, they are perfectly docile and amenable to the laws, and their leaders and popular teachers of their own color continually counsel them to industry and effort to secure their living in an honorable way. they had collected from themselves up to the st of august upwards of $ , for their own eleemosynary institutions, and i know of many noble instances where the former slave has devoted the proceeds of his own industry to the maintenance of his former master or mistress in distress. yet, in the face of these facts, one of the most intelligent and high-bred ladies of mobile, having had silver plate stolen from her more than two years ago, and having, upon affidavit, secured the incarceration of two of her former slaves whom she suspected of the theft, came to me in my official capacity, and asked my order to have them whipped and tortured into a confession of the crime charged and the participants in it. this lady was surprised when i informed her that the days of the rack and the thumbscrew were passed, and, though pious, well bred, and a member of the church, thought it a hardship that a negro might not be whipped or tortured till he would confess what he _might_ know about a robbery, although not even a _prima facie_ case existed against him, or that sort of evidence that would induce a grand jury to indict. i offer this as an instance of the feeling that exists in all classes against the negro, and their inability to realize that he is a free man and entitled to the rights of citizenship. with regard to municipal law in the state of alabama, its administration is a farce. the ministers of the law themselves are too often desperadoes and engaged in the perpetration of the very crime they are sent forth to prohibit or to punish. without the aid of the bayonets of the united states alabama is an anarchy. the best men of alabama have either shed their blood in the late war, emigrated, or become wholly incapacitated by their former action from now taking part in the government of the state. the more sensible portion of the people tremble at the idea of the military force being eliminated, for, whatever may be their hatred of the united states soldier, in him they find their safety. it has not been my lot to command to any great extent colored troops. i have had ample opportunity, however, of observing them in tennessee, mississippi, louisiana, and alabama, and, comparing them with white troops, i unhesitatingly say that they make as good soldiers. the two colored regiments under my command in mobile were noted for their discipline and perfection of drill, and between those troops and the citizens of mobile no trouble arose until after the proclamation of the provisional governor, when it became necessary to arm them going to and from their fatigue duty, because they were hustled from the sidewalk by infuriated citizens, who, carrying out the principles enunciated by mayor hough and the common council and the newspapers heretofore alluded to, sought to incite mob. i have said that a great deal of the trouble alluded to in the government of the state has arisen since the appointment and proclamation of the provisional governor. the people of alabama then believed they were relieved from coercion of the united states and restored to state government, and that having rid themselves of the bayonets, they might assume the reins, which they attempted to do in the manner above described. when i speak of the people i mean the masses, those that we call the populace. there are thinking, intelligent men in alabama, as elsewhere, who understand and appreciate the true condition of affairs. but these men, for the most part, are timid and retiring, unwilling to take the lead, and even when subjected to outrage, robbery, and pillage by their fellow-citizens, refrain from testifying, and prefer to put up with the indignity rather than incur an unpopularity that may cost their lives. hence there is danger of the mob spirit running riot and rampant through the land, only kept under by our forces. that there are organized bands throughout the country who, as guerillas or banditti, now still keep up their organization, with a view to further troubles in a larger arena, i have no doubt, though, of course, i have no positive testimony. but this i know, that agents in mobile have been employed to transmit ammunition in large packages to the interior. one man by the name of dieterich is now incarcerated in the military prison at mobile charged with this offence. a detective was sent to purchase powder of him, who represented himself to be a guerilla, and that he proposed to take it out to his band. he bought $ worth the first, and $ worth the second day, and made a contract for larger quantities. deputations of citizens waited upon me from time to time to advise me that these bands were in being, and that they were in imminent peril upon their avowing their intentions to take the oath of allegiance, or evincing in any other way their loyalty to the government; and yet these men, while they claimed the protection of the military, were unwilling to reveal the names of the conspirators. i have seen general wood's statement, which is true in all particulars so far as my own observation goes, and i have had even far better opportunities than general wood of knowing the character of the people he now protects, and while protecting, is ignored socially and damned politically; for it is a noticeable fact that, after a sojourn in mobile of upwards of six weeks in command of the state, during part of which time he was ill and suffering, he received but one call socially out of a community heretofore considered one of the most opulent, refined, and hospitable of all the maritime cities of the south, the favorite home of the officers of the army and the navy in by-gone days; and that one call from general longstreet, who was simply in transitu. thomas kilby smith, _brigadier general united states volunteers_. no. . headquarters northern district of mississippi, _jackson, mississippi, august_ , . general: the northern district of mississippi embraces that portion of the state north of southern boundary lines of clark, jasper, smith, simpson, and hinds counties, except the six counties (warren, yazoo, issaquena, washington, sunflower, and bolivar) constituting the western district. the entire railroad system of the state is within my district, and although these lines of communication were seriously injured during the war, steps are being taken everywhere to repair them as fast as means can be procured. the break of thirty-five miles on the southern (vicksburg mendrain) railroad, between big black and jackson, is, by authority of the department commander, being repaired by my troops, and will be ready for operation in a few days. the thirty-six counties under my military control constitute the richest portion of the state, the soil being the most available for agricultural purposes, cotton (upland) being the great staple, while in the eastern counties, in the valley of the upper tombigbee, corn was grown very extensively, the largest proportion of the usual demand in the state for this cereal being supplied from that section. the war and its consequences have laid waste nearly all the old fields, only a few acres were cultivated this year to raise sufficient corn for the immediate use of the respective families and the small amount of stock they succeeded in retaining after the many raids and campaigns which took place in the state of mississippi. even these attempts will only prove partially successful, for, although the final suppression of the rebellion was evident for the past two years, the collapse which followed the surrender of the rebel armies brought with it all the consequences of an unforeseen surprise. the people had in no way provided for this contingency, and of course became very restive, when all property which they had so long been accustomed to look upon as their own suddenly assumed a doubtful character. their "slaves" began to wander off and left their masters, and those growing crops, which could only be matured and gathered by the labor of the former slaves. for the first time the people saw and appreciated the extreme poverty into which they were thrown by the consequences of the rebellion, and it will hardly surprise any one familiar with human nature, that people in good standing before the war should resort to all kinds of schemes, even disresputable ones, to retrieve their broken fortunes. theft and every species of crime became matters of every-day occurrence. the large amount of government cotton in all parts of the state proved a welcome objective point for every description of lawlessness. absent owners of cotton were looked upon by these people as public enemies and became the victims of their (mostly illegal) speculations during the rebellion. this state of affairs continued for some time in all portions of the district not occupied by united states troops, and were in most instances accompanied by outrages and even murder perpetrated on the persons of the late "slaves." as soon as a sufficient number of troops could be brought into the district, i placed garrisons at such points as would, as far as my means permitted, give me control of almost every county. by the adoption of this system i succeeded in preventing this wholesale system of thieving, and a portion of the stolen goods was recovered and returned to the owners, while the outrages on negroes and union men sensibly diminished. from the beginning of the occupation until a recent period only five ( ) cases of murder or attempted murder occurred in my whole district, and i had no apprehension but what i would be able to stop the recurrence of such crimes effectually. the troops at my disposal were, however, sadly reduced by the recent muster-out of cavalry and infantry regiments. attala and holmes counties were, on my arrival, the theatre of the greatest outrages; the interior of these counties was garrisoned by cavalry detachments, which communicated with the infantry posts along the railroad, and they (the cavalry) were most effective in preventing crime and arresting malefactors, thus affording the much needed protection to peaceable inhabitants. the cavalry garrisons, however, were withdrawn about two ( ) weeks ago for muster-out, and since that time four ( ) murders, two of white union men and two of negroes, have been reported to me from attala county. the infantry garrisons along the railroad are actively endeavoring to effect the arrest of the suspected parties, but the chances of success are exceedingly doubtful, as only mounted troops can be successfully used for that purpose. there is no doubt whatever that the state of affairs would be intolerable for all union men, all recent immigrants from the north; and all negroes, the moment the protection of the united states troops was withdrawn. in support of this opinion permit me to make a few remarks about the citizens. although the people, as a general thing, are very anxious for peace, and for the restoration of law and order, they hardly realize the great social change brought about by the war. they all know that slavery, in the form in which it existed before the war, and in which they idolized it, is at an end; but these former slave owners are very loth to realize the new relative positions of employer and employee, and all kinds of plans for "new systems of labor" are under constant discussion. the principal feature of all plans proposed is that the labor of the nominally freedmen should be secured to their old masters without risk of interruption or change. this desire is very natural in an agricultural community, which has been left for generations in the undisturbed enjoyment of all the comforts and independent luxuries induced by a system where the laborer and not the labor was a marketable commodity. it is, however, just as natural that those most interested should differ essentially with the slaveholder on that point. they naturally claim that they (the laborers) have by the war and its consequences gained the right to hire out their labor to whomsoever they please, and to change their relations so as to insure for themselves the best possible remuneration. the defenders and protectors of this last position are principally the agents of the freedmen's bureau and the co-operating military forces, and of course they are not liked. their decisions and rules are looked upon by former slaveholders, and late rebels generally, as the commands of a usurper and a tyrant, and they will continue to be so regarded until a general resumption of agricultural pursuits shall have brought about a practical solution o this much vexed question, which, "in abstracts," is rather perplexing. i think that if each party is compelled to remain within the bounds of justice and equity by the presence of a neutral force, _i.e._ united states troops, one year's experience will assign to both employers and employees their respective relative positions. as soon as this most desirable end is attained, and the labor of the southern states regenerated on a real free labor basis, and thus brought into harmony with the other portions of the union, the exclusive and peculiar notions of the southern gentlemen, so much at variance with the views of the north, will have no longer any cause to exist, and the southern people will be glad to recognize the american nationality without reserve, and without the sectional limitation of geographical linos. i desire to affirm that loyalty and patriotism have not as yet gained any solid foundation among the white population of the states, and such cannot be expected until the relations between employers and laborers have become a fixed and acknowledged fact; then, and not before, will a feeling of contentment and loyalty replace the now prevalent bitterness and recriminations. the taking of the amnesty oath has not changed the late rebels (and there are hardly any white people here who have not been rebels) into loyal citizens. it was considered and looked upon as an act of expediency and necessity to enable them to build their shattered and broken fortunes up again. the elevating feeling of true patriotism will return with the smile of prosperity, and it should be the duty of all men to co-operate together in securing that end. this can only be done by securing for the black race also a state of prosperity. this race, which at present furnishes the only labor in the state, must be prevented from becoming a wandering and restless people, and they must be taught to become steady citizens. this will best be accomplished by guaranteeing them the right to acquire property and to become freeholders, with protection in the undisturbed possession of their property. this and a general system of education will work a quicker and more satisfactory change than the most stringent police regulations could ever achieve. at present the occupancy of the state by the united states troops is the only safeguard for the preservation of peace between the different classes. i am, general, with great respect, your obedient servant, p. jos. osterhaus, _major general u.s. vols_. major general carl schurz, _present_. no. . _statement of major general charles r. woods, commanding department of alabama_. mobile, ala., _september_ , . i do not interfere with civil affairs at all, unless called upon by the governor of the state to assist the civil authorities. there are troops within reach of every county ready to respond to the call of the civil authorities, but there are some counties where the sheriffs and other officers of the law appear to be afraid to execute their warrants, even with the aid of my troops, because the protection the troops might give them is liable to be withdrawn as soon as the duties for which they are called upon are fulfilled, although the troops are continually ready to aid them at short notice. in many of the counties, where there are no garrisons stationed, the civil authorities are unable or unwilling to carry out the laws. one case has come to my official notice where persons had been arrested on the complaint of citizens living in the country, for stealing, marauding, &c., but when called upon to come down to testify, the complainants declared that they did not know anything about the matter. there being no testimony, the accused parties had to be released. one of those who, by the offenders, was supposed to have made complaint, was, shortly after the release of the accused, found with his throat cut. it appears that in that locality the lawless element predominates, and keeps the rest of the community in fear of having their houses burnt, and of losing their lives. the case mentioned happened in washington county, about forty miles from this city, up the alabama river. there is a garrison of four companies at mount vernon arsenal, not far from that place, which at all times are ready to render aid to the civil authorities. i have sent a detachment of troops with an officer of the freedmen's bureau into clark, washington, choctaw, and marengo counties to investigate the reports of harsh treatment of the negroes that had come into the freedmen's bureau. cotton-stealing is going on quite generally, and on a large scale, wherever there is any cotton, and the civil authorities have completely failed in stopping it. it has been reported to me by citizens that armed bands attack and drive away the watchmen, load the cotton upon wagons, and thus haul it away. no case has come to my knowledge in which such offenders have been brought to punishment. horse, mule, and cattle stealing is likewise going on on a large scale. in compliance with instructions from general thomas, i have issued orders to arrest, and try by military commission, all citizens who are charged with stealing government horses, mules, or other property. no such cases had been taken cognizance of by civil authorities within my knowledge. as to the treatment of negroes by whites, i would refer to the reports of the freedmen's bureau. i sent out officers to every point in the state designated by the governor, on an average at least two officers to a county, for the purpose of administering the amnesty oath, but owing to a misapprehension on the part of the people, but few were taken before these officers until the governor's second proclamation came out, requiring them to do so, when the oath was administered to a great many. i have found myself compelled to give one of the papers appearing in this city (the mobile daily news) a warning, on account of its publishing sensational articles about impending negro insurrections, believing that they are gotten up without any foundation at all, for the purpose of keeping up an excitement. chas. r. woods, _brevet major general, commanding department of alabama_. no. . [general orders no. .] headquarters department of mississippi, _vicksburg, miss., august_ , . the attention of district commanders is called to a proclamation of the provisional governor of the state of mississippi, of the th instant, which provides for the organization of a military force in each county of the state. while the general government deems it necessary to maintain its authority here by armed forces, it is important that the powers and duties of the officers commanding should be clearly defined. the state of mississippi was one of the first that engaged in the recent rebellion. for more than four years all her energies have been devoted to a war upon our government. at length, from exhaustion, she has been compelled to lay down her arms; but no orders have as yet been received by the military authorities on duty here, indicating that the state has been relieved from the hostile position which she voluntarily assumed towards the united states. the general government, earnestly desiring to restore the state to its former position, has appointed a provisional governor, with power to call a convention for the accomplishment of that purpose. upon the military forces devolve the duties of preserving order, and of executing the laws of congress and the orders of the war department. the orders defining the rights and privileges to be secured to freedmen meet with opposition in many parts of the state, and the duties devolving upon military officers, in the execution of these orders, are often of a delicate nature. it has certainly been the desire of the department commander, and, so far as he has observed, of all officers on duty in the state, to execute these orders in a spirit of conciliation and forbearance, and, while obeying implicitly all instructions of the president and the war department, to make military rule as little odious as possible to the people. while the military authorities have acted in this spirit, and have been as successful as could have been anticipated, the provisional governor has thought proper, without consultation with the department commander or with any other officer of the united states on duty here, to organize and arm a force in every county, urging the "young men of the state who have so distinguished themselves for gallantry" to respond promptly to his call, meaning, thereby, that class of men who have as yet scarcely laid down the arms with which they have been opposing our government. such force, if organized as proposed, is to be independent of the military authority now present, and superior in strength to the united states forces on duty in the state. to permit the young men, who have so distinguished themselves, to be armed and organized independently of united states military officers on duty here, and to allow them to operate in counties now garrisoned by colored troops, filled, as many of these men are, not only with prejudice against those troops and against the execution of the orders relative to freedmen, but even against our government itself, would bring about a collision at once, and increase in a ten-fold degree the difficulties that now beset the people. it is to be hoped that the day will soon come when the young men called upon by governor sharkey and the colored men now serving the united states will zealously co-operate for the preservation of order and the promotion of the interests of the state and nation. it will be gratifying to the friends of the colored race to have the assurance in an official proclamation from the provisional governor, that the day has already arrived when the experiment can be safely attempted. but as the questions on which these two classes will be called to co-operate are those with regard to which there would undoubtedly be some difference of opinion, particularly as to the construction of certain laws relative to freedmen, the commanding general prefers to postpone the trial for the present. it is the earnest desire of all military officers, as it must be of every good citizen, to hasten the day when the troops can with safety be withdrawn from this state, and the people be left to execute their own laws, but this will not be hastened by arming at this time the young men of the state. the proclamation of the provisional governor is based on the supposed necessity of increasing the military forces in the state to prevent the commission of crime by bad men. it is a remarkable fact that most of the outrages have been committed against northern men, government couriers, and colored people. southern citizens have been halted by these outlaws, but at once released and informed that they had been stopped by mistake; and these citizens have refused to give information as to the parties by whom they were halted, although frankly acknowledging that they knew them. governor sharkey, in a communication written after his call for the organization of militia forces was made, setting forth the necessity for such organization, states that the people are unwilling to give information to the united states military authorities which will lead to the detection of these outlaws, and suggests as a remedy for these evils the arming of the very people who refuse to give such information. a better plan will be to disarm all such citizens, and make it for their interest to aid those who have been sent here to restore order and preserve peace. _it is therefore ordered_, that district commanders give notice at once to all persons within their respective districts that no military organizations, except those under the control of the united states authorities, will be permitted within their respective commands, and that if any attempt is made to organize after such notice, those engaged in it will be arrested. whenever any outrages are committed upon either citizens or soldiers, the commander of the post nearest the point at which the offence is committed will report the fact at once to the district commander, who will forthwith send as strong a force to the locality as can be spared. the officer in command of such force will at once disarm every citizen within ten miles of the place where the offence was committed. if any citizen, possessing information which would lead to the capture of the outlaws, refuses to impart the same, he will be arrested and held for trial. the troops will be quartered on his premises, and he be compelled to provide for the support of men and animals. these villains can be arrested, unless they receive encouragement from some portion of the community in which they operate; and such communities must be held responsible for their acts, and must be made to realize the inevitable consequences of countenancing such outrages. by order of major general slocum: j. warren miller, _assistant adjutant general_. no. . [reported for the vicksburg journal.] _speeches of hon. sylvanus evans and richard cooper, candidates for congress and attorney general, vicksburg, september_ , . pursuant to a call published in our yesterday's issue, a large number of citizens assembled at apollo hall last evening to listen to addresses from prominent candidates for office at the ensuing election. shortly after o'clock hon. a. burwell introduced hon. richard cooper to the meeting, who addressed them as follows: speech of mr. cooper. fellow-citizens: i present myself before you to-night as a candidate for the office of attorney general. i have not before spoken in public since announcing myself, relying wholly upon my friends and past record. i have resided in this state twenty-nine years, and have for twelve years been a prosecuting attorney. soon after announcing myself i found i had an opponent, and i concluded to accompany my friend, judge evans, to vicksburg, merely to make myself known, not intending to make a speech. i was born in georgia. the first vote i ever cast was with the old-line whig party. [applause.] in i opposed an attempt to break up the united states government, and in, i did the same thing. i travelled in alabama and mississippi to oppose the measure. [applause.] but after the state did secede i did all in my power to sustain it. [heavy applause.] i never entered the army, having held a civil office, and was advised by my friends that i could do more good in that way than by entering the service. i believed in secession while it lasted, but am now as good a union man as exists, and am in favor of breaking down old barriers, and making harmony and peace prevail. i was a delegate to the state convention lately in session at jackson, and hope the legislature will carry out the suggestions of the convention. i believe the negro is entitled to the claims of a freeman, now that he is made free, and i hope he will have them secured to him. i am thankful that mississippi has the right of jurisdiction, and i hope she will always have it. the office i am a candidate for is not a political, but strictly a judicial office. if elected i shall use my utmost endeavors to promote the interests of the state and country. hon. sylvanus evans was then introduced to the audience by mr. cooper, who spoke substantially as follows: speech of judge evans. fellow-citizens of warren county: i am grateful to meet you here this evening, although a stranger to most of you. here you must judge of my standing, and i hope you will pardon me while i attempt to explain my position to you. i came to mississippi in , and moved to lauderdale county in ; by profession, in early life, a blacksmith, latterly a lawyer, practicing in eastern mississippi; to some extent a politician, always believing in the policy of the old-line whigs, and always acting with them. in i was a delegate from lauderdale county to the state convention, then, as in , being opposed to the act of secession, and fought against it with all my powers. but after the state had seceded i went with it as a matter of duty, and i sustained it until the day of the surrender with all my body and heart and mind. [great applause.] i believed that the majority of the people did not know what was to come, but, blending their interests with mine, i could not, with honor, keep from it. we are now emerging; now daylight is dawning upon us. but whether peace and prosperity shall return in its fulness is now a question with the people. i am a candidate before you for the united states congress. let me say to you, as wise men, that unless the people and the legislature do their duty, it is useless to send me or any one else to washington, as we cannot there obtain seats in congress. my opponent, mr. west, was nominated at jackson by a lot of unauthorized delegates, which nomination was, in my judgment, of no account. were your delegates from this county authorized to nominate candidates for congress? ours were not. i am before the people at the urgent request of many friends; not by any nomination made at jackson. i heartily approve of the action of the convention. but this action will be useless unless the legislature you elect meet and build the structure upon the foundation laid by the convention. the convention did not abolish slavery. the result of four and a half years of struggle determined whether it was abolished by the bayonet or by legislation. it remains for you to show by your action whether this was done to rid the state of bayonets, or to obtain your representation in washington. it is not enough to say the negro is free. the convention requires the legislature to adopt such laws as will protect the negro in his rights of person and property. we are not willing that the negro shall testify in our courts. we all revolt at it, and it is natural that we should do so; but we must allow it as one of the requisites of our admission to our original standing in the union. to-day the negro is as competent a witness in our state as the white man, made so by the action of the convention. the credibility of the witness is to be determined by the jurors and justices. if you refuse his testimony, as is being done, the result will be the military courts and freedmen's bureau will take it up, and jurisdiction is lost, and those who best know the negro will be denied the privilege of passing judgment upon it, and those who know him least are often more in favor of his testimony than yours. i am opposed to negro testimony, but by the constitution it is admitted. (the speaker was here interrupted by an inquiry by one of the audience: "has this constitution been ratified by the people, and has the old constitution been abolished?" to which mr. evans replied: the people did not have an opportunity to ratify it. the convention did not see fit to submit it to them, and its action in the matter is final.) slavery was destroyed eternally before the convention met, by the last four years of struggle. the convention only indorsed it, because it could do nothing else. i consider that convention the most important ever held on this continent--the determination of the war pending upon its action, and its great influence upon our southern sister states. the unanimity of the convention was unparalleled: the result of which has met with universal approval. the only objectors to its action is the radicalism of the north, which thinks it should have conferred universal suffrage on the freedmen. it is useless to send any one to washington to gain admission to the congress of the united states unless the legislature carries out the dictations of the convention for the protection of the freedmen's rights and property, and let them have access to the courts of justice. do you not desire to get rid of the freedmen's bureau and the bayonets and meet the president half way in his policy of reconstruction? if you do, be careful and send men to the legislature who will carry out this point, and thereby enable your congressmen to obtain their seats, and not have to return. the speaker was here again interrupted by mr. john vallandigham, who wished to inform the gentleman and all present that there were no secessionists now. (the speaker requested not to be interrupted again.) [great applause.] i am no demagogue. supposing you fail to meet the president in his policy, what will be the result? the convention has done its duty. it remains for you to elect men to the next legislature who will secure to the freedman his right. there are large republican majorities in the united states congress. the northern press, denouncing the president's policy, are assuming that congress has the right to dictate to you who shall be your rulers. the result of the large majorities will be to give the right of suffrage to every man in the state, and the negroes will elect officers to govern you. the president and the conservative element of the north are determined that the negro shall be placed where nature places him, in spite of the fanatics. we can only make free labor profitable by giving the negro justice and a right at the courts. it is hard to accept the fact that our slaves stand as freedmen, and that we have no more right to direct them. it is hard to realize, but let us look at it as it is, and act accordingly. your country is laid desolate, your farms have been ravished and impoverished by the war. vicksburg, the city of hills, everywhere bears marks of war. the mississippi valley is desolate. you have been deprived of your property in the negro, your houses burned and destroyed. we can meet the president and the conservative element of the north by a simple act of legislation, and it becomes us as a country-loving people to look well to the candidates for the legislature. if they fail to take the necessary step, the result will be that the freedmen's bureau and bayonets will remain with us until they do. although somewhat ignorant of the proceeding of the federal congress, if elected i shall try to promote the especial interests of this state. i shall urge that the united states government owe it as a duty to the state of mississippi to repair her levees; her people are so impoverished by the war that they cannot stand the taxation necessary to rebuild them. i believe it to be the duty of the general government to appropriate money to assist the people to improve their railroads, rivers, and assist in like new enterprises. another important question, that of labor, i believe can only be settled by legislation. i believe it to be for the interests of the people of the south to have the vagrant freedmen removed, as they are the cause of continued strife and tumult. i am sure we do not want the scenes of st. domingo and hayti repeated in our midst. i believe such will be the case if they are not removed. if elected, i shall urge upon the general government the duty of colonizing the negroes; it being the duty of the government to do this, as we are deprived of that amount of property, and the negroes should be removed where they can be distinct and by themselves. it is impossible for the two classes to exist equal together, for we would always be liable to outbreaks and bloodshed. we must either educate them or abolish them, for they know but little more now than to lie all day in the sun and think some one will look out for them. though free, they cannot yet understand what freedom is, and in many cases it is an injury rather than a benefit. it would be better to have white labor than to try and retain the black. another important point--a great debt has been contracted by the federal government. the south cannot pay a proportion of that debt. i am opposed to repudiation, but am in favor of relieving the south of the internal revenue tax. my opponent, mr. west, contends that mississippi must pay her taxes up to . i do not think so; and this is the only issue between us. i deny that the government has a right to levy such a tax, and contend that the government cannot impose a tax upon a state unless that state participates in the accumulation of that debt. at the time this debt was contracted we were recognized as belligerents, and not liable to a share of the debt then contracted for. that back tax can only be collected by a special act of congress, and, if elected, i shall oppose any such act. mr. west proposed an amendment in favor of secession into the state senate, while i was opposed to it. i always contended that slavery would die with secession, while mr. west said it was the only remedy. but i do not consider this any time to talk of secession, but rather bury all such in oblivion, and talk of the best way to restore peace. in many instances those who opposed secession the most were the first to enter the army and fight most valiantly. (applause.) i believe it to be our duty to forget all this and attend to present issues. it is time the war was over, and it is time that the results of the war were settled, and those are to be settled by the actions of the people themselves. determine for yourselves whether or not the president does not offer terms that should suit any of us; is he not trying to stay the tide of fanaticism at the north that would overwhelm us? has he not shown it in our own state in the appointment of our military governor? no man in the state could have been appointed to give more general satisfaction than w.l. sharkey, an able, straightforward, just man. the president, in his speech to the southern delegation, assures them that he is determined to stay the tremendous tide of the fanatics of the north, and that suffrage to the negro shall not be forced upon the people of the south. if elected, i will heartily co-operate with the president in his policy of reconstruction, for i am bitterly opposed to conferring the right of suffrage upon the negro. i believe it to be the right of the states to settle that matter. the radicals of the north now contend that they have a right to confer the right of suffrage on the negro, and we must at this hour support the president in approving that idea; if not, he will be overpowered, and that will be the result. in conclusion, if honored with an election i pledge myself to exert every energy in my power in behalf of the state and district. at the conclusion of the remarks of judge evans, loud and repeated calls for colonel patridge brought that gentleman to his feet. he was received with much applause, which was somewhat protracted, showing the favor in which he was held by the audience. upon rising and attempting to speak from his place on the floor, loud and urgent calls demanded that he should take the stand. colonel patridge replied that he would not take the stand until he met his competitor there. remarks of colonel patridge. he said that as a public journalist he had gone in and out before this people for many years. his views were as well known as those of any man who ever approached the people, asking their suffrage. he was a union man before the war, and a soldier in the war. he had performed his duty as a private and an officer, on the battle field and on the staff. at the close of the struggle, terminating as it had in our overthrow, he had used his entire exertions to speedily restore mississippi to her former relations with the federal government. the convention had done this, in entire accordance with the views he had entertained, and if elected to the legislature, he should finish the work in the same spirit, and carry out fully the policy of the convention. so far as the question of admitting the testimony of negroes into our courts was concerned, he expressed no opinion upon it, as a separate question. he had as many prejudices as other southern men. but in his public acts he had always endeavored to discard prejudice. he looked to the happiness and welfare of the people. but there was one phase of the negro testimony question which was settled. the negro was already regarded as a competent witness. he alluded to the cases which, by an act of congress, came under the jurisdiction of the freedmen's bureau. the question was not whether their testimony should be received or not. it was already received. the question was whether, in receiving it, it shall be received before our own civil magistrates or juries, or before the provost marshals of the freedmen's bureau. he had no hesitation in expressing himself in favor of the former. he was opposed to all systems of repudiation, whether styled stay laws, bankrupt laws, or insolvent acts, and in general was in favor of placing mississippi in the front rank of states. he desired to see our congressmen admitted at the next session, and to that end would do all in his power to promote the policy of president johnson for the rehabilitation which it was understood was the ultimatum. his remarks, which were exceedingly well received, were continued for fifteen or twenty minutes, at the close of which he announced himself ready to meet his competitor, whom he spoke of in high terms, at any time to discuss the momentous issues devolving upon the next legislature. no. . _to the voters of the sixth judicial district, composed of the counties of lowndes, oktibbeha, noxubee, neshoba, kemper, and winston_: until the spring of i was a citizen of kentucky, but my native state having elected to abide by the fortunes of the union in the tremendous struggle that has lately terminated, while all my sympathies and instincts bound me to the southern people, i assumed new relations so far as citizenship was concerned, and for the last three years have been a resident of mississippi. i entered the army as a private soldier, and until the end of the conflict sustained, what i knew in the beginning to be, a desperate and doubtful cause. i went down in battle, never to rise up again a sound man, upon the frontier of this broad abounding land of yours. i therefore cannot feel that i am an alien in your midst, and, with something of confidence as to the result, appeal to you for your suffrages for the office of district attorney. i am as fully identified with the interests of mississippi as it is possible for any one to be, and in my humble way, will strive as earnestly as any one to restore her lost franchises and lost prosperity. in former years i held in kentucky a position similar to the one i now seek at your hands, and i hope that i violate no rule of propriety in saying that i deem myself equal to its duties and responsibilities. respectfully, your obedient servant, jno. t. hogan. p.s.--owing to the fact that i have but little acquaintance with the people of the sixth district, outside of the county of lowndes, i will address them at different points so soon as i can prepare and publish a list of appointments. j.t.h. columbus, _mississippi, august_ , . no. . headquarters department of louisiana, office of provost marshal general, _new orleans, la., september_ , . general: in the matter of the investigation ordered to be made in relation to the loyalty of certain members of the board of public schools of this city, i have the honor to report as follows: thomas sloo, in his capacity as president of the "sun mutual insurance company," subscribed fifty thousand dollars towards the confederate loan. john i. adams, a prominent and influential merchant, left this city immediately on the arrival of the federal forces, and did not return until the final overthrow of the rebellion. he presented a piece of ordnance, manufactured at his own expense, to the "washington artillery," to be used against the government of the united states. he also was a subscriber to the rebel loan. glendy burke and george ruleff, the former at one time a prominent politician, the latter a wealthy merchant, sent their sons into the confederacy, while they remained at home, refusing to assist in any way in the reorganization of the state government, and showing their contempt for the united states government and its constituted authorities. their conduct was far from being loyal and patriotic; associating only with the avowed enemies of the government. edwin l. jewell, editor and proprietor of the "star" newspaper, is not a citizen of new orleans. previous to the rebellion he was a resident of the parish of point coupee, where he edited a newspaper, noted only for its bitter and violent opposition to the government and the strong and ardent manner in which it enunciated the principles of secession. he has only lately arrived here, and has not resided in the city for a sufficient length of time to entitle him to the rights of citizenship. david mccoard is classed with those whose conduct throughout the war has been intent only in misrepresenting the government and treating its representatives with contumely. dr. alfred perry has served four years in the confederate army. comment is unnecessary. messrs. keep, viavant, turpise, toyes, holliday, bear, walsh, moore and ducongel, all contributed more or less in money and influence towards establishing a government hostile and inimical to the united states. dr. holliday was at one time acting as surgeon in a rebel camp. (moore.) mr. rodgers, the candidate for the position of superintendent of public schools, held the same office at the commencement of the war. his conduct at that time was imbued with extreme bitterness and hate towards the united states, and in his capacity as superintendent he introduced the "bonnie blue flag" and other rebel songs into the exercises of the schools under his charge. in histories and other books, where the initials "u.s." occurred, he had the same erased and "c.s." substituted. he used all means in his power to imbue the minds of the youths intrusted to his care with hate and malignity towards the union. he has just returned from the late confederacy, where he has resided during the war. at the time he left the city to join the rebel army he left his property in the care of one finley, who claims to be a british subject, but held the position of sergeant in a confederate regiment of militia. i am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, chas. w. lowell, _major th united states colored infantry and provost marshal general_. major general e.r.s. canby, _commanding department_. no. . [from the new orleans times, september , .] the public schools. to the citizens of new orleans our public schools have long been a cherished and peculiar interest. they have been regarded with pride, fostered with peculiar care, and looked up to as a source of future greatness. in their first organization, samuel j. peters, and those who acted with him, had to contend against the popular prejudices of the day, for parental pride--sometimes stronger than common sense--was shocked at the thought of an educational establishment in which the children of all classes of citizens met on a common level, and the difference between free schools and charity schools was not very readily discerned. those prejudices, however, wore gradually away, and the free schools increased in numbers and efficiency till they were regarded by rich and poor with equal interest. pride withdrew its frown and put on a patronizing smile. the children of the cavalier sat beside those of the roundhead, and heterogeneous differences of race were extinguished by a homogeneous fellowship. for years previous to the war our public schools occupied a high position. no political or sectarian dogmas were taught. in politics and religion children naturally incline to the opinions of their parents, and it is well that they do so; for if the reverse were the case, there would be many divided households, which, under existing arrangements, are harmonious and happy. the teachers taught those branches only which are set down in the educational programme, and the knowledge they imparted was necessary, not only for the appreciation but for the preservation of our free form of government. it is true that schoolmasters, like other people, have their own notions of right and wrong--their own political and religious opinions--but we speak what we know when we state that up to the time of the rebellion no attempt was made to give the minds of the pupils in the public schools of new orleans either a political or religious bias. some incline to the opinion that the duties of the educational trust would have been more effectively performed had patriotic politics been made a prominent branch of study; but to such a course innumerable objections would have arisen. patriotism does not always wear the same mantle, or point in the same direction. it accommodates itself to the peculiarities of different countries and forms of government. sometimes it is a holy principle--sometimes a mere party catchword with no more real meaning than can be attached to the echo of an echo. after the city was redeemed from rebel rule an earnest effort was made to include loyalty among the branches of our popular education, and tests were applied with perhaps an unnecessary degree of rigor. for this the excited state of public opinion, arising from the civil strife which then prevailed, was the sole excuse. some seeds of bitterness were unfortunately sown. the antagonism of parents were repeated and intensified in the children, and love of country proved weak when compared with hatred of the rebels. such enthusiastic displays, such hoistings of flags, such singings of patriotic songs were never known before. this made the children very loyal, but exceedingly revengeful and unchildlike. the divine advice, "love your enemy," they would have pronounced the height of madness, if not wickedness. in short, they were introduced before their time into the arena of political perplexities. for all this the teacher was perhaps not very much to blame. he was swept on by a current which he could not resist even if he would. a "higher law," irresponsible at the time, and backed up by the persuasive bayonet, was an authority which brooked no resistance. he merely obeyed orders and earned his daily bread. under these circumstances it is not to be wondered at that the public schools lost a portion of their previous popularity, and, notwithstanding the diminished financial resources of our citizens, private schools multiplied among them beyond all precedent. an effort is now made to get the schools once more under popular control, and render them what they were originally intended to be--mere educational institutions. to this end a school board has been appointed, but as soon as it undertook to act it was met, as to certain members, by a question of loyalty, raised, in all probability, by some interested party, who, being without offence himself, thought proper to fling a few stones at his offending neighbors. if there be any disloyalty in the board we trust that it will be speedily purged thereof, but, knowing most of the members, we greatly doubt that any such bill of indictment can be sustained. at any rate, a week has elapsed since the charge was made, and we imagine it will be disposed of before the meeting takes place, which was appointed for to-morrow evening. one of our contemporaries, in his edition of yesterday evening, states, on the strength of a positive assurance, "that his excellency j. madison wells has been appointed provisional governor of louisiana;" that his commission is here awaiting his acceptance, and that he "will probably order an election for members of a constitutional convention" soon after he returns to the city. if this proves so, it will create quite a stir in the political world hereabout. at the bare mention of "constitutional convention" a shudder involuntary creeps over us, visions of bankrupt treasuries present themselves, new species of taxation to frighten our patient but impoverished people, and a general "brandy and cigar" saturnalia for our disinterested and immensely patriotic politicians. but of this we suppose we need have no fear. the funds are deficient. no. . headquarters sub-district of jackson, _jackson, mississippi, september_ , . major: i would respectfully make the following report as to what i saw and learned by conversing with officers and citizens during my recent visit to the northwest part of this sub-district, particularly in holmes county. the only garrison at present in the county is at goodman, situated on the railroad, sixteen miles from lexington, the county seat, which place i visited. of the male population of the county i would estimate that not more than one-tenth of the whites and one-fourth the blacks seemed to have any employment or business of any kind; universal idleness seemed to be the rule, and work the exception, and but few of those at work seemed to be doing so with any spirit, as though they had any idea of accomplishing anything---just putting the time in. one-half of the male population can be met upon the road any day, and the travelling at night is much more than would be expected. in a common country road, probably thirty persons passed in a night on horseback. as to the character of the persons met by day or night many of them would be called suspicious, being supplied with arms, which they often take pains to display, riding united states and confederate states horses and mules, government saddles and bridles, which it is useless to try to take away, as they have no difficulty in proving them to be theirs by the evidence of some comrade with whom they reciprocate in kind. they boast of jeff. davis and president johnson, try in every way to show their contempt for the yankee, boast of the number they have killed; &c. they want it understood that they are not whipped--simply overpowered. they have no visible means of support, and the impression is that they are living off the proceeds of government cotton and stock, and quite frequently of private property---generally cotton. the negroes complain that these same "gallant young men" make a practice of robbing them of such trifles as knives, tobacco, combs, &c. if any resistance is made, death is pretty sure to be the result; or if the poor negro is so unfortunate as to appear to recognize his persecutors, he can then expect nothing less. negroes are often shot, as it appears, just out of wanton cruelty, for no reason at all that any one can imagine. the older and more respected class of white men seem to deplore the condition of things; think, however, that there is no way to stop it, except to let it have its own course; say such occurrences, though not so frequent, were by no means uncommon before the war. in conversing with such as were the leaders in politics and society before the war, and the leaders in the rebellion, one is reminded of their often-repeated assertions that the negro cannot take care of himself; capital must own labor, &c., &c. they have preached it, talked it, spoken it so long, that free labor would be a failure in the south, (and especially negro labor,) that it seems they have made themselves believe it, and very many act as though they were bound to make it so, if it was not going to be the natural result. some, now their crops are gathered, drive off all the hands they do not want, without any compensation for their summer's work except food and clothing. in many cases the negroes act just like children, roving around the country, caring nothing for the future, not even knowing one day what they are to eat the next. they also seem to think that in their present condition as freemen their former masters and present employers should address them in a more respectful manner than formerly. this the whites refuse to accede to, but persist in still treating them as niggers, giving them orders in the same austere manner as of old. in one day's travel i passed by different places where five colored men had been murdered during the five days just passed, and as many wounded. in one place it appears that one man was taken out of bed and killed because, as the neighbors say, he was a preacher, though they none of them contend that he had ever taught any doctrine or said anything against the peace and welfare of the neighborhood; but nearly all approve the act. three men were engaged in it, and finding some colored men were witnesses to the transaction, they killed two of them and left all three together. at another place a party of men, women, and children were collected together at a plantation, with the consent of the owner, and were having a dance, when a squad of about twelve rode up and, without any warning of any kind, commenced firing at them, killing one and wounding several. it is of course known by the white persons in the vicinity who these murderers are, but no effort is made to arrest them. the negroes say they have recognized a number of them, and say most all lived near by. i found no one that thought there was anything objectionable about this particular meeting, but nearly all objected to the practice of their gathering together; think it gives them extravagant ideas of liberty, has a tendency to make them insubordinate, &c. another place a colored man was killed--supposed to have been shot for a small amount of money he happened to have with him; no clue to the murderers. another place within one-fourth of a mile of lexington, a colored man was shot through the head on the public road, (was not yet dead,) and his pockets rifled of the few cents he had; also his knife. over in attala county i learned that not long since two white men, (merchants,) while sitting in their store, were both instantly killed, as is supposed, because they were finding out too much about where their stolen cotton had gone to. when returning, near canton i was informed by the commanding officer of the post that recently, near by, a colored boy was met by a couple of these "honorable young men" of the south, and his hands tied, was shot, his throat cut, and his ears cut off. no one has been able to ascribe any reason for it, as he was a very quiet, inoffensive lad. two persons have been arrested for the deed. when arraigned by the civil authorities they were acquitted, as no white witnesses were knowing to the murder, and colored witnesses were not permitted to testify; but they were again arrested by the captain commanding the post, add forwarded for trial by military commission. all, both black and white, are afraid to give evidence against any one. they say in some instances that they would like to see the rascals get their just deserts; but if they were instrumental in bringing it about they would have to move to a military post for safety, and when the troops are withdrawn they would have to go also. an insurrection among the colored people is quite a subject of conversation among the whites, and they appear to fear it will develop itself in a general uprising and massacre about the st of january next. i do not consider there are any grounds for their suspicions, and believe it arises from their troubled consciences, which are accusing them of the many cruel acts perpetrated against their former slaves, and these barbarities are continued by some for the purpose of still keeping them under subjection. in some places there will evidently be a scarcity of food the coming winter, and white and black, as the season for foraging has passed, will soon have to get assistance or starve, as they seem determined not to work. i did not find among those i talked with one person who was in favor of organizing militia as contemplated in the governor's proclamation. some thought it might be of service if it was composed of the right kind of men, but they know it would be composed of just a lot of roving fellows, the very ones who now most need watching. militia finds favor only with the politicians, who are much in want of a hobby to ride, bar-room loafers, who think it would give their present calling a little more respectability, and the rambling fellows who would like some show of authority to cover up their robberies, with probably a few men who honestly believe it would be composed of better material. if it were not for the classes above described, a large majority would be in favor of the united states forces remaining in the state. i am of the opinion that a large amount of good might be done, if good speakers would travel around the country and explain to the freedmen what their rights are, what their duties are, and to the planters what the government expects of them and wishes them to do. a better understanding of this matter would be of advantage to all concerned. in conclusion i would respectfully state that i find myself unable in many instances to arrest parties accused of crime, for the reason no horses or mules can be obtained to mount soldiers sent in pursuit, and on account of the scarcity of officers in the command to take charge of squads. i am, major, very respectfully, &c., charles h. gilchrist, _colonel th united states colored infantry, commanding_. major w.a. gordon, _assistant adjutant general, northern district mississippi_. official: t. wahren miller, _assistant adjutant general_. no. . headquarters district of northern alabama, _nashville, tennessee, september_ , . general: about the middle of september last while i was in command of the district of huntsville, formerly district of northern alabama, several citizens of jackson county called on me at huntsville, complaining that the sheriff of the county, colonel snodgrass, late of the confederate army, had arrested fifteen citizens of that county on charges of murder, which they were accused of having committed while in the service of the united states, under orders from their superiors, in fights with guerrillas. the trial was to take place before the probate judge, of jackson county, no regular courts being held at that time. i sent an order to the sheriff to release the prisoners. i also sent an order to the judge before whom the trial was to take place to suspend action in their cases. at the same time i reported the case to general thomas, commander of the military division of the tennessee, and asked for instructions. i received answer that my action was approved. a few days afterwards it was reported to me that the sheriff refused to obey the order, and had used the most disrespectful language against the military authorities of the united states. i ordered his arrest, but about the same time i received orders to muster out all white regiments in my district, and my own regiment being among them, i relinquished command of the district. i deem the lives of southern men that have served in the united states army unsafe when they return to their homes. as to the feeling of the people in that section of the country, the majority at this day are as bitter enemies of the united states government as they were during the war. general, i have the honor to remain your obedient servant, w. krzyzanowski, _late brevet brigadier general, u.s.v._ major general c. schurz. no. . _list of colored people killed or maimed by white men and treated at post hospital, montgomery_. . nancy, colored woman, ears cut off. she had followed wilson's column towards macon two or three days, and when returning camped near the road, and while asleep a white man by the name of ferguson, or foster, an overseer, came upon her and cut her ears off. this happened in april, about thirty miles east of montgomery. . mary steel, one side of her head scalped; died. she was with nancy. . jacob steel, both ears cut off; was with the same party. . amanda steel, ears cut off; was with the same party. . washington booth, shot in the back, near montgomery, while returning from his work, may . he was shot by william harris, of pine level, thirty miles from here, without any provocation. . sutton jones, beard and chin cut off. he belonged to nancy's party, and was maimed by the same man. . about six colored people were treated at this hospital who were shot by persons in ambuscade during the months of june and july. their names cannot be found in a hasty review of the record. . robert, servant of colonel hough, was stabbed while at his house by a man wearing in part the garb of a confederate soldier; died on the th of june, in this hospital, about seven days after having been stabbed. . ida, a young colored girl, was struck on the head with a club by an overseer, about thirty miles from here; died of her wound at this hospital june . . james taylor, stabbed about half a mile from town; had seven stabs that entered his lungs, two in his arms, two pistol-shots grazed him, and one arm cut one-third off, on the th of june. offender escaped. . james monroe, cut across the throat while engaged in saddling a horse. the offender, a white man by the name of metcalf, was arrested. no provocation. case happened on august , in this city. these cases came to my notice as surgeon in charge of the post hospital at montgomery. i treated them myself, and certify that the above statements are correct. montgomery hall, _august_ , . j.m. phipps, _acting staff surgeon, in charge post hospital_. _list of colored people wounded and maimed by white people, and treated in freedmen's hospital since july , _. . william brown, shot in the hand; brought here july . . william mathews, shot in the arm; brought here august . shot on mathews's plantation by a neighbor of mr. mathews, who was told by mr. mathews to shoot the negro. . amos whetstone, shot in the neck by john a. howser, august , in this city. howser halted the man, who was riding on a mule on the road; had an altercation with mr. whetstone; howser, whetstone's son-in-law, shot him while he was going to town. the above cases came to my notice as assistant surgeon at this hospital. similar cases may have been treated here before i entered upon my duties, of which i can give no reliable account. j.e. harvey, _assistant surgeon th illinois. freedmen's hospital, _montgomery, alabama, august_ , . no. . office provost marshal, _post of selma, alabama, august_ , . i have the honor to report the following facts in regard to the treatment of colored persons by whites within the limits of my observation: there have come under my notice, officially, twelve cases in which i am morally certain (the trials have not been had yet) that negroes were killed by whites. in a majority of cases the provocation consisted in the negroes trying to come to town, or to return to the plantation after having been sent away. these cases are in part as follows: wilson h. gordon, convicted by military commission of having shot and drowned a negro, may , . samuel smiley, charged with having shot one negro and wounded another, acquitted on proof of an alibi. it is certain, however, that one negro was shot and another wounded, as stated. trial occurred in june. three negroes were killed in the southern part of dallas county; it is supposed by the vaughn family. i tried twice to arrest them, but they escaped into the woods. mr. alexander, perry county, shot a negro for being around his quarters at a late hour. he went into his house with a gun and claimed to have shot the negro accidentally. the fact is, the negro is dead. mr. dermott, perry county, started with a negro to selma, having a rope around the negro's neck. he was seen dragging him in that way, but returned home before he could have reached selma. he did not report at selma, and the negro has never since been heard of. the neighbors declare their belief that the negro was killed by him. this was about the th of july. mr. higginbotham, and threadgill, charged with killing a negro in wilcox county, whose body was found in the woods, came to my notice the first week of august. a negro was killed on mr. brown's place, about nine miles from selma, on the th of august. nothing further is known of it. mr. brown himself reported. a negro was killed in the calaboose of the city of selma, by being beaten with a heavy club; also, by being tied up by the thumbs, clear of the floor, for three hours, and by further gross abuse, lasting more than a week, until he died. i can further state, that within the limits of my official observation crime is rampant; that life is insecure as well as property; that the country is filled with desperadoes and banditti who rob and plunder on every side, and that the county is emphatically in a condition of anarchy. the cases of crime above enumerated, i am convinced, are but a small part of those that have actually been perpetrated. i am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, j.p. houston, _major th minnesota, and provost marshal u.s. forces at selma, alabama_. major general carl schurz. no. . freedmen's bureau, _mobile, september_ , . sir: in compliance with your request i have the honor to report the state of affairs as connected with the freedmen in this city and the counties of washington, monroe, clark, choctaw and baldwin. the civil authorities in this city have accepted general swayne's order no. , (herewith enclosed,) but the spirit of the order is not complied with, and complaints of injustice and criminal partiality in the mayor's court have been frequently made at this office, and particularly when mr. morton presides there is no justice rendered to the freedmen. little or no business is done before other magistrates, as the colored people are aware, from experience, that their oath is a mere farce and their testimony against a white man has no weight; consequently all complaints of the colored people come before this bureau. i have by special order of general swayne designated one of the justices of the peace, mr. t. starr, who adjudicates cases of debt, and in matters where both parties are of color he has so far given satisfaction, but the prejudice so universal against colored people here is already beginning to affect his decisions. the civil police department of this city is decidedly hostile to color, and the daily acts of persecution in this city are manifest in the number of arrests and false imprisonment made where no shadow of criminality exists, while gangs of idle rebel soldiers and other dissolute rowdies insult, rob, and assault the helpless freedmen with impunity. all hopes of equity and justice through the civil organization of this city is barred; prejudice and a vindictive hatred to color is universal here; it increases intensely, and the only capacity in which the negro will be tolerated is that of slave. the fever of excitement, distrust, and animosity, is kept alive by incendiary and lying reports in the papers, and false representations of rebel detectives. the alarm is constantly abroad that the negroes are going to rise; this is utterly without foundation. the freedmen will not rise, though docile and submissive to every abuse that is heaped upon them in this city. if they are ragged and dirty, they are spurned as outcasts; if genteel and respectable, they are insulted as presumptive; if intelligent, they are incendiary; and their humble worship of god is construed as a designing plot to rise against the citizens who oppress them. it is evident that general swayne's good intentions are nugatory from the want of faith on the part of those to whom he intrusted his order. these men have been recipients of office for years. old associations, customs and prejudices, the pressure of public opinion, and the undying hostility to federal innovation, all conspire gainst impartiality to color. such is the state of affairs in this city. in the counties of this district above named there is no right of the negro which the white man respects; all is anarchy and confusion; a reign of terror exists, and the life of the freedmen is at the mercy of any villain whose hatred or caprice incites to murder. organized patrols with negro hounds keep guard over the thoroughfares, bands of lawless robbers traverse the country, and the unfortunate who attempts escape, or he who returns for his wife or child, is waylaid or pursued with hounds, and shot or hung. laborers on the plantations are forced to remain and toil without hope of remuneration. others have made the crop and are now driven off to reach mobile or starve; scarcely any of them have rags enough to cover them. many who still labor are denied any meat, and whenever they are treated with humanity it is an isolated exception. ragged, maimed, and diseased, these miserable outcasts seek their only refuge, the freedmen's bureau, and their simple tale of suffering and woe calls loudly on the mighty arm of our government for the protection promised them. these people are industrious. they do not refuse to work; on the contrary, they labor for the smallest pittance and plainest food, and are too often driven off deprived of the small compensation they labored for. the report of rations issued to destitute citizens on august , , was , persons. owing to the numerous impostures by those who had means of support, i erased the names of a large number and the list now stands , persons who are recipients of government alms. of this number, per cent. are rebels who have participated in some manner in this rebellion. number of rations issued to destitute colored people is simply six ( ). the report of the freedmen's colony of this district to this date is ( ) twelve men, ( ) seventy-one women, and ( ) eighty-eight children, and sick in hospital ( ) one hundred and five; total ( ) two hundred and seventy-six. of this number many have been driven off of plantations as helpless, while many of their grown children are forcibly retained to hard labor for their masters. i am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, w.a. poillon, _captain, assistant superintendent freedmen, refugees, abandoned lands, &c._ general carl schurz. freedmen's bureau, _july_ , . sir: i have the honor to report some testimony i have received of the murders and barbarities committed on the freedmen in clark, choctaw, washington and marengo counties, also the alabama and bigbee rivers. about the last of april, two freedmen were hung in clark county. on the night of the eleventh of may, a freedman named alfred was taken from his bed by his master and others and was hung, and his body still hangs to the limb. about the middle of june, two colored soldiers (at a house in washington county) showed their papers and were permitted to remain all night. in the morning the planter called them out and shot one dead, wounded the other, and then with the assistance of his brother (and their negro dogs) they pursued the one who had escaped. he ran about three miles and found a refuge in a white man's house, who informed the pursuers that he had passed. the soldier was finally got across the river, but has not been heard of since. at bladen springs, (or rather, six miles from there,) a freedman was chained to a pine tree and _burned to death_. about two weeks after, and fifteen miles from bladen, another freedman was burned to death. in the latter part of may, fifteen miles south of bladen, a freedman was shot _outside_ of the planter's premises and the body dragged into the stable, to make it appear he had shot him in the act of stealing. about the first of june, six miles west of bladen, a freedman was hung. his body is still hanging. about the last of may, three freedmen were coming down the bigbee river in a skiff, when two of them were shot; the other escaped to the other shore. at magnolia bluff (bigbee river) a freedman (named george) was ordered out of his cabin to be whipped; he started to run, when the men (three of them) set their dogs (five of them) on him, and one of the men rode up to george and struck him to the earth with a loaded whip. two of them dragged him back by the heels, while the dogs were lacerating his face and body. they then placed a stick across his neck, and while one stood on it the others beat him until life was nearly extinct. about the first of may, near ---- landing, in choctaw county, a freedman was hung; and about the same time, near the same neighborhood, a planter shot a freedman, (who was talking to one of his servants,) and dragged his body into his garden to conceal it. a preacher (near bladen springs) states in the _pulpit_ that the roads in choctaw county stunk with the dead bodies of servants that had fled from their masters. the people about bladen _declare_ that _no negro_ shall live in the county unless he remains with his _master_ and is as obedient as heretofore. in clark county, about the first of june, a freedman was shot through the heart; his body lies unburied. about the last of may, a planter hung his servant (a woman) in presence of all the neighborhood. said planter had _killed_ this woman's husband three weeks before. this occurred at suggsville, clark county. about the last of april, two women were caught near a certain plantation in clark county and hung; their bodies are still suspended. on the th of july, two freedmen were taken off the steamer commodore ferrand, tied and hung; then taken down, their heads cut off and their bodies thrown in the river. july , two men took a woman off the same boat and threw her in the river. this woman had a coop, with some chickens. they threw all in together, and told her to go to the damned yankees. the woman was drowned. there are regular patrols posted on the rivers, who board some of the boats; after the boats leave they hang, shoot or drown the victims they may find on them, and all those found on the roads or coming down the river are most invariably _murdered_. this is only a few of the murders that are committed on the helpless and unprotected freedmen of the above-named counties. all the cases i have mentioned are _authentic_, and _numerous_ witnesses will testify to all i have reported. _murder with his ghastly train stalks abroad at noonday and revels in undisputed carnage_, while the bewildered and terrified freedmen know not what to do. to leave is death; to remain is to suffer the increased burden imposed on them by the cruel taskmaster, whose only interest is their labor _wrung_ from them by every device an inhuman ingenuity can devise. hence the lash and murder are resorted to to intimidate those whom fear of an awful death _alone_ causes to remain, while patrols, negro dogs, and spies (disguised as yankees) keep _constant_ guard over these unfortunate people. i was in washington county in the latter part of june, and there learned there was a disposition to _coerce_ the labor of these people on plantations where they had always been abused. i was alone, and consequently could not go where my presence was most required, but i learned enough then to convince me there were many grievances which required military power to redress. since my return i have been attentive to the recital of the horrors which these people suffer, and have carefully perused their statements, which receive corroborate testimony. i have been careful in authenticity, and very much that has been related to me i have declined accepting as testimony, although i believe its truth. the history of all these cases, besides others, i have in full, with all their horrible particulars. believing, sir, you required the earliest intelligence in this matter, i concluded not to await your arrival. with much respect, i am, sir, your obedient servant, w.a. poillon, _captain and ass't. sup't. freedmen_. brig. gen. swayne. a true copy of the original deposited in this office. charles a. miller, _major and a.a.a. general_. no. . vicksburg, mississippi, _july_ , . captain: i have the honor to report that, in compliance with special orders no. , headquarters sub-district southwest mississippi, i proceeded to the counties of madison, holmes, and yazoo, but that i did not reach issaquena from the fact that the country between yazoo city and that county has been so overflowed as to render the roads impassable. i found a provost marshal of freedmen at yazoo city--lieutenant fortu, who seemed to understand his duties well, and to have performed them satisfactorily. there was no officer of the bureau in either of the other counties. the whole country is in a state of social and political anarchy, and especially upon the subject of the freedom of the negroes, but very few who understand their rights and duties. it is of the utmost importance that officers of the bureau should be sent to all the counties of the state to supervise the question of labor, and to insure the gathering of the growing crop, which, if lost, will produce the greatest suffering. in no case ought a citizen of the locality be appointed to manage the affairs of the freedmen: first, because these men will wish to stand well with their neighbors and cannot do justice to the negro; and secondly, because the negroes only know these men as oppressors of their race, and will have no confidence in their acts. the officers of the bureau should be especially charged to impress upon the freedmen the sacredness of the family relation and the duty of parents to take care of their children, and of the aged and infirm of their race. where a man and woman have lived together as husband and wife, the relation should be declared legitimate, and all parties, after contracting such relations, should be compelled to legal marriage by severe laws against concubinage. where parents have deserted their children, they should be compelled to return and care for them; otherwise there will be great suffering among the women and children, for many of the planters who have lost the male hands from their places threaten to turn off the women and children, who will become a burden to the community. the two evils against which the officers will have to contend are cruelty on the part of the employer, and shirking on the part of the negroes. every planter with whom i have talked premised his statements with the assertion that "a nigger won't work without whipping." i know that this is not true of the negroes as a body heretofore. a fair trial should be made of free labor by preventing a resort to the lash. it is true that there will be a large number of negroes who will shirk labor; and where they persistently refuse compliance with their contracts, i would respectfully suggest that such turbulent negroes be placed upon public works, such as rebuilding the levees and railroads of the state, where they can be compelled to labor, and where their labor will be of benefit to the community at large. it will be difficult for the employers to pay their laborers quarterly, as required by present orders. money can only be realized yearly on a cotton crop, because to make such a crop requires an entire year's work in planting, picking, ginning, and sending to market. the lien upon the crop secures the laborer his pay at the end of the year, for which he can afford to wait, as all the necessaries of life are furnished by the planter, who could not pay quarterly except at a great sacrifice. the present orders recommend that the freedmen remain with their former masters so long as they are kindly treated. this, as a temporary policy, is the best that could be adopted, but i very much doubt its propriety as a permanent policy. it will tend to rebuild the fallen fortunes of the slaveholders, and re-establish the old system of class legislation, thus throwing the political power of the country back into the hands of this class, who love slavery and hate freedom and republican government. it would, in my opinion, be much wiser to diffuse this free labor among the laboring people of the country, who can sympathize with the laborer, and treat him with humanity. i would suggest that great care be taken in the selection of officers of the bureau to be sent to the various counties. the revolution of the whole system of labor has been so sudden and radical as to require great caution and prudence on the part of the officers charged with the care of the freedmen. they should be able to discuss the question of free labor as a matter of political economy, and by reason and good arguments induce the employers to give the system a fair and honest trial. nowhere that i have been do the people generally realise the fact that the negro is free. the day i arrived at jackson _en route_ for canton, both the newspapers at that place published leading editorials, taking the ground that the emancipation proclamation was unconstitutional, and therefore void; that whilst the negro who entered the army _might_ be free, yet those who availed themselves not of the proclamation were still slaves, and that it was a question for the state whether or not to adopt a system of gradual emancipation. these seem to be the views of the people generally, and they expressed great desire "to get rid of these garrisons," when they hope "to have things their own way." and should the care and protection of the nation be taken away from the freedmen, these people will have their own way, and will practically re-establish slavery, more grinding and despotic than of old. respectfully submitted: j.l. haynes, _colonel first texas cavalry_. captain b.f. morey, _assistant adjutant general_. official: stuart eldridge, _lieutenant and acting assistant adjutant general_. colonel haynes was born and raised near yazoo city, mississippi. he owns a plantation, and owned negroes before the war. he left the state in , and went to new orleans, where he received a commission to raise a regiment of texas troops. samuel thomas, _colonel_. no. . railroad, _camp near clinton, miss., july_ , . sir: i am induced by the suffering i daily see and hear of among colored people to address you this communication. i am located with my command four miles west of clinton, hines county, on the railroad. a great many colored people, on their way to and from vicksburg and other distant points, pass by my camp. as a rule, they are hungry, naked, foot-sore, and heartless, aliens in their native land, homeless, and friendless. they are wandering up and down the country, rapidly becoming vagabonds and thieves from both necessity and inclination. their late owners, i am led to believe, have entered into a tacit arrangement to refuse labor, food or drink, in all cases, to those who have been soldiers, as well as to those who have belonged to plantations within the state; in the latter case, often ordering them back peremptorily to their "masters." one planter said in my hearing lately, "these niggers will all be slaves again in twelve months. you have nothing but lincoln proclamations to make them free." another said, "no white labor shall ever reclaim my cotton fields." another said, "emigration has been the curse of the country; it must be prevented here. this soil must be held by its present owners and their descendants." another said, "the constitutional amendment, if successful, will be carried before the supreme court before its execution can be certain, and we hope much from that court!" these expressions i have listened to at different times, and only repeat them here in order that i may make the point clear that there is already a secret rebel, anti-emigration, pro-slavery party formed or forming in this state, whose present policy appears to be to labor assiduously for a restoration of the old system of slavery, or a system of apprenticeship, or some manner of involuntary servitude, on the plea of recompense for loss of slaves on the one hand, and, on the other, to counterbalance the influence of yankee schools and the labor-hiring system as much as possible by oppression and cruelty. i hear that negroes are frequently driven from plantations where they either belong, or have hired, on slight provocation, and are as frequently offered violence on applying for employment. dogs are sometimes set upon them when they approach houses for water. others have been met, on the highway by white men they never saw before, and beaten with clubs and canes, without offering either provocation or resistance. i see negroes almost every day, of both sexes, and almost all ages, who have subsisted for many hours on berries, often wandering they know not where, begging for food, drink, and employment. it is impossible for me or any officer i have the pleasure of an acquaintance with to afford these people relief. neither can i advise them, for i am not aware that any provisions have been, or are to be made to reach such cases. the evil is not decreasing, but, on the contrary, as the season advances, is increasing. i have heretofore entertained the opinion that the negroes flocked into the cities from all parts of the country; but a few weeks' experience at this station has changed my views on the subject, and i am now led to believe that those who have done so comprise comparatively a very small part of the whole, and are almost entirely composed of those belonging to plantations adjoining the towns. however, those who did go to the cities have been well cared for in comparison with those who have remained in the country. a small proportion of the latter class are well situated, either as necessary house-servants, body-servants, or favorites by inclination, as mistresses, or by necessity or duty, as each master may have been induced to regard long and faithful service or ties of consanguinity. throughout the entire country, from vicksburg to the capital of the state, there is but little corn growing. the manner of cultivating is very primitive, and the yield will be exceedingly small. i estimate that in this country fully one-half of the white population, and a greater proportion of the colored people, will be necessitated either to emigrate, buy food, beg it, or starve. the negro has no means to buy, and begging will not avail him anything. he will then be compelled to emigrate, which, in his case, is usually equivalent to turning vagabond, or, induced by his necessities, resort to organized banding to steal, rob, and plunder. i am at a loss to know why the government has not adopted some system for the immediate relief and protection of this oppressed and suffering people, whose late social changes have conduced so much to their present unhappy condition, and made every officer in the united states army an agent to carry out its provisions. were i employed to do so, i should seize the largest rebel plantation in this and every other county in the state, partition it in lots of suitable size for the support of a family--say ten acres each--erect mills and cotton gins, encourage them to build houses and cultivate the soil, give them warrants for the land, issue rations to the truly needy, loan them seed, stock, and farming utensils for a year or two, and trust the result to "yankee schools" and the industry of a then truly free and proverbially happy people. some other system might be better; few could be more simple in the execution, and in my opinion better calculated to "save a race" now floating about in a contentious sea without hope or haven. i am, sir, very respectfully, your most obedient servant, h.r. brinkerhoff, _lieutenant colonel d u.s. colored infantry, commanding detachment_. major general o. o. howard, _washington, d.c._ official: stuart eldridge, _lieutenant, acting assistant adjutant general_. no. . executive office, _jackson, august_ , . sir: your order no. , disbanding police guard for claiborne county, has been laid before me. i apprehend you are laboring under a mistake in regard to the character of this organization. i had express authority from the president himself to organize the militia if i thought it necessary to keep order in the country. this i did not do, but authorized the organization of patrol guards or county police, for the purpose of suppressing crime, and for arresting offenders. this organization is therefore part of the civil organization of the state, as much so as sheriff, constable, and justices of the peace, and i claim the right to use this organization for these purposes, and hope you will revoke your order. your obedient servant, w.l. sharkey, _provisional governor of mississippi_. colonel york. official copy: j. warren miller, _assistant adjutant general_. headquarters post of port gibson, _port gibson, mississippi, august_ , . general: i have the honor to state that my reasons for issuing the enclosed order, (no. ,) was, that a party of citizens acting under authority from captain jack, th indiana cavalry, and having as their chief c.b. clark, was by their own acknowledgment in the habit of patrolling the roads in this section of the country, and ordering any one they came across to halt. if this was not promptly done, they were ordered to fire upon them. in this way one negro woman was wounded, and union men and negroes were afraid to be out of their houses after dark. the company was formed out of what they called picked men, _i.e._, those only who had been actively engaged in the war, and were known to be strong disunionists. the negroes in the section of the country these men controlled were kept in the most abject state of slavery, and treated in every way contrary to the requirements of general orders no. from the war department, a copy of which order was issued by me to c.b. clark. hoping, general, to receive instructions as to the manner in which i shall regulate my action, i have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, p. jones york, _lieutenant colonel commanding post_. provost major general davidson, _commanding southern district of mississippi_. official copy: j. warren miller, _assistant adjutant general_. [special orders no. .] headquarters post of port gibson, _port gibson, mississippi, august_ , . the permission given from these headquarters, dated july , , by captain jack, provost marshal, is hereby revoked. c.b. clark, chief of police, under the permission, will notify the parties forming the said patrol to discontinue the practice of patrolling the roads and country armed. all arrests must be made by the proper military or civil authorities. p. jones york, _lieutenant colonel commanding post_. official copy: j. warren miller, _assistant adjutant general_. no. . bureau refugees, freedmen, and abandoned lands, office acting assistant commissioner for western dist. of miss., _vicksburg, miss., september_ , . colonel: i beg leave to call your attention to some of the difficulties we are still obliged to contend with, and some of the abuses still inflicted upon the freedmen, resulting from the prejudices which are still far from being eradicated. in the immediate vicinity of our military posts, and in locations that can readily be reached by the officers of this bureau, the citizens are wary of abusing the blacks; they are so because this bureau has arrested and punished people committing such offences; and the manner in which such cases have been dealt with has shown people that abuse and imposition will not be tolerated, and that such offences are sure to be punished in accordance with the enormity of the crime. but in remote localities, those that cannot well be reached by officers of the bureau, the blacks are as badly treated as ever; colored people often report themselves to the sub-commissioners with bruised heads and lacerated backs, and ask for redress, protection, to be permitted to live at their former homes, and some assurance that they will not be treated in a like manner again if they return. but nothing can be done if their homes happen to be twenty or thirty miles from any office that will protect them. a great many have thus learned that there is no protection for them, and quietly submit to anything that may be required of them, or, as is more frequently the case, they leave such places and crowd about the places where they can be protected. a girl about twelve years of age, certainly too young to commit any serious offence, lies in no. hospital now with her back perfectly raw, the results of a paddling administered by her former owner. any number of such cases could easily be cited. in many cases negroes who left their homes during the war, and have been within our military lines, and have provided homes here for their families, going back to get their wives or children, have been driven off and told they could not have them. in several cases guards have been sent to aid people in getting their families, in many others it has been impracticable, as the distance was too great. in portions of the northern part of this district the colored people are kept in slavery still. the white people tell them that they were free during the war, but the war is now over, and they must go to work again as before. the reports from sub-commissioners nearest that locality show that the blacks are in a much worse state than ever before, the able-bodied being kept at work under the lash, and the young and infirm driven off to care for themselves. as to protection from the civil authorities, there is no such thing outside of this city. there is not a justice of the peace or any other civil officer in the district, eight ( ) counties, of which i have charge, that will listen to a complaint from a negro; and in the city, since the adjudication of these cases has been turned over to the mayor, the abuse of and impositions upon negroes are increasing very visibly, for the reason that very little, if any, attention is paid to any complaint of a negro against a white person. negro testimony is admitted, but, judging from some of the decisions, it would seem that it carries very little weight. in several cases black witnesses have been refused on the ground that the testimony on the opposite side, white, could not be controverted, and it was useless to bring in black witnesses against it. i enclose an affidavit taken on one such case. in the mayor's court, cases in which it is practicable to impose a fine and thereby replenish the city treasury, are taken up invariably, but cases where the parties have no money are very apt to pass unnoticed. one more point, and a serious one, too, for the colored people, is, that in the collection of debts, and a great many of a similar class of cases that are not taken cognizance of in the mayor's court, they have to go through a regular civil process, necessitating the feeing of lawyers, &c., which is quite a burden on a people whose means are limited. these cases have all formerly been handled by an officer of this bureau, and without any expense to the parties for fees, &c. the prejudices of the citizens are very strong against the negro; he is considered to be deserving of the same treatment a mule gets, in many cases not as kind, as it is unprofitable to kill or maim a mule, but the breaking of the neck of the free negro is nobody's loss; and unless there is some means for meting out justice to these people that is surer and more impartial than these civil justice's courts, run by men whose minds are prejudiced and bitter against the negro, i would recommend, as an act of humanity, that the negroes be made slaves again. i am, colonel, very respectfully, your obedient servant, j.h. weber, _captain and acting ass't. com'r. freedmen's bureau for western dist. miss_. colonel samuel thomas, _ass't. com'r. bureau freedmen, &c., vicksburg, miss_. no. . office assistant commissioner bureau refugees, freedmen, and abandoned lands for state of mississippi, _vicksburg, mississippi, september_ , . dear sir: in accordance with your request, i write the following letter, containing some of my views on the subject to which you called my attention--a subject worthy of great consideration, because a bad policy adopted now with reference to the administration of justice and the establishment of courts in the south may lead to evils that will be irreparable in the future. you are aware that some time ago general swayne, commissioner of the freedmen's bureau for alabama, constituted the civil officers of the provisional government of that state commissioners of the bureau for hearing and deciding all cases in which freedmen were parties, provided no invidious distinctions in receiving testimony, punishment, &c., were made between blacks and whites. governor parsons, of alabama, approved of the arrangement, and urged the state officials to comply with the condition, and thus do away with the necessity for military courts in connexion with freedmen affairs. i have no doubt i could have induced the governor of mississippi to take the same action had i thought it the policy of the government. i was under the impression that general swayne had made a mistake, and that he would defeat the very objects for which the bureau was laboring. i thought the citizens were not to be trusted with freedmen affairs until they had given some strong evidence that they were prepared to accept the great change in the condition of the freedmen. i had not the least idea that such a limited control as general swayne now has would accomplish what the authorities desired. the protection he gives freedmen under his order is so limited, and will fall so far short of what the freedmen have a right to expect, that i did not think of bringing the matter before the government. late orders and instructions from the president convince me that i was mistaken, and that the trial is to be made. i have issued an order in accordance with these instructions, which i append: [general orders no. .] bureau refugees, freedmen, and abandoned lands, _office ass't. commissioner for state of miss., vicksburg, miss., september_ , . the following extracts from circular no. , current series, bureau refugees, freedmen, and abandoned lands, and general orders no. , current series, headquarters department of mississippi, in reference to the same, are hereby republished for the guidance of officers of this bureau: ["circular no. .] "war department, "_bureau refugees, freedmen, and abandoned lands, washington, may_ , . "rules and regulations for assistant commissioners. "vii. in all places where there is an interruption of civil law, or in which local courts, by reason of old codes, in violation of the freedom guaranteed by the proclamation of the president and laws of congress, disregard the negro's right to justice before the laws, in not allowing him to give testimony, the control of all subjects relating to refugees and freedmen being committed to this bureau, the assistant commissioners will adjudicate, either themselves or through officers of their appointment, all difficulties arising between negroes and whites or indians, except those in military service, so far as recognizable by military authority, and not taken cognizance of by the other tribunals, civil or military, of the united states. "o.o. howard, _major general_, _commissioner bureau of refugees, freedmen, &c._ "approved june , . "andrew johnson, "president of the united states." ["general orders no. .] "headquarters department of mississippi, "_vicksburg, mississippi, august_ , . "vii. this order, (circular no. , paragraph vii, bureau refugees, freedmen, and abandoned lands,) however, must not be so construed as to give the colored man immunities not accorded to other persons. if he is charged with the violation of any law of the state, or an ordinance of any city, for which offence the same penalty is imposed upon white persons as upon black, and if courts grant to him the same privileges as are accorded to white men, no interference on the part of the military authorities will be permitted. several instances have recently been reported in which military officers, claiming to act under the authority of the order above mentioned, have taken from the custody of the civil authorities negroes arrested for theft and other misdemeanors, even in cases where the courts were willing to concede to them the same privileges as are granted to white persons. these officers have not been governed by the spirit of the order. the object of the government is not to screen this class from just punishment--not to encourage in them the idea that they can be guilty of crime and escape its penalties, but simply to secure to them the rights of freemen, holding them, at the same time, subject to the same laws by which other classes are governed. "by order of major general slocum: "j. warren miller, "_assistant adjutant general_." in accordance with this order, where the judicial officers and magistrates of the provisional government of this state will take for their mode of procedure the laws now in force in this state, except so far as those laws make a distinction on account of color, and allow the negroes the same rights and privileges as are accorded to white men before their courts, officers of this bureau will not interfere with such tribunals, but give them every assistance possible in the discharge of their duties. in cities or counties where mayors, judicial officers, and magistrates will assume the duties of the administration of justice to the freedmen, in accordance with paragraph vii, circular no. , issued from the bureau of refugees, freedmen, and abandoned lands, and approved by the president, and will signify their willingness to comply with this request by a written acceptance addressed to the assistant commissioner for the state, no freedmen courts will be established, and those that may now be in existence in such localities will be closed. it is expected that the officers of this bureau will heartily co-operate with the state officials in establishing law and order, end that all conflict of authority and jurisdiction will be avoided. by order of colonel samuel thomas, assistant commissioner freedmen's bureau for state of mississippi. stuart eldridge, _lieutenant, acting assistant adjutant general_. i have written to governor sharkey, and explained to him how this order can be put in force in this state, and will do all i can to secure its success, and to aid the civil authorities to discharge their duties. i presume the legislature of this state, which is to meet in october, will take up this matter immediately, and arrange some plan by which the state authorities can take complete charge of freedmen affairs, and relieve the officers of this bureau. there is a jealousy of united states officers existing among the state officials that makes it disagreeable to perform any duty which is liable to conflict with their authority. when general howard's circular no. was issued, i thought it was the intention that military courts should be established for the purpose of taking the administration of justice among the freedmen out of the hands of their old masters, and placing it under the control of their friends for a short time--until the citizens of the south were reconciled to the change, and until their feeling of hatred for their former slaves had abated; that a complete restoration of rights, privileges, and property was to come after a period of probation, in which they should give some evidence of their changed feelings. i have thought much on this subject, have watched the development of feeling among the southern people, and am satisfied that the time for such a restoration has not yet arrived. the order of general swayne and the proclamation of general parsons are unexceptionable in form. if justice to the freedmen can be secured by the means indicated in these documents, and if the process be not too expensive, and if ruinous delays be not allowed, then, it may be, all this movement will be good. but it seems to me that so delicate a matter cannot be smoothly managed in the present temper of mississippi. i am aware that it is the policy of the government; that we must trust these people some time; that the establishment of the freedman's bureau is (as soon as martial law is withdrawn) a violation of the spirit both of the state and federal constitutions; that the officers of the bureau have no interest in common with the white citizens of the state, and that the bureau is an immense expense to the general government, which should be abolished as soon as compatible with the public interest. yet, i feel that we are in honor bound to secure to the helpless people we have liberated a "republican form of government," and that we betray our trust when we hand these freed people over to their old masters to be persecuted and forced to live and work according to their peculiar southern ideas. it seems to me that we are forgetting the helpless and poor in our desire to assist our subjugated enemies, and that we are more desirous of showing ourselves to be a great and magnanimous nation than of protecting the people who have assisted us by arms, and who turned the scale of battle in our favor. we certainly commit a wrong, if, while restoring these communities to all their former privileges as states, we sacrifice one jot or tittle of the rights and liberties of the freedmen. the mayor of this city has had complete charge of all municipal affairs since the issue of general slocum's order , (quoted in the order i have before given.) he has been compelled to admit negro testimony by the provisions of that order. in cases that come before him, when it is necessary to admit it he goes through the form of receiving it, but i have yet to hear of one instance where such evidence affected his decision. the testimony of one white man outweighs (practically) that of any dozen freedmen. the admission of negro testimony will never secure the freedmen justice before the courts of this state as long as that testimony is considered valueless by the judges and juries who hear it. it is of no consequence what the law may be if the majority be not inclined to have it executed. a negro might bring a suit before a magistrate and have colored witnesses examined in his behalf, according to provisions of general orders and united states law, and yet the prejudices of the community render it impossible for him to procure justice. the judge would claim the right to decide whether the testimony was credible, and among the neighbors that would surround him, in many places, he would be bold, indeed, if he believed the sworn evidence of a negro when confronted by the simple assertion or opposed even to the interest of a white man. i recently heard a circle of mississippians conversing on this subject. their conclusion was, that they would make no objection to the admission of negro testimony, because "no southern man would believe a nigger if he had the dammed impudence to testify contrary to the statement of a white man." i verily believe that in many places a colored man would refuse, from fear of death, to make a complaint against a white man before a state tribunal if there were no efficient military protection at hand. wherever i go--the street, the shop, the house, the hotel, or the steamboat--i hear the people talk in such a way as to indicate that they are yet unable to conceive of the negro as possessing any rights at all. men who are honorable in their dealings with their white neighbors will cheat a negro without feeling a single twinge of their honor. to kill a negro they do not deem murder; to debauch a negro woman they do not think fornication; to take the property away from a negro they do not consider robbery. the people boast that when they get freedmen affairs in their own hands, to use their own classic expression, "the niggers will catch hell." the reason of all this is simple and manifest. the whites esteem the blacks their property by natural right, and however much they may admit that the individual relations of masters and slaves have been destroyed by the war and by the president's emancipation proclamation, they still have an ingrained feeling that the blacks at large belong to the whites at large, and whenever opportunity serves they treat the colored people just as their profit, caprice or passion may dictate. justice from tribunals made up among such people is impossible. here and there is a fair and just man. one in a hundred, perhaps, sees the good policy of justice; but these are so few that they will not, at present, guide public sentiment. other states may, in this matter, be in advance of mississippi; i suspect they are. if justice is possible, i feel sure they are. i fear such tribunals would be very expensive for the poor freedmen. fees are heavy in this state. unless they can get justice inexpensively, we might as well deny them all remedy before courts at once. indeed, i think that would be rather more merciful than the arrangement proposed, as they would then trust nobody, and would be less defrauded. long delays in the course of procedure would be ruinous to most of them. how could a freedman appeal a suit for wages, or respond adequately to an appeal, when he is starving for want of the very wages which are withheld from him? it may be claimed that officers of the bureau can watch such cases and see that justice is done the freedman. i say they cannot do it. political power is against him, and will destroy any officer who fearlessly does his duty in this way. he will be charged with interference with the civil authority, with violating some constitution or some code; his acts will be so twisted and contorted before they reach washington, that he will get nothing for his pains but censure and dismissal. i can say without fear of contradiction, that there has not occurred one instance of interference with civil authorities on the part of military officers in this state, unless they saw first that every law of justice was violated to such an extent as to arouse the indignation of any man born in a country where human beings have an equal right to justice before the tribunals of the land. yet, if i am not mistaken, there is a growing impression, supported by this same political power in the south, that the officers in this state are tyrannical, meddlesome, and disposed to thwart the faithful efforts of the noble white people to reorganize the state. many delegations of the citizens of this state have visited washington for the purpose of getting their property returned, or of obtaining some other favor. they, in order to accomplish their desire, represent the feeling of their friends at home as very cordially disposed toward the united states government, and say that they all acquiesce in the freedom of the negroes. a little examination into the condition of affairs in this state will show that this is not the case, and that what the people do is only done in order that they may be restored to power so as to change the direction in which affairs are tending. i am afraid the profuse loyalty of the delegations to washington is being taken as the sentiment of the masses, and is directing legislation and policy. it is idle to talk about these people working out this negro problem. people who will not admit that it is best, or even right, to educate the freedmen, are not the proper persons to be intrusted with the administration of justice to them. i have no hesitation in saying, that if the question of educating the colored people were to-day submitted to the whites of this state, they would vote against it in a body. nine-tenths of the educated and refined class, who are supposed to have higher and nobler feelings, would vote against it. i have been called on by persons of this class, and asked to suppress the religious meetings among the colored people because they made so much noise! when i remonstrate with them and talk of religious freedom, and of the right of all to worship god in the manner most suited to their convictions of right, these gentlemen hold up their hands in horror at the idea. what would magistrates selected from these people do in reference to such complaints? suppress the meeting, of course. a similar and much stronger prejudice exists against the establishment of schools for the negro's benefit. if federal bayonets were to-day removed from our midst, not a colored school would be permitted in the state. the teachers, perhaps, would not be tarred and feathered and hung, as they would have been in old times, but ways and means innumerable would present themselves by which to drive them out. the white citizens both of vicksburg and natchez have requested me not to establish freedmen schools inside their city limits, yet over one-half the population of these cities is composed of freed people--the class who are doing the work, toiling all day in the sun, while the white employers are reaping the benefit of their labor through superior knowledge, and are occupying their elegant leisure by talking and writing constantly about the demoralization of negro labor--that the negro won't work, &c. it is nonsense to talk so much about plans for getting the negroes to work. they do now and always have done, all the physical labor of the south, and if treated as they should be by their government, (which is so anxious to be magnanimous to the white people of this country, who never did work and never will,) they will continue to do so. who are the workmen in these fields? who are hauling the cotton to market, driving hacks and drays in the cities, repairing streets and railroads, cutting timber, and in every place raising the hum of industry? the freedmen, not the rebel soldiery. the southern white men, true to their instincts and training, are going to mexico or brazil, or talk of importing labor in the shape of coolies, irishmen--anything--anything to avoid work, any way to keep from putting their own shoulders to the wheel. the mass of the freedmen can and will support themselves by labor. they need nothing but justice before the courts of the land, impartial judges and juries, to encourage them in well-doing, or punish them for the violation of just laws, a chance to own the land and property they can honestly obtain, the free exercise of their right to worship god and educate themselves, and--let them alone. the delegates to washington think that it is their duty, peculiarly, to see the president and arrange the affairs of the negro. why don't they attend to their own business, or make arrangements for the working of the disbanded rebel army in the cotton fields and workshops of the south? there are to-day as many houseless, homeless, poor, wandering, idle white men here as there are negroes in the same condition, yet no arrangements are made for their working. all the trickery, chicanery and political power possible are being brought to bear on the poor negro, to make him do the hard labor for the whites, as in days of old. to this end the mass of the people are instinctively working. they steadily refuse to sell or lease lands to black men. colored mechanics of this city, who have made several thousand dollars during the last two years, find it impossible to buy even land enough to put up a house on, yet white men can purchase any amount of land. the whites know that if negroes are not allowed to acquire property or become landholders, they must ultimately return to plantation labor, and work for wages that will barely support themselves and families, and they feel that this kind of slavery will be better than none at all. people who will do these things, after such a war, and so much misery, while federal bayonets are yet around them, are not to be intrusted with the education and development of a, race of slaves just liberated. i have made this letter longer than it should have been, and may have taxed your patience, yet i do not see how i could have said less, and expressed my views on the subject. i am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, samuel thomas, colonel, assistant commissioner b.r.f. and a.l. for mississippi and n.e. louisiana. general carl schurz. no. . mobile, alabama, _september_ , . colonel george d. robinson, th united states colored troops, states as follows: i was sent out to connecuh, covington, coffee, dale, and henry counties, to administer the amnesty oath. i was at covington myself, having officers under my orders stationed in the other four counties. i travelled through connecuh and covington; about the other counties i have reports from my officers. a general disposition was found among the planters to set the colored people who had cultivated their crops during the summer adrift as soon as the crops would be secured, and not to permit the negro to remain upon any footing of equality with the white man in that country. in none of the above-named counties i heard of a justice of the peace or other magistrate discharging the duties of an agent of the freedmen's bureau, nor did i hear of any of them willing to do so. i deem it necessary that some officers be sent out there to attend to the interests of the freedmen, in order to avoid the trouble and confusion which is almost certain to ensue unless the matter is attended to and regulated. i returned from covington yesterday, september . geo. d. robinson, _colonel th united states infantry_. no. . memorandum of a conversation between william king, esq., of savannah, and carl schurz. savannah, july , . question by mr. schurz. what are the ideas of the people in this state as to the future organization of your labor system? answer. it is generally conceded that slavery is dead, but it is believed that the negro will not work unless compelled to. money is no inducement that will incite him to work. he works for comfort, that is, he wants to gain something and then enjoy it immediately afterwards. he has no idea of the binding force of a contract, and it is questionable whether he ever will have. question. so you consider the contract system, as it is now introduced here and there, a failure. answer. in a number of cases that i know of it is a failure. the negroes are not doing the work they have contracted for. i know other cases in which they have remained with their former masters, work well, and produce fair crops. question. in what manner, then, can, in your opinion, the free-labor system be made to work here? answer. the negro must be kept in a state of tutelage, like a minor. for instance, he may be permitted to freely choose the master for whom he wants to work; he may bind himself for a year, and, for all practical purposes, the master must act as his guardian. question. you think, then, something more is necessary than a mere contract system by which the negro is only held to fulfil his contract? answer. yes. the negro ought to be held in the position of a ward. question. do you not think the negro ought to be educated, and do you believe the people of this state would tax themselves for the purpose of establishing a general system of education? answer. i think it would be well to have the negro educated, but i do not think the people of this state would tax themselves for such a purpose. the people are too poor and have too many other things to take care of. we have to look for that to the people of the north. the north having freed the negroes, ought to see to it that they be elevated. besides, the poor whites are not in favor of general education at all. they are themselves very ignorant, and look upon education as something dangerous. for them we must have a system of compulsory education, or we cannot get them to send their children to school. a good many of the hardshell baptists among them look upon school-teachers as the emissaries of the devil. question. how far do you think the people of this state would be prepared to grant the negro equality before the law? would they, for instance, give him the right to testify in courts of justice against white men? answer. i think not. it is generally believed that the negro has no idea of the sanctity of an oath. question. do you not think such disabilities would place the negro under such disadvantage in the race of life as to deprive him of a fair chance? answer. this is the dilemma, in my opinion: either we admit the negro's testimony in courts of justice, and then our highest interests are placed at the mercy of a class of people who cannot be relied on when testifying under oath; or we deny the negro that right, and then he will not be in a position to properly defend his own interests, and will be a downtrodden, miserable creature. question. do you not think vagrancy laws and police regulations might be enacted, equally applicable to whites and blacks, which might obviate most of the difficulties you suggest as arising from the unwillingness of the negro to work? answer. perhaps they might; but the whites would not agree to that. the poor whites hate and are jealous of the negro, and the politicians will try and please the whites so as to get their votes. question. do you think it would be advisable to withdraw our military forces from the state if the civil government be restored at an early date? answer. it would not be safe. there are a great many bad characters in the country who would make it for some time unsafe for known union people, and for northerners who may settle down here, to live in this country without the protection of the military. the mere presence of garrisons will prevent much mischief. the presence of the military is also necessary to maintain the peace between the whites and blacks, and it will be necessary until their relations are settled upon a permanent and satisfactory basis. this memorandum was read by me to mr. king and approved by him as a correct reproduction of the views he had expressed. c. schurz. no. . _what the planter wants before he embarks his capital and time in the attempt to cultivate another crop.--suggestions submitted by a committee at a meeting of planters, november , _. _first_.--above all, he wants an undoubted guarantee that the labor and teams, corn and hay, with which he begins the cultivation of another crop shall be secured to him for at least twelve months. from past experience, we know that, to be reliable, this guarantee must come from the government at washington. _second_.--some mode of compelling laborers to perform ten ( ) hours of faithful labor in each twenty-four hours, (sundays excepted,) and strict obedience of all orders. this may be partially attained by a graduated system of fines, deduction of time or wages, deduction of rations of all kinds in proportion to time lost, rigidly enforced. but in obstinate cases it can only be done by corporal punishments, such as are inflicted in the army and navy of the united states. in light cases of disobedience of orders and non-performance of duty the employer should impose fines, &c. the corporal punishment should be inflicted by officers appointed by the superintendent of "colored labor," who might, from time to time, visit each plantation in a parish, and ascertain whether the laborer was satisfied with his treatment, and whether he performed his part of the contract, and thus the officer would qualify himself by his own information to correct any abuse that might exist, and award equal justice to each party. the plan of sending off refractory laborers to work on government plantations is worse than useless. a planter always plants as much land as he believes he has labor to cultivate efficiently, neither more nor less. if less, a portion of his laborers are idle a part of their time; if more, his crops must suffer from the want of proper cultivation. if the laborers do not work faithfully, and their work is not judiciously directed, either from want of skill on the part of him who directs the labor, or from the refusal or failure of the laborers from any cause to do the work as it ought to be done, the crops must suffer. if, then, a portion of labor necessary to cultivate a certain amount of land is abstracted by sending it to work anywhere else, the crop must fail in proportion to the amount of labor abstracted. it must therefore be apparent to all that the amount of prompt, faithful, and well-directed labor, necessary to cultivate a given quantity of land efficiently, must be available at all times, when the cultivator deems it necessary, or the crops must necessarily, to a greater or less extent, prove a failure. _third_.--the rate of wages should be fixed--above which no one should be allowed to go. there should be at least four classes of hands, both male and female. if the laborer should be furnished, as this year, , with clothing, shoes, rations, houses, wood, medicine, &c., the planter cannot afford to pay any more wages than this year, and to some hands not so much. wages should not be paid oftener than once a quarter. as long as a negro has a dime in his pocket he will go every saturday to some store or town. besides, if the men have money once a month they are constantly corrupting the women, who will not work because they expect to get money of the men. if the laborers are to pay for all their supplies, some think higher wages could be paid; but it would be necessary to require the negro to supply himself with at least two suits of clothes, one pair of shoes, a hat, and four pounds of pork or bacon, one peck of corn meal a week, vegetables at least twice a week, for a first-class hand. the laborer should pay for his medicine, medical attendance, nursing, &c.; also, house rent, $ a month, water included; wood at $ a cord in the tree, or $ a cord cut and delivered. instead of money, each employer should be required to pay once a week in tickets issued and signed by himself or agent, not transferable to any one off the premises of him who issues them, redeemable by the issuer quarterly in current funds, and to be received by him in the purchase of goods, provisions, &c., which he sold at current prices. _fourth_.--a law to punish most severely any one who endeavors, by offering higher wages, gifts, perquisites, &c., &c., to induce a negro to leave his employer before the expiration of the term for which he has engaged to labor without the consent of said employer. _fifth_.--wages to be quarterly. one-half to be retained to the end of the year, unless it is found that more than half is required to maintain a man and his family. _sixth_.--lost time to be deducted from wages daily; fines to be charged daily; rations, of all kinds, to be docked in proportion to the time lost during the week, if rations are to be supplied. _seventh_.--fines to be imposed for disobedience of any orders. _eighth_.--during sugar-making the laborer should be required to work at night as well as during the day. for night-work he might be allowed double wages for the time he works. _ninth_.--the negroes should not be allowed to go from one plantation to another without the written permit of their employer, nor should they be allowed to go to any town or store without written permission. _tenth_.--that the laborers should be required to have their meals cooked in a common kitchen by the plantation cooks, as heretofore. at present each family cook for themselves. if there be twenty-five houses on a plantation worked by one hundred hands, there are lighted, three times every day, winter and summer, for the purpose of cooking, twenty-five ( ) fires, instead of one or two, which are quite as many as are necessary. to attend these twenty-five fires there must be twenty-five cooks. the extravagance in wood and the loss of time by this mode must be apparent to all. making the negroes pay for the wood they burn, and for fencing lumber of any kind, would have a tendency to stop this extravagant mode of doing business. they should also be fined heavily or suffer some kind of corporal punishment for burning staves, hoop-poles, shingles, plank, spokes, &c., which they now constantly do. _eleventh_.--none but regularly ordained ministers should be allowed to preach. at present on every plantation there are a number of preachers. frequent meetings are held at night, continuing from or p.m. until or o'clock a.m. the day after one of these long meetings many of the laborers are unfit to labor; neither are the morals of the negroes improved by these late meetings, nor the health. the night meetings should break up at p.m., and there should be but one a week on a plantation. some of the preachers privately promulgate the most immoral doctrines. _twelfth_.--a police guard or patrol should be established under the control of the superintendent of free labor, whose duty it shall be, under their officers, to enforce the rules and regulations that the superintendent of free labor may think best to adopt for the government of the laborers and their families on plantations and in private families. _thirteenth_.--the laborers are at present extremely careless of the teams, carts, wagons, gear, tools, and material of all kinds put in their possession, and should therefore be held accountable for the same. parents should be held liable for things stolen or destroyed by their children not over twelve years of age. _fourteenth_.--foremen should be fined whenever they fail to report any of the laborers under them who disobey orders of any kind. the foreman at the stable should be required especially to report neglect or ill treatment of teams by their drivers, and he should be held liable for all tools and halters, &c., put in the stable. _fifteenth_.--the unauthorized purchase of clothing or other property by laborers, or others domesticated on plantations, should be severely punished, and so should the sale by laborers or others domesticated on plantations of plantation products without a written permission be punished by fine, imprisonment, and obstinate cases by corporal punishment. the sale or furnishing of intoxicating liquor of any kind to laborers or others domesticated on plantations should be severely punished. _sixteenth_.--the possession of arms or other dangerous weapons without authority should be punished by fine or imprisonment and the arms forfeited. _seventeenth_.--no one, white or colored, with or without passes, should have authority to go into a quarter without permission of the proprietor of said quarter. should any insist upon going in, or be found in a quarter without permission of the proprietor, he should be arrested at once by the proprietor. _eighteenth_.--fighting and quarrelling should be prohibited under severe penalties, especially husbands whipping their wives. _nineteenth_.--laborers and all other persons domesticated on plantations or elsewhere should be required to be respectful in tone, manner, and language to their employers, and proprietors of the plantations or places on which they reside, or be fined and imprisoned. _twentieth_.--the whole study, aim, and object of the negro laborer now is how to avoid work and yet have a claim for wages, rations, clothes, &c. no. . oak forest, near tigerville station, _n.o. and o. railroad, december_ , . dear sir: the earnest desire you have manifested to make the negro laborer under the new order of things successful, makes me the more disposed to offer every assistance in my power to that end. i have no prejudices to overcome; i would do the blacks all the good in my power consistently with their welfare and the welfare of the country; i owe them no ill will, but i am well satisfied that it will demand the highest skill and the largest experience combined to make the new system work successfully, when hitherto all others, including our own two years' experience, have signally failed. no namby-pamby measures will do. we may have more psalm singing, more night preaching, greater excesses in the outward manifestation of religion, but depend upon it there will be less true morality, less order, less truthfulness, less honest industry. it is not the experiment of a few only, or of a day, but of an _institution_, if anything, for millions; the mixing in industrial association of separate races hitherto distinct; of systems fundamentally changed and not of mere individuals, and the man who does not rise to the height of the great argument fails before he starts. it is not to listen to babblers, to _professional_ philanthropists, to quacks and demagogues: it demands a manly, masculine, vigorous exercise of executive power, adapted to the circumstances of the case. nobody is absolutely free, white or black. i have been a slave all my life; you have been the same. we were subject to discipline from childhood, and the negro as well, and must continue to be subject to wholesome restraints all of us. it is well to consider that the measures of the government have rendered labor scarce. it would be safe to say there is not _half a supply_; that every sort of inducement will be held out to get labor away from present situations; that the inclination of all who are unincumbered is, to get to the city and its neighborhood. every planter has some already there, living most unprofitably. i have half a dozen, some under the agreement of the present year. concentration is the order of the day, and none but those who can command the largest sum of money will be able to carry on plantations with any hope of success. i take leave to add some suggestions, believing you will receive them with the same friendly spirit in which they are offered. i am still surrounded by my own servants, and would like to see the system so ordered that they would still find it to their advantage to remain in their present comfortable homes. wages, rules, and regulations should be fixed and uniform: nothing left to discretion. a penalty should be inflicted on every employer who deviates from the established rates, _maximum_ rates. no field crops should be raised by hired laborers. the evils attending this are numerous and insurmountable. wages should be extremely moderate on account of the unsteadiness of labor and exceeding uncertainty of crops of all sorts, but especially of cane and cotton. cooking for hands should be confined absolutely to one kitchen, and a charge made for all wood taken to their houses; a certain supply should be allowed, and no additional quantity permitted at any price: otherwise no plantation can long stand the enormous, wasteful consumption of fuel. all necessary expenditures for the blacks, old as well as young, should be borne by themselves. white laborers are all liable to such charges, and why not wasteful and improvident blacks? they should be early taught the value of what they consume as well as the other costs of living. about keeping stock the rule should be absolute. no travelling about, day or night, without a written sanction from the proper person. the violation of this order by a commanding officer has brought the small-pox on my place and already eight grown hands have died with it, and there are not less than twenty invalids besides: this is one of the evils. medicine and professional attendance a charge to the patient, as well as all educational arrangements. every ploughman or woman, and teamster, to be obliged to feed and curry his or her team once at least every day. payments beyond proper and prescribed supplies to be small, the smaller the better, and still better if withheld till the crop is made and saved; but settlements by tickets should be made weekly. (a share in the crop is the best for both parties.) i do not perceive the utility of "home colonies;" they belong to the class of _theories_ more than anything else. families should be kept together and at the "homes" to which they have been accustomed, if possible, and _made_ to support themselves, all who are able to do so. at present there are many who will not do this because they are made a charge on the master or employer. vagrants should be punished; _work is a necessity_. but i only put down a few particulars to _impress_ upon your mind as they occur to me. i know the difficult task you have undertaken. you have a giant to manage, and you will have to exercise a giant's strength. you have no less than to revise the teachings of all past history. you have to accomplish what has never been accomplished before. neither in the east nor in the west has the african been found to work voluntarily; but the experiment is to be tried anew in this country, and i shall lend my assistance, whatever it is, to help on in the road to success, if that be possible. i have tried it two years under the military without success, or the prospect of it. if, however, i can in any way assist you to gain the meed of success, both my own interest and my kind feelings towards you combine to prompt me to renewed efforts in the cause. i remain, very respectfully and truly, yours, t. gibson. hon. b.f. flanders. p.s.--the great desideratum in obtaining labor from free blacks is its _enforcement_. how is this to be done? formerly the known authority possessed by the master over the slave, prevented in a great degree the exercise of it. the knowledge now, on the part of the blacks, that the military authority has forbidden any authority over them, increases the very necessity of the power which is forbidden. this is palpable to any one who sees with an experienced eye for a day. there can necessarily be no order, day or night, no fidelity, no morality, no industry. _it is so_, speculate and theorize as we may. i wish it were different; it is a great pity to witness these deplorable effects. disease is scattered broadcast; my own stock has been for some time consumed, except a few milch cows. the sugar from the sugar-houses has been sold in quantities in every direction. the cotton of one plantation has been sold to the extent of half the crop to a white man, and only by the merest accident discovered in time to be detected. my neighbor's hogs have been taken from the pen, killed and brought home for consumption; his cattle the same. these things are within my knowledge by the merest accident, but there is absolutely no remedy, because their testimony is as good, if not better than mine, and this they know perfectly well. in a case of sugar-selling, i had the oath of a disinterested white man to the fact, and the black and white man identified by the witness. when this witness was through with his testimony, the negro man, the interested party, _the accused himself_, was called up by the provost marshal, and of course he swore himself innocent, and so he was _cleared_. in the case of the cotton not a negro can be brought to confess, notwithstanding the confession of the white man and the surrender of the cotton. how, then, can good order, good morals and honest industry be maintained when immunity from punishment is patent to their understandings? i know no remedy adequate to the circumstances but an always present power to enforce law and order, and this now requires the constant presence of the bayonet. which is the best, a regular military government, or the quiet, humane exercise of just so much authority as the case demands, by the master, who has every motive, human and divine, to exercise humanity and protect his slave from injustice and injury? the past, or rather the present year, we had nothing but blank orders, and these are of no avail whatever without enforcement; and this brings us back to the starting-point again, and the bayonet again, and so it is to the end of the chapter. moral suasion will not do for whites who have had freedom as an inheritance, and education within their reach. how then can it be expected that he who has been predestined by the almighty to be a servant of servants all the days of his life, shall be capable of at once rising to motives of human conduct higher than those possessed by the white man? all that my reason teaches and the experience i have had, and the history i have read, bring me to the same conclusion: you must utterly fail unless you add the stimulus of _corporal punishment_ to the admonitions of the law; but as this would be somewhat inconsistent with the freedom which our solons have decreed, i must only confess my inability to prescribe the orthodox remedies according to the received dogmas from the inspired sources of knowledge at the north above all the lessons i have learned heretofore, and entirely above everything i expect to learn hereafter. no. . freedmen's bureau, _shreveport, la., august_ , . sir: at the date of my last monthly report, (july d,) the free-labor system in western louisiana was an experiment. no contracts between the planters and freedmen had then been entered into, and the difficulties to be met with and overcome by the contracting parties were new to each. the herculean task of removing the objections which the freedmen offered to signing a "contract," and of eradicating the prejudice existing among the planters against countenancing the employment upon their plantations as free men of those whom they had so long and firmly held in bondage, devolved upon the agents of the bureau. the objection presented by the freedmen consisted chiefly in the fact that they had _no confidence whatever_ in the word of their "old masters." said they, in substance, "we cannot trust the power that has never accorded us any privileges. our former oppressors show by their actions that they would sooner retard than advance our prosperity." while in nine cases out of ten the freedmen eagerly and readily acceded to fair terms for their labor when the matter was explained by a government agent, exactly in the same ratio did they refuse to listen to any proposition made by the planter alone. their readiness to comprehend their situation and to enter into an agreement to work when enlightened by an agent of the bureau, or, in exceptional cases, when the planters sought in a kind and philanthropic spirit to explain to them their relations to society and the government, is conclusive proof that the disposition to be idle formed no part of the reason for their refusing to contract with their former masters. with these facts in view, it will be readily perceived that the only feasible mode of success was to send agents into the country to visit every plantation. this was undertaken; but with no funds to procure the services of assistants, and with the difficulty of obtaining the right class of men for these positions from the army, the progress made has not been as rapid or the work as effectual as it would have been under more favorable circumstances. partial returns have been received, as follows: from bienville parish contracts. " bossier parish " " caddo parish " " desoto parish " " marion county, texas " --- total received " === returns are yet to be received from the parishes of claiborne, natchitoches, winn and sabine, and from harrison county, texas. these will all be given in by the th inst., and i shall then be able to determine the exact number employed upon each plantation and laboring under the new system. regarding the average number employed upon each plantation in the parish of caddo as a basis for an estimate, the returned rolls will foot up a list of , names, and the whole number of freedmen contracted with during the month of july in the district under my supervision will not probably exceed , , or fall short of , . during the month a sufficient length of time has elapsed to render judgment to a certain extent upon the workings of the new system. that it has not satisfied a majority of the planters is a conclusion which, from their disposition at first, was evident would be arrived at. that the freedmen have accepted the arrangements devised by the government for their protection so readily and have worked so faithfully, is a matter for congratulation. the planters at first expected that, though the power to "control" the persons of the laborers had been torn from them by the stern requirements of war, the agents of the bureau would, through the military, confine the negro to their plantations and compel him to labor for them. in this way it was thought that the same _regime_ as pursued in times of slavery could be kept up, and it was this idea which prompted a planter, noted for his frankness, to remark "that the people of the south desired the government to continue this supervision for a term of years." finding that their ideas of the policy of the government were erroneous, and that they could not exercise this "controlling power" either directly or indirectly, and that the freedman was to be placed, as nearly as the circumstances surrounding his situation would permit, upon the same grounds as the white laborer, it is but a logical sequence that the planters should be disappointed and dissatisfied with the work performed by the freedmen. in this place it may be well to notice that the country is yet in a very unsettled condition. after a four years' war which has sapped it of all its resources, and after a life-long servitude for a hard taskmaster, the negro is liberated from bondage, and he finds the people of the country in no condition to offer him the most advantageous terms for his services. this, with the natural desire experienced by all mankind for a period of repose after that of incessant and forced labor, is one of the causes which have contributed to render the freedmen negligent and inconstant at their work. reports are constantly brought to this office by the negroes from the interior that freedmen have been kidnapped and summarily disposed of. these obtain circulation and credence among all classes, and, whether true or not, operate disadvantageously to the interests of both the planters and the freedmen. again, the threat of shooting the laborers, so frequently made by the planters, is very unwise, and usually has the effect of causing a general stampede from the plantation where the threat was made. the fact that the body of a negro was seen hanging from a tree in texas, near the louisiana line; and of the murder in cold blood, in the northern part of the parish of caddo, of mary, a colored woman, by john johnson, the son of the proprietor of the plantation where the woman worked; and that instances have repeatedly occurred similar to a case presented at my office, where an old man had received a blow over his head with a shillalah one inch in diameter, which was so severe as to snap the stick asunder; and also the fracturing of the skull and the breaking of the arm of a helpless, inoffensive colored woman by a vindictive planter in the parish of natchitoches; and the statement of one of my agents, who says that "upon half the plantations the freedmen are not well clothed and their rations are scanty;" and of another who has visited every plantation in ward no. --, parish of ----, who reports at the close of the month as follows: "the freedmen in my ward are very poorly clothed and fed, although no particular complaints have been made as yet;" should all be taken into consideration in arriving at conclusions in regard to the disposition of the freedmen to work, and before judgment is rendered upon the complaints of the major portion of the planters; and it is also useless to disguise the fact that among the freedmen, as among all classes of people, there are many ill-disposed as well as idle persons, and a few of these upon each plantation create dissatisfaction among the others. notwithstanding the complaints of the planters and the above-named facts, the existence of which would cause a disturbance among any class of laborers in the world, the majority of the planters have been eager to contract with their former slaves, for the reason that after their plantations had been visited by an agent of the government, and an agreement had been made upon the prescribed forms, the freedmen worked better than before. this is a matter of significance, and its bearing is readily seen. having noticed the disapprobation of the larger portion of the planting community, and the causes which led to their complaints, i desire to call your attention in this connexion to the report of one of my most experienced agents. it is as follows: "in all cases have the employees given satisfaction where their former masters are at all reasonable. i would mention the case of jacob hoss as an example: he contracted with his former slaves in the latter part of may for one-fourth of all his crops; they have been steady and industrious, and have decidedly the finest cotton and corn in the district." mr. hoss has acres of cotton, of corn, and of potatoes. your attention is also solicited to the testimony of the _liberal few_ who have taken the amnesty oath with the intention to keep it. one says: "the freedmen in my neighborhood are laboring well where they are well paid." another, a large land proprietor, states that "he could not ask his hands to work better." the same gentleman also states that "he would not have the freedmen upon his plantation made slaves again if he could." the testimony is concurrent that, where liberal wages are paid and the freedmen are kindly treated, no difficulty is experienced with them, and that they labor honestly and industriously. the complaints which have been presented at the office for consideration are very nearly in a direct ratio of the two classes, but the wrongs of the freedmen are by far the most aggravated, as they suffer in almost every conceivable way. it has been necessary to fine and assess damages upon several planters for beating their laborers, and also to punish several freedmen for violating their contracts and for other misdemeanors. the following is a literal copy of a document brought to this office by a colored man, which is conclusive evidence that there _are_ those who still claim the negro as their property: "this boy calvin has permit to hire to whome he please, but i shall hold him as my propperty untill set free by congress. "july the , . e.v. tully." the spirit of the above also made its appearance in another form in the action of the police jury of the parish of bossier, which was an attempt to revive at once the old slave laws, and to prevent the freedmen from obtaining employment from the plantations of their former masters. the gist of the enactment alluded to is contained in the paragraph directing the officers on patrol duty "to arrest and take up all idle and vagrant persons running at large without employment, and carry them before the proper authority, to be dealt with as the law directs." as soon as this matter came under the observation of the bureau, the facts in the case were represented to brevet major general j.p. hawkins, commanding western district of louisiana, and at the same time a request was made that the restrictions imposed upon the freedmen in this section by general orders no. , headquarters northern division of louisiana, be revoked; and the general issued an order, dated july , which removes the said restrictions, and prohibits the parish police juries, established by the civil authorities, from arresting freedmen unless for positive offence against the law. this breaks down the last barrier to the enjoyment of liberty by the freedmen in western louisiana, and i feel highly gratified that it has been accomplished without referring it to higher authorities, as our mail facilities are so irregular that at least two months would have been consumed by the operation. upon the th of july the freedmen's hospital was opened for the reception of patients, and enclosed please find a copy of the hospital report for july, marked . this is a necessary as well as a charitable institution, as the city authorities have as yet taken no measures to provide for the indigent sick. since the establishment of the bureau here, it has been found necessary to issue rations to freedmen, as follows: to citizen employees to helpless and infirm to sick and hospital attendants , ----- total issued , ===== the number fed by the government to-day is as follows: men women children -- total number infirm and helpless rationed number sick at hospital number hospital attendants number citizen employees rationed -- total number supplied with rations == none but the helpless and infirm and sick have been fed at the expense of the government, and these only in cases of absolute necessity. many planters who abandoned their homes on the mississippi and carried away their slaves to texas have returned to this city, and with a coolness amounting to audacity have demanded transportation for their former slaves to various points from the mouth of the red river to lake providence. finding that the officers of the government would not oblige them in this particular, they left behind the aged and infirm to provide for themselves as best they could. this and the abuses on plantations have caused the principal suffering among the freedmen, and have brought many to the city who otherwise would have remained upon the plantation, but, all things being considered, comparatively few have congregated about town. there has been such a demand for day labor in the city that i have deemed it a false philanthropy to feed those who temporarily sought refuge from oppression. the permanent residents are orderly and industrious, and desire very much to have schools established for their children. i cannot here refrain from mentioning the fact that the presence of negroes in town possessing free papers is extremely disagreeable to the citizens. the tax collected of planters has thus far been sufficient to defray office and printing expenses. the hire of a surgeon and nurses for the hospital, amounting in july to $ . , is the only bill which it is necessary to refer to you for payment. all the property and money which has come into my hands on account of the bureau has been accounted for to the proper departments, according to regulations. by special orders no. , dated at headquarters northern division of louisiana, june , , chaplain thomas callahan, th united states colored infantry, was assigned to duty with me as my assistant, and he has had charge of the department of complaints. he is a very capable and efficient officer, and his services are very valuable to the bureau. again, i have occasion to return acknowledgments to brigadier general j.c. veatch for his cordial assistance in aiding me to carry out the measures of the bureau, and also to colonel crandal and lieutenant colonel mclaughlin, post commandants, for valuable aid; and to brevet major general j.p. hawkins we are indebted for that which makes the colored man in reality a _free_ man. believing that with proper management and kind treatment the freedmen in western louisiana will be found to be as industrious as laborers in other sections of the country, i have the honor to be, with much respect, your obedient servant, w.b. stickney, _lieutenant and assistant superintendent freedmen_. thomas w. conway, _assistant commissioner bureau of freedmen. &c._ no. . freedmen's bureau, _shreveport, louisiana, august_ , . sir: i have the honor to report, in accordance with orders, that in the district under my supervision, comprising eight parishes in louisiana and two counties in texas, and an area of about , square miles, , contracts have been made, and , laborers enrolled since the first of july. the work of making contracts is now nearly completed, but the returns for the month of august from the officers acting in the different parishes have not as yet been received. from the data already collected it will be safe to estimate the whole number of laborers working under the contract system in the district at not less than , , , of whom are in louisiana. the experience of two months has demonstrated the fact that the negro will work well when he is well paid and kindly treated; and another principle in the nature of the contracting parties has been equally as clearly elucidated, _i.e_., the planters are disposed to pay the freedmen the least possible sum for their labor, and that for much compensation the freedmen make an offset by making as little as possible. to acknowledge the right of the negro to freedom, and to regard him as a free man entitled to the benefits of his labor and to all the privileges and immunities of citizenship, is to throw aside the dogmas for which the south have been contending for the last thirty years, and seems to be too great a stride for the people to take at once, and too unpalatable a truth for the aristocratic planter to comprehend, without the interposition of the stern logic of the bayonet in the hands of a colored soldier. duty to my government compels me to report the following well-authenticated facts: . nineteen-twentieths of the planters have no disposition to pay the negro well or treat him well. . in the same proportion the planting aristocracy proffers obedience to the government, and at the same time do all in their power to make trouble. . the planters evince a disposition to throw all the helpless and infirm freedmen upon the hands of the government possible, in order to embarrass us and compel us to return them to slavery again. . a majority of the planters desire to prevent the success of the free-labor system, that they may force congress to revive slavery, or, what is more, a system of peonage. . the belief is general among the planters that without some means of "controlling" the persons of the laborers they cannot succeed; and for this reason they desire to have the military force removed, and the privilege of enacting such laws as will enable them to retain this power. . to defraud, oppress, and maltreat the freedmen seems to be the principle governing the action of more than half of those who make contracts with them. . the lives of the freedmen are frequently threatened, and murders are not of uncommon occurrence. . the life of a northern man who is true to his country and the spirit and genius of its institutions, and frankly enunciates his principles, is not secure where there is not a military force to protect him. about the th of july corporal j.m. wallace, of company b, forty-seventh indiana veteran volunteer infantry, was on duty with this bureau, and engaged in making contracts upon red river, in the parish of caddo. he visited mr. daniel's plantation, and, as it is stated, started for mr. white's place, but never reached it. being absent unaccountably, a sergeant and a detail of four men were sent to look him up, but could find no trace of him. without doubt he was murdered. he was a young man of unexceptionable habits and character, and was highly esteemed by the officers of his regiment. the circumstances of the case are such as to lead to the belief that the planters in the vicinity connived at his death. captain hoke, another agent of the bureau, was stopped by a highwayman within eight miles of shreveport. one of my assistants reports as follows: "in the northern part of this parish (cuddo) there are men armed and banded to resist the law." these facts prove that the presence of a military force is needed in every parish. instead of the present system of districts, i would recommend that the officer for each parish report direct to headquarters at new orleans for instructions, and that each officer be furnished with at least twenty men, ten of whom should be mounted. i apprehend that at the commencement of the next year the planters will endeavor to load us down with the aged and infirm, and those with large families. to meet this and other difficulties that may arise, i recommend that at least five thousand acres of land be confiscated in every parish, and an opportunity given the freedmen to rent or purchase the land, and that every facility be afforded planters in the lower part of the state to obtain laborers from western louisiana. another remedy has been suggested, and as it meets with my approval i quote the recommendations of the officer in his own words: "let the white troops on duty in this department be mustered out; they are greatly dissatisfied with remaining in the service after the close of the war; let black troops be mustered in their stead. in urging this matter, i suggest that the government has the first right to the services of the freedmen, and he needs the discipline of the army to develop his manhood and self-reliance. such a course of recruiting black soldiers will act as a powerful restraint upon the abuses practiced by the planters on the freedmen, and will also compel the payment of better wages. if the planter wishes the services of a shrewd, enterprising freedman, he must out-bid the government. lastly, the country needs the soldiers. politicians may say what they may; western louisiana is no more loyal now than when the state adopted the ordinance of secession." the statistics given at the commencement prove that we have experienced less difficulty with the freedmen than could have been expected. at times it has been necessary to adopt stringent measures to stem the tide of freedmen that seemed to be setting in toward shreveport, and many of them have such vague ideas of the moral obligations of a contract that it has been necessary to strengthen them by imprisonment and hard labor; but the great and insuperable difficulty which meets us at every step is, _that the planters and the freedmen have no confidence in and respect for each other_. the planters inform us that they are the best friends of the negro, but the freedmen fail to see the matter in that light. i am well assured that as a general rule the old planters and overseers can never succeed with the freedmen; that there must be an entire change in either laborers or proprietors before the country will again be prosperous. the plan of renting lands to the freedmen, as proposed by a few planters, i am of the opinion will prove very profitable to both parties. while, as a general rule, there is constant difficulty between the freedmen and their old masters and overseers, my agents and northern men have no trouble with them; and should the planters employ practical farmers from the north as business managers, it seems to be well demonstrated that the free-labor system, as it now is, with but slight modifications, would be a grand success. in this connexion i cannot refrain from noticing the assertion of a southern politician to the effect "that were the freedmen enfranchised, nine out of ten of them would vote for their old masters," which assertion every freedman will pronounce a wilful and malignant falsehood. the country is full of arms, and their use upon the freedmen is so frequent, and the general disposition of the people such, that i would strongly recommend, as a measure to secure the safety of life and property, that all classes of arms be taken from the citizens, not to be returned until an entirely different disposition is evinced. the system to be made binding for the next year should be published as early as the th of october, and the matter of contracting be commenced as soon thereafter as the parties desire to do so. i would respectfully suggest the propriety for calling of such statistical matter upon the back of the contract as will enable the officer in charge of the educational interests to determine the whole number of freedmen residing in the different parishes, and also the number of children of school age. the establishment of schools will be met by the most venomous opposition, and a military force will be required to protect the teacher and scholars from insult and injury unless the tone of public sentiment improves very rapidly. the civil authorities, so far as my knowledge extends, are not willing to grant the freedmen the rights to which their freedom entitles them. in fact it became necessary, as will be seen by a former report, for the military authorities to interfere to prevent their being virulently oppressed. in consequence of this i have kept an officer constantly on duty adjusting the difficulties arising between the whites and negroes, but important cases have been referred to the military authorities. chaplain thomas callahan, the officer referred to above, in his last report says: "to many of the planters the idea of a negro's testimony being as good as a white man's is very unpleasant, and occasional attempts are made to bully and browbeat a colored witness upon the stand. the attempt is never made twice. once i pitted a lawyer against a negro witness, held the parties on the cross-examination, and the lawyer was badly beaten. some of the freedmen can conduct a case with uncommon shrewdness." i cannot urge upon your attention too strongly the importance of keeping an officer in every parish and of providing him with a sufficient guard to command respect and enforce obedience to the laws. the presence of a military force, with judicious and discreet officers to command it, is the only means of securing to the freedmen their rights and of giving proper security to life and property. with many thanks for that encouragement which has supported and cheered me through every difficulty, i have the honor to be, with much respect, your most obedient servant, w.b. stickney, _lieutenant and assistant superintendent of freedmen_. thomas w. conway, _assistant commissioner, &c._ no. . ordinance relative to the police of recently emancipated negroes or freedmen within the corporate limits of the town of opelousas. whereas the relations formerly subsisting between master and slave have become changed by the action of the controlling authorities; and whereas it is necessary to provide for the proper police and government of the recently emancipated negroes or freedmen in their new relations to the municipal authorities: section . _be it therefore ordained by the board of police of the town of opelousas_, that no negro or freedman shall be allowed to come within the limits of the town of opelousas without special permission from his employers, specifying the object of his visit and the time necessary for the accomplishment of the same. whoever shall violate this provision shall suffer imprisonment and two days' work on the public streets, or shall pay a fine of two dollars and fifty cents. section . _be it further ordained_, that every negro freedman who shall be found on the streets of opelousas after o'clock at night without a written pass or permit from his employer shall be imprisoned and compelled to work five days on the public streets, or pay a fine of five dollars. section . no negro or freedman shall be permitted to rent or keep a house within the limits of the town under any circumstances, and any one thus offending shall be ejected and compelled to find an employer or leave the town within twenty-four hours. the lessor or furnisher of the house leased or kept as above shall pay a fine of ten dollars for each offence. section . no negro or freedman shall reside within the limits of the town of opelousas who is not in the regular service of some white person or former owner, who shall be held responsible for the conduct of said freedman; but said employer or former owner may permit said freedman to hire his time by special permission in writing, which permission shall not extend over twenty-four hours at any one time. any one violating the provisions of this, section shall be imprisoned and forced to work for two days on the public streets. section . no public meetings or congregations of negroes or freedmen shall be allowed within the limits of the town of opelousas under any circumstances or for any purpose without the permission of the mayor or president of the board. this prohibition is not intended, however, to prevent the freedmen from attending the usual church services conducted by established ministers of religion. every freedman violating this law shall be imprisoned and made to work five days on the public streets. section . no negro, or freedman shall be permitted to preach, exhort, or otherwise declaim to congregations of colored people without a special permission from the mayor or president of the board of police under the penalty of a fine of ten dollars or twenty days' work on the public streets. section . no freedman who is not in the military service shall be allowed to carry firearms, or any kind of weapons, within the limits of the town of opelousas without the special permission of his employer, in writing, and approved by the mayor or president of the board of police. any one thus offending shall forfeit his weapons and shall be imprisoned and made to work for five days on the public streets or pay a fine of five dollars in lieu of said work. section . no freedman shall sell, barter, or exchange any articles of merchandise or traffic within the limits of opelousas without permission in writing from his employer or the mayor or president of the board, under the penalty of the forfeiture of said articles and imprisonment and one day's labor, or a fine of one dollar in lieu of said work. section . any freedman found drunk within the limits of the town shall be imprisoned and made to labor five days on the public streets, or pay five dollars in lieu of said labor. section . any freedman not residing in opelousas who shall be found within the corporate limits after the hour of p.m. on sunday without a special permission from his employer or the mayor shall be arrested and imprisoned and made to work two days on the public streets, or pay two dollars in lieu of said work. section . all the foregoing provisions apply to freedmen and freedwomen, or both sexes. section . it shall be the special duty of the mayor or president of the board to see that all the provisions of this ordinance are faithfully executed. section . _be it further ordained_, that this ordinance to take effect from and after its first publication. ordained the d day of july, . e.d. estillette, _president of the board of police_. jos. d. richards, _clerk_. official copy: j. lovell, _captain and assistant adjutant general_. no. . an ordinance relative to the police of negroes recently emancipated within the parish of st. landry. whereas it was formerly made the duty of the police jury to make suitable regulations for the police of slaves within the limits of the parish; and whereas slaves have become emancipated by the action of the ruling powers; and whereas it is necessary for public order, as well as for the comfort and correct deportment of said freedmen, that suitable regulations should be established for their government in their changed condition, the following ordinances are adopted, with the approval of the united states military authorities commanding in said parish, viz: section . _be it ordained by the police jury of the parish of st. landry_, that no negro shall be allowed to pass within the limits of said parish without a special permit in writing from his employer. whoever shall violate this provision shall pay a fine of two dollars and fifty cents, or in default thereof shall be forced to work four days on the public road, or suffer corporeal punishment as provided hereinafter. section . _be it further ordained_, that every negro who shall be found absent from the residence of his employer after o'clock at night, without a written permit from his employer, shall pay a fine of five dollars, or in default thereof, shall be compelled to work five days on the public road, or suffer corporeal punishment as hereinafter provided. section . _be it further ordained_, that no negro shall be permitted to rent or keep a house within said parish. any negro violating this provision shall be immediately ejected and compelled to find an employer; and any person who shall rent, or give the use of any house to any negro, in violation of this section, shall pay a fine of five dollars for each offence. section . _be it further ordained_, that every negro is required to be in the regular service of some white person, or former owner, who shall be held responsible for the conduct of said negro. but said employer or former owner may permit said negro to hire his own time by special permission in writing, which permission shall not extend over seven days at any one time. any negro violating the provisions of this section shall be fined five dollars for each offence, or in default of the payment thereof shall be forced to work five days on the public road, or suffer corporeal punishment as hereinafter provided. section . _be it further ordained_, that no public meetings or congregations of negroes shall be allowed within said parish after sunset; but such public meetings and congregations may be held between the hours of sunrise and sunset, by the special permission in writing of the captain of patrol, within whose beat such meetings shall take place. this prohibition, however, is not intended to prevent negroes from attending the usual church services, conducted by white ministers and priests. every negro violating the provisions of this section shall pay a fine of five dollars, or in default thereof shall be compelled to work five days on the public road, or suffer corporeal punishment as hereinafter provided. section . _be it further ordained_, that no negro shall be permitted to preach, exhort, or otherwise declaim to congregations of colored people, without a special permission in writing from the president of the police jury. any negro violating the provisions of this section shall pay a fine of ten dollars, or in default thereof shall be forced to work ten days on the public road, or suffer corporeal punishment as hereinafter provided. section . _be it further ordained_, that no negro who is not in the military service shall be allowed to carry fire-arms, or any kind of weapons, within the parish, without the special written permission of his employers, approved and indorsed by the nearest or most convenient chief of patrol. anyone violating the provisions of this section shall forfeit his weapons and pay a fine of five dollars, or in default of the payment of said fine, shall be forced to work five days on the public road, or suffer corporeal punishment as hereinafter provided. section . _be it further ordained_, that no negro shall sell, barter, or exchange any articles of merchandise or traffic within said parish without the special written permission of his employer, specifying the articles of sale, barter or traffic. anyone thus offending shall pay a fine of one dollar for each offence, and suffer the forfeiture of said articles, or in default of the payment of said fine shall work one day on the public road, or suffer corporeal punishment as hereinafter provided. section . _be it further ordained_, that any negro found drunk within the said parish shall pay a fine of five dollars, or in default thereof shall work five days on the public road, or suffer corporeal punishment as hereinafter provided. section . _be it further ordained_, that all the foregoing provisions shall apply to negroes of both sexes. section . _be it further ordained_, that it shall be the duty of every citizen to act as a police officer for the detection of offences and the apprehension of offenders, who shall be immediately handed over to the proper captain or chief of patrol. section . _be it further ordained_, that the aforesaid penalties shall be summarily enforced, and that it shall be the duty of the captains and chiefs of patrol to see that the aforesaid ordinances are promptly executed. section . _be it further ordained_, that all sums collected from the aforesaid fines shall be immediately handed over to the parish treasurer. section . _be it further ordained_, that the corporeal punishment provided for in the foregoing sections shall consist in confining the body of the offender within a barrel placed over his or her shoulders, in the manner practiced in the army, such confinement not to continue longer than twelve hours, and for such time within the aforesaid limit as shall be fixed by the captain or chief of patrol who inflicts the penalty. section . _be it further ordained_, that these ordinances shall not interfere with any municipal or military regulations inconsistent with them within the limits of said parish. section . _be it further ordained_, that these ordinances shall take effect five days after their publication in the opelousas courier. official copy: j. lovell, _captain and assistant adjutant general_. at a meeting of the citizens of the parish of st. mary, held at the court-house in the town of franklin, on saturday, the th instant, p.c. bethel, esq., was called to the chair, when a committee was appointed to report upon certain matters submitted to the consideration of the meeting, which committee reported by their chairman the following, which was unanimously adopted: report of the committee. the committee appointed for the purpose of embodying the views and objects of the meeting of the citizens of the parish of st. mary, assembled at the court-house of said parish on the th day of july, a.d. , to deliberate concerning the discipline of colored persons or freedmen, respectfully report that they recommend to the town council of the town of franklin the adoption of the ordinance of the board of police of the town of opelousas, passed on the third day of the present month, with such alterations and modifications as may suit the wants and necessities of this locality; also the ordinance of the same board of police passed on the same day, relative to the town of opelousas; which ordinances are herewith presented for reference. and they furthermore recommend to the police jury of the parish of st. mary, whenever convened, to make such regulations with regard to the discipline and management of the freedmen or colored population for the entire parish as may be most conducive to the quiet, tranquillity, and productiveness of said parish generally. the committee further recommend to all well-disposed citizens to co-operate with the authorities and with each other in producing a return to civil rule and good order within the shortest delay possible, that the state of louisiana may be restored to her proper condition as regards internal political stability and tranquillity, as well as the representation she is entitled to in the councils of the nation, which representation is more important to her now than at any previous period of her history. w.t. palfrey, chairman. _proceedings of the mayor and council of the town of franklin_. friday, _july_ , . pursuant to call of the major commanding, the mayor and council met this day. present: a.s. tucker, mayor; wilson mckerall, alfred gates, john c. gordy, and j.a. peterman, members of the council. the following was unanimously adopted, viz: ordinance relative to the police of negroes or colored persons within the corporate limits of the town of franklin. sec. . _be it ordained by the mayor and council of the town of franklin_, that no negro or colored person shall be allowed to come within the limits of said town without special permission from his employer, specifying the object of his visit and the time necessary for the accomplishment of the same. whoever shall violate this provision shall suffer imprisonment and two days work on the public streets, or shall pay a fine of two dollars and a half. sec. . _be it further ordained. &c_., that every negro or colored person who shall be found on the streets of franklin after ten o'clock at night without a written pass or permit from his or her employer, shall be imprisoned and compelled to work five days on the public streets or pay a fine of five dollars. sec. . no negro or colored person shall be permitted to rent or keep a house within the limits of the town under any circumstances; and any one thus offending shall be ejected and compelled to find an employer, or leave the town within twenty-four hours. the lessor or furnisher of the house kept as above shall pay a fine of ten dollars for each offence: _provided_, that the provisions of this section shall not apply to any free negro or colored person who was residing in the town of franklin prior to the st january ( ) last. sec. . no negro or colored person shall reside within the limits of the town of franklin who is not in the regular service of some white person or former owner, who shall be held responsible for the conduct of said negro or colored person; but said employer or former owner may permit said negro or colored person to hire his or their time by special permission in writing, which permission shall not extend to over twenty-five hours at any one time. any negro or colored person violating the provisions of this section shall be imprisoned and forced to work for two days on the public streets: _provided_, that the provisions of this section shall not apply to negroes or colored persons heretofore free. sec. . no public meetings or congregations of negroes or colored persons shall be allowed within the limits of the town of franklin, under any circumstances or for any purpose, without the permission of the mayor. this prohibition is not intended, however, to prevent negroes or colored persons from attending the usual church service, conducted by established ministers of religion. every negro or colored person violating this law shall be imprisoned and put to work five days on the public streets. sec. . no negro or colored person shall be permitted to preach, exhort, or otherwise declaim to congregations of colored people without a special permission from the mayor, under the penalty of a fine of ten dollars or twenty days' work on the public streets. sec. . no negro or colored person who is not in the military service shall be allowed to carry fire-arms or any kind of weapons within the limits of the town of franklin without the special permission of his employer in writing, and approved by the mayor. any one thus offending shall forfeit his weapons and shall be imprisoned and made to work five days on the public streets, or pay a fine of five dollars in lieu of said work. sec. . no negro or colored person shall sell, barter, or exchange any articles of merchandise or traffic within the limits of franklin, without permission in writing from his employer or the mayor, under the penalty of forfeiture of the said articles and imprisonment and one day's labor, or a fine of one dollar in lieu of said work. sec. . any negro or colored person found drunk within the limits of the town shall be imprisoned and made to labor five days on the public streets, or pay five dollars in lieu of said labor. sec. . any negro or colored person not residing in franklin who shall be found within its corporate limits after the hour of three o'clock p.m. on sunday without a special written permission from his employer or the mayor, shall be arrested and imprisoned and made to work two days on the public streets, or pay two dollars in lieu of said work. sec. . all the foregoing provisions apply to negroes or colored persons of both sexes. sec. . it shall be the special duty of the town constable, under direction of the mayor, to see that all the provisions of this ordinance are faithfully executed. sec. . whoever in franklin shall sell or give to any negro or colored person any intoxicating liquors, or shall exchange or barter for the same with any such negro or colored person, without special permission from the mayor or employer of said negro or colored person, shall, on conviction thereof before the mayor or justice of the peace in and for the seventh ward of the parish of st. mary, pay a fine of twenty-five dollars and costs of prosecution, and in default of the payment of said fine and costs the person thus offending shall suffer imprisonment in the parish jail for ten days. a.s. tucker, _mayor_. r.w. mcmillan, _clerk_. approved: geo. r. davis, _major third rhode island cavalry, commanding post_. [telegram.] new orleans, _august_ , . the ordinance relative to the "police of negroes or colored persons within the corporate limits of the town of franklin," dated friday, july , , and signed by a.l. tucker, mayor, being in violation of the emancipation proclamation, the orders of the war department, and the orders of these headquarters, you will prevent their enforcement and arrest any person attempting to carry them out. the negroes are as free as other people. this ordinance, if enforced, would be slavery in substance, which can never be. attend to this matter with all the vigor at your command. i have consulted general canby, who concurs with me in the matter. thomas w. conway, ass't. comm. bureau of refugees, freedmen, &c., state of louisiana_. lieutenant s.e. shepard, _provost marshal, parish of st. mary, brashear city, or franklin, la_. official copy: d.v. fenno, _first lieutenant and a.a.a. general_. no. . bureau refugees, freedmen and abandoned lands, office assistant commissioner for state of mississippi, _vicksburg, miss., september_ , . general: i enclose a copy of the city ordinances. you will see that negroes who sell vegetables, cakes, &c., on the street are required to pay ten dollars ($ ) per month for the privilege of doing so. to illustrate the workings of this ordinance i will give you an actual occurrence in this city. about a year ago an old negro man named henderson, crippled with over-work, about seventy years of age, was sent to me for support by the military authorities. i issued him rations for himself and wife, an old negro woman, incapable of doing anything but care for herself. i continued this till about january , , when the old man came to me and informed me that if i would allow him to sell apples and cakes to the soldiers on a corner of the street near my office, under a large tree that grew there, he thought he could care for himself and make enough to support himself and wife. i immediately gave him permission and an order to protect him. i had but little faith in his being able to do it, as he was compelled to go on crutches and was bent nearly double, owing to a severe whipping his old master had given him some years ago. he commenced his work, and, much to my surprise, made enough to support himself, and asked for no more assistance from me. when the city authorities took charge of the city matters the marshal of the city ordered him to pay the ten dollars per month for the privilege of supporting himself or desist from such trade. the old man told him that all his profits would not amount to ten dollars per month, and that in some months he did not make that amount of sales, but, as colonel thomas provided him with a place to live, he could barely support himself by such trade. the marshal of the city informed him that the tax must be paid by all, and that colonel thomas could take care of him, as it was his duty to do so. the old man came to my office and told me the whole affair. i wrote a letter to the mayor setting forth the whole case, and that the collection of this tax on such old cripples would compel me to support them, as they could not pay the city ten dollars per month and make their support. in fact, ten dollars per month is the common wages for negro labor. the mayor refused to allow the negro to continue his sales, and i was compelled to take charge of him. i would have refused to allow the city authorities to interrupt him had it not been for general orders no. , from headquarters department of mississippi, allowing the mayor to take charge of such matters. you will see by the city ordinance that a drayman or hackman must file a bond of five hundred dollars in addition to paying for his license. the mayor requires that the bondsmen shall be freeholders. the laws of this state do not, and never did, allow a negro to own land or hold property. the white citizens refuse to sign any bonds for the freedmen. the white citizens and authorities say that it is for their interest to drive out all independent negro labor; that the freedmen must hire to white men if they wish to do this kind of work. i am, general, very respectfully, samuel thomas, _colonel, assistant commissioner freedmen's bureau, state of mississippi_. major general c. schurz. _proceedings of the city council_. at a regular meeting of the board of mayor and council of the city of vicksburg, held at the city hall, on monday, august , : present--t.j. randolph, mayor; messrs. stites, royall, johnson, bender, spengler, manlove, and porterfield, councilmen. mr. stites introduced the following ordinance, which was read; and, on motion of mr. bender, the rules were suspended, the ordinance read a second time; and, on motion of mr. manlove, the rules were again suspended, the ordinance read a third time by its title, and passed. mr. johnson called for the ayes and noes on the passage of the ordinance, which were taken: ayes--stites, royall, bender, spengler, manlove, and porterfield-- . nay--johnson-- . an ordinance to raise revenue for the city of vicksburg. sec. . that there shall be assessed, levied, and collected upon the landholders, freeholders, and householders of the city of vicksburg, for the year commencing july , , upon the _ad valorem_ worth of all houses, lots and parts of lots, and lands, and on all goods, wares, and merchandise, on all moneys loaned at interest in said city, whether by a resident or nonresident or a corporation, a general tax of fifty cents on every one hundred dollars' value thereof; that said valuation or assessment shall be assessed from the th day of july, a.d. , and shall be for one year, but the tax so assessed shall be payable in advance. sec. . that on all goods, wares, and merchandise, produce, &c., contained or sold on board any flatboat, or other water craft, there shall be assessed, levied, and collected upon the _ad valorem_ worth a general tax of fifty cents on every one hundred dollars' value thereof. sec. . that there shall be assessed, levied, and collected a poll tax of two dollars upon every male inhabitant of said city over the age of twenty-one years. sec. . that the rate for license for the houses, business, &c., be assessed as follows, payable as set forth in section : on all family groceries, porter-houses, eating-houses, oyster houses, and restaurants, per year $ ; on all auction stores, per year, $ ; on all public auctioneers, $ ; on all banks, brokers, and exchange offices, $ ; on all insurance companies having agents in this city, $ ; on all express companies, $ ; on all wholesale and retail stores and commission houses, $ ; on all drays and carts, $ ; on all hacks, $ ; on all private boarding-houses having ten or more boarders, $ ; on all hotels, $ ; on all rooms where billiard tables are kept for playing, $ ; on all rooms where bagatelle or pigeonhole tables are kept for playing, $ ; on all alleys known as ten-pin or nine-pin alleys, $ ; on all livery stables, $ ; on all wagon yards, $ ; on all barber shops, for each chair, $ ; on all manufactories of ale, porter, or soda-water per year, $ ; on all bakeries, $ ; on all theatres, circuses, animal shows, or any public performance or exhibition where compensation is paid in money, each day, $ ; on all bar-rooms, or other places where vinous or spirituous liquors are sold in less quantities than one gallon, per year, $ ; on all confectionary, fruit or ice cream, soda water or vegetable stores, $ ; on all cigar stores, $ ; on all shops where fresh meat is sold, $ ; on all street peddlers of goods, wares, or merchandise, fruit &c., except from market carts from the country, per month, $ ; on all live stock sold in this city, one-half of one per cent, _ad valorem_. sec. . that all ordinances in any way conflicting with the provisions of this ordinance be, and the same are hereby, repealed. sec. . that this ordinance take effect from and after its passage. vicksburg, mississippi, _august_ , . mr. stites introduced the following ordinance, which was read; and, on motion of mr. bender, the rules were suspended and the ordinance read a second time; and, on motion of mr. manlove, the rules were again suspended, the ordinance read a third time by its title, and passed. an ordinance to regulate the mode of obtaining licenses within the city of vicksburg. sec. . that, before license shall be granted to any one to keep a family grocery, porter-house, oyster-house, eating-house, or restaurant in this city, the person or persons so applying shall execute a bond in the penal sum of $ , with one or more securities, payable to the mayor of the city of vicksburg and his successors in office, conditioned that he, she, or they will keep an orderly and well-conducted house, and will not permit any riotous or disorderly conduct, or any gaming in or about the same, and will not sell any vinous or spirituous liquors to any one in less quantity than one gallon during the continuance of his or her license. sec. . that before any person or persons shall be licensed to retail vinous or spirituous liquors within this city, he, she, or they shall produce before the board of mayor and council of said city the written recommendation of five freeholders of his or her neighborhood, setting forth that he or she is of good reputation and a suitable person to receive such license. sec. . that no license to sell vinous or spirituous liquors as aforesaid shall be delivered to any person until he or she shall have first produced the receipt of the treasurer of the city for the amount of tax assessed for such license, and shall also have executed a bond in the penal sum of $ , , with one or more good and sufficient sureties, payable to the mayor of the city of vicksburg and his successor in office, conditioned that he, she, or they will keep an orderly and well-conducted house, and will not permit any riotous or disorderly conduct, or any gaming, in or about the same. sec. . that the bonds provided for in this ordinance shall be submitted to, and approved by, the board of mayor and council before said license shall be issued. sec. . that if any person shall retail any vinous or spirituous liquors within this city in less quantity than one gallon without first having procured license to do so, pursuant to the provisions of this ordinance, or in any way violate the provisions of this ordinance, he shall, upon conviction before the mayor of the city, be fined in a sum not less than one hundred nor more than five hundred dollars. sec. . that before issuing license to any person or persons for the privilege of running a public dray, cart, or hack in this city, the party so applying shall first file with the mayor of the city a bond, with good and sufficient security, to be approved by the mayor, in the penal sum of $ , conditioned for the faithful performance of their duties as public carriers. sec. . that all ordinances in any way conflicting with the provisions of this ordinance be, and the same are hereby, repealed. sec. . that this ordinance take effect from and after its passage. vicksburg, mississippi, _august_ , mr. johnson introduced the following ordinance, which was read; and on motion of mr. manlove, the rules were suspended and the ordinance read a second time; and on motion of mr. bender, the rules were again suspended, the ordinance read a third time by its title, and passed: an ordinance to amend the market ordinance. sec. . that from and after the passage of this ordinance it shall not be lawful for any person or persons to sell or expose for sale in the market-house of vicksburg, after the hour of o'clock a.m., any lemonade, ice-cream, cakes, pies, fruit, or vegetables, or other articles usually sold in market, under the penalty of $ for each and every offence. sec. . that it shall not be lawful for any person or persons trading in the market to buy or bargain for, during market hours, or receive from any person or persons not renting a stall in the market, any meat, fish, poultry, butter, eggs, vegetables, or fruits, and offer the same for sale in the market again within ten days, under a penalty of $ for each and every offence. sec. . that it shall not be lawful for any person or persons to buy from any person on their way to market, within the city, during market hours, any of the articles named in the second section, or prevent such person from going to market with aforesaid articles, under a penalty of $ for each and every offence. sec. . that it shall be the duty of the day police of each ward to arrest and bring before the mayor all persons found violating any section of the above ordinance. sec. . that all ordinances or parts of ordinances conflicting with this ordinance be, and the same are hereby, repealed. mr. porterfield introduced the following ordinance, which was read; and on motion of mr. manlove, the rules were suspended and the ordinance read a second time; and on further motion of mr. manlove, the rules were again suspended, the ordinance read a third time by its title, and passed: an ordinance regulating ferry-boats, &c. sec. . that all ferry-boats crossing the mississippi river and landing in the city limits shall pay the sum of $ per week. sec. . that this ordinance shall be in force from and after its passage. on motion of mr. manlove, the following resolution was adopted: _resolved_, that hereafter it shall be lawful for the city marshal to charge for prisoners committed to workhouse for board, per day, sixty cents. on motion of mr. spangler, the following resolution was adopted: _resolved_, that the city marshal notify the owners of property to have their side-walks and gutters repaired on washington street, between second corner of east to depot street, in thirty days; and if not done, the city marshal have it done, at the expense of the property. on motion of mr. manlove, the following resolution was adopted: _resolved_, that the mayor be authorized to pay the policemen the amounts due them respectively to date, according to the report by the city marshal. on motion of mr. spangler, the following resolution was adopted: _resolved_, that the overseers of street hands' pay shall be $ per month. on motion of mr. manlove, the following resolution was adopted: _resolved_, that the salary of the city marshal shall be $ , per annum, the salary of the deputy marshal be $ per annum, and the salary of the policemen $ per month, all of which shall be paid monthly. on motion of mr. manlove, the following resolution was adopted: _resolved_, that a committee of two be appointed to receive proposals to publish the proceedings of the city council to the third monday in march next, and also inquire on what terms the city printing can be done, and report to next meeting of this council. the mayor appointed messrs. manlove and bender on said committee. on motion of mr. bender, the board adjourned till thursday evening, august , at six o'clock. t.j. randolph, _mayor_. no. . freedmen's bureau, state of mississippi, _office state superintendent of education, vicksburg, miss., september_ , . general: at the request of colonel thomas, i beg your attention to a few considerations touching the turning over of the care of the freedmen in mississippi to the state authorities, so far as the transfer bears upon the religious and educational privileges of the colored people. perhaps no one who has been less engaged in caring for the education and the moral interests of these people can fully appreciate the facts that i intend to lay before you, or understand them as having the intensity of meaning that i see in them. i have seen a good deal of the people of mississippi, and have purposely sounded them as to their feelings with regard to the effort to educate the blacks. the general feeling is that of strong opposition to it. only one person resident in mississippi before the rebellion has expressed himself to me as in favor of it, and he did not propose to do anything to aid it; and, to show how much his favor was worth, he said he regretted that he was not able to prevent the negroes from having shouting meetings, and that he would keep them from going off the plantation to meeting now if he could, as he formerly did. aside from this gentleman, every native mississippian and irishman with whom i have conversed opposes the instruction of freedmen. some disguise their opposition by affected contemptuous disbelief of the negro's capacity. all the facts that we can give them, however rich and suggestive, are received with sneering incredulity and the assurance that they know the negroes better than we do. a little persistence in giving this class of men facts disproving their assertions usually makes them angry, and leads them to declare that if the negroes can learn, the greater the damage that will be done them, for the education will do them no good, and will spoil them. others take this last-mentioned ground at first, and say that a learned negro is a nuisance; for, while he is ignorant, stupid, and loutish, he may be compelled to labor; but as soon as he comes to know something the white people cannot make so profitable use of him. some manifest great spite when this subject is mentioned. they say we are trying to make the negro equal with them. many do not hesitate to say that he ought to be kept uneducated in order that he may not be superior to ignorant white men. i have discovered that many object to the negro women's being educated lest they should be led to respect themselves, and not so easily be made the instruments of the white man's lust. the people of vicksburg have asked colonel thomas to prevent the establishment of colored schools within the city--they would probably say, to preserve the peace of the city; but i feel sure it is because the sight of them gives pain. and if their removal ever becomes necessary to the peace of a place, the fact will illustrate public feeling sufficiently. i have heard more than one person say that he would kill a colored teacher if he ever saw one. the children of a community generally express the public feeling, and we may usually learn from them what the feeling is, even when the parents, from prudence, seek to conceal it. children often exaggerate, but they get their bias at home. the children of mississippi throw stones at colored scholars, and are only restrained by fear from mobbing colored schools. my memorandum book contains such information as to points in the interior of the state as i can gather from officers, and from any reliable source, to guide me in locating teachers. some of these memoranda are: "garrison withdrawn; school impossible." "no resident federal officer; a teacher could not be protected." "people much prejudiced; protection cannot be guaranteed." such things are said in regard to every place not under northern protection. i think i do not overstate in saying that i do not know a single northern man in mississippi who supposes a colored school possible where there is no federal sword or bayonet. some northern men do not regret this fact, perhaps; and this makes their testimony on this point more valuable. white churches recover their houses of worship which the blacks helped to build, and which they have repaired extensively during the last two years, and remorselessly turn the blacks out without any regard to their rights in equity, their feelings, or their religious interests. i may state here that there is such a general expression of contempt for negro religion, and such a desire to suppress it, if possible, that it seems as if the whites thought it a piece of terrible impertinence for the blacks to worship the same god that we do. the white people also fear, or affect to fear, that opposition to their plans, and even insurrection, will be hatched at the meetings of colored people. the nemesis of slavery still holds her whip over them. from this source arise the occasional reports of intended insurrections; and these reports are intended, often, to cause the prevention of meetings, at which the colored people may consult together, and convey information important to them. in view of all these things, i have no doubt but that, if our protection be withdrawn, negro education will be hindered in every possible way, including obstruction by fraud and violence. i have not the smallest expectation that, with the state authorities in full power, a northern citizen would be protected in the exercise of his constitutional right to teach and preach to the colored people; and shall look for a renewal of the fearful scenes, in which northerners were whipped, tarred and feathered, warned off, and murdered, before the war. i meant to make this letter shorter, but could not. i hope i need not assure you, general, that i am not conscious that any part of the above comes of enmity to the south. i certainly should rejoice to see my opinion of the state of feeling in mississippi falsified by patent facts. i have the honer to be, general, your obedient servant, joseph warren, _chaplain, state superintendent of education_. major general carl schurz. no. . office assistant commissioner bureau refugees, freedmen and abandoned lands for state of mississippi, _vicksburg, mississippi, september , _. general: i see by the papers of a late date that dr. murdoch, of columbus, mississippi, has made a speech at general howard's office, in which he makes strong promises of the hearty co-operation of his fellow-citizens in the education of the freedmen in the state. the officer of this bureau at that place, captain hubbard, writes that "the citizens of the place are so prejudiced against the negroes that they are opposed to all efforts being made for their education or elevation; that the people will not give rooms, or allow the children of their hired freedmen to attend the schools; that the citizens of the place have written a letter to the officer saying that they would respectfully ask that no freedmen schools be established under the auspices of the bureau, as it would tend to disturb the present labor system, and take from the field labor that is so necessary to restore the wealth of the state." this is signed by half a dozen citizens purporting to represent the people, and certainly gives us a different idea of the case from that stated by dr. murdoch. i am, general, very respectfully, samuel thomas, _colonel, assistant commissioner for mississippi_. major general carl schurz. no. . _to the voters of wilkinson county_: fellow-citizens: when i consented, some days ago, to be a candidate for the state convention, i confess that, with some of my personal friends, i was vain enough to believe that i was sufficiently well known to the people of wilkinson county to make it unnecessary for me to publish my political creed. but, to my surprise, it is rumored, to the prejudice of my humble claim upon your suffrage, that i am an "_unconditional, immediate emancipationist--an abolitionist_." in the freedom of casual, friendly conversation, it is certainly not unreasonable that i may, as any other man, be misunderstood. i cannot think any of my fellow-citizens capable of misrepresenting me purposely. but certain it is i am misunderstood if any man believes me to favor the policy that wrongs and impoverishes my country. it does occur to me, fellow-citizens, that the _charity_, at least, if not the good sense of those who know me, would contradict any such insinuation. true, i only claim to have done my duty, but my record for the last four years, i trust, is sufficient proof of my fidelity to the interests of the south and all her institutions. can any man believe me now in favor of, and ready to advocate, the abolition of an institution for which i have contended so long, and which i am as fully persuaded to-day, as ever, was the true status of the negro? surely not. but, fellow-citizens,--what i may, in common with you all, have to submit to, is a very different thing. slavery has been taken from us. the power that has already practically abolished the institution threatens totally and forever to abolish it. but does it follow that i am in favor of this thing? by no means. and, certainly, you who know me will not demand of me any further assurance than my antecedents afford that i will, as your representative, should you elect me, "do all and secure all" i could for the best interest of the state, and the rights and interests of a free people. i have thought, and have said, and do now repeat, that my honest conviction is, we must accept the situation as it is until we can get control once more of our own state affairs. we cannot do otherwise and get our place again in the union, and occupy a position, exert an influence, that will protect us against further and greater evils which threaten us. i must, as any other man who votes or holds an office, submit, for the time, to evils i cannot remedy. i want it distinctly understood that _i do not run on "mr. burruss's platform," or any other man's, save my own_. should you send me to the convention i will go committed, as i think an honest man can only commit himself, i. e., according to my best judgment, and with an intention to guard all the blessings we now enjoy, to the extent of my ability, exert myself, as i have said, to secure all i can for the interest of our state. if i cannot be trusted, then choose some other man, who may have shown himself hitherto, and is now, more truly your friend, and who is, in your judgment, more capable of representing you. w.l. brandon. wilkinson county, _august_ . no. . office acting assistant commissioner bureau freedmen, &c., for southern district of mississippi, _natchez, miss., september_ , . general: in obedience to your request, i have the honor to submit the following as the result of my observations during the past year among freedmen: the opinion and feeling among the negroes throughout this district, comprising the counties of claiborne, copiah, lawrence, covington, jones, wayne, jefferson, franklin, pike, marion, perry, greene, adams, wilkinson, amite, hancock, harrison, and jackson, and concordia and teusas parishes, louisiana, are almost unanimous on one point, viz: they will remain this year on their old places for a support, and such remuneration as the crop raised can give them, but next year they will leave and make other arrangements. they say that they have tried their old masters, know what they require, and how they will be treated, and that, as they are now free, they will try some other place and some other way of working. they take this view not because they are tired of work, or because they want to be idle, but because they are free, and want to find out in what their freedom consists. to contend with the results of this opinion will be the great work flung upon the hands of some one next year. and not only will they have to see that the laborers are properly settled, but they must provide for the crippled, the helpless and the children. the planters cannot be made to support those who are too feeble to give any return, and who only remain because they are too old or too young to get away. what, then, is to become of them? as to those who can labor, there will be no difficulty--the demand for laborers will far exceed the supply. the great trouble will be to keep the negro in the state, and to provide assistance for those who are unable to take care of themselves. another want to be provided for is that of education. if we are to have good, industrious, and law-abiding people, we must provide some means for their education. it is intended to place a teacher in every town in which schools can be established and protected. from conversations with intelligent citizens, whom i feel assured, represent the feelings of a large class of people, i think that for some time the equality of negroes and whites before the law, as regards testimony, will be merely an equality in name. citizens say that their legislature may, and probably will, make laws receiving the testimony of negroes in all cases, as a means of inducing the government to re-admit them to a full exercise of their state jurisdiction and representation, but that no southern jury can ever be found that, when it comes to a case where twenty negroes testify one way, and two white men testify the other, will not decide in favor of the white, and virtually throw out the negro testimony. of course this matter of testimony will settle itself with time, and a negro's word obtain the same credit from his individual character as among whites, for the whites, having cases that they are dependent upon negro testimony for, will in the course of time be brought by their own interests to take and demand the full benefit of the law; but for some time, although legally admitted, it will in fact be excluded. the report of captain warren peck, a copy of which i have the honor to enclose, gives a very fair view of what the result would be, were the officers of this bureau removed. when i took charge here i found a perfect state of terror among whites and blacks; but now that officers are thickly distributed over the district, complaints are few, and the laborers are well, and, so far as possible, comfortably fixed for this year. out of a negro population of over , , only receive rations from the government as destitutes. i feel no hesitation in saying that it is imperatively necessary to give the system of free labor a fair trial, and to secure to the freedmen all the benefits contemplated by the emancipation proclamation; that officers or agents should be retained whose duty it is to look after the interests of this large class of people, and see that they are gradually accustomed to manage their own business and protect their own interests. i have the honor to be, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, george d. reynolds, _major th united states colored heavy artillery, and acting assistant comm. bureau of freedmen, &c., southern dist. of mississippi_. major general carl schurz. no. . headquarters northern district of mississippi, _jackson, miss., august_ , . captain: i have the honor to enclose copies of a notice to form companies in this and a neighboring county, and of my letter to governor sharkey in reference to this matter. in a discussion which i had with the governor he told me that it was his intention to raise a company of militia in every county of the state, in accordance with the militia law of mississippi, mainly for the purpose of suppressing any acts of violence which the negroes may attempt to commit during next winter. i called the attention of the governor to the fact that the docket, until this day, exhibits only the name of white criminals, and that all information proves that almost all the cases of robbery, murder, &c., were brought in connexion with young men in the country lately returned from military service--just the very same men who, in all probability, would join the intended meetings to form companies of militia. the result of the organization of such companies, while the state is occupied by united states troops, mostly colored, cannot be doubted--the heterogeneous element must clash and bring about a state of affairs which certainly would prove detrimental to the peace and best interests of the state. governor sharkey tells me that he has applied to president johnson for authority to raise the militia, and that he would inform me of any decision he may receive from washington; in the mean time i consider it my duty to take action as communicated in my letter, and respectfully request the approval of the major general commanding department. very respectfully, your obedient servant, p. jos. osterhaus, _major general volunteers_. captain j. warren miller, _a.a. general, department of mississippi_. official copy: w.a. gordon, _a.a. general_. executive office, _jackson, miss., august_ , . information having reached me that parties of bad men have banded together in different parts of the state for the purpose of robbing and plundering, and for violating the law in various ways, and that outrages of various kinds are being perpetrated, and the military authorities of the united states being insufficient to protect the people throughout the entire state, i do therefore call upon the people, and especially on such as are liable to perform military duty, and are familiar with military discipline, to organize volunteer companies in each county in the state, if practicable, at least one company of cavalry and one of infantry, as speedily as possible, for the detection of criminals, the prevention of crime, and the preservation of good order. and i urge upon these companies, when formed, that they will be vigilant in the discharge of these duties. these companies will be organized under the law in relation to volunteer companies as contained in the revised code, and the amendment thereto, passed on the th of february, , except that as soon as the proper number shall volunteer, the election for officers may take place immediately and without further order, and commissions will be issued as soon as returns are received, and the election may be held by any justice of the peace. i most earnestly call upon the young men of the state, who have so distinguished themselves for gallantry, to respond promptly to this call, which is made in behalf of a suffering people. it will be the duty, as i hope it will be the pleasure, of these companies to pursue and apprehend all offenders against law, and by vigilance to prevent crime, to aid the civil authorities, and to contribute all in their power to the restoration of good order in the community. arms will be procured, if possible, for such as may not have them, but i would advise an immediate organization with such arms as can be procured. given under my hand and the great seal of state affixed. w.l. sharkey, _provisional governor of mississippi_. by the governor: john h. echols, _secretary of state_. headquarters northern district of mississippi, _jackson, miss., august_ , . captain: i have the honor to enclose copy of a letter received from governor sharkey in reply to my communication of yesterday, copy of which was sent you by last courier. the governor's proclamation, raising troops in the whole state, changes the status of things, as it no longer belongs to the limits of my district, but to the department; and, consequently, i desist from all further action in the matter until your instructions have come to hand. in regard to the robberies, i will state that not a single _regular_ stage, between big black and jackson, has been earnestly interfered with; they were permitted to run, without molestation, while the "robbers" operated against a massachusetts schoolmaster, some darkies, and the government messengers; not a house was entered in the vicinity of the field of operations, not an inhabitant robbed. all "home institutions" are apparently safe. the inference is natural that these highway men are guerillas in the true sense of the word, and are waging a war against the "invaders." the governor admits, very candidly, that he knows that the people are reluctant to give aid to me by imparting information. several persons who were halted by the "robbers," but released with the excuse that they were stopped by mistake, refused flatly to give any name, of the party they were stopped by, but declared to know them. you know, captain, that certain parties have importuned the governor, from the beginning, to raise the militia; and, as there was no cause for such a measure before, it probably was thought expedient to get up some cause for the desired purpose. now we have the "robberies"--they are very one-sided and extraordinary--but they furnished the cause so badly wanted. the governor is confident that a few squads of young men, armed with fowling-pieces and the omnipresent revolvers, can suppress all irregularities, which the utmost vigilance and constant exertion of a large number of united states troops failed to suppress! i must state yet that the parties arrested under suspicion of participating in the described robberies are young men lately connected with the rebel army. there is no doubt on my mind that the young men "who steal the despatches from our messengers" will become good members of the intended militia. with great respect, your obedient servant, p. jos. osterhaus, _major general volunteers_. captain j. warren miller, _a.a. general, department of mississippi_. official copy: w.a. gordon, _a.a. general_. headquarters northern district of mississippi, _jackson, miss., august_ , . sir: a notice appears in yesterday's paper, over the signature of lamar fontaine, calling on the young men of hinds and madison counties to meet at cooper wells and at livingstone, respectively, on the d and th instant, for the purpose of organizing companies and electing officers. the notice creates the impression that some kind of military organization is intended, and in that event i would beg leave to call your attention to the fact that the state of mississippi is under occupation, and that martial law is still in force, and that no military organizations can be tolerated which are not under the control of the united states officers. i am, therefore, in duty bound and compelled to prevent and prohibit all military organization not recognized as a portion of the united states forces, unless they are formed under special authority of the war department, or the major general commanding the department of mississippi. i can assure your excellency that the number of troops in the counties of hinds and madison is amply sufficient to give the civil authorities all the assistance they may possibly need, and the means at my disposal are amply sufficient to stop all crime, provided the civil authorities will co-operate sincerely with the military commanders, and furnish information promptly and voluntarily, as the public peace and safety require them to do. i respectfully request that you will communicate the tenor of this communication to mr. fontaine. believe me, with great esteem, your excellency's obedient servant, p. jos. o'sterhaus, _major general volunteers_. his excellency hon. w.l. sharkey, _provisional governor of mississippi_. official copy: w.a. gordon, a.a.g. executive office, _jackson, miss., august_ , . general: i have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of yesterday, in which you call my attention to the fact that the state of mississippi is still under military occupation, and that martial law is still in force, and that no military organizations can be tolerated which are not under the control of united states officers; and you add that you will feel bound to prevent such organizations, and you also assure me that you have sufficient troops in the counties of hinds and madison to aid the civil authorities. this last remark was made by you with reference to a particular organization which has been proposed in those counties. i have, however, issued a general order on this subject, a copy of which i hand you, regretting that you have felt yourself compelled to take this view of the subject, and i know you are prompted by a sense of duty. i beg to remind you that for twelve or fifteen consecutive nights passengers travelling in the stage between here and vicksburg have been robbed, and these things have occurred within twelve or fifteen miles of your own headquarters. i would not be understood as reflecting in the slightest degree on you. i know you have every desire to prevent such occurrences, and will use every means in your power to do so, and to arrest the culprits. i know, too, that the people are reluctant to give you aid by imparting information to you, but, in addition to these robberies, information daily reaches me of the perpetration of outrages, committed in various ways in distant parts of the--state where you have no military force. the people are calling on me for protection, which i cannot give them under existing circumstances, and it was to give them relief that the military organizations have been ordered. if further justification be necessary, i may add in the last interview i had with the president, in speaking of anticipated troubles, he distinctly stated to me that i could organize the militia if it should become necessary. i think the necessity is now manifest, and therefore claim the authority of the president of the united states for my action. it was precisely under this authority that in my proclamation of the st of july i called upon the people in unprotected counties to organize for their security. i will also state that the president has been apprised of what i am doing in this respect, and when he shall change his instructions i will, of course, yield obedience; but until he shall do so, i shall feel it to be my duty to carry out the line of policy i have adopted. i need scarcely assure you, general, that this is not in any sense a hostile demonstration, and feel quite sure no evil can result from it. mississippi has spoken too plainly in her convention to leave any doubt about her future purposes. believe me, with great respect, your most obedient servant, w.l. sharkey, _provisional governor of mississippi_. major general p. jos. osterhaus. official copy: w.a. gordon, a.a.g. no. . office acting assistant commissioner freedmen's bureau for northern district of mississippi, _jackson, miss., september_ , . major: in compliance with your request desiring me to furnish you a list of crimes and assaults against freedmen, i have the honor to report that on or about the th day of august, , matilda, a colored woman, was murdered by one j.h. kiley and son, in newton county, in this state, for simply remonstrating against whipping her son. lucinda, a colored woman, in yalobusha county, was stripped naked, tied to a tree, and severely whipped by three men, names unknown. in the county of holmes, between the th and th days of september, , five negroes were murdered; names of the perpetrators unknown. in simpson county, about the st of august, a father and his two sons cruelly whipped and abused a colored woman in their employ. near lauderdale springs, castwell eads, a citizen, by his own statement, shot and wounded a colored man for simply refusing to obey his command, _halt_! while he was running from him after being cruelly whipped. in smith county, s.s. catchings, a citizen, followed a colored man, who had left his plantation, overtook him, knocked him down, and beat him brutally. these are all the cases of which i have detailed accounts, none but general reports having yet been received from the agents. these indicate that cruelty is frequently practiced. i am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, e.s. donaldson, _lieutenant colonel, acting assistant commissioner_. major w.a. gordon, _assistant adjutant general_. no. . savannah, ga., _august_ , . general: in answer to your question with regard to free labor at the south, and particularly the way in which the contract system is viewed by persons who were formerly slaveholders, i would state that these persons accept the present condition of affairs as an alternative forced upon them, believing still that the emancipation of their slaves was a great blunder, and that slavery is the only system by which the colored laborer can be made profitable to his employer. within this district the plantation contracts now in force were entered into just subsequent to the arrival of the army, and when it was impossible for planters to undertake the care of their plantations. the negroes, therefore, planted for themselves, promising the owner a fair proportion of the crop as rent for the use of the land. now, however, the matter comes up in a different shape. owners have returned, and it is necessary to make arrangements for the next season. most of them complain and find fault with the government, and remain inactive. so long as the military form prevails they seem to submit and to conform to present requirements, but at heart they are unfriendly. some few, however, ask of us what we are going to do with the negro, and what provision will be made with regard to labor. there is nothing in their conduct that betokens sympathy with our movements, or a desire to co-operate with us earnestly in our work. the rebel spirit is as bitter as ever in the minds of the southern people. to return to the old customs is now their effort, and step by step they would take us back to where we were when the war broke out. they will contract with the freedmen, not because they prefer to, but because they are obliged to, and so long as the authority of the united states is present for the protection of all parties, and to compel a faithful performance, the agreement will be carried out; but should the army be withdrawn, the freedmen would virtually be reduced to slavery, and freedom-loving men would find a southern residence unsafe. i think the negro is disposed to fulfil his contract, and in cases where it has seemed otherwise, the other party has often been at fault. while i have met a few planters who seem to realize that emancipation is a fixed fact, and that they must make the most of present circumstances, by resorting to the only means by which labor can now be obtained, (the contract system,) i have found scarcely one who will enter into the matter with any kind of sympathy, or with either the belief or the hope that our plans will eventually succeed, for they feel keenly that the success of those plans will prove the foolishness of slavery. the coming year will produce a change of opinion at the south, i think, if by thorough supervision we secure protection to free labor. i am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, a.p. ketchum. major general carl schurz. letter of general grant concerning affairs at the south. headquarters armies of the united states, _washington, d.c., december_ , . sir: in reply to your note of the th instant, requesting a report from me giving such information as i may be possessed of coming within the scope of the inquiries made by the senate of the united states in their resolution of the th instant, i have the honor to submit the following: with your approval, and also that of the honorable secretary of war, i left washington city on the th of last month for the purpose of making a tour of inspection through some of the southern states, or states lately in rebellion, and to see what changes were necessary to be made in the disposition of the military forces of the country; how these forces could be reduced and expenses curtailed, &c.; and to learn, as far as possible, the feelings and intentions of the citizens of those states towards the general government. the state of virginia being so accessible to washington city, and information from this quarter, therefore, being readily obtained, i hastened through the state without conversing or meeting with any of its citizens. in raleigh, north carolina, i spent one day; in charleston, south carolina, two days; savannah and augusta, georgia, each one day. both in travelling and whilst stopping i saw much and conversed freely with the citizens of those states as well as with officers of the army who have been stationed among them. the following are the conclusions come to by me. i am satisfied that the mass of thinking men of the south accept the present situation of affairs in good faith. the questions which have heretofore divided the sentiment of the people of the two sections--slavery and state rights, or the right of a state to secede from the union--they regard as having been settled forever by the highest tribunal--arms--that man can resort to. i was pleased to learn from the leading men whom i met that they not only accepted the decision arrived at as final, but, now that the smoke of battle has cleared away and time has been given for reflection, that this decision has been a fortunate one for the whole country, they receiving like benefits from it with those who opposed them in the field and in council. four years of war, during which law was executed only at the point of the bayonet throughout the states in rebellion, have left the people possibly in a condition not to yield that ready obedience to civil authority the american people have generally been in the habit of yielding. this would render the presence of small garrisons throughout those states necessary until such time as labor returns to its proper channel, and civil authority is fully established. i did not meet any one, either those holding places under the government or citizens of the southern states, who think it practicable to withdraw the military from the south at present. the white and the black mutually require the protection of the general government. there is stick universal acquiescence in the authority of the general government throughout the portions of country visited by me, that the mere presence of a military force, without regard to numbers, is sufficient to maintain order. the good of the country, and economy, require that the force kept in the interior, where there are many freedmen, (elsewhere in the southern states than at forts upon the seacoast no force is necessary,) should all be white troops. the reasons for this are obvious without mentioning many of them. the presence of black troops, lately slaves, demoralizes labor, both by their advice and by furnishing in their camps a resort for the freedmen for long distances around. white troops generally excite no opposition, and therefore a small number of them can maintain order in a given district. colored troops must be kept in bodies sufficient to defend themselves. it is not the thinking men who would use violence towards any class of troops sent among them by the general government, but the ignorant in some places might; and the late slave seems to be imbued with the idea that the property of his late master should, by right, belong to him, or at least should have no protection from the colored soldier. there is danger of collisions being brought on by such causes. my observations lead me to the conclusion that the citizens of the southern states are anxious to return to self-government, within the union, as soon as possible; that whilst reconstructing they want and require protection from the government; that they are in earnest in wishing to do what they think is required by the government, not humiliating to them as citizens, and that if such a course were pointed out they would pursue it in good faith. it is to be regretted that there cannot be a greater commingling, at this time, between the citizens of the two sections, and particularly of those intrusted with the law-making power. i did not give the operations of the freedmen's bureau that attention i would have done if more time had been at my disposal. conversations on the subject, however, with officers connected with the bureau, lead me to think that, in some of the states, its affairs have not been conducted with good judgment or economy, and that the belief, widely spread among the freedmen of the southern states, that the lands of their former owners will, at least in part, be divided among them, has come from the agents of this bureau. this belief is seriously interfering with the willingness of the freedmen to make contracts for the coming year. in some form the freedmen's bureau is an absolute necessity until civil law is established and enforced, securing to the freedmen their rights and full protection. at present, however, it is independent of the military establishment of the country, and seems to be operated by the different agents of the bureau according to their individual notions. everywhere general howard, the able head of the bureau, made friends by the just and fair instructions and advice he gave; but the complaint in south carolina was that when he left, things went on as before. many, perhaps the majority, of the agents of the freedmen's bureau advise the freedmen that by their own industry they must expect to live. to this end they endeavor to secure employment for them, and to see that both contracting parties comply with their engagements. in some instances, i am sorry to say, the freedman's mind does not seem to be disabused of the idea that a freedman has the right to live without care or provision for the future. the effect of the belief in division of lands is idleness and accumulation in camps, towns, and cities. in such cases i think it will be found that vice and disease will tend to the extermination or great reduction of the colored race. it cannot be expected that the opinions held by men at the south for years can be changed in a day, and therefore the freedmen require, for a few years, not only laws to protect them, but the fostering care of those who will give them good counsel, and on whom they rely. the freedmen's bureau being separated from the military establishment of the country, requires all the expense of a separate organization. one does not necessarily know what the other is doing, or what orders they are acting under. it seems to me this could be corrected by regarding every officer on duty with troops in the southern states as an agent of the freedmen's bureau, and then have all orders from the head of the bureau sent through department commanders. this would create a responsibility that would secure uniformity of action throughout all the south; would insure the orders and instructions from the head of the bureau being carried out, and would relieve from duty and pay a large number of employees of the government. i have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, u.s. grant, _lieutenant general_. his excellency andrew johnson, _president of the united states_. the freedmen's book. by l. maria child. o dark, sad millions,--patiently and dumb waiting for god,--your hour, at last, has come, and freedom's song breaks the long silence of your night of wrong. john g. whittier. [illustration] boston: ticknor and fields. . entered according to act of congress, in the year , by l. maria child, in the clerk's office of the district court of the district of massachusetts. university press: welch, bigelow, & co., cambridge. _to_ the loyal and brave captain robert small, _hero of the steamboat planter_, this volume is respectfully dedicated by l. maria child. to the freedmen. i have prepared this book expressly for you, with the hope that those of you who can read will read it aloud to others, and that all of you will derive fresh strength and courage from this true record of what colored men have accomplished, under great disadvantages. i have written all the biographies over again, in order to give you as much information as possible in the fewest words. i take nothing for my services; and the book is sold to you at the cost of paper, printing, and binding. whatever money you pay for any of the volumes will be immediately invested in other volumes to be sent to freedmen in various parts of the country, on the same terms; and whatever money remains in my hands, when the book ceases to sell, will be given to the freedmen's aid association, to be expended in schools for you and your children. your old friend, l. maria child. contents. author. page ignatius sancho _l. maria child_ extract from the tenth psalm prejudice reproved _lydia h. sigourney_ benjamin banneker _l. maria child_ ethiopia _frances e. w. harper_* the hour of freedom _william lloyd garrison_ william boen _l. maria child_ anecdote of general washington prayer of the slave _bernard barton_ toussaint l'ouverture _l. maria child_ the aspirations of mingo _mingo, a slave_* bury me in a free land _frances e. w. harper_* phillis wheatley _l. maria child_ a pertinent question _frederick douglass_* the works of providence _phillis wheatley_* the dying christian _frances e. w. harper_* kindness to animals _l. maria child_ james forten _l. maria child_ the meeting in the swamp _l. maria child_ a reasonable request _peter williams_* the slave poet _george horton, a slave_* ratie _mattie griffith_ the kingdom of christ _james montgomery_ progress of emancipation in the british west indies _l. maria child_ the last night of slavery _james montgomery_ madison washington _l. maria child_ extract from the virginia bill of rights praise of creation _george horton_* frederick douglass _l. maria child_ how the good work goes on dedication hymn _j. m. whitefield_* a prayer _john g. whittier_ william and ellen crafts _l. maria child_ spring _george horton_* the good grandmother _harriet jacobs_* the colored mother's prayer william costin education of children _l. maria child_ thank god for little children _frances e. w. harper_* sam and andy _harriet beecher stowe_ john brown _l. maria child_ the air of freedom _frances e. w. harper_* emancipation in the district of columbia _james madison bell_* the laws of health _l. maria child_ president lincoln's proclamation of emancipation _frances e. w. harper_* new-year's day on the islands of south carolina _charlotte l. forten_* song of the negro boatmen at port royal, s. c. _john g. whittier_ extract from speech to colored people in charleston _hon. henry wilson_ extract from speech to colored people in charleston _hon. judge kelly_ black tom _a yankee soldier_ letter from a freedman _jourdon anderson_* colonel robert g. shaw _eliza b. sedgwick_ advice from an old friend _l. maria child_ day of jubilee _a. g. duncan_ * the names of the colored authors are marked with an asterisk. the freedmen's book. ignatius sancho. by l. maria child. this was the name of a remarkable african, who excited a good deal of interest in his day. his father and mother were stolen from africa and put on board a slave-ship in , which was one hundred and thirty-six years ago. he was born during the passage, and when the vessel arrived at carthagena, in south america, he was baptized by the name of ignatius. his mother died soon after, and his father, seeing no means of escape from slavery, killed himself in a fit of despair. the man who took possession of the little orphan, and claimed to be his master, carried him to england, and gave him to three unmarried sisters who lived at greenwich. he was then about two years old, a bright, lively, funny little creature. as he grew older, he showed such an inquisitive mind, said so many droll things, and was so full of mischief, that the ladies named him sancho, after a very comical character in a famous old spanish novel. he was very eager in the pursuit of knowledge; but this commendable disposition was not approved by the ladies. they thought that all a black servant had occasion to know was how to obey orders, and that it was not necessary or proper for him to learn to read and write. but nature had given ignatius a very lively mind, and a very susceptible heart, and neither of them could be kept quiet. he early plunged into love affairs, and was always overrunning with fun and frolic. doubtless he was a great trial to the respectable maiden ladies, who were training him for a servant; and he, on his part, thought them very sour, severe, and disagreeable. sometimes, when they were angry with him, they reminded him that he had been a slave, and threatened to send him into slavery again. this excited uneasiness in his mind, and kindled resentment. the duke of montagu lived in the neighborhood, and his attention was attracted by the bright, frank countenance of the black boy. he entered into conversation with him occasionally, and was so much struck by his intelligence and wit, that he told the ladies their servant was a remarkable lad, and that his earnest desire to improve his mind ought to be gratified. they persisted in their opinion that knowledge was a very improper and dangerous thing for a black servant. but the duke introduced him to the duchess, and they both encouraged him to learn to read and write. they lent him books, and were greatly entertained by his bright remarks concerning what he read. it was a great grief to ignatius when the friendly duke died. he besought the duchess to receive him into her service, and she consented. he remained in her household as long as she lived. at her death, she left him an annuity of about one hundred and fifty dollars a year; and he had three hundred and fifty dollars, which he had laid up from his wages. he might have made this sum the foundation of a comfortable little property. but nature had made him very full of fun and frolic. he had such lively manners, and uttered so many pleasant jokes, that his company was much sought for. this proved a temptation too strong for him. he accepted invitations to go to taverns, where he gambled away his earnings. he had a great passion for going to the theatre; and his conduct with regard to women was far from being correct. but he soon saw the error of his ways, and resolved to reform. he went to the chaplain of montagu house, and begged to be taken into his service, where he remained several months. the descendants of his old friend, the duke, encouraged him to persevere in his good resolutions; and when the young duke saw that he continued sober and industrious, he took him into his employ. by the blessing of the heavenly father, another saving influence came to help him into the paths of virtue. he formed a serious attachment for a very worthy young woman from the west indies, to whom he was soon after married. he remained in the employ of the duke of montagu until he was about forty-four years old. frequent attacks of the gout, and clumsiness resulting from an hereditary tendency to corpulence, rendered him unfit to continue in the service to which he had so long been accustomed. his good friend and patron the duke assisted him to establish a small shop for groceries. by economy and industry, he and his good wife managed to rear and educate well a numerous family of children. he always retained his love of learning, and was such a diligent reader, that he was well acquainted with the current literature of that time. he was treated with respect and attention by many intelligent and educated people. though not so full of fun as he was in his younger days, his conversation was entertaining. the letters he wrote to various persons abound with good sense, and show that he was very affectionate and devoted as a husband and father. he evidently regarded his wife as the best blessing of his life. in one of his letters to a friend he says: "the hot weather does not befriend mrs. sancho, but time will, i hope. if true worth could plead exemption from pain and sickness, she would, by right divine, enjoy the best of health." on another occasion he writes: "i can compare her to nothing so properly as a diamond in the dirt. but, my friend, that is fortune's fault, not mine; for had i the power, i would case her in gold." years later, he writes: "dame sancho would be better in health, if she cared less. i am her barometer. if a sigh escapes me, it is answered by a tear in her eye. i often assume gayety to illume her dear sensibility with a smile, which twenty years ago almost bewitched me, and which still constitutes my highest pleasure. may such be your lot, my friend. what more can friendship wish you than to glide down the stream of time with a partner of congenial principles and fine feelings, whose very looks speak tenderness and sentiment." after a severe illness he wrote to a friend: "i had excruciating pains and great lack of patience. mrs. sancho had a week of it. gout did not sweeten my temper. it was washing week, and she had to attend the shop. god bless her, and reward her. she is good; good in heart, good in principle, good by habit." the children appear to have been the delight of his heart. he called them "sanchonettas," which would be the italian way of saying little sanchos. he was never tired of describing their little winning ways. at the end of a letter to one of his friends he wrote: "lydia trots about amazingly; and kitty imitates her, with this addition, that she is as mischievous as a monkey." but little william, his youngest, was evidently his pet. to another of his friends he wrote: "you cannot imagine what hold little billy gets of me. he grows, he prattles, every day he learns something new. the rogue is fond of me to excess. by his good-will he would be always in the shop with me. the little monkey! he clings round my legs; and if i chide him, or look sour, he holds up his little mouth to kiss me." ignatius sancho had a very kind heart. it hurt his feelings very much to see any animal tormented. he tried to get some laws passed to prevent cruel market-men from abusing their donkeys; and he always tried to be a friend to everybody that was in distress. in one of his letters he says: "the joy of giving and of making happy is almost the attribute of a god. there is as much sweetness conveyed to the senses by doing a right good-natured deed as our frame can consistently bear." such a disposition is better than a remarkable intellect. but he had a quick intellect also, and generally took sensible views of things. writing to a young colored friend, who had been somewhat wild, he says:-- "look round upon the miserable fate of almost all of our unfortunate color. see slavery added to ignorance. see the contempt of the very wretches who roll in affluence from our labors. hear the ill-bred, heart-racking abuse of the ignorant vulgar. if you tread as cautiously as the strictest rectitude can guide you, you must suffer from this. but if you are armed with truth and conscious integrity, you will be sure of the plaudits and countenance of the good. "you are a happy lad. you have kind benefactors, to whom you ought to look up with reverence, and humbly beg the almighty to give you strength to imitate them in doing good. your parts are as quick as most men's. if you urge your speed in the race of virtue with the same zeal you have exhibited in error, you will recover, to the satisfaction of your noble patrons, and to the glory of yourself. "some philosopher, whose name i forget, wished for a window in his breast, that the world might see his heart. i recommend him to your imitation. vice is a coward. to be truly brave, a man must be truly good. you hate the name of cowardice; then detest a lie and shun liars. be above revenge. if others have taken advantage either of your guilt or your distress, punish them only with forgiveness; and if you can serve them at any future time, do it. "i sincerely congratulate thee upon thy repentance. it is thy birthday to real happiness." to one of the white gentlemen who liked to correspond with him, he wrote:-- "there is something so amazingly grand and affecting in contemplating the works of the divine architect, either in the moral or the intellectual world, that i think one may rightly call it the cordial of the soul, the best antidote against pride and discontent. the friendly warmth of that glorious planet the sun, the leniency of the air, the cheerful glow of the atmosphere, make me involuntarily cry, 'lord, what is man, that thou, in thy mercy, art so mindful of him? or what is the son of man, that thou so parentally carest for him?' "sometimes, when i endeavor to turn my thoughts inward, to review the powers or properties the indulgent all-wise father has endowed me with, i am struck with wonder and with awe; poor, insignificant worm as i am, in comparison with superior beings, mortal like myself. at the head of our riches i reckon the power of reflection. where doth it lie? search every member, from the toe to the nose,--they are all ready for action, but they are all dead to thought. it is that breath of life which the sacred architect breathed into the nostrils of the first man. we feel and acknowledge it, but it is quite past the power of definition. then to think of the promise of never-ending existence! to rise, perhaps, by regular progression from planet to planet, to behold the wonders of immensity, to pass from good to better, increasing in goodness, in knowledge, in love. to glory in our redeemer, to joy in ourselves, to be acquainted with prophets, sages, heroes, and poets of old times, and to join in the symphony with angels." to a white young friend, who had obtained a situation in india, he wrote:-- "it is with sincere pleasure i hear you have a lucrative establishment. your good sense will naturally lead you to a proper economy, as distant from frigid parsimony as from heedless extravagance. as you may have some time for recreation, give me leave to obtrude my poor advice. i have heard it more than once observed of fortunate adventurers, that they come home rich in purse, but wretchedly barren in intellect. my dear jack, the mind wants food as well as the stomach. why, then, should not one wish to increase in knowledge as well as in money? the poet young says,-- 'books are fair virtue's advocates and friends.' my advice to you is, to lay by something every year to buy a little library. you have to thank god for strong natural parts; you have a feeling, humane heart; you write with sense and discernment. improve yourself, my dear jack. then if it should please god to return you to your friends with a fortune, the embellishments of your mind may be ever considered as greatly superior to your riches, and only inferior to the goodness of your heart. this is a good old adage: 'a few books and a few friends, and those well chosen.'" the same young friend wrote a letter to his father, from bombay, in india, in which he wrote: "the inhabitants here, who are chiefly blacks, are a set of canting, deceitful people, of whom one must have great caution." ignatius sancho was always ready to defend the despised and the oppressed, and his sympathy was all the more lively if they were of his own color. he at once wrote to his young friend:-- "in one of your letters to your father, you speak with honest indignation of the treachery and chicanery of the natives of india. my good friend, you should remember from whom they learned those vices. the first visitors from christian countries found them a simple, harmless people. but the cursed avidity for wealth urged those first visitors, and all the succeeding ones, to such acts of deception and wanton cruelty, that the poor, ignorant natives soon learned their knavish arts, and turned them upon their teachers. as a resident of your country, old england, i love it. i love it for its freedom. for the many blessings i enjoy in it england shall ever have my warmest wishes, prayers, and blessings. but i must observe, and i say it with reluctance, that the conduct of your country has been uniformly wicked in the east indies, in the west indies, and on the coast of guinea. the grand object of english navigators, and indeed of all the navigators of christian nations, has been money, money, money. commerce was meant by the goodness of deity to diffuse the various goods of the earth into every part; to unite mankind with the blessed bonds of brotherly love and mutual dependence. enlightened christians should diffuse the riches of the gospel of peace together with the commodities of their respective lands. if commerce were attended with strict honesty and religion for companions, it would be a blessing to every shore it touched at. "the poor wretched africans are blessed with a most fertile and luxuriant soil; but they are rendered miserable by what providence meant for a blessing. the abominable traffic in slaves, and the horrid cruelty and treachery of the petty kings, is encouraged by their christian customers. they carry them strong liquors, powder, and bad fire-arms to inflame them to madness, and to furnish them with the hellish means of killing and kidnapping. it is a subject that sours my blood. i mention these things to guard my friend from being too hasty in condemning a people who have been made much worse by their christian visitors. "wherever thou residest, make human nature thy study. whatever may be the religion or the complexion of men, study their hearts. let simplicity, kindness, and charity be thy guides; and with these, even savages will respect you, while god will bless you." the writings of the rev. laurence sterne, who was living in england at that time, were well calculated to inspire humanity toward animals and kindly feelings toward the poor. these writings were very popular, and two of the characters conspicuous in them, called uncle toby and corporal trim, were great favorites with the public. ignatius sancho especially delighted in the writings of sterne; and in , when he was about forty-seven years old, he addressed a letter to him as follows:-- "reverend sir,--it would perhaps look like an insult upon your humanity to apologize for the liberty i am taking. i am one of those people whom the vulgar and illiberal call 'negurs.' the first part of my life was rather unlucky, as i was placed in a family who judged ignorance to be the best and only security for obedience. by unwearied application i got a little reading and writing. through god's blessing, the latter part of my life has been truly fortunate, for i have spent it in the service of one of the best families in the kingdom. my chief pleasure has been books. how very much, good sir, am i, among millions, indebted to you for the character of your amiable uncle toby! i declare i would walk ten miles, in dog-days, to shake hands with the honest corporal. your sermons have touched me to the heart, and i hope have amended it. in your tenth discourse i find this very affecting passage: 'consider how great a part of our species, in all ages, down to this, have been trodden under the feet of cruel and capricious tyrants, who would neither hear their cries nor pity their distresses. consider slavery, what a bitter draught it is, and how many millions are made to drink of it.' "i am sure you will forgive me if i beseech you to give some attention to slavery, as it is practised at this day in the west indies. that subject, handled in your striking manner, would perhaps ease the yoke of many; but if only of one, what a feast for a benevolent heart! and sure i am, you are an epicurean[ ] in acts of charity. you, who are universally read and as universally admired, could not fail. dear sir, think that in me you behold the uplifted hands of thousands of my brother moors. you pathetically observe that grief is eloquent. figure to yourself their attitudes, hear their supplications, and you cannot refuse." mr. sterne wrote the following reply:-- "july th, . "there is a strange coincidence, sancho, in the little events of this world, as well as the great ones. i had been writing a tender tale of the sorrows of a poor, friendless negro girl, and my eyes had scarce done smarting with it, when your letter, in behalf of so many of her brethren and sisters, came to me. but why _her_ brethren or _your_ brethren, sancho, any more than _mine_? it is by the finest tints, and the most insensible gradations, that nature descends from the fairest face to the sootiest complexion. at which of these tints are the ties of blood to cease? and how many shades lower in the scale must we descend, ere mercy is to vanish with them? "it is no uncommon thing, my good sancho, for one half of the world to _use_ the other half like brutes, and then endeavor to _make_ them so. for my part, i never look westward, when i am in a pensive mood, without thinking of the burdens our brothers and sisters are there carrying. if i could ease their shoulders from one ounce of them, i declare i would this hour set out upon a pilgrimage to mecca for their sakes. it casts a sad shade upon the world, that so great a part of it are, and have so long been, bound in chains of darkness and chains of misery. i cannot but respect you and felicitate you, that by so much laudable diligence you have broken the chains of darkness, and that by falling into the hands of so good and merciful a family, you have been rescued by providence from the chains of misery. "and so, good-hearted sancho, adieu. believe me, i will not forget your letter. "yours, "laurence sterne." the last sickness of ignatius sancho was very painful, but he was tenderly cared for by his good wife. he was fifty-two years old when he died. after his death, a small volume was published, containing a number of his letters, some articles he had written for newspapers, and an engraved likeness of him, which looks very bright and good-natured. the book was published by subscription, in which a large number of the english nobility and some distinguished literary men joined. footnote: [ ] epicureans were the followers of a philosopher in ancient greece who taught that pleasure was the great object in life,--an excellent doctrine, if confined to the highest kind of pleasure, which consists in doing good. extract from the tenth psalm. "the wicked in his pride doth persecute the poor. he hath said in his heart, god hath forgotten; he hideth his face; he will never see it. thou _hast_ seen it; for thou beholdest mischief and spite, to requite it with thy hand. the poor committeth himself unto thee; thou art the helper of the fatherless. lord, thou hast heard the desire of the humble. thou wilt cause thine ear to hear; thou wilt prepare their heart to judge the fatherless and the oppressed, that the man of the earth may no more oppress." prejudice reproved. by lydia h. sigourney. god gave to afric's sons a brow of sable dye; and spread the country of their birth beneath a burning sky. with a cheek of olive he made the little hindoo child; and darkly stained the forest tribes, that roam our western wild. to me he gave a form of fairer, whiter clay; but am i, therefore, in his sight, respected more than they? no;--'tis the hue of _deeds_ and _thoughts_ he traces in his book; 'tis the complexion of the _heart_ on which he deigns to look. not by the tinted cheek, that fades away so fast, but by the color of the _soul_, we shall be judged at last. benjamin banneker. by l. maria child. this remarkable man was born near the village of ellicott's mills, baltimore county, maryland, in . that was one hundred and thirty-three years ago, when there were very few schools and very few books in this country, and when it was not as easy as it now is for even white people to obtain a tolerably good education. his parents were both black, and though they were free, they were too poor to do much for their bright boy. they sent him to a school in the neighborhood, where he learned reading and writing and a little of arithmetic. his father was a slave at the time of his marriage, but his wife was a free woman; and she was so energetic and industrious, that she soon earned money enough to buy his freedom. then they worked together, and earned enough to buy a few acres of land, and build a small cabin. benjamin was obliged to labor diligently when he was at home from school, but every spare moment he could catch he was ciphering, and planning how to make things. as his parents grew old, he had to work early and late, to support himself and help them. his mother always continued active enough to do the in-door work. when she was seventy years old, if she wanted to catch a chicken she would run it down without appearing to be tired. the place was thinly peopled, and the few neighbors they had took no particular notice of benjamin, though he had the name of being a bright, industrious lad. his hands worked hard, but his brain was always busy. he was particularly fond of arithmetic, and was always working out sums in his head. he took notice of everything around him, observed how everything was made, and never forgot one word of what he had learned at school. in this way, he came to have more knowledge than most of his white neighbors; and they began to say to one another, "that black ben is a smart fellow. he can make anything he sets out to; and how much he knows! i wonder where he picked it all up." at thirty years old, he made a clock, which proved an excellent timepiece. he had never seen a clock, for nobody in that region had such an article; but he had seen a watch, and it occupied his thoughts very much. it seemed to him such a curious little machine, that he was very desirous to make something like it. the watch was made of gold and silver and steel; but benjamin banneker had only wood for material, and the rudest kind of tools to work with. it was a long while before he could make the hand that marked the hours, and the hand that marked the minutes, and the hand that marked the seconds, correspond exactly in their motions; but by perseverance he succeeded at last. he was then about thirty years old. this was the first clock ever made in this country. it kept time exactly, and people began to talk about it as a wonderful thing for a man to do without instruction. after a while, the ellicott family, who owned the mills, heard of it, and went to see it. mr. elias ellicott, a merchant in baltimore, became very much interested in the self-taught machinist. he lent him a number of books, among which were some on astronomy,--a science which treats of the sun, moon, and stars. banneker was so interested in this new knowledge that he could think of nothing else. he sat up all night to watch the planets, and to make calculations about their motions. mr. ellicott went to see him to explain to him how to use some of the tables for calculations contained in the books he had lent him; but he found, to his great surprise, that the earnest student had studied them all out himself, and had no need of help. it was not long before he could calculate when the sun or the moon would be eclipsed, and at what time every star would rise and set. he was never known to make a mistake in any of his astronomical calculations; and he became so exact, that he pointed out two mistakes made by celebrated astronomers in europe. in order to pursue his favorite studies without interruption, he sold the land which his parents had left him, and bought an annuity with the money, on which he lived in the little cabin where he was born. he was so temperate and frugal, that he needed very little to support him; and when it was necessary to have more than his annuity, he could always earn something by going out to work. but, as he was no longer seen in the fields late and early, his ignorant white neighbors began to talk against him. they peeped into his cabin and saw him asleep in the daytime. they did not know that he had been awake all night watching the stars, and ciphering out his calculations. in fact, they did not know that the planets moved at all; and if he had told them that he could calculate their movements exactly, they would only have laughed at him. i suppose they felt some ill-will toward him because he was black, and yet knew so much more than they did; and perhaps it excited their envy that the ellicott family and other educated gentlemen liked to go to his cabin and talk with him about his studies and observations. but banneker was wise enough not to enter into any quarrels because they called him a lazy, good-for-nothing fellow. he endeavored to live in such a way that they could not help respecting him. he was always kind and generous, ready to oblige everybody, and not at all inclined to boast of his superiority. when he was fifty-nine years old, he made an almanac. it is a very difficult job to calculate all about the changes of the moon, and the rising and ebbing of the tides, and at what time the sun will rise and set every day, all the year round; and it was a much more difficult task then than it is now; because now there is a great improvement in astronomical books and instruments. but notwithstanding banneker's limited means and scanty education, he made an excellent almanac. it was published by goddard and angell of baltimore. in a preface, they say: "we feel gratified to have an opportunity of presenting to the public, through our press, what must be considered an extraordinary effort of genius,--a complete and accurate ephemeris[ ] for the year , calculated by a sable son of africa. it has met the approbation of several of the most distinguished astronomers of america; and we hope a philanthropic public will give their support to the work, not only on account of its intrinsic merit, but from a desire to controvert the long-established illiberal prejudice against the blacks." this was the first almanac ever made in this country. it contained much useful information of a general nature, and interesting selections in prose and verse. before it was printed, banneker sent a manuscript copy, in his own handwriting, to thomas jefferson, then secretary of state, and afterward president of the united states. after apologizing for the liberty he took in addressing a person whose station was so far above his own, he says:-- "those of my complexion have long been considered rather brutish than human,--scarcely capable of mental endowments. but, in consequence of the reports that have reached me, i hope i may safely admit that you are measurably friendly and well-disposed toward us. i trust that you agree with me in thinking that one universal father hath given being to us all; that he has not only made us all of one flesh, but has also, without partiality, afforded us all the same sensations, and endowed us all with the same faculties; and that, however various we may be in society or religion, however diversified in situation or color, we are all of the same family, and all stand in the same relation to him. now, sir, if this is founded in truth, i apprehend you will readily embrace every opportunity to eradicate the absurd and false ideas and opinions which so generally prevail with respect to us. "suffer me, sir, to recall to your mind, that when the tyranny of the british crown was exerted to reduce you to servitude, your abhorrence thereof was so excited, that you publicly held forth this true and invaluable doctrine, worthy to be recorded and remembered in all succeeding ages: 'we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, and that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.' "your tender feelings for yourselves engaged you thus to declare. you were then impressed with proper ideas of the great value of liberty, and the free possession of those blessings to which you were entitled by nature. but, sir, how pitiable it is to reflect that, although you were so fully convinced of the benevolence of the father of mankind, and of his equal and impartial distribution of those rights and privileges which he had conferred upon them, that you should at the same time counteract his mercies in detaining, by fraud and violence, so numerous a part of my brethren under groaning captivity and cruel oppression; that you should at the same time be found guilty of that most criminal act which you detested in others with respect to yourselves. "sir, i freely and most cheerfully acknowledge that i am of the african race; and in that color which is natural to them i am of the deepest dye. but, with a sense of most profound gratitude to the supreme ruler of the universe, i confess that i am not under that state of tyrannical thraldom and inhuman captivity to which so many of my brethren are doomed. i have abundantly tasted of those blessings which proceed from that free and unequalled liberty with which you are favored. "sir, i suppose your knowledge of the situation of my brethren is too extensive for it to need a recital here. neither shall i presume to prescribe methods by which they may be relieved, otherwise than by recommending to you and others to wean yourselves from those narrow prejudices you have imbibed with respect to them, and to do as job proposed to his friends,--'put _your_ souls in _their_ souls' stead.' thus shall your hearts be enlarged with kindness and benevolence toward them, and you will need neither the direction of myself nor others in what manner to proceed. "i took up my pen to direct to you, as a present, a copy of an almanac i have calculated for the succeeding year. i ardently hope that your candor and generosity will plead with you in my behalf. sympathy and affection for my brethren has caused my enlargement thus far; it was not originally my design. "the almanac is the production of my arduous study. i have long had unbounded desires to become acquainted with the secrets of nature, and i have had to gratify my curiosity herein through my own assiduous application to astronomical study; in which i need not recount to you the many difficulties and disadvantages i have had to encounter. i conclude by subscribing myself, with the most profound respect, your most humble servant, "b. banneker." to this letter jefferson made the following reply:-- "sir,--i thank you sincerely for your letter, and for the almanac it contained. nobody wishes more than i do to see such proofs as you exhibit that nature has given to our black brethren talents equal to those of the other colors of men, and that the appearance of a want of them is owing only to the degraded condition of their existence, both in africa and america. i can add, with truth, that no one wishes more ardently to see a good system commenced for raising the condition, both of their body and mind, to what it ought to be, as fast as the imbecility of their present existence, and other circumstances which cannot be neglected, will admit. i have taken the liberty of sending your almanac to monsieur condorcet, secretary of the academy of sciences at paris, and to members of the philanthropic society, because i considered it a document to which your whole color had a right, for their justification against the doubts which have been entertained of them. i am, with great esteem, sir, your most obedient servant, "thomas jefferson." in , mr. jefferson invited the astronomer to visit him at monticello, but the increasing infirmities of age made it imprudent to undertake the journey. his almanacs sold well for ten years, and the income, added to his annuity, gave him a very comfortable support; and what was a still greater satisfaction to him was the consciousness of doing something to help the cause of his oppressed people, by proving to the world that nature had endowed them with good capacities. after he found himself too old to calculate any more almanacs, but as long as he lived he continued to be deeply interested in his various studies. he was well informed on many other subjects besides arithmetic and astronomy. he was a great reader of history; and he kept a journal, which shows that he was a close observer of the vegetable world, of the habits of insects, and of the operations of nature in general. that his busy mind drew inferences from what he observed is evident from the following entry in his journal:-- "standing at my door to-day, i heard the discharge of a gun, and in four or five seconds of time the small shots came rattling about me, which plainly demonstrates that the velocity of sound is greater than that of a common bullet." after the constitution of the united states was adopted, in , commissioners were appointed to determine the boundaries of the district of columbia. they invited banneker to be present and assist them in running the lines; and he was treated by them with as much respect as if he had been of their own color. his almanacs were much praised by scientific men, and they often visited him in his humble little cabin. but these attentions never made him pert and vain. he rejoiced in his abilities and acquisitions, because he thought they might help to raise the condition of his oppressed brethren; but he always remained modest and unobtrusive in his manners. he died in , in the seventy-second year of his age. his friend, mr. benjamin h. ellicott, collected various facts concerning him, which have been published. in a letter on this subject, mr. ellicott says: "during the whole of his long life he lived respectably, and was much esteemed by all who became acquainted with him; more especially by those who could fully appreciate his genius and the extent of his acquirements. his mode of life was extremely regular and retired. having never married, he lived alone, cooking his own victuals and washing his own clothes. he was scarcely ever absent from home, yet there was nothing misanthropic in his character. a gentleman who knew him speaks of him thus: 'i recollect him well. he was a brave-looking, pleasant man, with something very noble in his appearance. his mind was evidently much engrossed in his calculations, but he was glad to receive the visits we often paid him.' another writes: 'when i was a boy, i became very much interested in him. his manners were those of a perfect gentleman. he was kind, generous, hospitable, humane, dignified, and pleasing. he abounded in information on all the various subjects and incidents of the day, was very modest and unassuming, and delighted in society at his own house. go there when you would, by day or night, there was constantly in the middle of the floor a large table covered with books and papers. as he was an eminent mathematician, he was constantly in correspondence with other mathematicians in this country, with whom there was an interchange of questions of difficult solution. his head was covered with thick white hair, which gave him a venerable appearance. his dress was uniformly of superfine drab broadcloth, made in the old style of a plain coat with strait collar, a long waistcoat, and a broad-brimmed hat. his color was not jet black, but decidedly negro. in size and personal appearance he bore a strong resemblance to the statue of benjamin franklin, at the library in philadelphia.'" the good which banneker did to the cause of his colored brethren did not cease with his life. when the abbe gregoire pleaded for emancipation in france, and when wilberforce afterward labored for the same cause in england, the abilities and character of the black astronomer were brought forward as an argument against the enslavement of his race; and, from that day to this, the friends of freedom have quoted him everywhere as a proof of the mental capacity of africans. * * * * * "they _found_ them slaves! but who that title _gave_? the god of nature never formed a slave! though fraud or force acquire a master's name, nature and justice must remain the same;-- nature imprints upon whate'er we see, that has a heart and life in it, be free!" cowper. footnote: [ ] a daily journal of the state of the planets. ethiopia. by frances e. w. harper. yes, ethiopia yet shall stretch her bleeding hands abroad; her cry of agony shall reach up to the throne of god. the tyrant's yoke from off her neck, his fetters from her soul, the mighty hand of god shall break, and spurn the base control. redeemed from dust and freed from chains, her sons shall lift their eyes; from cloud-capt hills and verdant plains shall shouts of triumph rise. upon her dark, despairing brow shall play a smile of peace; for god shall bend unto her woe, and bid her sorrows cease. 'neath sheltering vines and stately palms shall laughing children play, and aged sires with joyous psalms shall gladden every day. secure by night, and blest by day, shall pass her happy hours; nor human tigers hunt for prey within her peaceful bowers. then, ethiopia, stretch, o stretch thy bleeding hands abroad! thy cry of agony shall reach and find redress from god. the hour of freedom.[ ] by william lloyd garrison. the hour of freedom! come it must. o hasten it, in mercy, heaven! when all who grovel in the dust shall stand erect, their fetters riven; when glorious freedom shall be won by every caste, complexion, clime; when tyranny shall be o'erthrown, and _color_ cease to be a _crime_. footnote: [ ] written in . william boen. by l. maria child. william boen was born in , one hundred and thirty years ago. he was the slave of a man who lived near mount holly, in new jersey. his master and most of the neighbors belonged to the society of friends, commonly called quakers. that society made it a rule that none of their members should hold a slave, long before the people of any other sect were convinced that slavery was wrong. but at the time william boen was born some of the quakers did hold slaves, though many of their members were preaching against it. they were a very friendly and conscientious people, and as william grew up among them he naturally imbibed many of their ideas. however, like most boys, he did not think very seriously about religion, until the importance of it was impressed upon his mind by the following circumstance. in the time of the old french war, when he was a mere lad, his master sent him into the woods to cut down trees. the indians were fighting on the side of the french, and they often killed the americans. some of them came into the neighborhood of mount holly; and when he went home at night, after his day's work in the woods, he would often hear that indians had been lurking about in the neighborhood, and that somebody had been shot by their sharp arrows. this made him very much afraid to work alone in the woods. he was always thinking that indians might be hidden among the bushes; and if a bird flew off her nest it sounded to him like the whizzing of an arrow. it was very still in the forest, and it seemed very solemn to look up at the sky through the tall trees. william thought to himself, "what if the indians should kill me before i have any time to think about it? am i fit to die?" he thought he was not fit to die, and he longed earnestly to know what he ought to do to become fit to die. he had heard the quakers talk about a light which god had placed in the soul, to show men what was wrong. and he said it went through his mind "like a flaming sword," that if he would be fit to die he must follow this inward light in every particular, even in the most trifling things. so he began to be very thoughtful about every action of his life; and if he felt uneasy about anything he was tempted to do, he said to himself, "this is the inward light, showing me that the thing is wrong. i will not do it." pursuing this course, he became careful not to do anything which did not bring peace to his soul; and as the soul can never be peaceful when it disobeys god, he was continually travelling toward zion while he strove to follow this inward light in his soul; and the more humbly he tried to follow it, the clearer the light became. he did not always keep in the straight path. sometimes he did or said something wrong; then peace went away from his mind. but he confessed his sin before god, and prayed for strength not to do wrong any more. by humility and obedience he again found the path of peace. religion comes in many different ways to human souls. this was the way it came to william boen. all who knew him saw that his religious feeling was deep and sincere, for it brought forth fruit in his daily life. he never made others unhappy by indulging freaks of temper. he was extremely temperate, scrupulously honest, and very careful never to say anything but the exact truth. his character was so excellent that all the neighbors respected and trusted him. many said it was a shame to keep him in slavery, and his master became uneasy about it. people said to him, from time to time, "william, thy master talks of letting thee be free." he heard it so often, that it became an old story, and he thought nothing would ever come of it. but one day his master was walking with him as he went to his work in the fields, and suddenly he inquired whether he would like to be free. william was silent for a while, and then began to talk about the work he was to do. but the question dwelt on his mind and excited his hopes. he told one of his friends about it, and when he was asked, "what didst thou say, william?" he replied, "i did not say anything; for i thought he might _know_ i would like to be free." when he was nearly twenty-eight years old his master offered to make a contract with him by which he could obtain his freedom. he was soon after married to a worthy young woman, and by industry and strict economy they were able in a few years to buy a few acres of land, and build a comfortable house. he led a peaceful and diligent life, doing good to others whenever he could, and harming no one. his conscience was extremely tender. he would never eat anything made of sugar manufactured by slaves, and he never would wear any garments made of cotton raised by slave labor. he thought slavery was so wrong, that he did not feel easy to connect himself with it, even in the remotest degree. he was equally scrupulous about telling the truth. one of his neighbors, a rich white man, was very much in the habit of borrowing his tools. one day, when he had been using his grindstone, he thanked him for it, and william answered, in the customary way, "thou art welcome." but soon he began to ask himself, "was that the exact truth?" his mind was troubled by doubts about it, and finally he went to his neighbor, and said, "when i told thee thou wert welcome, i spoke mere complimentary words, according to custom; for the truth is, i do honestly think thou art better able to have a grindstone of thy own, than i am." he had also a very nice sense of justice with regard to the rights of property. nothing would induce him to use what belonged to another person without first obtaining leave. one day, when he was mowing in the meadows, he accidentally killed a fat partridge with his scythe. the other workmen advised him to take it home for his wife to roast. but he replied, "nay, the partridge does not belong to me, it belongs to the owner of the meadow." accordingly he carried it to his employer. another time, when he was working with others in the woods, they found an empty cabin, wherein they stowed their provisions, and lodged for a fortnight, till they had finished cutting the timber. after william returned home he took an early opportunity to tell the owner of the cabin what he had done, and to offer payment for the accommodation. he constantly attended quaker meetings, and followed their peculiar customs in dress and language; but he was not admitted into full membership with that religious society till he was nearly eighty years old, though he had made application to join it thirty years before. he was scrupulously neat in his person. his linen was always very white, and his light drab-colored clothes showed no speck of dirt. he wore his beard long, and as he grew old it became very white; his curly hair also was white as snow. his dark face was very conspicuous in the midst of all this whiteness, and gave him an odd appearance. but he had such a friendly, pleasant expression of countenance, and there was so much modest dignity in his manners, that he inspired respect. a stranger once said to one of his wealthy neighbors, "i wonder that boys and giddy young folks don't ridicule that old black man, his dress and appearance are so very peculiar." the neighbor replied, "william boen is a religious man, and everybody respects him. the light-minded are so much impressed by his well-known character, that they are restrained from making fun of his singular appearance." he died in his ninetieth year; not from any disease, but the mere weakness of old age. his faculties were clear, and his mind serene and cheerful to the last. he spoke of his approaching death with the greatest composure; saying that he had no wish about the manner of his exit from this life, that he was resigned to the divine will in all things. one of the last things he said was, "i am glad to see that the feeling against slavery is growing among the society of friends. once i felt as if i was alone in my testimony against that wicked system." after his death, the society of friends at mount holly wrote a memorial concerning his character, which was read in their yearly meeting. it concluded thus: "in early life, he was concerned 'to do justly, love mercy, and walk humbly with his god.' by close attention to the light of christ within, he was enabled, not only to bear many precious testimonies faithfully to the end of his days, but also to bring forth those fruits of the spirit which redound to the glory of god and the salvation of the soul. as he lived, so he died,--a rare pattern of a self-denying follower of christ. 'mark the perfect man, and behold the upright; for the end of that man is peace.'" anecdote of general washington. during the war of the revolution, primus hall was the colored servant of colonel pickering, with whom general washington often held long consultations. one night, finding they must be engaged till late, he proposed to sleep in the colonel's tent, provided there was a spare blanket and straw. primus, who was always eager to oblige the commander-in-chief, said, "plenty of straw and blankets." when the long conference was ended, the two officers lay down to rest on the beds he had prepared. when he saw they were asleep, he seated himself on a box, and, leaning his head on his hand, tried to take as comfortable a nap as he could. general washington woke in the night, and seeing him nodding there, called out, "primus!" the servant started to his feet, and exclaimed, "what do you wish for, general?" "you told me you had plenty of straw and blankets," replied washington; "but i see you are sitting up all night for the sake of giving me your bed." "it is no matter about me," rejoined primus. "yes, it is," replied general washington. "if one of us must sit up, i will take my turn. but there is no need of that. the blanket is wide enough for two. come and lie down with me." primus, who reverenced the commander-in-chief as he did no other mortal, protested against it. but washington threw open the blanket, and said, "come and lie down, i tell you! there is room enough for both, and i insist upon it." the tone was too resolute to admit of further parley, and the general and his colored friend slept comfortably under the same blanket till morning. prayer of the slave. by bernard barton. o father of the human race! the white, the black, the bond, the free, thanks for thy gift of heavenly grace, vouchsafed through jesus christ to me. this, 'mid oppression's every wrong, has borne my sinking spirits up; made sorrow joyful, weakness strong, and sweetened slavery's bitter cup. hath not a saviour's dying hour made e'en the yoke of thraldom light? hath not thy holy spirit's power made bondage freedom? darkness bright? thanks then, o father! for the gift which through thy gospel thou hast given, which thus from bonds and earth can lift the soul to liberty and heaven. but not the less i mourn their shame, who, mindless of thy gracious will, call on the holy father's name, yet keep their brethren bondmen still. forgive them, lord! for jesus' sake; and when the slave thou hast unbound, the chains which bind the oppressor break! thus be thy love's last triumph crowned. toussaint l'ouverture. "everywhere thy name shall be redeemed from color's infamy; and men shall learn to speak of thee as one of earth's great spirits, born in servitude and nursed in scorn, casting aside the weary weight and fetters of its low estate, in that strong majesty of soul which knows no color, tongue, or clime, which still hath spurned the base control of tyrants, through all time." john g. whittier. on the western coast of africa, a tribe called the arradas are said to be superior to most of the other tribes in intelligence and strength of will. the son of their chief, named gaou-guinou, was seized by a prowling band of slave-traders, one day when he was out hunting. he was packed in the hold of a european ship, with a multitude of other unfortunate victims, and carried to the island of hayti to be sold. this is one of the largest of the west india islands, and lies between cuba and porto rico. it was first discovered by spaniards, who found it inhabited by mild-tempered indians, leading a very simple and happy life. these natives called their island hayti, which in their language signified a land of mountains. a lofty ridge of mountains runs across it, and gives it a solemn, dreary appearance, when seen in the distance. but it is a very beautiful and fertile island. the high, rocky precipices, piled one above another, look down on broad flowery plains, flowing with water, and loaded with tropical fruits. when the spaniards established a colony there, they introduced the cultivation of sugar, cotton, and coffee, to supply the markets of europe. they compelled the native indians to work so hard, and treated them so badly, that the poor creatures died off very fast. then they sent men in ships to africa to steal negroes to work for them. they founded a city in the eastern part of the island, and named it st. domingo; and the whole island came to be called by that name by european nations. the french afterward took possession of the western part of the island. their principal city was named cap françois, which means french cape. the african prince gaou-guinou was sold in the market of that city. he was more fortunate than slaves generally are. he was bought by the manager of a sugar plantation belonging to a french nobleman, named the count de breda. he was kind-hearted, and was very careful to employ none but humane men to take charge of his laborers. the condition of the young african was also less desolate than it would have been, by reason of his finding on the breda estate several members of the arradas tribe, who, like him, had been stolen from their homes. they at once recognized him as the son of their king, and treated him with the utmost respect. in process of time he married a black slave, who is said to have been handsome and virtuous. they joined the roman catholic church, which was the established religion of france and the french islands. of their eight children, the oldest, born in , one hundred and twenty-two years ago, was named toussaint. the day of his birth is not certainly known. it has been said to have been on the th of may. but, from his name, it seems more likely that it was on the st of november. in catholic countries, almost every day of the year is set apart to the worship of some saint; and a child born on the day of any particular saint is very apt to receive his name from that day. the first of november is a festival of the church, called all saints' day; and toussaint, in the french language, means all saints. in the neighborhood of gaou-guinou lived a very honest, religious old black man, named pierre baptiste. he had been in the service of jesuit missionaries, and had there learned to read and write, also a little of geometry. by help of the catholic prayer-book he learned some prayers in latin, and found out their meaning in french. this man stood godfather for toussaint at his baptism, and as the boy grew older it was his pleasure to teach him what little he himself knew. the language of the arradas tribe was always spoken in the family of gaou-guinou, but from his godfather toussaint learned to speak tolerably good french, which was the language of the whites in the western part of st. domingo. it is said that gaou-guinou was allowed to cultivate a little patch of ground for his family, and that some of his fellow-slaves were permitted to assist him occasionally. this indulgence indicates that he stood well in his master's opinion. but, in common with other slaves, it is probable that he and his wife toiled early and late in the fields or the sugar-house, and that their family were huddled together in a hut too small to allow of their observing the laws of cleanliness or modesty. for several years toussaint was so feeble and slender that his parents called him by a name which signified "the little lath." but he gained strength as he grew older; and by the time he was twelve years old he could beat all the boys in running, jumping, and leaping. it was the business of young slaves to tend the flocks and herds. they generally neglected and abused the creatures under their care, because they themselves were accustomed to hard treatment. but toussaint was of a kindly disposition, and there was less violence on his master's plantation than elsewhere. it was remarked in the neighborhood that he differed from other boys in his careful and gentle treatment of the animals under his care. he was naturally a silent and thoughtful child, and probably this tendency was increased by being much alone, watching the browsing cattle in the stillness of the great valleys. perhaps also the presence of the mountains and the sky made him feel serious and solemn. his pious godfather told him legends of catholic saints, which he had heard among the missionaries. all these things combined to give him a religious turn of mind, even in his boyhood. from his own father he learned a great deal about africa and the customs that prevailed in the tribe of his grandfather, king of the arradas; also the medicinal qualities of many plants, which afterward proved very useful to him. nothing is recorded of the moral and intellectual character of his father; but toussaint always respected him highly, and when he was himself an old man he spoke of him as a good parent, who had trained him well by lessons of honor and virtue. toussaint breda, as he was called, from the name of the estate on which he worked, early acquired a reputation for intelligence, sobriety, and industry. the manager of the estate, m. bayou de libertas, was so much pleased with his conduct and manners that he made him his coachman, a situation much coveted by the slaves, as being more easy and pleasant than most of their tasks. his kindness to animals fitted him for the care of horses, and he was found as faithful in this new business as he had been while he was herds-boy. he was afterward promoted to an office of greater trust, being made steward of the sugar-house. having arrived at manhood, he began to want a home of his own. most of the slaves took up together without any form of marriage, that being one of the bad customs which grows out of slavery. but toussaint was religious, and it would have troubled his conscience to live in that bad way. he had become attached to a widow named suzan, who had one little son called placide. she was not handsome, but he loved her for her good sense, good temper, and modest manners. they were married according to the ceremonies of the catholic church. he adopted her little boy, and brought him up as tenderly as he did his own children. the manager allowed him a small patch of ground for vegetables, and all the hours they could snatch from plantation labors he and his wife devoted to the cultivation of their little garden. m. bayou de libertas was such a humane and considerate man that life in his service seems to have been as happy as the condition of slaves can be. long afterward, toussaint, speaking of this period of his life, said: "my wife and i went hand in hand to labor in the fields. we were scarcely conscious of the fatigues of the day. heaven always blessed our toil. we had abundance for ourselves, and the pleasure of giving to other blacks who needed it. on sundays and festival days my wife, my parents, and myself went to church. returning to our cottage we had a pleasant meal, passed the remainder of the day in family intercourse, and closed it by prayer, in which all took part." thus contented in his humble station, and faithfully performing its duties, he gained the respect and confidence of both blacks and whites. many of the slaves in the french colonies were cruelly treated, as is always the case wherever slavery exists. toussaint could not avoid seeing a great deal of wrong and suffering inflicted on people of his color, and he was doubtless grateful to god that his lot was so much better than theirs. but he was too intelligent and thoughtful not to question in his own mind why either he or they should be held in bondage merely on account of the complexion which it had pleased god to give them. he was fond of reading, and m. bayou de libertas, contrary to the usual custom, allowed him the use of his books. he read one volume at a time, and tried to understand it thoroughly. he devoted every spare moment to it, and while he was at work he was busily thinking over what he had read. it took complete possession of his soul for the time, and he would repeat extracts from it to his companions for weeks after. in this earnest way he read several books of ancient history, biography, and morals, and a number of military books. there was a french author, called the abbé raynal, who was much opposed to slavery. in some way or other, one of his books fell into the hands of toussaint breda, and made a deep impression on him. it contained the following sentence: "what shall be done to overthrow slavery? self-interest alone governs kings and nations. we must look elsewhere. a courageous chief is all the negroes need. where is he? where is that great man whom nature owes to her vexed, oppressed, and tormented children? he will doubtless appear. he will come forth and raise the sacred standard of liberty. this venerable signal will gather round him his companions in misfortune. more impetuous than the torrents, they will everywhere leave the indelible traces of their just resentment. everywhere people will bless the name of the hero who shall have re-established the rights of the human race." when the abbé raynal wrote those prophetic words, he did not foresee that they would meet the eye of the very man he called for; and the humble slave, when he read them, did not hear in them the voice of his own destiny. while he was diligently toiling for his humane masters, and seizing every opportunity to increase his small stock of knowledge, the island of st. domingo was growing very rich by agriculture and commerce. the planters acquired enormous wealth, built splendid houses, and lived in luxury, laziness, and dissipation, upon the toil of the poor unpaid negroes. twenty thousand slaves were imported from africa every year, to make up the deficiency of those who were killed by excessive toil and cruel treatment. these new victims, men and women, had the name of their purchaser branded on their breast-bones with red-hot iron. but men never violate the laws of god without suffering the consequences, sooner or later. slavery was producing its natural fruits of tyranny and hatred, cruelty and despair. the reports of barbarity on one side and suffering on the other attracted attention in europe; and benevolent and just men began to speak and write against slavery as a wicked and dangerous institution. the abbé gregoire, a humane bishop of the catholic church, introduced the agitating question into the french assembly, a body similar to our congress. he also formed a society called _les amis de noirs_, which means "the friends of the blacks." of course, this was very vexatious to slaveholders in the french colonies. they knew very well that if the facts of slavery were made known, every good man would cry out against it. political parties were formed in st. domingo. some of the planters wanted to secede from france, and set up an independent government. others wanted to increase their political power by having a colonial assembly established in the island, by means of which they could mainly manage their own concerns as they chose. for this purpose they sent deputies to france. but their request gave rise to the question who should have the right to be members of such an assembly; and, for the following reasons, that question was very annoying to the haughty slaveholders of st. domingo. in the united states of america, slaveholders made a law that "the child shall follow the condition of the _mother_"; consequently, every child of a slave-woman was born a slave, however light its complexion might be. this was a very convenient arrangement for white fathers, who wanted to sell their own children. in the french colonies, the law was, "the child shall follow the condition of its _father_." the consequence was, that all the children the planters of st. domingo had by their slaves were born free. this was, of course, a numerous class. in fact, their numbers were two thirds as great as those of the whites. there were at that time in st. domingo thirty thousand whites, twenty thousand free mulattoes, and five hundred thousand black slaves. not unfrequently the white planters sent their mulatto children to france to be educated like gentlemen. many of them acquired great wealth and held numerous slaves. but they were a class by themselves. however rich and educated they might be, they were kept trampled down in a degraded and irritating position, merely on account of their color. they despised the negro slaves, from whom they had descended on the mother's side; and they in their turn were despised by the whites, whose children they were, because their color connected them with the enslaved race. they were not allowed to be doctors, lawyers, or priests; they could hold no public office; they could not inherit the name or the property of their fathers; they could not attend school with white boys, or sit at a white man's table, or occupy the same portion of a church with him, or be buried in the same graveyard. they were continually insulted by whites, but if they dared to give a blow in return, the penalty was to have the right hand cut off. this class of free mulattoes claimed that, being numerous and wealthy, and the payers of taxes, they had a right to send representatives to the colonial assembly to look after their interests. they had the more hopes of gaining this point, because a great revolution was then going on in france, and the friends of liberty and equality were daily growing stronger there. when the white planters sent deputies to france, the mulattoes sent deputies also, with a present of more than a million of dollars, and an offer to mortgage a fifth part of all their property toward the payment of the french national debt. all they asked in return was that the law should put them on an equality with white men. being slaveholders, they manifested the same selfishness that white slaveholders did. they declared that they asked redress of grievances only for oppressed _freemen_; that they had no wish to change the condition of the negroes, who were slaves. this petition was drawn up in , and sent to paris by a wealthy colored man named ogé. it excited lively discussion in the national assembly of france. one of the members, named lamoth, who owned large estates in st. domingo, said: "i am one of the largest proprietors in that island; but i would lose all that i possess there rather than disown principles which justice and humanity have consecrated. i am not only in favor of admitting men of color into the colonial assemblies, but i also go for the emancipation of the negro slaves." after animated discussion, the reply received by the mulatto deputies from the president of the assembly was: "no portion of the french nation shall in vain claim its rights from the representatives of the french people." when the white planters of st. domingo heard of this, they were filled with wrath. in one place, a mulatto named lacombe, whose only crime was that he had signed the petition, was seized and hung. in another place, the mob seized a highly respected old white magistrate and cut off his head, because he had drafted for the mulattoes a very moderate petition, begging to be released from some of the hardships under which they had so long suffered. when the colored deputy ogé returned from france and demanded that mulattoes should have the rights of citizenship, which had been decreed to them by the french assembly, soldiers were sent to seize him, and he was sentenced to have all his limbs broken on a wheel, and then to have his head cut off. besides the classes of which i have spoken there was another class in st. domingo called _petit blancs_, which means small whites. they were so called to distinguish them from the large landed proprietors. they occupied a position not unlike that of the class known as "poor whites" in the slaveholding portion of the united states. they were ready instruments to carry out the vengeance of the infuriated planters. they seized every opportunity to insult the free mulattoes, and to inflict cruelty and outrage on the negro slaves. they went about as patrols, traversing the plantations, and bursting into negro huts at all times of night, under the pretence that they were plotting insurrection. the poor ignorant slaves did not understand what all this mobbing and murdering was for; but finding themselves so much suspected and abused without cause, they became weary of their lives. many committed suicide, others tried to poison their tormentors. at port au prince an attempt was made to get up an insurrection. fifty slaves, suspected of being connected with it, were beheaded, and their heads, stuck on poles, were set up by the hedges in a row. while the fire was thus kindling under their feet the white planters came out in open defiance of the french government, and refused to take the oath of allegiance. they called on the english for aid, and offered to make the island over to great britain. the mulattoes were filled with dismay, for the french government was their only hope. they had hitherto kept aloof from the negroes; but now, seeing the necessity of curbing the power of the white planters, at all hazards, they instigated the already exasperated slaves to seize this favorable moment of commotion and rise against their masters. they did rise, on the d of august, . all at once the sky was red with the reflection of burning houses and cane-fields. the cruelties which they had witnessed or suffered, they now, in their turn, inflicted on white men, women, and children. it was a horrible scene. toussaint was working as usual on the breda estate, when he heard that the planters had called in the aid of the english, and that four thousand negroes had risen in insurrection. he exerted his great influence with his fellow-slaves to prevent the destruction of houses and cane-fields on the breda estate. for a month, he kept the insurgents at bay, while he helped m. bayou de libertas to convey a cargo of sugar on board a baltimore ship, for the support of his family, and aided his mistress to collect such articles of value as could conveniently be carried away. then he secretly conveyed them to the same ship; and it was an inexpressible relief to his heart when he saw them sailing away, bound for the shores of the united states. the armed negroes increased in numbers, and marshalled themselves under an intelligent leader named jean françois. when the french governor in st. domingo called upon them to lay down their arms, their leaders replied for them: "we have never thought of failing in the respect and duty we owe to the representatives of the king of france. the king has bewailed our lot and broken our chains. but those who should have proved fathers to us have been tyrants, monsters, unworthy the fruits of our labors. do you ask the sheep to throw themselves into the jaws of the wolf? to prove to you, excellent sir, that we are not so cruel as you may think, we assure you that we wish for peace with all our souls; but on condition that all the whites, without a single exception, leave the cape. let them carry with them their gold and their jewels. all we seek is our liberty. god grant that we may obtain it without shedding of blood. believe us, it has cost our feelings very much to have taken this course. but victory, or death for freedom, is our profession of faith; and we will maintain it to the last drop of our blood." the negroes were mistaken in supposing that louis xvi., king of france, had broken their chains, or that the king's party, called royalists, were trying to do anything for their freedom. it was the revolutionary party in france, called republicans, who had declared themselves in favor of emancipating the negro slaves, and giving the free mulattoes their civil rights. the main body of the negroes had been kept in the lowest ignorance, and of course could not understand the state of political parties. the world was ringing with french doctrines of liberty and equality, to be applied to men of all colors; and they could not help hearing something of what was so universally talked of. the spaniards in the eastern part of st. domingo were allies of the french king, and they wanted the negroes to help them fight the french planters, who were in rebellion against the king. in order to give them a strong motive for doing so, they told them that louis xvi. had been cast into prison in france, and that they were going to kill him, because he wanted to emancipate the slaves in his colonies. they readily believed that it was so, because they saw their masters in arms against the king. therefore they called their regiments "the king's own," and carried flags on which were inscribed, "long live the king," "the ancient system of government." the slaveholders mounted the english cockade, and entered into alliance with great britain, while their revolted slaves joined the spanish. the war raged horribly on both sides. jean françois was of a gentle disposition, and disposed to be merciful; but the two other leaders of the negroes, named jeannot and biassou, were monsters of revenge and cruelty. the bleeding heads of white men surrounded their camps, and the bodies of black men hung on trees round the camps of the planters. this state of things shocked the soul of toussaint breda. much as he desired the freedom of his own race, he was reluctant to join an enterprise marked by so many cruelties. conscience forbade him to enlist on the side of the slaveholders, and he would gladly have remained neutral; but he found that men of his own color were suspicious of him, because he had adhered so faithfully to m. bayou de libertas. he joined the black insurgents; but, resolved not to take part in their barbarities, he occupied himself with healing the wounded,--an office for which he was well qualified by his tender disposition and knowledge of medicinal plants. after a while, however, the negroes were compelled to retreat before the superior discipline of the white troops; and feeling greatly the need of intelligent officers, they insisted upon making toussaint aide-de-camp to biassou, under the title of brigadier. he desired, above all things, that hostilities should cease, that the negroes should return to their work, and that the planters should consent to cease from oppressing them. a very little justice and kindness would have pacified the revolted slaves; but the slaveholders were so full of rage and pride, that if a slave attempted to return to his master, however sincere he might be, he was instantly put to death. three commissioners came from france to try to negotiate a peace between the contending parties. the blacks sent deputies to the colonial assembly to help the french commissioners in this good work; but the planters treated their overtures with haughtiness and contempt. it is said that toussaint wept when he saw the hopes of peace vanish. it was plain that his people must resist their tyrants, or be forever hopelessly crushed. he was then fifty years old, in the prime of his bodily and mental strength. by becoming a leader he felt that he might protect the ignorant masses, and restrain those who were disposed to cruelty. perhaps he remembered the prediction of the abbé raynal, and thought that he was the appointed deliverer,--a second moses, sent by god to bring his people out of bondage. from that time henceforth he made it the business of his life to conquer freedom for his race; but never in a bloodthirsty spirit. biassou was so enraged by the contemptuous manner in which their deputies had been treated, that he gave orders to put to death all the white prisoners in their camps. but toussaint remonstrated, and succeeded in saving their lives. his superior intelligence gave him great influence, and he always exerted it on the side of humanity. he also manifested extraordinary courage and sagacity in the very difficult position in which he was placed. he was surrounded by conflicting parties, fighting against each other, agreeing only in one thing, and that was hostility to the negroes; all of them ready to make the fairest promises, and to break them as soon as they had gained their object. france was in a state of revolutionary confusion, and rumors were very contradictory. one thing was certain,--their former masters were fighting against the king of france; and instinct led them to take the other side. toussaint deemed it wisest to keep under the protection of their spanish allies, and fight with them for the king's party. by a succession of battles, he gained possession of several districts in the mountains, where he entrenched his forces strongly, and tried to bring them under regular military discipline. he was very strict, and allowed no disobedience of orders. he forbade his soldiers to go about plundering, or revenging past injuries. his motto was, "no retaliation,"--a noble, christian motto, totally disregarded by men whose opportunities for enlightened education were a thousand times greater than his. when he felt himself secure in the mountain districts, he invited the white planters of that region to return and cultivate the estates which they had abandoned in their terror. he promised them that their persons and property should be protected; and he faithfully kept his word. in his language and in his actions he was always saying to the whites, "why will you force us to fight? i cherish no revenge against you. all i want is the freedom of my race." his energy and ingenuity in availing himself of every resource and supplying every deficiency were truly wonderful. on one occasion a map was greatly needed, in order to plan some important campaign, and no map could be procured. toussaint, having made diligent inquiries of various persons well acquainted with the portion of country to be traversed, employed himself in making a map. by help of the little geometry taught him by his godfather, he projected a map, and marked down the important towns, mountains, and rivers, with the distances between them. no trait in the character of toussaint breda was stronger than his domestic affections. he was devotedly attached to his wife and children, and he had not seen them for seven months. at last an interval of quiet enabled him to visit the spanish part of the island, whither he had sent them for security. the spanish authorities, in acknowledgment of his services, received him with the greatest distinction. toussaint thanked them, but humbly ascribed his successes to a superintending providence. always strict in religious observances, he went to the church to offer prayers. his general, the spanish marquis hermona, seeing him kneel to partake of the communion, said: "in this lower world god visits no purer soul than his." but the spaniards had no regard for the rights and welfare of the negroes. they used them while they had need of their help, and were ready to oppress them when it served their own interests. news came from france that the republican party were triumphant, and that the king had been beheaded. the spanish had nothing further to gain by adhering to the defeated royalist party. accordingly, spain and great britain entered into a league to divide the island of st. domingo between them, and restore slavery. on the contrary, the republican party in france, assembled in convention at paris, february, , proclaimed freedom to the slaves in all the french colonies; and as the government was now in their hands, there was no doubt of their having power to protect those they had emancipated. under these circumstances, there was but one course for toussaint to take. he left the spanish and joined the french forces, by whom he was received with acclamation. his rude bands of untaught negroes had now become a well-disciplined army. they were proud of their commander, and almost worshipped him. under his guidance, they performed wonders, proving themselves equal to any troops in the world. toussaint was on horseback night and day. it seemed as if he never slept. wherever he was needed, he suddenly appeared; and as he seemed to be wanted in twenty places at once, his followers thought he had some powers of witchcraft to help him. but the witchcraft consisted in his superior intelligence, his remarkable activity, his iron constitution, and his iron will. his heart was never of iron. in the midst of constant warfare he paid careful attention to the raising of crops; and if women and children, black or white, were suffering with hunger, he caused them to be supplied with food. he and his brave officers and troops everywhere drove the english before them. the french general laveaux appointed him second to himself in command; and, in his proclamation to that effect, he declared: "this is the man whom the abbé raynal foretold would rise to be the liberator of his oppressed race." one day, when he had gained some important advantage, a white officer exclaimed, "general toussaint makes an opening everywhere." his black troops heard the words, and feeling that he had made an opening for _them_, from the dungeon of slavery to the sunlight of freedom, they shouted, "_l'ouverture_," "_l'ouverture_"; which, being translated into english, means the opening. from that day henceforth he was called toussaint l'ouverture. the english general maitland, finding him so formidable, wished to have a conference with him to negotiate terms of accommodation. the request was granted; and such was his confidence in the black chieftain that he went to his camp with only three attendants, through miles of country full of armed negroes. one of the french officers wrote to general toussaint that it would be an excellent opportunity to take the english commander prisoner. general maitland was informed of this while he was on his way; but he said, "i will trust general toussaint. he never breaks his promise." when he arrived, general toussaint handed him two letters, saying, "there is a letter i have received, advising me to detain you as prisoner; and there is my reply. i wish you to read them before we proceed to business, that you may know i am incapable of such a base action." the answer he had written was, "i have promised this englishman my protection, and he shall have it." the english, seeing little prospect of conquering him by force, or outwitting him by stratagem, tried to bribe him to their interest. they offered to make him king of st. domingo, to establish him with a sufficient naval force, and give freedom to the blacks, if he would come over to their side. but the english still held slaves in the neighboring islands, while the french had proclaimed emancipation in all their colonies. he felt grateful to the republican government of france, and he resolved to stand by it. the only crown he coveted was the freedom of his race. he pursued the english vigorously, till he drove them from the island. yet he had no desire to harm them, any further than was inevitable for the protection of his people. an english naval officer, named rainsford, being driven on the coast of st. domingo by a violent storm, was arrested as a spy. a court-martial was held, at which general christophe presided, in the absence of general toussaint. rainsford was convicted, and sentenced to die. he was put into a dungeon to wait till the sentence was signed by general toussaint. the women of the island pitied the stranger, and often sent him fruit and sweetmeats. when toussaint returned, he examined into the case, and said: "the trial appears to have been fair, and the sentence just, according to the rules of war. but why should we execute this stranger? he is alone, and can do us no harm. his death would break his mother's heart. let us have compassion on her. let us send him home, that he may tell the english what sort of people we are, and advise them not to attempt to reduce us to slavery." having cleared the island of foreign enemies, toussaint exerted all his abilities to restore prosperity. he discharged the greater part of the regular troops, and sent them to till the soil. at that time, men were afraid to trust to immediate, unconditional emancipation; they had not then learned by experiment that it is the wisest policy, as well as the truest justice. toussaint feared that when the former slaves were disbanded from the army they would sink into laziness and vice, and thus cause the name of freedom to be evil spoken of. therefore, with the view of guarding public morals, he instituted a kind of apprenticeship. he ordained that they should work five years for their masters, on condition of receiving one fourth of the produce, out of which the cost of their subsistence was to be defrayed. regulations were made by which the laborers became a sort of proprietors of the soil; but i do not know what were the terms. he did everything to encourage agriculture, and tried to impress on the minds of the blacks that the permanence of their freedom depended in a great measure upon their becoming owners and cultivators of land. he proclaimed a general amnesty to men of all colors and all parties, even to those who had fought with the english against their own country. he invited the return of all fugitives who were willing to become good citizens, and by public discourses and proclamations promised them pardon for the past and protection for the future. before any important measure was carried into execution, he summoned all the people to church, where, after prayers were offered, he discoursed to them upon the prospects of the republic, and what he considered essential to its future peace and prosperity. he ordered prayers to be said night and morning at the head of the regiments. the discipline of the army was so strict, that some accused him of severity. but the soldiers almost idolized him, which i think they would not have done, if he had not proved to them that he was just as well as strict. after such a long period of foreign and civil war, it required a very firm and judicious hand to restore order and security. his troops, once lawless and savage, had become perfectly orderly under his regulations. they committed no thefts on the plantations and no pillage in the cities. he opened to all nations an unrestricted commerce with st. domingo; and he has the honor of being the first ruler in the world who introduced a system of free trade. in the distribution of offices, he sought out the men that were best fitted, without regard to complexion. in many things he seemed to favor the whites more than the blacks; probably from his extreme fear of not being impartial; perhaps also because he knew the whites distrusted him and needed to be conciliated, while people of his own color had entire confidence in him. but the most obstinate prejudices gradually gave way before the wisdom and uprightness of his government. white planters, who had been accustomed to talk of him as a revolted slave and a lawless brigand, began to acknowledge that he was a conscientious man and a wise legislator. a general feeling of security prevailed, activity in business was restored, and wealth began to flow in through its former channels. but, with all his prudence and efforts at universal conciliation, he could not at once heal the old animosities that had so long rankled in the breasts of men. some of the returned french planters resumed their old habits of haughtiness and contempt toward the negroes. some of the proprietors, both white and black, in their haste to grow rich, overworked their laborers; and, in addition to these causes of irritation, it was whispered round that the whites were influencing the french government to restore slavery. in one of the northern districts a proposition was made to disband the black troops. this excited suspicion, and they rose in rebellion. buildings were fired, and three hundred whites slaughtered. toussaint hastened to the scene of action, and by assurances and threats quelled the tumult. the command of that district was in the hands of general moyse, the son of toussaint's brother paul. he disliked the system of conciliation pursued toward the whites, and had expressed his opinions in terms less respectful than was proper toward a man of his uncle's age and character. the agricultural returns from his district had been smaller than from other portions of the island; and when toussaint remonstrated with him for neglecting that department, he replied: "whatever my old uncle may see fit to do, i cannot consent to be the executioner of my race, by causing them to be worked to death. all your orders are given in the name of france. but to serve france is to serve the interests of the whites; and i shall never love the whites till they give me back the eye i lost in battle." when the insurrection broke out in his district, the relatives of the slaughtered whites complained to general toussaint that his nephew had not taken any efficient measures to put down the riot; and the black insurgents excused themselves by saying general moyse approved of their rising. a court-martial was held, and general moyse and several of the ringleaders were condemned to be shot. the execution of this sentence excited a good deal of ill-feeling toward toussaint. he was loudly accused of favoring the whites more than he did his own color; and to this day it is remembered against him in the island. it certainly is the harshest action recorded of toussaint l'ouverture. but it must be remembered that he had invited the whites to come back, and had given them promises of protection, because he thought the peace and prosperity of the island could best be promoted in that way; and having done so, it was his duty to see that their lives and property were protected. moreover, he knew that the freedom of his race depended upon their good behavior after they were emancipated, and that insurrections would furnish the french government with a pretext for reducing them to slavery again. if he punished any of the ringleaders with death, he could not, without partiality, pardon his own nephew, who had been condemned by the same court-martial. in this matter it is fair to judge toussaint by his general character, and that leaves no room to doubt that severity was painful to him, and that when he resorted to it he was actuated by motives for the public good. that he could forgive offences against himself was shown by his treatment of the mulattoes, who made trouble in the island about the same time. they had never been pleased to see one of the black slaves, whom they had always despised, placed in a situation which made him so much superior to any of themselves. they manifested their dissatisfaction in a variety of ways. they did their utmost to increase the feeling that he showed partiality to the whites. in several instances attempts were made to take his life. at one time, the plume in his military cap was shot away. on another occasion, balls passed through his carriage, and his coachman was killed; but he happened to be riding off on horseback in another direction. this hostile feeling led the mulattoes into an extensive conspiracy to excite rebellion against his government. toussaint was forewarned of it, and the attempt was put down. eleven of the leaders were carried to the cape and imprisoned. toussaint called a meeting of the civil and military authorities, and ordered the building to be surrounded by black troops while the mulatto prisoners were brought in under guard. they looked extremely dejected, expecting nothing but death. but he announced to them that, deeming the forgiveness of injuries a christian duty, he pardoned what they had attempted to do against him. he gave them money to defray their travelling expenses, told them they were at liberty to return to their homes, and gave orders that they should be protected on the way. as he passed out of the building, they showered blessings on his head, and the air was filled with shouts of "long live toussaint l'ouverture." these outbreakings of old hatreds were local and short-lived. the confidence in toussaint's goodness and ability was almost universal; and his popularity was so great with all classes, that he might have made himself emperor, if he would. but through all the changes in france he had been faithful to the french government; and now to the habit of loyalty was added gratitude to that government for having proclaimed freedom to his race. next to the emancipation of his people, he sought to serve the interests of france. personal ambition never tempted him from the path of duty. when the affairs of the colony seemed to be arranged on a secure basis, he manifested willingness to resign the authority which he had used with so much wisdom and impartiality. he published a proclamation, in which he said:-- "penetrated with that which is set forth in our lord's prayer, 'forgive us our transgressions, as we forgive those who transgress against us,' i have granted a general amnesty. fellow-citizens, not less generous than myself, endeavor to have the past forgotten. receive misled brethren with open arms, and let them in the future be on their guard against the snares of bad men. civil and military authorities, my task is accomplished. it now belongs to you to take care that harmony is no more disturbed. allow no one to reproach those who went astray, but have now returned to their duty. but, notwithstanding my proclamation of amnesty, watch bad men closely, and do not spare them if they excite disturbance. a sense of honor should guide you all. a true, confiding peace is necessary to the prosperity of the country. it must be your work to establish such a peace. take no rest until you have accomplished it." the people refused to accept the resignation of their "friend and benefactor," as they styled him. he replied: "if i undertake the administration of civil affairs, i must have a solid rock to stand on; and that rock must be a constitutional government." feeling the necessity of laws and regulations suited to the altered state of the country, he called a meeting of deputies from all the districts to draft a constitution. of these nine deputies eight were white and one a mulatto. they were selected for their learning and ability. very likely toussaint's habitual caution led him to choose men from the two classes that had been hostile to him, that there might be no pretext for saying he used his popularity with the blacks to carry any measure he wished. among other things, this constitution provided that slavery should never more exist in st. domingo; that all who were born there were free citizens of the french republic. it also provided that offices were to be distributed according to virtue and ability, without regard to color. the island was to be ruled by one governor, appointed for five years, with a proviso that the term might be prolonged as a reward for good conduct. but "in consideration of the important services rendered to the country by general toussaint l'ouverture," he was named governor for life, with power to appoint his successor. this was early in the summer of . the constitution, approved by toussaint and published, was accepted by the people with solemn formalities and demonstrations of joy. this new colonial government was to go into operation provisionally, until it should receive the sanction of the authorities in france. general napoleon bonaparte was then at the head of the french government, under the title of first consul. governor toussaint wrote to him, that, in the absence of laws, after the revolution in st. domingo, it had been deemed best to draft a constitution. he added: "i hasten to lay it before you for your approbation, and for the sanction of the government which i serve. all classes of citizens here have welcomed it with joy, which will be renewed when it is sent back with the sanction of the french government." some writers have accused toussaint of personal ambition because he consented to be governor for life. he himself said it was because circumstances had given him influence, which he could exert to unite a divided people; and that he deemed changes of administration might be injurious until the new order of things had become more settled. he assumed all the outward style that had been considered befitting the rank of governor and commander-in-chief. he had an elegant carriage and a number of handsome horses. when he rode out, he was followed by attendants in brilliant military dress, and he himself wore a rich uniform. on stated days, he gave reception-parties, to which magistrates, military officers, distinguished strangers, and influential citizens were invited. there was a good deal of splendor in the dresses on such occasions; but he always appeared in the simple undress uniform of a general officer. at these parties, whites, blacks, and mulattoes mingled together with mutual politeness, and it is said that the style of manners was easy and elegant. all rose when the governor entered, and none seated themselves until he was seated. this was a strange experience for a black man, who was formerly a slave; and it had been brought about, under the blessing of god, solely by the strength and excellence of his own character. all prejudices gave way before his uncommon intelligence, well-tried virtues, and courteous dignity of manner. every evening he gave free audience to all the people who chose to call. his dress was such as the landed proprietors usually wore. however weary he might be, he made the circuit of the rooms, and said something to each one on the subjects most likely to interest them. he talked with mothers about their children, and urged upon them the great importance of giving them religious instruction. not unfrequently he examined the children in their catechisms, and gave a few words of fatherly advice to the young folks. he has been accused of vanity for assuming so much pomp in his equipage and gentility in his dress. doubtless he had some vanity. no human being is free from it. but i believe very few men, of any color, could have passed through such extraordinary changes as he did, and preserved their balance so well. in the style he assumed he was probably somewhat influenced by motives of policy. he was obliged to receive many distinguished french gentlemen, and he knew they attached great importance to dress and equipage. the blacks also were fond of splendor, and it gratified them to see their great chieftain appear in princely style. the free mulattoes, who despised his mean birth, would have spared no ridicule if he had been neglectful of outward appearances; and in his peculiar situation it was important to command respect in every way. his person also needed every borrowed advantage that it could obtain. his figure was short and slim, and his features were homely, though his bright, penetrating eyes gave his face an expression of animation and intelligence. with these disadvantages, and a deficiency of education, betrayed by imperfect grammar, it is wonderful how he swayed assemblies of men whenever he addressed them. the secret lay in his great earnestness. whatever he said, he said it with his whole soul, and therefore it took possession of the souls of others. though he paid so much attention to external show in public, his own personal habits were extremely simple and frugal. there was a large public house at the cape, called the hotel of the republic, frequented by whites and blacks, officers and privates. toussaint l'ouverture often took a seat at the table in any chair that happened to be vacant. if any one rose to offer him a higher seat, he would bow courteously, and reply, "distinctions are to be observed only on public occasions." his food consisted of vegetable preparations, and he drank water only. he had a wonderful capacity of doing without sleep. during the years that so many public cares devolved upon him, it is said he rarely slept more than two hours out of the twenty-four. he thought more than he spoke, and what he said was uttered in few words. surrounded as he was by inquisitive and treacherous people, this habit of reserve was of great use to him. enemies accused him of being deceitful. the charge was probably grounded on the fact that he knew how to keep his own secrets; for there are many proofs that he was in reality honest and sincere. it is singular how he escaped the contagion of impurity which always pollutes society where slavery exists. but his respect and affection for his wife was very constant, and he was always clean in his manners and his language. a colored lady appeared at one of his reception-parties dressed very low at the neck, according to the prevailing parisian fashion. when he had greeted her, he placed a handkerchief on her shoulders, and said in a low voice, "modesty is the greatest ornament of woman." his ability and energy as a statesman were even more remarkable than his courage and skill as a military leader. he was getting old, and he was covered with the scars of wounds received in many battles; but he travelled about with wonderful rapidity, inspecting everything with his own eyes, and personally examining into the conduct of magistrates and officers. often, after riding some distance in a carriage, he would mount a swift horse and ride off in another direction, while the coach went on. in this way, he would make his appearance suddenly at places where he was not expected, and ascertain how things went on in his absence. it was a common practice with him to traverse from one hundred to one hundred and fifty miles a day. after giving his evening audience to the people, he sat up late into the night answering letters, of which he received not less than a hundred daily. he dictated to five secretaries at once, so long that he tired them all; and he examined every letter when finished, that he might be sure his dictation had not been misunderstood. the eastern part of the island had been ceded to the french by treaty, but had never been given up by the spanish, who still held slaves there. complaints were brought to general toussaint that the spaniards kidnapped both blacks and mulattoes from the western part of the island, where all were free, and carried them off to sell them to slave-traders. resolved to destroy slavery, root and branch, throughout the island, in january, , he marched into the spanish territory at the head of ten thousand soldiers. the spanish blacks were desirous to come under french dominion, in order to secure their freedom, and the whites offered but slight resistance. having taken possession of the territory in the name of the french republic, he issued a proclamation, in which he declared that all past offences should be forgotten, and that the welfare and happiness of spaniards and frenchmen should be equally protected. he then assembled his troops in the churches and caused prayers of thanksgiving to be offered for the success of their enterprise, almost without bloodshed. most of the wealthy spanish slaveholders made arrangements to depart to cuba and other neighboring islands. but the main body of the people received general toussaint with the greatest distinction. as he passed through the principal towns, he was everywhere greeted with thunder of artillery, ringing of bells, and loud acclamations of the populace. under his wise and watchful administration all classes were protected, and all parts of the country became prosperous. the desolations occasioned by so many years of warfare were rapidly repaired. churches were rebuilt, schools established, waste lands brought under cultivation, and distances shortened by new and excellent roads. the french commissioner roume was struck with admiration of his plans, and pronounced him to be "a philosopher, a legislator, a general, and a good citizen." the frenchman, lavoque, who was well acquainted with him and the condition of the people, said to bonaparte, "sire, let things remain as they are in st. domingo. it is the happiest spot in your dominions." the historian lacroix, though prejudiced against blacks, wrote, "that the island was preserved to the french government was solely owing to an old negro, who seemed to bear a commission from heaven." strangers who visited st. domingo expressed their surprise to see cities rising from their ashes, fields waving with harvests, and the harbors filled with ships. planters, who had fled with their families to various parts of the world heard such good accounts of the activity of business, and the security of property, that many of them so far overcame their repugnance to be governed by a negro as to ask permission to return. this was easily obtained, and they were received by the governor without anything on his part which they might deem offensive familiarity, but with a dignified courtesy which prevented familiarity, or airs of condescension, on their side. he had annually sent some token of remembrance to m. bayou de libertas, then residing in the united states. he now wrote to invite him to return to st. domingo. the invitation was gladly accepted. when he arrived, he was received with marked kindness, but with dignified reserve. governor toussaint evidently did not wish bystanders to be reminded of the former relation that existed between them as overseer and slave. "return to the plantation," said he, "and take care of the interests of the good old master. see that the blacks do their duty. be firm, but just. you will thus advance your own prosperity, and at the same time increase the prosperity of the colony." this return of the old slaveholders excited some uneasiness among the black laborers. but toussaint, who often spoke to them in simple parables, sprinkled a few grains of rice into a vessel of shot, and shook it. "see," said he, "how few grains of white there are among the black." at that time general napoleon bonaparte had become very famous by his victories, and had recently been made ruler of france. there were many points of resemblance between his career and that of the hero of st. domingo; and it was a common thing for people to say, "napoleon is the first of the whites, and toussaint l'ouverture is the first of the blacks." if general toussaint had known the real character of napoleon, he would not have felt flattered by being compared with such a selfish, tyrannical, and treacherous man. but, like the rest of the world, he was dazzled by his brilliant reputation, and felt that it was a great honor to him to be called the "the black napoleon." the vainest thing that is recorded of him is that on one of his official letters to bonaparte he wrote, "to the first of the whites, from the first of the blacks." it was a departure from his usual habits of dignity, and was also poor policy; for bonaparte had been rendered vain by his great success, and he was under the influence of aristocratic planters from st. domingo, who would have regarded it as a great insult to couple their names with a negro. general toussaint soon had reason to suspect he had been mistaken in the character of the famous man, whom he had so much admired. he wrote several deferential letters to bonaparte, on official business; but the first consul never condescended to make any reply. it was soon rumored abroad that proprietors of estates in st. domingo, residing in france, were urging him to send an army to st. domingo to reduce the blacks again to slavery. governor toussaint could not believe that the french government would be persuaded to break the solemn promises it had made to the colony. but when he sent general vincent to paris to obtain bonaparte's sanction to the new constitution, the wicked scheme was found to be making rapid progress. in vain general vincent remonstrated against it as a measure cruel and dangerous. in vain he represented the contented, happy, and prosperous state of the island. in vain did many wise and good men in paris urge that such a step would be unjust in itself and very disgraceful to france. the first consul turned a deaf ear to all but the haughty old planters from st. domingo. the legislative assembly in france, though still talking loudly about liberty and the rights of man, were not ashamed to propose the restoration of slavery and the slave-trade in the colonies; and the wicked measure was carried by a vote of two hundred and twelve against sixty-five. in may, , bonaparte issued a decree to that effect. but he afterwards considered it prudent to announce that the islands of st. domingo and guadaloupe were to be excepted. when this news reached st. domingo, the people were excited and alarmed. they asked each other anxiously, "how long shall we be excepted?" on that point no assurances were given, and all suspected that the french government was dealing with them hypocritically and treacherously. the soul of toussaint was on fire. if the names of the men who voted for the restoration of slavery were mentioned in his presence, his eyes flashed and his whole frame shook with indignation. he published a proclamation, in which he counselled obedience to the mother country, unless circumstances should make it evident that resistance was unavoidable. in private, he said to his friends: "i took up arms for the freedom of my color. france proclaimed it, and she has no right to nullify it. our liberty is no longer in her hands; it is in our own. we will defend it, or perish." general toussaint had sent his two eldest sons to paris to be educated. as a part of the plan of deception, general bonaparte invited the young men to visit him. he spoke of their father as a great man, who had rendered very important services to france. he told them he was going to send his brother-in-law, general le clerc, with troops to st. domingo; but he assured them it was not for any hostile purpose; it was merely to add to the defence of the island. he wished them to go with general le clerc and tell their father that he intended him all protection, glory, and honor. the next day bonaparte's minister of marine invited the young men to a sumptuous dinner, and at parting presented each with a splendid military uniform. the inexperienced youths were completely dazzled and deceived. in january, , general le clerc sailed with sixty ships and thirty thousand of bonaparte's experienced troops. when governor toussaint received tidings that a french fleet was in sight, he galloped to the coast they were approaching, to take a view of them. he was dismayed, and for a moment discouraged. he exclaimed, "all france has come to enslave st. domingo. we must perish." he had no vessels, and not more than sixteen thousand men under arms. but his native energy soon returned. the people manifested a determination to die rather than be enslaved again. he resolved to attempt no attack on the french, but to act wholly on the defensive. le clerc's army attacked fort liberty, killed half the garrison, and forced a landing on the island. toussaint entrenched himself in a position where he could harass the invaders; and the peaceful, prosperous island again smoked with fire and blood. le clerc, still aiming to accomplish bonaparte's designs by hypocrisy, scattered proclamations among the blacks of st. domingo, representing that toussaint kept them in a kind of slavery on the plantations, but that the french had come to set them wholly free. this did not excite the rebellion which he intended to provoke, but it sowed the seeds of doubt and discontent in the minds of some. at the same time that he was playing this treacherous game, he sent toussaint's two sons to their father, accompanied by their french tutor, to deliver a letter from the first consul, which ought to have been sent three months before. the letter was very complimentary to general toussaint; but it objected to the constitution that had been formed, and spoke in a very general way about the liberty which france granted to all nations under her control. it counselled submission to general le clerc, and threatened punishment for disobedience. the tone of the letter, though apparently peaceful and friendly, excited distrust in the mind of general toussaint, which was increased by the fact that the letter had been so long kept from him. knowing the strength of his domestic affections, orders had been given that if he surrendered, his sons should remain with him, but if he refused they were to return to the french camp as hostages. though his heart yearned toward his children, from whom he had been so long separated, he said to their tutor: "three months after date you bring me a letter which promises peace, while the action of general le clerc is war. i had established order and justice here; now all is confusion and misery. take back my sons. i cannot receive them as the price of my surrender. tell general le clerc hostilities will cease on our part when he stops the progress of his invading army." his sons told him how kindly they had been treated by bonaparte, and what promises he had made concerning st. domingo,--promises which had been repeated in the proclamation brought by general le clerc. toussaint had had too severe an experience to be easily deceived by fair words. he replied: "my sons, you are no longer children. you are old enough to decide for yourselves. if you wish to be on the side of france, you are free to do so. stay with me, or return to general le clerc, whichever you choose. either way, i shall love you always." isaac, his oldest son, had been so deceived by flattery and promises, that he declared his wish to return to the french camp, feeling very sure that his father would be convinced that bonaparte was their best friend. but placide, his step-son, said: "my father, i will remain with you. i dread the restoration of slavery, and i am fearful about the future of st. domingo." who can tell what a pang went through the father's heart when he embraced isaac and bade him farewell? general le clerc was very angry when he found that his overtures were distrusted. he swore that he would seize toussaint before he took his boots off. he forthwith issued a proclamation declaring him to be an outlaw. when general toussaint read it to his soldiers, they cried out with one accord, "we will die with you." he said to his officers: "when the rainy season comes, sickness will rid us of our enemies. till then there is nothing before us but flame and slaughter." orders were given to fire the towns as the french army approached, and to deal destruction upon them in every way. he gathered his army together at the entrance of the mountains, and, aided by his brave generals christophe and dessalines, kept up active skirmishing with the enemy. horrible things were done on both sides. the bay of mancenille was red with the blood of negro prisoners slaughtered by the french. the blacks, infuriated by revenge and dread of slavery, killed white men, women, and children without mercy. general dessalines was of a savage temper, and incited his troops to the most ferocious deeds. but the natural kindliness of the negro character was manifested on many occasions, even in the midst of this horrible excitement. in many cases they guided their old masters to hiding-places in the mountains or forests, and secretly conveyed them food. toussaint, with only a plank to sleep on and a cloak to cover him, was constantly occupied with planning attacks and ambuscades, and preaching on sundays, exhorting the people, with fiery eloquence, to remember that the cause of liberty was the cause of god. general le clerc, meanwhile, was disappointed to find so many difficulties in the way of his wicked project. his troops wilted under the increasing heat of the climate, and began to murmur. he issued proclamations, promising, in the most solemn manner, that the freedom of all classes in st. domingo should be respected. these assurances induced several black regiments to go over to the french. toussaint's brother paul, and two of his ablest generals, bellair and maurepas, did the same. still the commander-in-chief, aided by christophe and dessalines, kept up a stout resistance. but news came that fresh troops were coming from france, and christophe and dessalines had an interview with general le clerc, in which, by fair promises, he succeeded in gaining them over to the french side. a messenger was then sent to ask for a conference with general toussaint. solemn assurances were repeated that the freedom of the blacks should be protected; and a proposition was made that he should be colleague with general le clerc in the government of the island, and that his officers should retain their rank in the army. with reinforcements coming from france, and with his best generals gained over, toussaint had no longer hopes of defeating the invaders, though he might send out skirmishers to annoy them. he had too little faith in the promises of general le clerc to consent to take an oath of office under him. he therefore replied: "i might remain a brigand in the mountains, and harass you with perpetual warfare, so far as your power to prevent it is concerned. but i disdain fighting for mere bloodshed; and, in obedience to the orders of the first consul, i yield to you. for myself, i wish to live in retirement; but i accept your favorable terms for the people and the army." with four hundred armed horsemen he set out for the cape, to hold the proposed conference with general le clerc. on the way, the people, thinking peace was secured without the sacrifice of their freedom, hailed him as their benefactor. girls strewed flowers in his path, and mothers held up their children to bless him. general le clerc received him with a salute of artillery, and made a speech in which he highly complimented his bravery, magnanimity, and good faith, and expressed a hope that, though he chose to live in retirement, he would continue to assist the government of the island by his wise counsels. in the presence of the troops on both sides, he took an oath on the cross to protect the freedom of st. domingo. with the same solemn formalities, general toussaint promised that the treaty of peace should be faithfully observed. the next day, he explained fully to his officers and soldiers what were the terms of the treaty, and impressed upon their minds that such a promise could not be violated without committing the sin of perjury. he thanked them all for the courage and devotedness they had shown under his command, embraced his officers, and bade them an affectionate farewell. they shed tears, and expressed the greatest reluctance to part with him; but he told them that such a course would best conduce to public tranquillity. the soldiers were inconsolable. they followed him, calling out in the saddest tones, "have you deserted us?" he replied: "no, my children. do not be uneasy. your officers are all under arms, and at their posts." twelve years had passed since he was working on the breda estate, and seeing houses and cane-fields on fire in every direction, had said to his wife, "the slaves have risen." since that time, his life had been one scene of excitement, danger, ceaseless exertion, and overwhelming responsibility. he had been commander-in-chief of the armies of st. domingo during five years, and governor of the island about one year. now, with a heart full of anxiety for his people, but cheered by hopes of domestic happiness, he retired, far from the scene of his official splendor, to ennery, a beautiful valley among the mountains. surrounded by his family, he busied himself with clearing up the land and cultivating oranges, bananas, and coffee. the people round about often came to him for advice, and he freely assisted his neighbors in making repairs and improvements. strangers often visited him, and when he rode abroad he was greeted with every demonstration of respect. general le clerc, meanwhile, was attacked by a new and terrible enemy. his troops, unused to the climate, were cut down by yellow fever, as a mower cuts grass. in this situation, had toussaint excited the blacks against them, they might have been exterminated; but he had sworn to observe the treaty, and he was never known to break his word. the kind-hearted negroes, in many cases, took pity on the suffering french soldiers; they carried them many little comforts, and even took them into their houses, and nursed them tenderly. meanwhile, general le clerc's difficulties increased. his troops were dying fast under the influence of the hot season; provisions were getting scarce; he wanted to disband the negro troops that had joined him, but they were wide awake and suspicious on the subject of slavery, and he dared not propose to disarm them. he was so treacherous himself that he could not believe in the sincerity of others. he was always suspecting that toussaint would again take command of the blacks and attack the remnant of his army while it was enfeebled by disease. bonaparte also felt that the popularity of toussaint stood much in the way of his accomplishing the design of restoring slavery. it was desirable to get him out of the way upon some pretext. the french officers made him the object of a series of petty insults, and wantonly destroyed the fruit on his grounds. by these means they hoped to provoke him to excite an insurrection, that they might have an excuse for arresting him. his friends warned him that these continual insults and depredations foreboded mischief, and that he ought not to submit to them. he replied, "it is a sacred duty to expose life when the freedom of one's country is in peril; but to rouse the people to save one's own life is inglorious." finding private remonstrances of no use, he reported to the french head-quarters that he and his neighbors were much annoyed by the conduct of the french troops, and that the people in the valley were made very uneasy by their rude manners and their depredations on property. he received a very polite answer from general brunet, inviting him to come to his house to confer with him on that and other matters connected with the public tranquillity. the letter closed with these words: "you will not find all the pleasures i would wish to welcome you with, but you will find the frankness of an honorable man, who desires nothing but the happiness of the colony, and your own happiness. if madame toussaint, with whom it would give me the greatest pleasure to become acquainted, could accompany you, i should be gratified. if she has occasion for horses, i will send her mine. never, general, will you find a more sincere friend than myself." toussaint, who was sincerely desirous to preserve the public peace, and who was too honest to suspect treachery under such a friendly form, went to general brunet's head-quarters, with a few attendants, on the th of june, . he was received with the greatest respect and cordiality. his host consulted with him concerning the interests of the colony; and they examined maps together till toward evening, when general brunet left the room. an officer with twenty armed men entered, saying: "the captain-general has ordered me to arrest you. your attendants are overpowered. if you resist, you are a dead man." toussaint's first impulse was to defend himself; but seeing it would be useless against such numbers, he resigned himself to his hard fate, saying, "heaven will avenge my cause." his papers were seized, his house rifled and burned, his wife and children captured, and at midnight they were all carried on board the french ship hero, without being allowed to take even a change of clothing. his wrists were chained, he was locked in a cabin guarded by soldiers with fixed bayonets, and not permitted to hold any communication with his family. as the vessel sailed away from st. domingo, toussaint, gazing on the outline of its mountains for the last time, said, "they have cut down the tree of liberty; but the roots are many and deep, and it will sprout again." toussaint l'ouverture was even then incapable of imagining the base designs against him. he supposed that he had been accused of something, and was to be carried to france for trial. conscious of uniform fidelity to the french government, he felt no uneasiness as to the result, though the treachery and violence with which he had been treated in return for his great services made him very sad. arrived on the shores of france, he was removed to another vessel, and allowed only a few moments to say farewell to his wife and children. they embraced him with tears, and begged him to remember them, who had always loved him so dearly. from the vessel, instead of being carried to paris for trial, as he expected, he was hurried into a carriage, and, followed by a strong guard, was carried to the dismal castle of joux, near the borders of switzerland. that ancient castle stands among the mountains of jura, on the summit of a solid rock five hundred feet high. he was placed in a deep, dark dungeon, from the walls of which the water dripped continually. this was in august, . but though it was summer elsewhere, it was damp and cold in toussaint's dreary cell. the keeper was allowed about four shillings a day to provide food for him; and one faithful servant, who had accompanied the family from st. domingo, was allowed to remain with him. his spirits were kept up for some time with the daily expectation of being summoned to attend his trial. but time passed on, and he could obtain no tidings from the french government, or from his family. in a letter to general bonaparte, beseeching him to let him know of what he was accused, and to grant him a trial, he wrote:-- "i have served my country with honor, fidelity, and integrity. all who know me will do me the justice to acknowledge this. at the time of the revolution, i spent all i had in the service of my country. i purchased but one small estate, on which to establish my wife and family. i neglected nothing for the welfare of st. domingo. i made it my duty and pleasure to develop all the resources of that beautiful colony. since i entered the service of the republic i have not claimed a penny of my salary. i have taken money from the treasury only for public use. if i was wrong in forming a constitution, it was through my great desire to do good, and thinking it would please the government under which i served. i have had the misfortune to incur your displeasure; but i am strong in the consciousness of integrity and fidelity; and i dare affirm that among all the servants of the state no one is more honest than myself." this letter is still in existence, and some of the words are blotted out by tears that fell while the noble captive was writing it. bonaparte paid no attention to this manly appeal. after weary waiting, toussaint wrote again:-- "first consul, it is a misfortune to me that i am not known to you. if you had thoroughly known me while i was in st. domingo, you would have done me more justice. i am not learned; i am ignorant: but my heart is good. my father showed me the road to virtue and honor, and i am very strong in my conscience in that matter. if i had not been so devoted to the french government i should not be here. all my life i have been in active service, and now i am a miserable prisoner, without power to do anything, sunk in grief, and with health impaired. i ask you for my freedom, that i may labor for the support of my family. for my venerable father, now a hundred and five years old, who is blind, and needs my assistance; for my dearly loved wife, who, separated from me, cannot, i fear, endure the afflictions that overwhelm her; and for my cherished family, who have made the happiness of my life. i call on your greatness. let your heart be softened by my misfortunes." this touching appeal met with the same fate as the first. bonaparte even had the meanness to forbid the prisoner's wearing an officer's uniform. when he asked for a change of clothing, the cast-off suit of a soldier and a pair of old boots were sent him. there seemed to be a deliberate system of heaping contempt upon him. the daily sum allowed for his food was diminished, and the cold winds of autumn began to howl round his dungeon. they doubtless thought that so old a man, accustomed to tropical warmth, and the devotion of a loving family, would die under the combined influence of solitude, cold, and scanty food. but his iron constitution withstood the severe test. the next step was to deprive him of his faithful servant, mars plaisir. seeing him weep bitterly, toussaint said to him: "would i could console thee under this cruel separation. be assured i shall never forget thy faithful services. carry my last farewell to my wife and family." the farewell never reached them. mars plaisir was lodged in another prison, lest he should tell of the slow murder that was going on in the castle of joux. toussaint's supply of food was gradually diminished, till he had barely enough to keep him alive,--merely a little meal daily, which he had to prepare for himself in an earthen jug. the walls sparkled with frost, and the floor was slippery with ice, except immediately around his little fire. thus he passed through a most miserable winter. he was thin as a skeleton; but still he did not die. as a last resort, the governor of the castle went away and took the keys of the dungeon with him. he was gone three days; and when he returned, toussaint was lying stiff and cold on his heap of straw. doctors were called in to examine him, and they certified that he died of apoplexy. this was in april, , after he had been more than eight months in that horrid dungeon, and when he was a little more than sixty years old. the body was buried in the chapel under the castle. it was given out to the world that the deceased prisoner was a revolted slave, who had been guilty of every species of robbery and cruelty; and that he had been thrown into prison for plotting to deliver the island of st. domingo into the hands of the english. when the family of toussaint l'ouverture were informed of his death, they were overwhelmed with grief, though they had no idea of the horrid circumstances connected with it. the two oldest sons tried to escape from france, but were seized and imprisoned. the french government feared the consequences of their returning to st. domingo. the youngest son soon after died of consumption. madame toussaint sank under the weight of her great afflictions. her health became very feeble, and at times her mind wandered. when the power of bonaparte was overthrown, and a new government introduced into france, a pension was granted for her support, and her two sons were released from prison. she died in their arms in . * * * * * there was great consternation in st. domingo when it was known that toussaint l'ouverture had been kidnapped and carried off. there was an attempt at mutiny among the black soldiers; but the leaders were shot by the french, and the spirit of insurrection was put down for a time. no tidings could be obtained from toussaint, and after a while he was generally believed to be dead. but his prediction was fulfilled. the tree of liberty, that had been cut down, did sprout again. bonaparte sent new troops to st. domingo to supply the place of those cut off by yellow fever. the french officers frequently subjected black soldiers to the lash, a punishment which had never been inflicted upon them since the days of slavery. an active slave-trade was carried on with the other french colonies, where slavery had been restored, and people were frequently smuggled away from st. domingo and sold. the mulattoes found out that people of their color were sold, as well as blacks. they had formerly acted against their mothers' race, not because they were worse than other men, but because they had the same human nature that other men have. being free born, and many of them educated and wealthy, and slaveholders also, they despised the blacks, who had always been slaves; but when slavery touched people of their own color, they were ready to act with the negroes against the whites. toussaint's generals, though they still held their old rank in the army, grew more and more distrustful of the french. when general christophe accepted an invitation to dine with general le clerc, he ordered his troops to be in readiness for a sudden blow. the french officer who sat next him at table urged him to drink a great deal of wine; but christophe was on his guard, and kept his wits about him. at last he repulsed the offer of wine with great rudeness, whereupon le clerc summoned his guard to be in readiness, and began to accuse toussaint of treachery to the whites. "treachery!" exclaimed the indignant christophe. "have you not broken oaths and treaties, and violated the sacred rights of hospitality? those whose blood flows for our liberty are rewarded with prison, banishment, death. friends, soldiers, heroes of our mountains, are no longer around me. toussaint, the pride of our race, the terror of our enemies, whose genius led us from slavery to liberty, who adorned peace with lovely virtues, whose glory fills the world, was put in irons, like the vilest criminal!" general le clerc deemed it prudent to preserve outward composure, for general christophe had informed him that troops were in readiness to protect him. but notwithstanding many ominous symptoms of discontent among the blacks and mulattoes, he blindly persevered in carrying out the cruel policy of bonaparte. shiploads of slaves were brought into st. domingo and openly sold. then came a decree authorizing slaveholders to resume their old authority over the blacks. bitterly did toussaint's officers regret having trusted to the promises of the french authorities. the consciousness of having been deceived made the fire of freedom burn all the more fiercely in their souls. the blacks were everywhere ready to die rather than be slaves again. in november, , general christophe published a document in which he said:-- "the independence of st. domingo is proclaimed. toward men who do us justice we will act as brothers. but we have sworn not to listen with clemency to any one who speaks to us of slavery. we will be inexorable, perhaps even cruel, toward those who come from europe to bring among us death and servitude. no sacrifice is too costly, and all means are lawful, when men find that freedom, the greatest of all blessings, is to be wrested from them." the closing scenes of the revolution were too horrible to be described. general rochambeau, who commanded the french army after the death of general le clerc, was a tyrannical and cruel tool of the slaveholders. everywhere colored men were seized and executed without forms of law. maurepas, who had been one of toussaint's most distinguished generals, was seized on suspicion of favoring insurrection. his epaulets were nailed to his shoulders with spikes, he was suspended from the yard-arm of a vessel, while his wife and children, and four hundred of his black soldiers, were thrown over to the sharks before his eyes. the trees were hung with the corpses of negroes. some were torn to pieces by bloodhounds trained for the purpose; some were burnt alive. sixteen of toussaint's bravest generals were chained by the neck to the rocks of an uninhabited island, and left there to perish. most of these victims were firm in the midst of their tortures, and died with the precious word freedom on their lips. a mother, whose daughters were going to be executed, said to them: "be thankful. you will not live to be the mothers of slaves." i am happy to record that all the whites were not destitute of feeling. some sea-captains, who were ordered to take negroes out to sea and drown them, contrived to aid their escape to the mountains, or landed them on other shores. the blacks, driven to desperation, became as cruel as their oppressors. they visited upon white men, women, and children all the barbarities they had seen and suffered. the wife of general paul, brother of toussaint, was dragged from her peaceful home, and drowned by french soldiers. this murder made him perfectly crazy with revenge. though naturally of a mild disposition, he thenceforth had no mercy on anybody of white complexion. his old father, gaou-guinou, who survived toussaint about a year, was filled with the same spirit, and the last words he uttered were a malediction on the whites. the spirit of the infernal regions raged throughout all classes, and it was all owing to the wickedness of slavery. on the last day of november, , little more than a year after the abduction of toussaint, the french were driven from the island, never more to return. the colony, which might have been a source of wealth to them, if toussaint had been allowed to carry out his plans, was lost to france forever. st. domingo became independent, under its old name of hayti; and general christophe, who was as able as toussaint, but more ambitious, was proclaimed emperor. a law was passed, and still remains in force, that no white man should own a foot of soil on the island. but white americans and europeans reside there, and transact various kinds of business under the protection of equal laws. perhaps it sometimes seemed to toussaint, in the loneliness of his dungeon, as if all his great sacrifices and efforts for his oppressed race had been in vain. but they were not in vain. god raised him up to do a great work, which he faithfully performed; and his spirit is still "marching on." slavery becomes more and more odious in the civilized world, and nation after nation abolishes it. fifty years after the death of toussaint all the slaves in the french colonies were emancipated. how his spirit must rejoice to look on the west indies now! in the grave of toussaint l'ouverture was discovered by some engineers at work on the castle of joux. his skull was placed on a shelf in the dungeon where he died, and is shown to travellers who visit the place. for a long while great injustice was done to the memory of toussaint l'ouverture, and also to the blacks who fought so fiercely in resistance of slavery; for the histories of st. domingo were written by prejudiced french writers, or by equally prejudiced mulattoes. but at last the truth is made known. candid, well-informed persons now acknowledge that the blacks of st. domingo sinned cruelly because they were cruelly sinned against; and toussaint l'ouverture, seen in the light of his own actions, is acknowledged to be one of the greatest and best men the world has ever produced. a very distinguished english poet, named wordsworth, has written an admirable sonnet to his memory. the celebrated harriet martineau, of england, has made him the hero of a beautiful novel. wendell phillips, one of the most eloquent speakers in the united states, has eulogized his memory in a noble lecture, delivered in various parts of the country, before thousands and thousands of hearers. and james redpath has recently published in boston a biography of toussaint l'ouverture, truthfully portraying the pure and great soul of that martyred hero. well may the freedmen of the united states take pride in toussaint l'ouverture, as the man who made an opening of freedom for their oppressed race, and by the greatness of his character and achievements proved the capabilities of black men. * * * * * it is better to be a lean freeman than a fat slave.--_a proverb in hayti._ the aspirations of mingo. a slave in one of our southern states, named mingo, was endowed with uncommon abilities. if he had been a white man, his talents would have secured him an honorable position; but being colored, his great intelligence only served to make him an object of suspicion. he was thrown into prison, to be sold. he wrote the following lines on the walls, which were afterward found and copied. a southern gentleman sent them to a friend in boston, as a curiosity, and they were published in the boston journal, many years ago. the night after mingo wrote them, he escaped from the slave-prison; but he was tracked and caught by bloodhounds, who tore him in such a shocking manner that he died. by that dreadful process his great soul was released from his enslaved body. his wife lived to be an aged woman, and was said to have many of his poems in her possession. here are the lines he wrote in his agony while in prison:-- "good god! and must i leave them now, my wife, my children, in their woe? 'tis mockery to say i'm sold! but i forget these chains so cold, which goad my bleeding limbs; though high my reason mounts above the sky. dear wife, they cannot sell the rose of love that in my bosom glows. remember, as your tears may start, they cannot sell the immortal part. thou sun, which lightest bond and free, tell me, i pray, is liberty the lot of those who noblest feel, and oftest to jehovah kneel? then i may say, but not with pride, i feel the rushings of the tide of reason and of eloquence, which strive and yearn for eminence. i feel high manhood on me now, a spirit-glory on my brow; i feel a thrill of music roll, like angel-harpings, through my soul; while poesy, with rustling wings, upon my spirit rests and sings. _he_ sweeps my heart's deep throbbing lyre, who touched isaiah's lips with fire." may god forgive his oppressors. bury me in a free land. by frances e. w. harper. make me a grave where'er you will, in a lowly plain or a lofty hill; make it among earth's humblest graves, but not in a land where men are slaves. i ask no monument proud and high, to arrest the gaze of the passers by; all that my yearning spirit craves is, bury me not in a land of slaves. phillis wheatley. by l. maria child. phillis wheatley was born in africa, and brought to boston, massachusetts, in the year ,--a little more than a hundred years ago. at that time the people in massachusetts held slaves. the wife of mr. john wheatley of boston had several slaves; but they were getting too old to be very active, and she wanted to purchase a young girl, whom she could train up in such a manner as to make her a good domestic. she went to the slave-market for that purpose, and there she saw a little girl with no other clothing than a piece of dirty, ragged carpeting tied round her. she looked as if her health was feeble,--probably owing to her sufferings in the slave-ship, and to the fact of her having no one to care for her after she landed. mrs. wheatley was a kind, religious woman; and though she considered the sickly look of the child an objection, there was something so gentle and modest in the expression of her dark countenance, that her heart was drawn toward her, and she bought her in preference to several others who looked more robust. she took her home in her chaise, put her in a bath, and dressed her in clean clothes. they could not at first understand her; for she spoke an african dialect, sprinkled with a few words of broken english; and when she could not make herself understood, she resorted to a variety of gestures and signs. she did not know her own age, but, from her shedding her front teeth at that time, she was supposed to be about seven years old. she could not tell how long it was since the slave-traders tore her from her parents, nor where she had been since that time. the poor little orphan had probably gone through so much suffering and terror, and been so unable to make herself understood by anybody, that her mind had become bewildered concerning the past. she soon learned to speak english; but she could remember nothing about africa, except that she used to see her mother pour out water before the rising sun. almost all the ancient nations of the world supposed that a great spirit had his dwelling in the sun, and they worshipped that spirit in various forms. one of the most common modes of worship was to pour out water, or wine, at the rising of the sun, and to utter a brief prayer to the spirit of that glorious luminary. probably this ancient custom had been handed down, age after age, in africa, and in that fashion the untaught mother of little phillis continued to worship the god of her ancestors. the sight of the great splendid orb, coming she knew not whence, rising apparently out of the hills to make the whole world glorious with light, and the devout reverence with which her mother hailed its return every morning, might naturally impress the child's imagination so deeply, that she remembered it after she had forgotten everything else about her native land. a wonderful change took place in the little forlorn stranger in the course of a year and a half. she not only learned to speak english correctly, but she was able to read fluently in any part of the bible. she evidently possessed uncommon intelligence and a great desire for knowledge. she was often found trying to make letters with charcoal on the walls and fences. mrs. wheatley's daughter, perceiving her eagerness to learn, undertook to teach her to read and write. she found this an easy task, for her pupil learned with astonishing quickness. at the same time she showed such an amiable, affectionate disposition, that all members of the family became much attached to her. her gratitude to her kind, motherly mistress was unbounded, and her greatest delight was to do anything to please her. when she was about fourteen years old, she began to write poetry; and it was pretty good poetry, too. owing to these uncommon manifestations of intelligence, and to the delicacy of her health, she was never put to hard household work, as was intended at the time of her purchase. she was kept constantly with mrs. wheatley and her daughter, employed in light and easy services for them. her poetry attracted attention, and mrs. wheatley's friends lent her books, which she read with great eagerness. she soon acquired a good knowledge of geography, history, and english poetry; of the last she was particularly fond. after a while, they found she was trying to learn latin, which she so far mastered as to be able to read it understandingly. there was no law in massachusetts against slaves learning to read and write, as there have been in many of the states; and her mistress, so far from trying to hinder her, did everything to encourage her love of learning. she always called her affectionately, "my phillis," and seemed to be as proud of her attainments as if she had been her own daughter. she even allowed her to have a fire and light in her own chamber in the evening, that she might study and write down her thoughts whenever they came to her. phillis was of a very religious turn of mind, and when she was about sixteen she joined the orthodox church, that worshipped in the old-south meeting-house in boston. her character and deportment were such that she was considered an ornament to the church. clergymen and other literary persons who visited at mrs. wheatley's took a good deal of notice of her. her poems were brought forward to be read to the company, and were often much praised. she was not unfrequently invited to the houses of wealthy and distinguished people, who liked to show her off as a kind of wonder. most young girls would have had their heads completely turned by so much flattery and attention; but seriousness and humility seemed to be natural to phillis. she always retained the same gentle, modest deportment that had won mrs. wheatley's heart when she first saw her in the slave-market. sometimes, when she went abroad, she was invited to sit at table with other guests; but she always modestly declined, and requested that a plate might be placed for her on a side-table. being well aware of the common prejudice against her complexion, she feared that some one might be offended by her company at their meals. by pursuing this course she manifested a natural politeness, which proved her to be more truly refined than any person could be who objected to sit beside her on account of her color. although she was tenderly cared for, and not required to do any fatiguing work, her constitution never recovered from the shock it had received in early childhood. when she was about nineteen years old, her health failed so rapidly that physicians said it was necessary for her to take a sea-voyage. a son of mr. wheatley's was going to england on commercial business, and his mother proposed that phillis should go with him. in england she received even more attention than had been bestowed upon her at home. several of the nobility invited her to their houses; and her poems were published in a volume, with an engraved likeness of the author. in this picture she looks gentle and thoughtful, and the shape of her head denotes intellect. one of the engravings was sent to mrs. wheatley, who was delighted with it. when one of her relatives called, she pointed it out to her, and said, "look at my phillis! does she not seem as if she would speak to me?" still the young poetess was not spoiled by flattery. one of the relatives of mrs. wheatley informs us, that "not all the attention she received, nor all the honors that were heaped upon her, had the slightest influence upon her temper and deportment. she was still the same single-hearted, unsophisticated being." she addressed a poem to the earl of dartmouth, who was very kind to her during her visit to england. having expressed a hope for the overthrow of tyranny, she says:-- "should you, my lord, while you peruse my song, wonder from whence my love of freedom sprung,-- whence flow these wishes for the common good, by feeling hearts alone best understood,-- i, young in life, by seeming cruel fate, was snatched from afric's fancied happy state. what pangs excruciating must molest, what sorrows labor in my parent's breast! steeled was that soul, and by no misery moved, that from a father seized his babe beloved. such was my case; and can i then but pray others may never feel tyrannic sway." the english friends of phillis wished to present her to their king, george the third, who was soon expected in london. but letters from america informed her that her beloved benefactress, mrs. wheatley, was in declining health, and greatly desired to see her. no honors could divert her mind from the friend of her childhood. she returned to boston immediately. the good lady died soon after; mr. wheatley soon followed; and the daughter, the kind instructress of her youth, did not long survive. the son married and settled in england. for a short time phillis stayed with a friend of her deceased benefactress; then she hired a room and lived by herself. it was a sad change for her. the war of the american revolution broke out. in the autumn of general washington had his head-quarters at cambridge, massachusetts; and the spirit moved phillis to address some complimentary verses to him. in reply, he sent her the following courteous note:-- "i thank you most sincerely for your polite notice of me in the elegant lines you enclosed. however undeserving i may be of such encomium, the style and manner exhibit a striking proof of your poetical talents. in honor of which, and as a tribute justly due to you, i would have published the poem, had i not been apprehensive that, while i only meant to give the world this new instance of your genius, i might have incurred the imputation of vanity. this, and nothing else, determined me not to give it a place in the public prints. "if you should ever come to cambridge, or near head-quarters, i shall be happy to see a person so favored by the muses,[ ] and to whom nature had been so liberal and beneficent in her dispensations. "i am, with great respect, "your obedient, humble servant, "george washington." the early friends of phillis were dead, or scattered abroad, and she felt alone in the world. she formed an acquaintance with a colored man by the name of peters, who kept a grocery shop. he was more than commonly intelligent, spoke fluently, wrote easily, dressed well, and was handsome in his person. he offered marriage, and in an evil hour she accepted him. he proved to be lazy, proud, and harsh-tempered. he neglected his business, failed, and became very poor. though unwilling to do hard work himself, he wanted to make a drudge of his wife. her constitution was frail, she had been unaccustomed to hardship, and she was the mother of three little children, with no one to help her in her household labors and cares. he had no pity on her, and instead of trying to lighten her load, he made it heavier by his bad temper. the little ones sickened and died, and their gentle mother was completely broken down by toil and sorrow. some of the descendants of her lamented mistress at last heard of her illness and went to see her. they found her in a forlorn situation, suffering for the common comforts of life. the revolutionary war was still raging. everybody was mourning for sons and husbands slain in battle. the country was very poor. the currency was so deranged that a goose cost forty dollars, and other articles in proportion. in such a state of things, people were too anxious and troubled to think about the african poetess, whom they had once delighted to honor; or if they transiently remembered her, they took it for granted that her husband provided for her. and so it happened that the gifted woman who had been patronized by wealthy bostonians, and who had rolled through london in the splendid carriages of the english nobility, lay dying alone, in a cold, dirty, comfortless room. it was a mournful reverse of fortune; but she was patient and resigned. she made no complaint of her unfeeling husband; but the neighbors said that when a load of wood was sent to her, he felt himself too much of a gentleman to saw it, though his wife was shivering with cold. the descendants of mrs. wheatley did what they could to relieve her wants, after they discovered her extremely destitute condition; but, fortunately for her, she soon went "where the wicked cease from troubling, and where the weary are at rest." her husband was so generally disliked, that people never called her mrs. peters. she was always called phillis wheatley, the name bestowed upon her when she first entered the service of her benefactress, and by which she had become known as a poetess. footnote: [ ] the ancient greeks supposed that nine goddesses, whom they named muses, inspired people to write various kinds of poetry. a pertinent question. by frederick douglass. "is it not astonishing, that while we are ploughing, planting, and reaping, using all kinds of mechanical tools, erecting houses and constructing bridges, building ships, working in metals of brass, iron, and copper, silver and gold; that while we are reading, writing, and ciphering, acting as clerks, merchants, and secretaries, having among us lawyers, doctors, ministers, poets, authors, editors, orators, and teachers; that while we are engaged in all manner of enterprises common to other men, digging gold in california, capturing the whale in the pacific, breeding sheep and cattle on the hillside; living, moving, acting, thinking, planning; living in families as husbands, wives, and children; and, above all, confessing and worshipping the christian's god, and looking hopefully for immortal life beyond the grave;--is it not astonishing, i say, that we are called upon to prove that we are _men_?" the works of providence. by phillis wheatley. [written at sixteen years of age.] arise, my soul! on wings enraptured rise, to praise the monarch of the earth and skies, whose goodness and beneficence appear, as round its centre moves the rolling year; or when the morning glows with rosy charms, or the sun slumbers in the ocean's arms. of light divine be a rich portion lent, to guide my soul and favor my intent. celestial muse, my arduous flight sustain, and raise my mind to a seraphic strain! adored forever be the god unseen, who round the sun revolves this vast machine; though to his eye its mass a point appears: adored the god that whirls surrounding spheres, who first ordained that mighty sol[ ] should reign, the peerless monarch of th' ethereal train. of miles twice forty millions is his height, and yet his radiance dazzles mortal sight, so far beneath,--from him th' extended earth vigor derives, and every flowery birth. vast through her orb she moves, with easy grace, around her phoebus[ ] in unbounded space; true to her course, the impetuous storm derides, triumphant o'er the winds and surging tides. almighty! in these wondrous works of thine, what power, what wisdom, and what goodness shine! and are thy wonders, lord, by men explored, and yet creating glory unadored? creation smiles in various beauty gay, while day to night, and night succeeds to day. that wisdom which attends jehovah's ways, shines most conspicuous in the solar rays. without them, destitute of heat and light, this world would be the reign of endless night. in their excess, how would our race complain, abhorring life! how hate its lengthened chain! from air, or dust, what numerous ills would rise! what dire contagion taint the burning skies! what pestilential vapor, fraught with death, would rise, and overspread the lands beneath! hail, smiling morn, that, from the orient main ascending, dost adorn the heavenly plain! so rich, so various are thy beauteous dyes, that spread through all the circuit of the skies, that, full of thee, my soul in rapture soars, and thy great god, the cause of all, adores! o'er beings infinite his love extends, his wisdom rules them, and his power defends. when tasks diurnal tire the human frame, the spirits faint, and dim the vital flame, then, too, that ever-active bounty shines, which not infinity of space confines. the sable veil, that night in silence draws, conceals effects, but shows th' almighty cause. night seals in sleep the wide creation fair, and all is peaceful, but the brow of care. again gay phoebus, as the day before, wakes every eye but what shall wake no more; again the face of nature is renewed, which still appears harmonious, fair, and good. may grateful strains salute the smiling morn, before its beams the eastern hills adorn! footnotes: [ ] _sol_ is the word for sun in latin, the language spoken by the ancient romans. [ ] phoebus was the name for the sun, in the language of the ancient greeks. the dying christian. by frances e. w. harper. the silver cord was loosened, we knew that she must die; we read the mournful token in the dimness of her eye. like a child oppressed with slumber, she calmly sank to rest, with her trust in her redeemer, and her head upon his breast. she faded from our vision, like a thing of love and light; but we feel she lives forever, a spirit pure and bright. kindness to animals. by l. maria child. there are not many people who are conscientious about being kind in their relations with human beings; and therefore it is not surprising that still fewer should be considerate about humanity to animals. but the father of all created beings made dumb creatures to enjoy existence in their way, as he made human beings to enjoy life in their way. we do wrong in his sight if we abuse them, or keep them without comfortable food and shelter. the fact that they cannot speak to tell of what they suffer makes the sad expression of their great patient eyes the more touching to any compassionate heart. fugitive slaves, looking out mournfully and wearily upon a cold, unsympathizing world, have often reminded me of overworked and abused oxen; for though slaves were endowed by their creator with the gift of speech, their oppressors have made them afraid to use it to complain of their wrongs. in fact, they have been in a more trying situation than abused oxen, for they have been induced by fear to use their gift of speech in professions of contentment with their bondage. therefore, those who have been slaves know how to sympathize with the dumb creatures of god; and they, more than others, ought to have compassion on them. the great and good toussaint l'ouverture was always kind to the animals under his care, and i consider it by no means the smallest of his merits. it is selfish and cruel thoughtlessness to stand laughing and talking, or to be resting at ease, while horses or oxen are tied where they will be tormented by flies or mosquitos. last summer i read of a horse that was left fastened in a swamp, where he could not get away from the swarm of venomous insects, which stung him to death, while his careless, hard-hearted driver was going about forgetful of him. it would trouble my conscience ever afterward if i had the death of that poor helpless animal to answer for. there is a difference in the natural disposition of animals, as there is in the dispositions of men and women; but, generally speaking, if animals are bad-tempered and stubborn, it is owing to their having been badly treated when they were young. when a horse has his mouth hurt by jerking his bridle, it irritates him, as it irritates a man to be violently knocked about; and in both cases such treatment produces an unwillingness to oblige the tormentor. lashing a horse with a whip, to compel him to draw loads too heavy for his strength, makes him angry and discouraged; and at last, in despair of getting any help for his wrongs, he stands stock still when he finds himself fastened to a heavy load, and no amount of kicking or beating will make him stir. he has apparently come to the conclusion that it is better to be killed at once than to die daily. slaves, who are under cruel taskmasters, also sometimes sink down in utter discouragement, and do not seem to care for being whipped to death. the best way to cure the disheartened and obstinate laborer is to give him just wages and kind treatment; and the best way to deal with the discouraged and stubborn horse is to give him light loads and humane usage. it is a very bad custom to whip a horse when he is frightened. it only frightens the poor creature all the more. habits of running when frightened, or of sheering at the sight of things to which they are not accustomed, is generally produced in horses by mismanagement when they are colts. by gentle and rational treatment better characters are formed, both in animals and human beings. there was a gentleman in the neighborhood of boston who managed colts so wisely, that all who were acquainted with him wanted a horse of his training. he was very firm with the young animals; he never allowed them to get the better of him; but he was never in a passion with them. he cured them of bad tricks by patient teaching and gentle words; holding them tight all the while, till they did what he wanted them to do. when they became docile, he rubbed their heads, and patted their necks, and talked affectionately to them, and gave them a handful of oats. in that way, he obtained complete control over them. he never kicked them, or jerked their mouths with the bridle; he never whipped them, or allowed a whip to be used; and the result was that they learned to love him, and were always ready to do as he bade them. i have read of a horse that was so terrified by the sound of a drum, that if he heard it, even from a distance, he would run furiously and smash to pieces any carriage to which he was harnessed. in consequence of this, he was sold very cheap, though he was a strong, handsome animal. the man who sold him said he had whipped and whipped him, to cure him of the trick, but it did no good. people laughed at the man who bought him, and said he had thrown money away upon a useless and dangerous creature; but he replied, "i have some experience in horses, and i think i can cure him." he resolved to use no violence, but to deal rationally and humanely with the animal, as he would like to be dealt with if he were a horse. he kept him without food till he had become very hungry, and then he placed a pan of oats before him on the top of a drum. as soon as he began to eat, the man beat upon the drum. the horse reared and plunged and ran furiously round the enclosure. he was led back to the stable without any provender. after a while, oats were again placed before him on the top of a drum. as soon as the drum was beaten, the horse reared and ran away. i suppose he remembered the terrible whippings he had had whenever he heard a drum, and so he thought the thing that made the noise was an enemy to him. the third time the experiment was tried, he had become excessively hungry. he pricked up his ears and snorted when he heard the sound of the drum; but he stood still and looked at the oats wistfully, while the man played a loud, lively tune. finding the noise did him no harm, he at last ventured to taste of the oats, and his owner continued to play all the while he was eating. when the breakfast was finished, he patted him on the neck and talked gently to him. for several days his food was given to him in the same way. he was never afraid of the sound of a drum afterward. on the contrary, he learned to like it, because it made him think of sweet oats. the fact is, reasonable and kind treatment will generally produce a great and beneficial change in vicious animals as well as in vicious men. james forten. by l. maria child. james forten was born in , nearly a hundred years ago. his ancestors had lived in pennsylvania for several generations, and, so far as he could trace them, they had never been slaves. in his boyhood the war of the american revolution began. the states of this union were then colonies of great britain. being taxed without being represented in the british parliament, they remonstrated against it as an act of injustice. the king, george the third, was a dull, obstinate man, disposed to be despotic. the loyal, respectful petitions of the colonies were treated with indifference or contempt; and at last they resolved to become independent of england. when james forten was about fourteen years old he entered into the service of the colonial navy, in the ship royal louis, commanded by captain decatur, father of the celebrated commodore. it was captured by the british ship amphion, commanded by sir john beezly. sir john's son was on board, as midshipman. he was about the same age as james forten; and when they played games together on the deck, the agility and skill of the brown lad attracted his attention. they became much attached to each other; and the young englishman offered to provide for the education of his colored companion, and to help him on in the world, if he would go to london with him. but james preferred to remain in the service of his native country. the lads shed tears at parting, and sir john's son obtained a promise from his father that his friend should not be enlisted in the british army. this was a great relief to the mind of james; for his sympathies were on the side of the american colonies, and he knew that colored men in his circumstances were often carried to the west indies and sold into slavery. he was transferred to the prison-ship old jersey, then lying near new york. he remained there, through a raging pestilence on board, until prisoners were exchanged. after the war was over, he obtained employment in a sail-loft in philadelphia, where he soon established a good character by his intelligence, honesty, and industry. he invented an improvement in the management of sails, for which he obtained a patent. as it came into general use, it brought him a good deal of money. in process of time, he became owner of the sail-loft, and also of a good house in the city. he married a worthy woman, and they brought up a family of eight children. but though he had served his country faithfully in his youth, though he had earned a hundred thousand dollars by his ingenuity and diligence, and though his character rendered him an ornament to the episcopal church, to which he belonged, yet so strong was the mean and cruel prejudice against his color, that his family were excluded from schools where the most ignorant and vicious whites could place their children. he overcame this obstacle, at great expense, by hiring private teachers in various branches of education. by the unrivalled neatness and durability of his work, and by the uprightness of his character, he obtained extensive business, and for more than fifty years employed many people in his sail-loft. being near the water, he had opportunities, at twelve different times, to save people from drowning, which he sometimes did at the risk of his own life. the humane society of philadelphia presented him with an engraving, to which was appended a certificate of the number of people he had saved, and the thanks of the society for his services. he had it framed and hung in his parlor; and when i visited him, in , he pointed it out to me, and told me he would not take a thousand dollars for it. he likewise told me of a vessel engaged in the slave-trade, the owners of which applied to him for rigging. he indignantly refused; declaring that he considered such a request an insult to any honest or humane man. he always had the cause of the oppressed colored people warmly at heart, and was desirous to do everything in his power for their improvement and elevation. he early saw that colonizing free blacks to africa would never abolish slavery; but that, on the contrary, it tended to prolong its detestable existence. he presided at the first meeting of colored people in philadelphia, to remonstrate against the colonization society. he was an earnest and liberal friend of the anti-slavery society; and almost the last words he was heard to utter were expressions of love and gratitude to william lloyd garrison for his exertions in behalf of his oppressed race. he never drank any intoxicating liquor, and was a steadfast supporter of the temperance society. being of a kindly and humane disposition, he espoused the principles of the peace society. his influence and pure example were also given to those who were striving against licentiousness. indeed, he was always ready to assist in every good word and work. he died in , at the age of seventy-six years. his funeral procession was one of the largest ever seen in philadelphia; thousands of people, of all classes and all complexions, having united in this tribute of respect to his character. the meeting in the swamp. by l. maria child. in there was war between the united states and great britain; and many people thought it likely that a portion of the british army would land in some part of the southern states and proclaim freedom to the slaves. the more intelligent portion of the slaves were aware of this, and narrowly watched the signs of the times. mr. duncan, of south carolina, was an easy sort of master, generally thought by his neighbors to be too indulgent to his slaves. one evening, during the year i have mentioned, he received many requests for passes to go to a great methodist meeting, and in every instance complied with the request. after a while, he rang the bell for a glass of water, but no servant appeared. he rang a second time, but waited in vain for the sound of coming footsteps. thinking over the passes he had given, he remembered that all the house-servants had gone to methodist meeting. then it occurred to him that methodist meetings had lately been more frequent than usual. he was in the habit of saying that his slaves were perfectly contented, and would not take their freedom if he offered it to them; nevertheless the frequency of methodist meetings made him a little uneasy, and brought to mind a report he had heard, that the british were somewhere off the coast and about to land. the next morning, he took a ride on horseback, and in a careless way asked the slaves on several plantations where was the methodist meeting last night. some said it was in one place, and some in another,--a circumstance which made him think still more about the report that the british were going to land. he bought a black mask for his face, and a suit of negro clothes, and waited for another methodist meeting. in a few days his servants again asked for passes, and he gave them. when the last one had gone, he put on his disguise and followed them over field and meadow, through woods and swamps. the number of dark figures steering toward the same point continually increased. if any spoke to him as they passed, he made a very short answer, in the words and tones common among slaves. at last they arrived at an island in the swamp, surrounded by a belt of deep water, and hidden by forest-trees matted together by a luxuriant entanglement of vines. a large tree had been felled for a bridge, and over this dusky forms were swarming as thickly as ants into a new-made nest. after passing through a rough and difficult path, they came out into a large level space, surrounded by majestic trees, whose boughs interlaced, and formed a roof high overhead, from which hung down long streamers of spanish moss. under this canopy were assembled hundreds of black men and women. some were sitting silent and thoughtful, some eagerly talking together, and some singing and shouting. the blaze of pine torches threw a strong light on some, and made others look like great black shadows. mr. duncan felt a little disturbed by the strange, impressive scene, and was more than half disposed to wish himself at home. for some time he could make nothing out of the confused buzz of voices and chanting of hymns. but after a while a tall man mounted a stump and requested silence. "i suppose most all of ye know," said he, "that at our last meeting we concluded to go to the british, if we could get a chance; but we didn't all agree what to do about our masters. some said we couldn't keep our freedom without we killed the whites, but others didn't like the thoughts of that. we've met again to-night to talk about it. an' now, boys, if the british land here in caroliny, what shall we do about our masters?" as he sat down, a tall, fierce-looking mulatto sprang upon the stump, at one leap, and exclaimed: "scourge _them_, as they have scourged _us_. shoot _them_, as they have shot _us_. who talks of mercy to our masters?" "i do," said an aged black man, who rose up tottering, as he leaned both hands on a wooden staff,--"i do; because the blessed jesus always talked of mercy. they shot my bright boy joe, an' sold my pretty little sally; but, thanks to the blessed jesus! i feel it in my poor old heart to forgive 'em. i've been member of a methodist church these thirty years, an' i've heard many preachers, white and black; an' they all tell me jesus said, do good to them that do evil to you, an' pray for them that spite you. now i say, let us love our enemies; let us pray for 'em; an' when our masters flog us, let us sing,-- 'you may beat upon my body, but you cannot harm my soul. i shall join the forty thousand by and by.'" when the tremulous chant ceased, a loud altercation arose. some cried out for the blood of the whites, while others maintained that the old man's doctrine was right. louder and louder grew the sound of their excited voices, and the disguised slaveholder hid himself away deeper among the shadows. in the midst of the confusion, a young man of graceful figure sprang on the stump, and, throwing off a coarse cotton frock, showed his back and shoulders deeply gashed by a whip and oozing with blood. he made no speech, but turned round and round slowly, while his comrades held up their torches to show his wounds. he stopped suddenly, and said, with stern brevity, "blood for blood." "would you murder 'em all?" inquired a timid voice. "dey don't _all_ cruelize us." "dar's massa campbell," pleaded another. "he neber hab his boys flogged. you wouldn't murder _him_, would you?" "no, no," shouted several voices; "we wouldn't murder _him_." "i wouldn't murder _my_ master," said one of mr. duncan's slaves. "i don't want to work for him for nothin'; i'se done got tired o' that; but he sha'n't be killed, if i can help it; for he's a good master." "call him a good master if ye like," said the youth with the bleeding shoulders. "if the white men don't cut up the backs that bear their burdens, if they don't shoot the limbs that make 'em rich, some are fools enough to call 'em good masters. what right have they to sleep in soft beds, while we, who do all the work, lie on the hard floor? why should i go in coarse rags, to clothe my master in broadcloth and fine linen, when he knows, and i know, that we are sons of the same father? ye may get on your knees to be flogged, if ye like; but i'm not the boy to do it." his high, bold forehead and flashing eye indicated an intellect too active, and a spirit too fiery, for slavery. the listeners were spell-bound by his superior bearing, and for a while he seemed likely to carry the whole meeting in favor of revenge. but the aged black, leaning on his wooden staff, made use of every pause to repeat the words, "jesus told us to return good for evil"; and his gentle counsel found response in many hearts. a short man, with roguish eyes and a laughing mouth, rose up and looked round him with an expression of drollery that made everybody begin to feel good-natured. after rubbing his head a little, he said: "i don't know how to talk like bob, 'cause i neber had no chance. but i'se _thought_ a heap. many a time i'se axed myself how de white man always git he foot on de black man. sometimes i tink one ting, and sometimes i tink anoder ting; and dey all git jumbled up in my head, jest like seed in de cotton. at last i finds out how de white man always git he foot on de black man." he took from his old torn hat a bit of crumpled newspaper, and smoothing it out, pointed at it, while he exclaimed: "_dat's_ de way dey do it! dey got de _knowledge_; and dey don't let poor nigger hab de knowledge. may be de british lan', and may be de british no lan'. but i tell ye, boys, de white man can't keep he foot on de black man, ef de black man git de knowledge. i'se gwine to tell ye how i got de knowledge. i sot my mind on larning to read; but my ole boss he's de most begrudgfullest massa, an' i knows he wouldn't let me larn. so when i sees leetle massa wid he book, i ax him, 'what you call dat?' he tell me dat's a. so i take ole newspaper, an' ax missis, 'may i hab dis to rub de boots?' she say yes. den, when i find a, i looks at him till i knows him bery well. den i ax leetle massa, 'what you call dat?' he say dat's b. i looks at him till i knows him bery well. den i find c a t, an' i ax leetle massa what dat spell; an' he tell me _cat_. den, after a great long time, i read de newspaper. an' dar i find out dat de british gwine to lan'. i tells all de boys; and dey say mus' hab methodist meetin'. an' what you tink dis nigger did todder day? you know jim, massa gubernor's boy? wal, i wants mighty bad to tell jim dat de british gwine to lan'; but he lib ten mile off, and ole boss nebber let me go. wal, massa gubernor come to massa's, an' i bring he hoss to de gate. i makes bow, and says, 'how jim do, massa gubernor?' he tells me jim bery well. den i tells him jim and i was leetle boy togeder, an' i wants to sen' jim someting. he tells me jim hab 'nuff ob eberyting. i says, 'o yes, massa gubernor, i knows you good massa, and jim hab eberyting he want. but jim an' i was leetle boy togeder, and i wants to sen' jim some backy.' massa gubernor laugh an' say, 'bery well, jack.' so i gibs him de backy in de bery bit ob newspaper dat tell de british gwine to lan'. i marks it wid brack coal, so jim be sure to see it. an' massa gubernor hisself carry it! massa gubernor hisself carry it! i has to laugh ebery time i tinks on't." he clapped his hands, shuffled with his feet, and ended by rolling heels over head, with peals of laughter. the multitude joined loudly in his merriment, and it took some time to restore order. there was a good deal of speaking afterward, and some of it was violent. a large majority were in favor of being merciful to the masters; but all, without exception, agreed to join the british if they landed. with thankfulness to heaven, mr. duncan again found himself in the open field, alone with the stars. their glorious beauty seemed to him clothed in new and awful power. groups of shrubbery took startling forms, and the sound of the wind among the trees was like the unsheathing of swords. he never forgot the lesson of that night. in his heart he could not blame his bondmen for seeking their liberty, and he felt grateful for the merciful disposition they had manifested toward their oppressors; for alone that night, in the solemn presence of the stars, his conscience told him that slavery _was_ oppression, however mild the humanity of the master might make it. he did not emancipate his slaves; for he had not sufficient courage to come out against the community in which he lived. he felt it a duty to warn his neighbors of impending danger; but he could not bring himself to reveal the secret of the meeting in the swamp, which he knew would cause the death of many helpless creatures, whose only crime was that of wishing to be free. after a painful conflict in his mind, he contented himself with advising the magistrates not to allow any meetings of the colored people for religious purposes until the war was over. i have called him mr. duncan, but i have in fact forgotten his name. years after he witnessed the meeting in the swamp, he gave an account of it to a gentleman in boston, and i have stated the substance of it as it was told to me. a reasonable request. we are natives of this country; we ask only to be treated _as well_ as foreigners. not a few of our fathers suffered and bled to purchase its independence; we ask only to be treated _as well_ as those who fought against it. we have toiled to cultivate it, and to raise it to its present prosperous condition; we ask only to share _equal_ privileges with those who come from distant lands to enjoy the fruits of our labor.--rev. peter williams, _colored rector of st. philip's church, new york_, . the slave poet. mr. james horton, of chatham county, north carolina, had a slave named george, who early manifested remarkable intelligence. he labored with a few other slaves on his master's farm, and was always honest, faithful, and industrious. he contrived to learn to read, and every moment that was allowed him for his own he devoted to reading. he was especially fond of poetry, which he read and learned by heart, wherever he could find it. after a time, he began to compose verses of his own. he did not know how to write; so when he had arranged his thoughts in rhyme, he spoke them aloud to others, who wrote them down for him. he was not contented in slavery, as you will see by the following verses which he wrote:-- "alas! and am i born for this, to wear this slavish chain? deprived of all created bliss, through hardship, toil, and pain? "how long have i in bondage lain, and languished to be free! alas! and must i still complain, deprived of liberty? "o heaven! and is there no relief this side the silent grave, to soothe the pain, to quell the grief and anguish of a slave? "come, liberty! thou cheerful sound, roll through my ravished ears; come, let my grief in joys be drowned, and drive away my fears. "say unto foul oppression, cease! ye tyrants, rage no more; and let the joyful trump of peace now bid the vassal soar. "o liberty! thou golden prize, so often sought by blood, we crave thy sacred sun to rise, the gift of nature's god. "bid slavery hide her haggard face, and barbarism fly; i scorn to see the sad disgrace, in which enslaved i lie. "dear liberty! upon thy breast i languish to respire; and, like the swan unto her nest, i'd to thy smiles retire." george's poems attracted attention, and several were published in the newspaper called "the raleigh register." some of them found their way into the boston newspapers, and were thought remarkable productions for a slave. his master took no interest in any of his poems, and knew nothing about them, except what he heard others say. dr. caldwell, who was then president of the university of north carolina, and several other gentlemen, became interested for him, and tried to help him to obtain his freedom. in a little volume of his poems, called "the hope of liberty," was printed in raleigh, by gales and son. the pamphlet was sold to raise money enough for george to buy himself. he was then thirty-two years old, in the prime of his strength, both in mind and body. he was to be sent off to liberia as soon as he was purchased; but he had such a passion for liberty, that he was willing to follow her to the ends of the earth; though he would doubtless have preferred to have been a freeman at home, among old friends and familiar scenes. he was greatly excited about his prospects, and eagerly set about learning to write. when he first heard the news that influential gentlemen were exerting themselves in his behalf, he wrote:-- "'twas like the salutation of the dove, borne on the zephyr through some lonesome grove, when spring returns, and winter's chill is past, and vegetation smiles above the blast. "the silent harp, which on the osiers hung, again was tuned, and manumission sung; away by hope the clouds of fear were driven, and music breathed my gratitude to heaven." it would have been better for him if his hopes had not been so highly excited. his poems did not sell for enough to raise the sum his master demanded for him, and his friends were not sufficiently benevolent to make up the deficiency. in , when he was forty years old, he was still working as a slave at chapel hill, the seat of the university of north carolina. it was said at that time that he had ceased to write poetry. i suppose the poor fellow was discouraged. if he is still alive, he is sixty-seven years old; and i hope it will comfort his poor, bruised heart to know that some of his verses are preserved, and published for the benefit of those who have been his companions in slavery, and who, more fortunate than he was, have become freemen before their strength has left them. ratie: a true story of a little hunchback. by mattie griffith. i want to tell you a story of a poor little slave-girl who lived and died away down south. this little girl's name was rachel, but they used to call her ratie. she was a hunchback and a dwarf, with an ugly black face, coarse and irregular features, but a low, pleasant voice, and nice manners. nobody ever scolded ratie, for she never deserved it. she always did her work--the little that was assigned her--with a cheerful heart and willing hand. this work was chiefly to gather up little bits of chips in baskets, or collect shavings from the carpenters' shops, and take them to the cabins or the great kitchen, where they were used for kindling fires. she had a sweet, gentle spirit, and a low, cheery laugh that charmed everybody. even the white folks who lived up at the great house loved her, and somehow felt better when she was near. ratie used to go out into the fields on summer days, or in the early spring, and pick the first flowers. later in the season she caught the butterflies or grasshoppers, but she never hurt them. she would look at the bright spangled wings of the butterflies, or the green coats of the pretty, chirping grasshoppers, with an eye full of admiration; and she always seemed sorry when she gave them up. the lambs used to run to her, and eat from her hands. if she went into the park, the deer came to her side lovingly, and the young fawns sported and played around her. no one harmed ratie or expected harm from her. poor little hunchback! many an idle traveller has paused in his slow wanderings to listen to her song, as she sat on the wayside stump, knitting stockings for the work-people, and singing old snatches of songs, and airs that bring back to the heart glimpses of the paradise of our lost childhood! no broad-throated robin ever poured out a wilder, fuller gush of melody than the songs of this untaught child! little ratie's days were passed in the same even routine, without thought or chance of change. up at the house they loved her; and her young mistresses used to supply her with cast-off ribbons and shawls and fancy trappings from their own wardrobes, which she prized very much,--delighting to deck out her odd little person with these old fineries. once, as she sat singing on an old stile, and knitting a stocking, a rough sort of gentleman, driving by in his neat little tilbury, stopped and listened to ratie's song. when he looked at the strange child he felt a little shocked; but he called out in a loud voice, "halloo, dumpey blackie! here is a fip for your song"; and he tossed her a small coin. "take that, and give me another song." the child was pleased with the gift, took it up from where it had rolled on the ground at her feet, and soon began another of her wild little ditties. as she sang on, she forgot the exact words, and put in some of her own, which harmonized just as well with the air. the stranger was so much pleased, that he gave her another fip, and called for another song, and still another. at length, he asked the child to whom she belonged. she told him that she belonged to her old master. "and what is your old master's name?" asked the gentleman. ratie, who had never been two miles beyond the borders of the plantation, laughed, thinking it a fine joke that anybody should not know the name of her "old master"; for, to her, he was the most important personage in the world. so she only laughed and shook her head derisively in answer. "will you not tell me his name?" again asked the stranger. but the child smiled still more incredulously; so the gentleman deemed it best to follow her home, which he accordingly did, and found that colonel williams, a rich old planter, was the owner of this little melodious blackbird. the stranger alighted and asked to see colonel williams. after a little conversation he proposed to buy ratie from her master. colonel williams had never thought of selling the little deformity. he kept her on the place more through charity than aught else. the extent of her musical genius was unappreciated, and even unknown to him; but as she was a happy little creature, much liked by all the family, and was only a trifling expense, he had never thought of parting with her. now, however, when a handsome price was offered, she assumed something like importance and interest in his eyes. he called her into the house, and she obeyed with great alacrity, coming in neatly dressed, with a fresh white apron, and sundry bits of bright-colored ribbons tied round her head and neck. "give us one of your best songs, ratie," said her master. the girl broke out in a wild, warbling strain, clear, bird-like, and musical, filling the long room with gushes of melody, until the lofty arches echoed and re-echoed with the wild notes. when she had finished, the enthusiastic stranger exclaimed, "that throat is a mint of gold!" and so little hunchback ratie sang song after song, until she exhausted herself; when her master sent her off to the slave-quarters, where she continued her ditties out under the broad, soft light of the low-hanging southern moon. the gentlemen sat up late that night, talking upon different subjects; but, before they parted, it was arranged that the stranger should buy ratie at the high price he offered. the next morning, long before the sun rose, little ratie was up, walking through the quarter. she stooped down to look at every drop of dew that glittered and sparkled on the green leaves and shrubs; and when the great, round, golden sun began to creep up the eastern sky, and set it all ablaze with red and gold and purple clouds, glorious as the pavilion of the prophet, ratie's little spirit danced within her, and broke forth in hymns of music such as the wise men long ago--eighteen hundred years past--sang at the foot of a little manger in a stable in bethlehem of judæa. the child was too young and ignorant to know the meaning of the emotions which fluttered and set on fire her own soul, but she was none the less happy for this ignorance. god is very good! as ratie wandered on, singing to herself, she grew so happy that the rush of passionate fervor half frightened her. tears came to her eyes, and choked the song in her throat. she paused in her walk, and seated herself on a little rock that lay in one corner of the quarter. as she sat there alone, she continued to sing and weep; wherefore she could not tell. by and by the great, rusty bell of the quarter rang out from its hoarse, iron tongue the morning summons for the slaves to assemble. ragged, tattered, unshorn and unshaven, dirty, ill and angry-looking, the negroes--men, women, and children, in large numbers--collected in the quarter-yard, where the overseer, an ugly, harsh white man, with a pistol in his belt, knife at his side, and whip in hand, stood to call the roll. at the mention of each name, a slave came forward, saying with a bow, "here i am, massa." ratie, who had no particular work to do, went limping on past the place of the roll-call, when she saw her master and the strange gentleman coming toward her. she did not, however, notice them. they were talking together quite earnestly, and looking at her. her master called out, "stop, ratie; come this way." she obeyed the order with pleasing readiness. "ratie," said the master, "how do you like this gentleman?" the child smiled, but made no answer in words. the master also smiled as he added: "he thinks that you sing very prettily, and he has bought you. he will be very kind and good to you; and as soon as you have had breakfast, you must get your things ready to go off with him. here is a present for you"; and he tossed her a bright, shining, silver coin. the child seized the money, but did not seem to comprehend her master's words. to be sold to her implied some sort of disgrace or hardship, which she did not think she deserved; besides, she had always lived on the "old plantation." she knew no other home; she did not want to leave "the people" of the quarter; nor did she feel happy in going away from the "white folks," particularly the "young mistresses," who had always been so kind to her. she had also some vague yearning of heart to be close to her mammy's grave, rough as it was; and near also to grandpap's cabin, where she roasted apples and potatoes on winter nights. she looked around upon the familiar quarter, the well-known people, the row of cabins; and strained her gaze far away to the rolling fields in the distance, where the negroes, like a swarm of crows, were busy at their morning's work; and as she gazed, the whole landscape flushed with the bloom and beauty of the risen sun. then the wild, pealing horn called the "sons of toil" from their morning hour's work to their frugal breakfast. ratie's little heart began to beat in its narrow limits as the word "sold" wrote itself there, and broke through her comprehension with all its horrors. she started quickly after her master, and, with the freedom of a petted slave, caught hold of the skirt of his coat. colonel williams turned suddenly round; and there, crouching on the earth at his feet, was the hunchback child. she held up the money which he had given her, and, in a sweet, tremulous voice, asked: "massa, why has you sold me? i has not behaved bad, as de boys did dat you sold last year. i doesn't steal nor tell lies. is it bekase i'se lazy? i do all de work dey gives me to do. i'll do more. i'll go into de fields. i'll plant and pick de cotton. please don't sell me. i doesn't want to leave de ole place. mammy is buried here; so i wants to be when i dies. i wants allers to live here." the stranger and colonel williams were much moved. they did not venture to speak to the child, but tried to get away from the sound of her plaintive cries. when the negroes drew around their morning meal, and learned that ratie was sold, they were unhappy, and refused to eat anything. they looked sorrowfully at one another, and turned away from their untasted food. "poor ratie!" exclaimed the old negroes, as they shook their heads in mournful discontent, "we shall not hear any more her sweet songs in de evenin' time." the young mistresses came to ratie with kind gifts and kinder words. they told her, with tears in their eyes, how sorry they were to part with her, how good they knew she had been, and how much they wished their papa would allow her to stay. words and acts like these softened the blow to the unfortunate child, and strengthened her for the coming trial. she looked up smilingly through her tears, as she said to her young mistresses: "please not to cry for me. god is good, and de preacher says he is everywhar; so i shall not be fur from de ole plantation." when she was starting away, each of the negroes brought her some little gift, such as cotton handkerchiefs, old ribbon-ends, bright-colored glass beads, or autumn berries, dried and strung on threads for neck ornaments. each of these humble little tokens possessed an individual interest which touched some spring in ratie's little heart. when the hour of separation came, she had nerved herself to the highest courage of which she was capable. she took leave of each of the slaves, all of them calling down the blessings of god upon her life. an old, lame negro man, whom the slaves addressed as grandpap, hobbled from his cabin, on a broken crutch, to utter his farewell. "good by, ratie," he began, and his voice choked with emotion; "good by, little ratie, and may de good lord be wid you. him dat keres fur de poor, de lowly, and de despised, up yonder, way fur and high up dere, is a god dat loves all of his chillens alike. he doesn't kere fur de color ob de skin or de quality ob de hair. in his sight, wool is jist as good as de fair, straight hair. he loves de heart, and looks straight and deep into dat, and keres fur nothin' else. never you be afeard, ratie, him'll take kere ob you, an' all sich as you, bekase he loves dem dat he smites and afflicts. now, he didn't break your poor little back for nothin'. him has him's eye upon you. you is a lamb ob de fold, dat de great shepherd will go fur and long to look arter. him holds you in the holler ob him's hand, an' he'll keep you dar. mind what i tell you. good by, ratie. god bless you. allers trust him. 'member my last words; dat is, allers trust him. look to him, and he'll never forget you." as he uttered these words, in a slow, oracular manner, he brushed a tear from his eye with the back of his old, hard hand, and looking tenderly toward the child, his lips moved slowly, and the words seemed to melt unheard in the thin, morning air. he turned from her and hobbled off in the direction of his cabin. the other slaves were more passionately demonstrative in their farewells; but little ratie bore up with a beautiful and proud composure. * * * * * the new owner proved very kind to the gentle little creature; but her heart had received a blow from which it could not recover. the master took her to new orleans, intending to have her taught music, that she might make money for him; but the poor child pined for "de ole plantation" and "de ole folks at home,"--the kind people--"my people," as she fondly called them--with whom she had been brought up. in the great city of new orleans she was literally lost. she missed the free country air, the green trees, the sweet singing-birds, the fields blooming with early flowers, the meadows and the running brooks. it was easy to see that the little hunchback was not happy. she grew thinner and thinner, and her voice lost its flexible sweetness, its clear and liquid roundness of tone. at last she fell away to a mere skeleton; then sharp, burning fever set in, and little ratie was taken down to her bed. day and night, in the delirium of fever, she raved for "de ole plantation" and her own people. the new master promised, when she got better, to take her back to her old home,--at least for a little while. but, alas! she never grew any better. she faded slowly away, until one evening, just at sundown, in the gay city of new orleans, little ratie breathed her last. just before she died, she lifted her head from the pillow, and, resting on her hand, she pointed eastward, saying: "over dar is de ole plantation. don't you see? how pretty and nice it looks! dar is all de peoples at work. how busy dey is! but i'se not gwine dar. i doesn't want to, any more. dere up dar is god's plantation, and it is betterer far. dere is no slaves dar, but all is free and happy,--loving friends; and it is dar dat i wants to go; and i hopes dat all de plantation folks will come to me." and so little ratie died. _from the new york independent._ the kingdom of christ. by james montgomery. hail to the lord's anointed! great david's greater son! hail, in the time appointed, his reign on earth begun! he comes to break oppression, to set the captive free, to take away transgression, and rule in equity. he comes, with succor speedy, to those who suffer wrong; to help the poor and needy, and bid the weak be strong; to give them songs for sighing, their darkness turned to light, whose souls, condemned and dying, were precious in his sight. to him shall prayer unceasing, and daily vows ascend; his kingdom still increasing,-- a kingdom without end. the tide of time shall never his covenant remove; his name shall stand forever,-- that name to us is love. the beginning and progress of emancipation in the british west indies. nothing has ever been done in this world more wicked and cruel than the slave-trade on the coast of africa. but the temptation to carry it on was very great; for hundreds of men and women could be bought for a cask of poor rum or a peck of cheap beads, and could be sold in the markets of america or the west indies for thousands of dollars. a hundred years ago men were not at all ashamed of growing rich in this bad way. they were respected in society as much as other men. they were often members of churches and professed to be very pious. perhaps they deceived themselves, as well as others, and really thought they were pious, because they observed all the ritual forms of religion. but, above all their prayers, god heard the groans and the cries of the poor tortured africans. he put it into the heart of a young englishman, named thomas clarkson, to inquire into the wicked business, that was going on under the sanction of the government, and unreproved by the church. in the course of his investigations, this young man discovered that the most shocking cruelties were habitually practised. he found that poor creatures stolen from their homes were packed close, like bales of goods, in the dark holds of ships, where they were half choked by bad odors from accumulated filth, and where they could hardly breathe for want of air. the food allotted them was merely enough to keep them alive. many died of grief and despair, and still more of burning fevers and other diseases. living and dead often remained huddled together for hours, and when the corpses were removed they were thrown out to the sharks. but the sea-captains engaged in this horrid traffic were selfish as well as cruel. they did not like to have their victims die, because every one they lost on the passage diminished the dollars they expected to get by selling them. so at times they brought the poor half-dead wretches on deck and drove them round with a whip for exercise, and insulted their misery by compelling them to dance, and sing the songs they had sung in their native land. thomas clarkson called public attention to the subject by publishing these things in a pamphlet. more than thirty years before, the humane sect called quakers had forbidden any of its members to be connected with the slave-trade. but though the abominable traffic had been carried on more than two hundred and fifty years by various nations calling themselves christian, there had been no attempt to excite general attention to the subject till clarkson published his pamphlet in , seventy-nine years ago. he became so much interested in the question that he gave up all other pursuits in life, and wrote, and lectured, and talked about it incessantly. the assembled representatives of the people which we call a congress, is called a parliament in great britain.[ ] he tried to bring the subject before that body, and succeeded in gaining the attention of some members, among whom the most conspicuous was the benevolent william wilberforce. he soon joined mr. clarkson in the formation of a society for the abolition of the slave-trade. this of course gave great offence to the sea-captains and merchants engaged in the profitable traffic. clarkson met with all manner of insult and abuse, and his life was sometimes in danger. the british government did as governments are apt to do,--it sided with the rich and powerful as long as it was politic to do so. but, though many of the aristocracy were haughty and selfish, the generality of the common people were ready to sympathize with the poor and the oppressed. when they became aware of the outrages committed in the slave-trade, they determined that a stop should be put to it. they wrote, and talked, and petitioned parliament, till the government was compelled to pay some attention to their demands. when the friends of the infernal traffic found that a resolution to abolish it was likely to be passed, they contrived to get the word "gradual" inserted into the resolution, and thus defeated the will of the people; for the gradual abolition of crime is no abolition at all. it was as absurd as it would have been for them to say they would abolish murder gradually. but though the law was insufficient to accomplish the desired purpose, public opinion against the trade exerted an increasing influence. the friends of those who were engaged in it began to apologize for it as a necessary branch of trade, and pleaded that laborers could not be supplied in the hot climate of the west indies in any other way. they were even shameless enough to defend it and praise it as a benevolent scheme to bring savages away from heathen africa and make good christians of them. mr. boswell, a well-known english writer of that period, went so far as to pronounce it "a trade which god had sanctioned"; and he declared that "to abolish it would be to shut the gates of mercy on mankind." such pretences deceived some. but the english people have a great deal of good common sense; and it was not easy to convince them that stealing men, women, and children from their homes, torturing them on the ocean, and selling them in strange lands, to be whipped to incessant toil without wages, was a pious missionary enterprise. clarkson, wilberforce, and others continued their unremitting labors to suppress the unrighteous traffic; the kindly sect of quakers everywhere assisted them; and benevolent people in other sects became more and more convinced that it was their duty to do the same. all manner of obstacles were put in the way of the desired reformation; but at last, after twenty-two years of violent agitation, the slave-trade was entirely abolished by great britain, at the commencement of the year . sixteen years later, it was decreed by law that any british subject caught in the traffic should be punished as a pirate. the king, george the third, was opposed to the abolition, and so were all the royal family, except the duke of gloucester. the nobility and wealthy people, with a few honorable exceptions, took the same side. the measure was carried by the good sense and good feeling of the common people of great britain. there were no slaves in great britain. it had been decided by law that any slave who landed in that country became free the moment he touched the shore. but many of the west india islands, lying between north and south america, were under the british government, and the laborers there were held in slavery. the english people knew very little what was going on in those distant colonies. when west india planters visited their relatives and friends in great britain, they made out a very fair story for themselves. they said none but negroes could work in such a hot climate, that sugar must be made, and negroes would not work unless they were slaves. they represented themselves as very kind masters, and described their bondmen as a very contented and merry class of laborers. these planters were generally dashing men, who spent freely the money they did not earn; and their fine manners and smooth talk gave the impression that they must be _gentle_ men. people were slow to believe the accounts of cruelties practised in the west indies by these polished gentlemen. but more and more facts were brought to light to prove that there was little to choose between the slave-trade and the system of slavery. when the honest masses of the british people became convinced that the slaves in the west indies were entirely subject to the will of their masters, however licentious that will might be, and that they were kept in such brutal ignorance they could not read the bible, they said at once that such a system ought to be abolished. they sent missionaries to the west indies to teach the negroes. the planters considered this an impertinent interference with their affairs. they said if slaves were instructed they would rise in rebellion against their masters. the english people replied that it must be a very bad system which made it dangerous for human beings to read the bible. the more closely they inquired into the subject, the more their indignation was roused. brown faces and yellow faces among the slaves told a shameful story of licentious masters, while the chains and whips and other instruments of torture found on every plantation proved that severe treatment was universal. again the honest masses of the english people rose up in their moral majesty and said that wrong should be righted. the government was unfavorable to the abolition of slavery, and the aristocracy, with a few honorable exceptions, sympathized with the slaveholders. the west-indian planters were boiling over with rage. they pulled down the chapels where the negroes met together to hear the words of jesus; they mobbed the missionaries, they thrust them into dungeons, and two or three of them were killed. some of the planters thought slavery was a bad system, but they had to be very cautious in expressing such an opinion; for if they were even suspected of favoring abolition, their neighbors were sure to make them suffer for it in some way. even women seemed to be filled with the spirit of furies, whenever the subject of slavery was mentioned. one of them said, if she could get hold of mr. wilberforce she would tear his heart out. everywhere one heard mournful predictions of the ruin and desolation that would follow emancipation. they insisted that negroes would not work unless they were slaves, and of course no crops could be raised; and what was still more to be dreaded, they would murder all the whites and set fire to the towns. sometimes they would present the subject from a benevolent point of view, and urge that it would be the greatest unkindness to the negroes to give them freedom; for when they had no kind masters to take care of them they would certainly starve. the slaves of course found out that something in their favor was going on in england. they watched eagerly for the arrival of vessels; they took notice of everything that was said; if they could get hold of a scrap of newspaper they hid it away, and those who could read would read it privately to the others. if their masters were unusually cross, or swore more than common, they would wink at each other and say, "there's good news for us from england." the masters, on their part, watched the slaves closely. if they were more silent than common, or if they appeared to be in better spirits than common, they suspected them of plotting insurrections. but the negroes did more wisely than that. they believed that good people in england were working for them, and they tried to be patient till they were emancipated by law. there was but one exception to this. the planters in jamaica were more bitter and furious than in the other islands. they formed societies to uphold slavery, and made flaming speeches against the people and parliament of great britain for "setting the slaves loose upon them," as they called it. they did not reflect that their colored servants, as they passed in and out, heard this violent language and had sense enough to draw conclusions from it. but they did draw from it a conclusion very dangerous to their masters. they had heard talk of emancipation for several years, and it seemed to them that the promised freedom was a long time coming. in , the speeches of the planters were so furious against the doings in parliament, that the slaves received the idea that the british government had already passed laws for their freedom, and that their masters were cheating them out of the legal rights that had been granted them. it was a sad mistake for the poor fellows, and brought a great deal of suffering upon themselves and others. they rose in insurrection, and it is said destroyed property to the amount of six millions of dollars. but instead of being protected by the british government, as they had expected, soldiers were sent over to put down the insurrection, and many of the negroes were shot and hung. meanwhile their friends in england were working for them zealously. they published pamphlets and papers and made speeches, and urgently petitioned parliament to "let the people go." one petition alone was signed by eight hundred thousand women. one of the members, pointing to the enormous roll, said: "there is no use in trying longer to resist the will of the people. when all the women in great britain are knocking at the doors of parliament, something must be done." the government and the aristocracy were very reluctant to comply with the demand of the people. but at last, after eleven years of more violent struggle than it had taken to suppress the african slave-trade, slavery itself was abolished in the british west indies forever. the decree was to go into effect on the st day of august, . up to the very last day, the planters persisted in saying that the measure would ruin the islands. they said the emancipated slaves would do no work, but would go round in large gangs, robbing, stealing, murdering the whites, burning the houses, and destroying the fields of sugar-cane. if the negroes had been revengeful, they might have done a great deal of mischief; for there were five times as many colored people in the islands as there were whites. but they were so thankful to get their freedom at last, that there was no room in their hearts for bad feelings. the tears were in their eyes as they told each other the good news, and said, "bress de lord and de good english people." but many of the masters really believed their own alarming prophesies. when they found that emancipation could not be prevented, numbers left the islands. some of those who remained did not dare to undress and go to bed on the night of the st of july; and those who tried to sleep were generally restless and easily startled. but while masters and mistresses were dreading to hear screams and alarms of fire, their emancipated slaves were flocking to the churches to offer up prayers and hymns of thanksgiving. in the island of antigua there were thirty thousand slaves when the midnight clock began to strive twelve, on the st of july, ; and when it had done striking they were all free men and free women. it was a glorious moment, never to be forgotten by them during the remainder of their lives. the wesleyan methodists kept watch-night in all their chapels. one of the missionaries who exhorted the emancipated people and prayed with them thus described the solemn scene:-- "the spacious house was filled with the candidates for liberty. all was animation and eagerness. a mighty chorus of voices swelled the song of expectation and joy; and as they united in prayer, the voice of the leader was drowned in the universal acclamations of thanksgiving and praise and blessing and honor and glory to god, who had come down for their deliverance. in such exercises the evening was spent, until the hour of twelve approached. the missionary then proposed that when the cathedral clock should begin to strike, the whole congregation should fall on their knees, and receive the boon of freedom in silence. accordingly, as the loud bell tolled its first note, the crowded assembly prostrated themselves. all was silence, save the quivering, half-stifled breath of the struggling spirit. slowly the tones of the clock fell upon the waiting multitude. peal on peal, peal on peal, rolled over the prostrate throng, like angels' voices, thrilling their weary heartstrings. scarcely had the _last_ tone sounded, when lightning flashed vividly, and a loud peal of thunder rolled through the sky. it was god's pillar of fire. his trump of jubilee. it was followed by a moment of profound silence. then came the outburst. they shouted 'glory! hallelujah!' they clapped their hands, they leaped up, they fell down, they clasped each other in their free arms, they cried, they laughed, they went to and fro, throwing upward their unfettered hands. high above all, a mighty sound ever and anon swelled up. it was the utterance of gratitude to god. "after this gush of excitement had spent itself, the congregation became calm, and religious exercises were resumed. the remainder of the night was spent in singing and prayer, in reading the bible, and in addresses from the missionaries, explaining the nature of the freedom just received, and exhorting the people to be industrious, steady, and obedient to the laws, and to show themselves in all things worthy of the high boon god had conferred upon them. "the st of august came on friday; and a release from all work was proclaimed until the next monday. the great mass of the negroes spent the day chiefly in the churches and chapels. the clergy and missionaries throughout the island actively seized the opportunity to enlighten the people on all the duties and responsibilities of their new relation. the day was like a sabbath. a sabbath, indeed, when 'the wicked ceased from troubling and the weary were at rest.' "the most kindly of the planters went to the chapels where their own people were assembled, and shook hands with them, and exchanged hearty good wishes. "at grace hill, a moravian missionary station, the emancipated negroes begged to have a sunrise meeting on the st of august, as they had been accustomed to have at easter; and as it was the easter morning of their freedom, the request was granted. the people all dressed in white, and walked arm in arm to the chapel. there a hymn of thanksgiving was sung by the whole congregation kneeling. the singing was frequently interrupted by the tears and sobs of the melted people, until finally they were overwhelmed by a tumult of emotion. "there was not a single dance by night or day; not even so much as a fiddle played. there were no drunken carousals, no riotous assemblies. the emancipated were as far from dissipation and debauchery as they were from violence and carnage. gratitude was the absorbing emotion. from the hill-tops and the valleys the cry of a disenthralled people went upward, like the sound of many waters: 'glory to god! glory to god!'" mr. bleby, one of the methodist missionaries in jamaica, thus describes the same night in that island:-- "the church where the emancipated people assembled, at ten o'clock at night, was very large; but the aisles, the gallery stairs, the communion-place, the pulpit stairs, were all crowded; and there were thousands of people round the building, at every open door and window, looking in. we thought it right and proper that our christian people should receive their freedom as a boon from god, in the house of prayer; and we gathered them together in the church for a midnight service. our mouths had been closed about slavery up to that time. we could not quote a passage that had reference even to _spiritual_ emancipation, without endangering our lives. the planters had a law of 'constructive treason,' that doomed any man to death who made use of language tending to excite a desire for liberty among the slaves; and they found treason in the bible and sedition in the hymns of watts and wesley, and we had to be very careful how we used them. you may imagine with what feelings i saw myself emancipated from this thraldom, and free to proclaim 'liberty to the captive, and the opening of prison doors to them that were bound.' i took for my text, 'proclaim liberty throughout all the land, unto all the inhabitants thereof. it shall be a jubilee unto you.' "a few minutes before midnight, i requested all the people to kneel down in silent prayer to god, as befitting the solemnity of the hour. i looked down upon them as they knelt. the silence was broken only by sobs of emotion, which it was impossible to repress. the clock began to strike. it was the knell of slavery in all the british possessions! it proclaimed liberty to eight hundred thousand human beings! when i told them they might rise, what an outburst of joy there was among that mass of people! the clock had ceased to strike, and they were slaves no longer! mothers were hugging their babes to their bosoms, old white-headed men embracing their children and husbands clasping their wives in their arms. by and by all was still again, and i gave out a hymn. you may imagine the feelings with which these people, just emerging into freedom, shouted 'send the glad tidings o'er the sea! his chains are broke, the slave is free!'" but though the dreaded st of august passed away so peacefully and pleasantly, the planters could not get rid of the idea that their laborers would not work after they were free. mr. daniell, who managed several estates in antigua, talking of the subject, two years afterward, with an american gentleman from kentucky, said: "i expected some irregularities would follow such a prodigious change in the condition of the negroes. i supposed there would be some relaxation from labor during the week that followed emancipation; but on monday morning, i found all my hands in the field, not one missing. the same day i received a message from another estate, of which i was proprietor, that the negroes, to a man, had refused to go into the field. i immediately rode to the estate, and found the laborers, with hoes in their hands, doing nothing. accosting them in a friendly manner, i inquired, 'what is the meaning of this? how is it that you are not at work this morning?' they immediately replied, 'it's not because we don't want to work, massa; but we wanted to see you, first and foremost, to know what the _bargain_ would be.' as soon as that matter was settled, the whole body of negroes turned out cheerfully." another manager declared that the largest gang he had ever seen in the field, on his property, turned out the week after emancipation. and such in fact was the universal testimony of the managers throughout antigua. in the days of slavery, it had always been customary to order out the militia during the christmas holidays, when the negroes were in the habit of congregating in large numbers, to enjoy the festivities of the season. but the december after emancipation, the governor issued a proclamation, that, "_in consequence of the abolition of slavery_," there was no further need of taking that precaution. and it is a fact that there have been no soldiers out at christmas from that day to this. unfortunately the british government had been so far influenced by the representations of the planters, that the plan of emancipation they adopted was a gradual one. all children under six years old were unconditionally free, the magistrates alone had power to punish, and no human being could be sold. but the slaves, under the new name of apprentices, were obliged to work for their masters six years longer without wages, except one day and a half in the week, which the law decreed should be their own. the number of hours they were to work each day was also stipulated by law. this was certainly a great improvement in their condition; but it was not all they had expected. they were peaceable, and worked more cheerfully than they had done while they were slaves; for now a definite date was fixed when they should own all their time, and they knew that every week brought them nearer to it. still they felt that entire justice had not been done to them. sometimes white men asked them if they would work when they were entirely free. they answered, "in slavery time we work; now we work better; den how you tink we work when we _free_, when we get _paid_ for work!" sometimes people said to them, "i suppose you expect to do just as you please when you are your own masters?" they replied: "we 'spect to 'bey de law. in oder countries where dey is all free dey hab de law. we couldn't get along widout de law. in slavery time, massa would sometimes slash we when we do as well as we could; but de law don't do harm to anybody dat behaves himself. 'prenticeship is bad enough; but we know de law make it so, and for peace' sake we will be satisfy. but we murmur in we minds." in the island of antigua, planters rejected the plan of apprenticeship. they said, "if the negroes _must_ be free, let them be free at once, without any more fuss and trouble." the result proved that they judged wisely for their own interest, as well as for the comfort and encouragement of their laborers. when the negroes found that they were paid for every day's work, they put their whole hearts into it. so zealous were they to earn wages, that they sometimes worked by moonlight, or by the light of fires kindled among the dry cane-stalks. in all respects, the change from the old order of things to the new went on more smoothly in antigua than it did anywhere else. in the islands where apprenticeship was tried, the irritability of the masters made it work worse than it would otherwise have done. all that most of them seemed to care for was to get as much work out of their servants as they could, during the six years that they were to work without wages, and it vexed them that they could not use the lash whenever they pleased. they took away various little privileges which they had been accustomed to grant; while during four days and a half of the week the apprentices received no wages to compensate them for the loss of those privileges. being deprived of the power to sell the children, they refused to supply them with any food. in fact, they contrived every way to make the colored people think they had better have remained slaves. but if they called out, "work faster, you black rascal, or i'll flog you!" the apprentices would sometimes lose patience, and answer, "you can't flog we now." that would make the master very angry, and he would send the apprentice to a magistrate to be punished for impudence. the magistrates were the associates of the planters; they ate their good dinners, and rode about in their carriages. consequently, they were more inclined to believe them than they were to believe their servants. the laborers became so well aware of this, that they were accustomed to say to each other, "it's of no use for us to apply to the magistrates. they are so poisoned by massa's turtle-soup." it has been computed by missionaries that, in the course of two years, sixty thousand apprentices received, among them all, two hundred and fifty thousand lashes, besides fifty thousand other legalized punishments, such as the tread-mill and the chain-gang. the planters were full of complaints to travellers who visited the west indies. if they were asked, "why don't you emancipate your laborers entirely, and give them wages, as they do in antigua,--they have no such troubles there?" the prejudiced men would shake their heads and answer: "negroes will not work without being flogged. we must get what we can out of them before ; for when they are their own masters they will rob, murder, or starve, rather than labor." planters who manifested a more kind and considerate disposition had pleasanter relations with their servants, and they never found any difficulty in procuring as much labor as they wanted. some made it easy for their apprentices to buy the remainder of their time; and it was soon observed that those who owned all their time worked faster and better than those who were without that stimulus. the idea gained ground that unconditional emancipation would be better both for masters and servants. the marquis of sligo, the humane governor of jamaica, set a good example by emancipating all his apprentices. people in england began to petition parliament to abolish the apprenticeship, on the ground that it proved unsatisfactory and troublesome to all parties. the result was that all the apprentices in the british west indies were made entirely free on the st of august, . mr. phillippo, a baptist missionary in jamaica, thus describes the observance of the day in that island: "on the preceding evening, the missionary stations throughout the island were crowded with people, filling all the places of worship. they remained at their devotions till the day of liberty dawned, when they saluted it with joyous acclamations. then they dispersed through the towns and villages, singing 'god save the queen,' and rending the air with their shouts,--'freedom's come!' 'we're free! we're free!' 'our wives and children are free!' during the day, the places of worship were crowded to suffocation. the scenes presented exceeded all description. joyous excitement pervaded the whole island. at spanish town, the governor, sir lionel smith, addressed the emancipated people, who formed a procession of seven thousand, and escorted the children of the schools, about two thousand in number, to the government house. they bore banners and flags with various inscriptions, of which the following are samples: 'education, religion, and social order'; 'august first, ,--the day of our freedom'; 'truth and justice have at last prevailed.' the children sang before the government house, and his excellency made a speech characterized by simplicity and kindness, which was received with enthusiastic cheers. the procession then escorted their pastor to his house. in front of the baptist chapel were three triumphal arches, decorated with leaves and flowers, and surmounted by flags bearing the inscriptions, 'freedom has come!' 'slavery is no more!' 'the chains are broken, africa is free!' there were many flags bearing the names of their english benefactors,--clarkson, wilberforce, sligo, thompson, etc. when these were unfurled, the enthusiasm of the multitude rose to the highest pitch. for nearly an hour the air rang with exulting shouts, in which the shrill voices of two thousand children joined, singing, 'we're free! we're free!' several of the kindly disposed planters gave rural _fêtes_ to the laborers. long tables were spread in the lawns, arches of evergreens were festooned with flowers, and on the trees floated banners bearing the names of those who had been most conspicuous in bringing about this blessed result. songs were sung, speeches made, prayers offered, and a plentiful repast eaten." mr. phillippo says: "the conduct of the newly emancipated peasantry would have done credit to christians of the most civilized country in the world. they were clean in their persons, and neat in their attire. their behavior was modest, unassuming, and decorous in a high degree. there was no crowding, no vulgar familiarity, but all were courteous and obliging to each other, as members of one harmonious family. there was no dancing, gambling, or carousing. all seemed to have a sense of the obligations they owed to their masters, to each other, and to the civil authorities. the masters who were present at these _fêtes_ congratulated their former dependents on the boon they had received, and hopes were mutually expressed that all past differences and wrongs might be forgiven." on some of the estates where these festivals were held the laborers, with few individual exceptions, went to work as usual on the following day. _many of them gave their first week of free labor as an offering of good-will to their masters._ thus the period from which many of the planters had apprehended the worst consequences passed away in peace and harmony. it is now twenty-seven years since the laborers in the british west indies have been made entirely free; and the missionaries, the magistrates, and even the masters agree that the laborers are much more faithful and industrious under the new system than they were under the iron rule of slavery. it is true, some of the old planters growled as long as they lived. they had always predicted that freedom would bring ruin on all classes, and it vexed them to see the negroes behaving so well. they, however, made the most of the fact that there was less sugar made than in former years. it was their own fault. the emancipated slaves wanted to stay and work on the plantations where they had always lived. but the masters could not give up their old habits of meanness and tyranny. their laborers could scarcely support life with the very small wages they received; and yet they took from them the little patches of provision-ground which they had formerly had, and charged them enormously high rent for their miserable little huts. it seemed as if they wanted to drive them to robbery, that they might say, "we told you it would be so, if you set them free." but the freedmen disappointed them. under all discouragements, they persisted in behaving well. when they found that they could not get a living on the old plantations where they wanted to stay, they went to work on railroads, and wherever they could find employment. they laid up as much as they could of their wages, and bought bits of land, on which they built comfortable cabins for themselves, and laid out little gardens. their wives and children raised poultry and tended a cow, and carried vegetables and butter and eggs to market, in baskets poised on their heads. with the money thus earned they bought more land and added to their little stock of furniture. though the men received only from eighteen to twenty-four cents a day, out of which they boarded themselves, they were so industrious and saving that in four years the freedmen in jamaica alone had bought and paid for one hundred thousand acres of land, and put up dwellings thereon. mr. phillippo states, that during that time as many as two hundred new villages of freedmen were formed. these villages generally received the names of benefactors, such as clarkson, wilberforce, thompson, &c. to their own little homes they also gave names indicative of their gratitude and contentment. they called them "save rent," "a little of my own," "heart's love," "liberty and content," "happy retreat," "jane's delight," "thank god to see it," &c. mr. phillippo says:-- "these free villages are regularly laid out. the houses are small, many of them built of stone or wood, with shingled roofs, green blinds, and verandahs, to shield them from the sun. most of them are neatly thatched, and generally plastered and whitewashed both outside and in. they now have looking-glasses, chairs, and side-boards decorated with pretty articles of glass and crockery. each dwelling has its little plot of vegetables, generally neatly kept; and many of them have flower-gardens in front, glowing with all the bright hues of the tropics. the groups often presented are worthy of the painter's pencil or the poet's song. amid the stillness of a sabbath evening, many families, after their return from the house of god, may be seen gathered together in the shadow of the trees, which overhang their cottages, singing hymns, or listening to the reading of the scriptures, with none to molest or make them afraid." mr. charles tappan of boston, who visited jamaica several years after emancipation, writes:-- "on landing at kingston, i must confess i was half inclined to believe the story so industriously circulated, that the emancipated slave is more idle and vicious than any other of god's intelligent creatures; but when i rode through the valleys and over the mountains, and found everywhere an industrious, sober people, i concluded all the vagabonds of the island had moved to the sea-shore, to pick up a precarious living by carrying baggage, begging, &c.; and such, upon inquiry, i found to be the fact. wherever i went in the rural districts, i found contented men and women, cultivating sugar-cane, and numerous vegetables and fruits, on their own account. their neat, well-furnished cottages compared well with the dwellings of pioneers in our own country. i found in them mahogany furniture, crockery and glass ware, and shelves of useful books. i saw africans, of unmixed blood, grinding their own sugar-cane in their own mills, and making their own sugar. "i attended a large meeting called to decide the question about inviting a schoolmaster to settle among them. there was only one man who doubted the expediency of taking the children from work and sending them to school. one said, 'my little learning enabled me to see that a note, given to me in payment for a horse was not written according to contract.' another said, 'i should have been wronged out of forty pounds of coffee i sold in kingston the other day, if i hadn't known how to cipher.' another said, 'i shall not have much property to leave my children; but if they have learning they can get property.' another said, 'those that can read will be more likely to get religion.' all these people had been slaves, or were the children of slaves. i saw no intoxicated person in jamaica; and when it is considered that every man there can make rum, it strikes me as very remarkable." one of the most striking characteristics of this colored peasantry is their desire to obtain education for themselves and their children. after a hard day's work, women would often walk miles, with babies in their arms, to learn the alphabet. with the first money they can spare they build school-houses and chapels and hire teachers. they also form charitable societies and contribute money to help the aged and sick among them. in the days of slavery they herded together like animals; but now it is considered disreputable and wrong to live together without being married. in the days of slavery they wore ragged and filthy garments, but freedom has made them desirous of making a neat appearance. their working-clothes are generally well mended and clean, and they keep a pretty suit to attend meeting and other festival occasions. they are very careful of their best clothes. when they go to dances, or social gatherings, they carry them in a basket, nicely folded and covered up, and put them on when they arrive; and when they are about to return home they again pack them up carefully. when they have far to walk to meeting, over rough and dusty roads, they carry their shoes and stockings till they come in sight of the church. this is not at all like what the old planters prophesied, when they said that if the negroes were freed they would skulk in the woods and steal yams to keep them from starving. but all that silly talk has passed away. everybody in the british west indies acknowledges that emancipation has proved a blessing both to the white and the black population. there is not a planter to be found there who would restore slavery again, if his own wish could do it. footnote: [ ] the northern part of great britain is called scotland, the southern part england. the entire people are called british. the last night of slavery. by james montgomery. let the floods clap their hands! let the mountains rejoice! let all the glad lands breathe a jubilant voice! the sun, that now sets on the waves of the sea, shall gild with his rising the land of the free! let the islands be glad! for their king in his might, who his glory hath clad with a garment of light, in the waters the beams of his chambers hath laid, and in the green waters his pathway hath made. dispel the blue haze, golden fountain of morn! with meridian blaze the wide ocean adorn! the sunlight has touched the glad waves of the sea, and day now illumines the land of the free! madison washington. by l. maria child. this man was a slave, born in virginia. his lot was more tolerable than that of many who are doomed to bondage; but from his early youth he always longed to be free. nature had in fact made him too intelligent and energetic to be contented in slavery. perhaps he would have attempted to escape sooner than he did, had he not become in love with a beautiful octoroon slave named susan. she was the daughter of her master, and the blood of the white race predominated in several of her ancestors. her eyes were blue, and her glossy dark hair fell in soft, silky ringlets. her lover was an unmixed black, and he also was handsome. his features were well formed, and his large dark eyes were very bright and expressive. he had a manly air, his motions were easy and dignified, and altogether he looked like a being that would never consent to wear a chain. if he had hated slavery before, he naturally hated it worse after he had married susan; for a handsome woman, who is a slave, is constantly liable to insult and wrong, from which an enslaved husband has no power to protect her. they laid plans to escape; but unfortunately their intention was discovered before they could carry it into effect. to avoid being sold to the far south, where he could have no hopes of ever rejoining his beloved susan, he ran to the woods, where he remained concealed several months, suffering much from privation and anxiety. his wife knew where he was, and succeeded in conveying some messages to him, without being detected. she persuaded him not to wait for a chance to take her with him, but to go to canada and earn money enough to buy her freedom, and then she would go to him. he travelled only in the night, and by careful management, after a good deal of hardship, he reached the northern states, and passed into canada. there he let himself out to work on the farm of a man named dickson. he was so strong, industrious, intelligent, and well behaved, that the farmer hoped to keep him a long time in his employ. he never mentioned that he was born a slave; for the idea was always hateful to him, and he thought also that circumstances might arise which would render it prudent to keep his own secret. he showed little inclination for conversation, and occupied every leisure moment in learning to read and write. he remained there half a year, without any tidings from his wife; for there are many difficulties in the way of slaves communicating with each other at a distance. he became sad and restless. his employer noticed it, and tried to cheer him up. one day he said to him: "madison, you seem to be discontented. what have you to complain of? do you think you are not treated well here? or are you dissatisfied with the wages i give you?" "i have no complaint to make of my treatment, sir," replied madison. "you have been just and kind to me; and since you manifest so much interest in me, i will tell you what it is that makes me so gloomy." he then related his story, and told how his heart was homesick for his dear susan. he said she was so handsome that they would ask a high price for her, and he had been calculating that it would take him years to earn enough to buy her; meanwhile, he knew not what might happen to her. there was no law to protect a slave, and he feared all sorts of things; especially, he was afraid they might sell her to the far south, where he could never trace her. so he said he had made up his mind to go back to virginia and try to bring her away. mr. dickson urged him not to attempt it. he reminded him of the dangers he would incur: that he would run a great risk of getting back into slavery, and that perhaps he himself would be sold to the far south, where he never would be able to communicate with his wife. but madison replied, "i am well aware of that, sir; but freedom does me no good unless susan can share it with me." he accordingly left his safe place of refuge, and started for virginia. he had free-papers made out, which he thought would protect him till he arrived in the neighborhood where he was known. he also purchased several small files and saws, which he concealed in the lining of his clothes. with these tools he thought he could effect his escape from prison, if he should be taken up on the suspicion of being a runaway slave. passing through the state of ohio, he met several who had previously seen him on his way to canada. they all tried to persuade him not to go back to virginia; telling him there were nine chances out of ten that he would get caught and carried back into slavery again. but his answer always was, "freedom does me no good while my wife is a slave." when he came to the region where he was known, he hid in woods and swamps during the day, and travelled only in the night. at last he came in sight of his master's farm, and hid himself in the woods near by. there he remained several days, in a dreadful state of suspense and anxiety. he could not contrive any means to obtain information concerning his wife. he was afraid they might have sold her, for fear she would follow him. he prowled about in the night, in hopes of seeing some old acquaintance, who would tell him whether she was still at the old place; but he saw no one whom he could venture to trust. at last fortune favored him. one evening he heard many voices singing, and he knew by their songs that they were slaves. as they passed up the road, he came out from the woods and joined them. there were so many of them that the addition of one more was not noticed. he found that they were slaves from several plantations, who had permits from their masters to go to a corn-shucking. they were merry, for they were expecting to have a lively time and a comfortable supper. being a moonless evening, they could not see madison's face, and he was careful not to let them discover who he was. he went with them to the corn-shucking; and, keeping himself in the shadow all the time, he contrived, in the course of conversation, to find out all he wanted to know. susan was not sold, and she was living in the same house where he had left her. he was hungry, for he had been several days without food, except such as he could pick up in the woods; but he did not dare to show his face at the supper, where dozens would be sure to recognize him. so he skulked away into the woods again, happy in the consciousness that his susan was not far off. he resolved to attempt to see her the next night. he was afraid to tap at her window after all the people in the great house were abed and asleep; for, as she supposed he was in canada, he thought she might be frightened and call somebody. he therefore ventured to approach her room in the evening. unfortunately, the overseer saw him, and called a number of whites, who rushed into the room just as he entered it. he fought hard, and knocked down three of them in his efforts to escape. but they struck at him with their bowie-knives till he was so faint with loss of blood that he could resist no longer. they chained him and carried him to richmond, where he was placed in the jail. his prospects were now dreary enough. his long-cherished hope of being reunited to his dear wife vanished away in the darkness of despair. there was a slave-trader in richmond buying a gang of slaves for the market of new orleans. madison washington was sold to him, and carried on board the brig creole, owned by johnson and eperson, of richmond, and commanded by captain enson. the brig was lying at the dock waiting for her cargo, which consisted of tobacco, hemp, flax, and slaves. there were two separate cabins for the slaves: one for the men and the other for the women. some of the poor creatures belonged to johnson and eperson, some to thomas mccargo, and some to henry hewell. each had a little private history of separation and sorrow. there was many a bleeding heart there, beside the noble heart that was throbbing in the bosom of madison washington. his purchasers saw that he was intelligent, and they knew that he was sold for having escaped to canada. he was therefore chained to the floor of the cabin and closely watched. he seemed quiet and even cheerful, and they concluded that he was reconciled to his fate. on the contrary, he was never further from such a state of mind. he closely observed the slaves who were in the cabin with him. his discriminating eye soon selected those whom he could trust. to them he whispered that there were more than a hundred slaves on board, and few whites. he had his saws and files still hidden in the lining of his clothes. these were busily used to open their chains, while the captain and crew were asleep. they still continued to wear their chains, and no one suspected that they could slip their hands and feet out at their pleasure. when the creole had been nine days out they encountered rough weather. most of the slaves were sea-sick, and therefore were not watched so closely as usual. on the night of november , , the wind was blowing hard. the captain and mate were on deck, and nearly all the crew. mr. henry hewell, one of the owners of the cargo of slaves, who had formerly been a slave-driver on a plantation, was seated on the companion, smoking a cigar. the first watch had just been summoned, when madison washington sprang on deck, followed by eighteen other slaves. they seized whatever they could find to use as weapons. hewell drew a pistol from under his coat, fired at one of the slaves and killed him. madison washington struck at him with a capstan-bar, and he fell dead at his feet. the first and second mates both attacked madison at once. his strong arms threw them upon the deck wounded, but not killed. he fought for freedom, not for revenge; and as soon as they had disarmed the whites and secured them safely, he called out to his accomplices not to shed blood. with his own hands he dressed the wounds of the crew, and told them they had nothing to fear if they would obey his orders. the man who had been a chained slave half an hour before was now master of the vessel, and his grateful companions called him captain washington. being ignorant of navigation, he told merritt, the first mate, that he should have the freedom of the deck, if he would take an oath to carry the brig faithfully into the nearest port of the british west indies; and he was afraid to do otherwise. the next morning captain washington ordered the cook to prepare the best breakfast the store-room could furnish, for it was his intention to give all the freed slaves a good meal. the women, who had been greatly frightened by the tumult the night before, were glad enough to come out of their close cabin into the fresh air. and who do you think was among them? susan, the beautiful young wife of madison, was there! she had been accused of communicating with her husband in canada, and being therefore considered a dangerous person, she had been sold to the slave-trader to be carried to the market of new orleans. neither of them knew that the other was on board. with a cry of surprise and joy they rushed into each other's arms. the freed slaves threw up their caps and hurrahed again and again, till the sea-gulls wondered at the noise. o, it was a joyful, joyful time! captain washington was repaid for all he had suffered. he had gained his own liberty, after having struggled for it in vain for years; he had freed a hundred and thirty-four of his oppressed brethren and sisters; and he had his beloved susan in his arms, carrying her to a land where the laws would protect their domestic happiness. he felt richer at that moment than any king with a golden crown upon his head. there had been but two lives lost. one white man was killed in the affray, and he was the slave-driver who shot down one of the slaves. captain enson and others who were wounded were kindly cared for by captain washington. they proved ungrateful, and tried to regain possession of the vessel and the slaves. the blacks were so exasperated by this attempt, that they wanted to kill all the whites on board. but captain washington called out to them: "we have got our liberty, and that is all we have been fighting for. let no more blood be shed! i have promised to protect these men. they have shown that they are not worthy of it; but let us be magnanimous." next morning the creole arrived at nassau, in the island of new providence. captain washington and his companions sprang out upon free soil. there he and his beloved susan are living under the protection of laws which make no distinctions on account of complexion. extract from the virginia bill of rights. "the election of members to serve as representatives of the people in assembly ought to be free; and all men having sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with, and attachment to, the community have the right of suffrage; and they cannot be taxed, or deprived of their property for public uses, without their own consent, or that of their representatives so elected; nor can they be bound by any law to which they have not assented, in like manner, for the public good." the virginia bill of rights was unanimously adopted by the people, in june, ; and when they met, in january, , to amend the constitution of the state, they voted that the bill of rights needed no amendment. praise of creation. by george horton. creation fires my tongue! nature, thy anthems raise, and spread the universal song of thy creator's praise. when each revolving wheel assumed its sphere sublime, submissive earth then heard the peal, and struck the march of time. the march in heaven begun, and splendor filled the skies, when wisdom bade the morning sun with joy from chaos rise. the angels heard the tune throughout creation ring; they seized their golden harps as soon, and touched on every string. when time and space were young, and music rolled along, the morning stars together sung, and heaven was drowned in song. frederick douglass. by l. maria child. captain anthony owned two or three farms on the eastern shore of maryland, and held about thirty slaves. one of them, a black woman named betsy, married a free black man named isaac baily; and they had a numerous family of children, all of whom were, of course, slaves to captain anthony. when she became an old widow she lived in a hut separate from the other slaves, and was principally employed in nursing troops of babies, which her children brought into the world for the benefit of their master. somewhere about the year , harriet, the youngest of her five daughters, gave birth to a boy, on whom she bestowed the high-sounding name of frederick augustus washington baily. as she could not be spared from field-work, baby frederick joined the band of little slaves that were under his grandmother's care. her hut was made of logs, with no windows, a clay floor, and a mud chimney. but the children were as well satisfied with it as if it had been a palace. they were too young to know that they were slaves, and they were as happy as little wild animals. they imitated the noises made by cats, dogs, pigs, and barn-yard fowls, and rolled over and over on the ground, laughing at their own fun. if the mud or dust made them uncomfortable, they walked into the river without undressing; for the short tow shirt, which was their only garment, was washed by swimming, and soon dried in the sunshine. there was a wood close by, and it was one of their greatest pleasures to watch the squirrels as they frisked about, or sat on the stumps eating nuts. near the hut was a well, with its beam placed between the boughs of an old tree, and so well balanced that the children could easily help themselves to water. down in a valley, not far off, was a water-mill, where people went to get their corn ground. it was capital sport to play at fishing in the mill-pond, with thread lines, and hooks made of bent pins; and they were never tired of seeing the big wheel turn round, throwing off great drops of water that sparkled in the sunshine. they lived mostly on corn mush, which they ate from a big wooden tray, with oyster-shells for spoons. but they were as healthy as little pigs, and enjoyed their coarse food as well. the greatest of their blessings was their good grandmother, who nursed them kindly and did all she could to make them happy. they loved her dearly; and when she was obliged to leave them for a short time, they greeted her return with merry shouts. she was advanced in years, and the hair that peeped from under the folds of her turban was very gray. but she was remarkably strong for her age, straight in her figure, and quick in her motions. she was very expert at catching fish, and sometimes spent half the day in the water. she also made excellent nets to catch shad and herring; and, as these nets sold extremely well, captain anthony still found the old slave profitable. she had the name of being born to good luck, because whatever business she undertook prospered in her hands. she raised such excellent sweet potatoes that people often sent for her to plant for them, saying, "if gran'ma betty touches them they'll be sure to flourish." but the secret of her good luck was her intelligence and carefulness. when she dug potatoes she took pains not to cut or bruise them; and in winter she protected them from frost in a hole under her hearth. freddy's poor mother was not allowed the comfort of being with her child. she was let out to work in the fields, twelve miles off. whenever she went to see her little boy she had to walk over all those miles twice in the night-time, after a hard day's work; for if she was not back in the field by sunrise she was severely whipped. freddy saw her but four or five times, and never by daylight. sometimes she would lie down beside him and talk to him till he fell asleep, but when he woke she was always gone. he always remembered that she once took him on her knee and gave him a cake in the shape of a heart. her rare visits made such an impression on him that he never forgot her personal appearance. she was tall and finely proportioned, with regular features and a deep black glossy complexion. her manners were very sedate, her countenance downcast, and her eyes very sad. when he was nearly seven years old she died; but he knew nothing about it till long afterward. in later years he heard that she could read, and that she was the only one of all the slaves in the neighborhood who possessed that advantage. he never discovered how she had learned. when she died he was too young to have heard anything from her lips concerning his father. he was always told that he was the son of a white man, and some whispered the name of his master. but he never knew who was his father, and could only conjecture why the eyes of his poor mother had such a sad expression. captain anthony did not carry on any of his own farms. he employed overseers for that purpose; and however cruelly the slaves might be treated by the overseers, they never could obtain any protection by applying to the "old master," as they called him. all the interest he took in them was to have as much work as possible forced out of them, and to sell one every year to add to his income. he himself managed the affairs of colonel lloyd, a wealthy gentleman with numerous plantations and a thousand slaves. his home-plantation, on the river miles, where he resided with his family, was about twelve miles from the hut where frederick had been nursed. his manager, captain anthony, lived in a house on the same plantation, and was personally a stranger to his own little slaves. but the children had seen and heard of things which made the name of the "old master" a terror to them. frederick's first great trouble was when he discovered that he was a slave, and that, as soon as he was big enough to work, he would have to go to "old master." nothing could exceed his dread of leaving the dear old home, and being separated from the kind friend of his childhood. when he was about eight years old, captain anthony sent for him; but his grandmother kept it a secret, knowing how it would frighten him. one bright summer morning she told him she was going to colonel lloyd's plantation, and invited him to go with her. he had a curiosity to see the grand place of which he had heard so much; so she took him by the hand and led him away from the happy home of his childhood, to which he never returned. she carefully concealed from him how her heart was swelling, and her tender ways did not lead him to suspect it. when the unconscious little boy began to be overcome with fatigue she "toted" him on her strong shoulders. she scarcely seemed to feel the burden, and insisted upon carrying him a long way; but he felt too much of a man to permit it. he was, however, a little afraid as they walked through the thick, dark woods; for sometimes the old knotted and gnarled stumps, when seen from a distance, looked like creatures with eyes and legs; and he kept a tight hold of her gown till the monstrous things were safely passed. it was afternoon before they reached the famous home plantation of colonel lloyd. there he found everything very different from the solitude and poverty to which he had been accustomed. the plantation seemed like a village, there were so many large houses, and stables, and out-buildings, and mechanics' shops, and such a long row of huts for the "slaves' quarters." children were shouting and singing, and a great many men and women were hoeing in the fields. the children came crowding round frederick, and asked him to go and play with them. he looked in his grandmother's face, and seeing that she seemed very sad, he begun to suspect that he was going to live with the "old master." he was unwilling to lose sight of her for a moment; but she patted him on the head, and said, "be a good boy, and go and play with the children. that one is your brother perry, that is your sister sarah, and that is your sister eliza." he had heard of these brothers and sisters before, but he had never seen them, and they seemed like strangers. he kept close to his grandmother; but at last she persuaded him to follow the children to the back part of the house. he felt so shy that he stood leaning against the wall, looking on, while the others played. after a while, a little boy, who had been left in the kitchen, ran up to him, exclaiming, "fed! fed! grandmammy's gone!" he rushed after her, and when he found that she was gone far out of sight, he threw himself on the ground and sobbed. his brother and sisters brought him peaches and pears, but he flung them away, and continued sobbing, till, overcome with sorrow and fatigue, he fell into a deep sleep. as colonel lloyd's plantation was not near any town, the barrels, wheels, shoes, and cloth that were needed by the numerous slaves were manufactured by themselves. large crops of grain and tobacco were raised and shipped for baltimore. all the business of twenty or thirty other farms was transacted at this plantation, which was distinguished by the name of "the great house farm"; and as captain anthony was overseer of all the overseers, he was kept very busy all the time. he took no notice of freddy at first, but when told who the newcomer was, he patted him on the head and said, "you are my little indian boy." occasionally when he met him he would speak affectionately to him; but he was a violent-tempered man, and freddy soon learned to watch him closely when he saw him coming. if he was shaking his head or muttering to himself, he hastened to get out of his way, lest he should catch a blow without knowing what it was for. the slave children had no one to care for them but cross katy, the cook, who cuffed them about, and kept all, except her own children, in such a half-starved condition, that freddy often had a tussle with the dogs and cats for the bones that were thrown to them. summer and winter, they had no clothing but a coarse tow shirt that reached to the knees. they were provided with two a year; and if they wore out before allowance-day came round, they went naked. they slept anywhere on the floor without covering. freddy suffered much from cold. his naked feet were cracked open in great gashes in the winter. when he could get a chance, he would creep into the meal-bag at night. so much for the care taken of their bodies; and it fared no better with their souls. all the instruction they received was from uncle isaac, a crippled slave, who, being unable to work, taught the children to say the lord's prayer after him by rote, and switched them whenever they made a mistake. but freddy was at an age to bear privations and troubles lightly, and to enjoy thoughtlessly whatever pleasant things came in his way. he had never seen anything so grand as the great house, in which colonel lloyd resided. it was a large white building, with piazza and columns in front, surrounded by arbors, and grain-houses, and turkey-houses, and pigeon-houses, interspersed with grand old trees. there was an extensive lawn, kept as smooth as velvet, and ornamented with flowering shrubs. the carriage-road to and from the house made a circle round the lawn, and was paved with white pebbles from the beach. outside of this enclosed space were extensive parks, where rabbits, deer, and other wild animals frisked about. flocks of red-winged blackbirds made the trees look gay, and filled the air with melody. vessels on their way to baltimore were continually in sight, and a sloop belonging to colonel lloyd lay in the river, with its pretty little boat bobbing about in the sparkling water. there was a windmill not far off, and the little slaves were never tired of watching the great wings go whirling round. there was a creek to swim in, and crabs and clams and oysters to be got by wading and digging and raking for them. freddy was glad enough to catch them when he had a chance, for he never had half enough to eat. he had one friend at the great house. daniel lloyd, the colonel's youngest son, liked to have him assist in his sports. he protected him when bigger boys wanted to make war upon him, and sometimes he gave him a cake. captain anthony's family consisted of a son, andrew, and a daughter, lucretia, who had married captain thomas auld. mrs. lucretia took a fancy to bright little freddy. she liked to hear him sing, and often spoke a kind word to him. this emboldened him so much, that when he was very hungry he would go and sing under the window where she sat at work, and she would generally give him a piece of bread, sometimes with butter on it. that was a great treat for a boy who was fed all the time on corn mush, and could not get half enough of that. his business was to clean the front yard, to keep fowls out of the garden, to drive the cows home from pasture, and to run of errands. he had a good deal of time to play with his little relatives, and with the young slaves at colonel lloyd's, who called him "captain anthony fed." he was such a mere boy, that it is no wonder so many new people and things soon cured him of homesickness for his grandmother, who could very seldom get time to trudge twelve miles to see him. but though his slave-life was not without gleams of enjoyment, he saw and heard much that was painful. at one time he would see colonel lloyd compel a faithful old slave get down upon his knees to be flogged for not keeping the hair of his horses sufficiently smooth. at another time, the overseer would shoot a slave dead for refusing to come up to be whipped. ever and anon some of them were sold to georgia slave-traders, and there was weeping and wailing in the families they left behind. on the premises of his own master, he was not unfrequently wakened in the night by the screams and groans of slaves who were being lashed. one of captain anthony's slaves, named esther, was the sister of freddy's mother. she had a pretty face and a graceful shape. she and a handsome young slave of colonel lloyd's were much attached, and wished to marry. but her old master, for reasons of his own, forbade her to see her lover, and if he suspected them of meeting he would abuse the poor girl in a most shocking manner. freddy was too young at the time to understand the full significance of this cruel treatment; but when he thought of it in after years, it explained to him why his poor mother had always looked so downcast and sad. as for himself, he managed to escape very severe punishment, though captain anthony not unfrequently whipped him for some carelessness or mischief. but when he saw the plantation-laborers, even of so rich a man as colonel lloyd, driven out to toil from early morning to dusk, shivering in the cold winds, or dripping with rain, with no covering but a few coarse tow rags, he could not help thinking that such was likely to be his fate when he was older. young as he was, he had a great dread of being a field-hand. therefore he was rejoiced when mrs. lucretia told him he was to be sent to baltimore, to live with her husband's brother, mr. hugh auld. she told him if he would make himself very clean, she would give him a pair of new trousers. the prospect of exchanging his little tow shirt for new trousers delighted him so much that he was ready to scrub his skin off to obtain them. he was, moreover, very eager to see baltimore; for slaves who had been there told fine stories about the grand houses and the multitude of ships. he had been only two years at captain anthony's, and he had formed no attachment so strong as that he had felt for his old grandmother. it was with a joyful heart that he went forth to view the wonders of the city. when he arrived in baltimore, his new mistress met him at the door with a pleasant smile. she said to her son, "there's little freddy, who has come to take care of you"; and to him she said, "you must be kind to little tommy." mrs. sophia auld had earned her own living before her marriage, and she had not yet acquired the ways of slaveholders toward servants. while her own little tommy was on her knee, freddy was often seated by her side, and sometimes her soft hand would rest upon his head in a kind, motherly way. he had never been treated so since he left his good old grandmother. in a very short time he loved her with all his heart, and was eager to do anything to please her. it was his business to go of errands and take care of tommy. the boys became as much attached to each other as if they were brothers. there was nothing to remind freddy of being a slave. he had plenty of wholesome food to eat, clean clothes to wear, and a good straw bed with warm covering. mrs. auld was much in the habit of singing hymns and reading the bible aloud; and freddy, who was not at all afraid of "miss sophy," as he called her, said to her one day that he wished she would teach him to read. she consented; and he was so quick at learning that he was soon able to spell small words. his kind mistress was so much pleased with his progress, that she told her husband about it, and remarked, with much satisfaction, that freddy would soon be able to read the bible. mr. auld was displeased, and forbade her giving any more lessons. "it is contrary to law to teach a nigger to read," said he. "it is unsafe, and can only lead to mischief. if you teach him to read the bible, it will make him discontented, and there will be no keeping him. next thing, he will be wanting to learn to write; and then he'll be running away with himself." this was said in the presence of freddy, and it set his active mind to thinking. he had often before wondered why black children were born to be slaves; and now he heard his master say that if he learned to read it would spoil him for a slave. he resolved that he _would_ learn to read. he carried a spelling-book in his pocket when he went of errands, and persuaded some of the white boys who played with him to give him a lesson now and then. he was soon able to read. with some money that he earned for himself, he bought a book called "the columbian orator." it contained many speeches about liberty. the reading of them made him discontented. he was no longer light-hearted and full of fun. he became thoughtful and serious. when he played with white boys, he would ask, "why haven't i as good a right to be free, and go where i please, as you have?" and sometimes a generous-hearted boy would answer, "i believe, fred, you _have_ just as good a right to be free as i have." he knew that his present situation was uncommonly favorable; but the idea of being a slave for life became more and more hateful to him. he had not been in baltimore quite four years when an event occurred which proved to him the extreme uncertainty of a slave's condition, even when circumstances seemed the most favorable. his old master, captain anthony, died; and his slaves were to be divided between his son andrew and his daughter mrs. lucretia auld. frederick was in terror lest it should be decided that he belonged to andrew, who was a confirmed drunkard, and excessively cruel to the slaves. it was a month before the division of the estate was decided by law; and the anxiety of his mind was so great that it seemed to him half a year. he felt as if saved from sentence of death, when he was informed that he belonged to mrs. lucretia, who had been kind to him in his hungry boyhood. as she had no occasion for his services, it was agreed that he should remain in mr. hugh auld's family; a circumstance which pleased master tom and his mother about as much as it did freddy. but in a short time he was again painfully reminded of the uncertainty of his condition. mrs. lucretia and her brother andrew both died, each of them leaving one child. neither captain anthony nor his children left any of the slaves free. even frederick's old grandmother, who had nursed her master when he was a baby, waited upon him through his boyhood, worked faithfully for him during all her life, and reared up a multitude of children and grandchildren to toil for him,--even she was left in slavery, with no provision made for her. the children she had tended so lovingly were sold, or let out in distant places; all were unable to write to inform her where they had gone; all were unable to help her, because they were not allowed to have their own earnings. when her old master and his children were dead, the owners of the property thought gran'ma betty was too old to be of any further use; so they put up a hut with a mud chimney in the woods, and left her there to find food for herself as she could, with no mortal to render her any service in her dying hour. this brutal proceeding increased the bitterness of frederick's feeling against slavery. by the blessing of god the consolations of religion came to him, and enabled him to look beyond this troubled and transitory world. a pious colored man, called uncle lawson, became interested in him. they attended prayer-meetings together, and frederick often went to his house on sundays. they had refreshing times together, reading the bible, praying, and singing hymns. uncle lawson saw that his young friend had uncommon intelligence, and he often said to him, "the lord has a great work for you to do, and you must prepare yourself for it." frederick replied that he did not see how a slave could prepare himself for any great work; but the pious old man always answered, "trust in the lord. he will bring it about in his own good time. you must go on reading and studying scripture." this prophecy inspired him with hope, and he seized every opportunity to improve himself. but he had many obstacles to contend with. his master, mr. hugh auld, was made irritable by an increasing love for brandy. when he found out that frederick read and spoke at religious meetings, he threatened to flog him if he continued to do it. his kind mistress, who used to pat him on the head and call him "little freddy," was changed by the habit of having slaves and talking with slaveholders. the pleasant, motherly expression of her face had become severe. she watched frederick very closely, and if she caught him with a book or newspaper in his hand, she would rush at him in a great rage and snatch it away. master tommy had grown to be a tall lad, and began to feel that he was born to be a master and fred to be a slave. frederick would probably have tried to run away, had it not been for the friendships he had formed for uncle lawson and the religious young men he met at the meetings. notwithstanding his master's threat, he contrived to find opportunities to read and pray with good uncle lawson; and it had a blessed influence on his spirit, making him feel at peace with all men. now that he had a taste of knowledge, it was impossible to prevent his getting more. his master sent him of errands to the shipyard almost daily. he noticed that the carpenters marked their boards with letters. he asked the name of the letters, and copied them with a bit of chalk. when the family went from home, he diligently copied from the writing-books master tommy had brought from school; and his zeal was so great that in a short time he could write as well as his master. he picked up bits of newspapers wherever he could find them, and he listened attentively when he heard slaveholders talking about the northern states and cursing the abolitionists. he did not at first know what was the meaning of "abolitionists"; but when he read in a newspaper that petitions were sent into congress for the abolition of slavery, light dawned upon him. he told trustworthy colored friends about it, and they were comforted by the thought that there were people at the north trying to help them out of bondage. but a new blow fell upon him. captain thomas auld married again, after the death of his wife mrs. lucretia, and removed to st. michael's,--an old village, the principal business of which was oyster fishing. he got into a quarrel with his brother, mr. hugh auld of baltimore, and demanded that frederick should be sent back to him. so he was put on board a ship for st. michael's. when swift steamboats on their way to philadelphia passed the sloop that carried him, he bitterly regretted that he had not escaped to the free states from baltimore, where he could have had so many more opportunities for doing it than he could at the old fishing-village. captain thomas auld and his new wife were both great professors of religion. he was an exhorter and class-leader in the methodist church. but their religion was not of a kind that taught them humanity to their fellow-creatures. they worked their slaves very hard, and kept them half fed and half clothed. scolding and flogging were going on incessantly. frederick soon discovered that they were violently opposed to colored people's knowing how to read; but when a pious young man in the neighborhood asked him to assist in a sunday school for colored children, he resolved to seize the opportunity of being useful. when his master found out what he was doing, he was very angry; and the next sunday he and two other methodist class-leaders went to the school, armed with clubs and whips, and drove off both teachers and scholars. it was agreed that frederick had been spoiled by living in baltimore, and that it was necessary to cure him of his dangerous thirst for knowledge. for that purpose he was sent to a famous "negro-breaker" in the neighborhood named covey. he was a great professor of religion, but a monster of cruelty. frederick was almost killed by hard labor, and not a week passed without his being cruelly cut up with the whip. escape was impossible, for covey was on the watch at all times of day and night. six months of such treatment wellnigh crushed all manhood out of him. but cruelty was carried so far that at last he became desperate, and when his master attempted to beat him, he struggled with him and threw him down. he expected to be hung for it, according to the laws of maryland; but covey prided himself on his reputation as a "negro-breaker," and he was ashamed to have it known that he had been conquered by a lad of seventeen. frederick's time was not out for six months longer, but covey never attempted to whip him again. the next two years frederick was let out to do field-work for mr. freeland, who fed his slaves well, and never worked them beyond their strength. some of his slaves were intelligent, and desirous to learn to read. on sundays they had meetings in the woods, and twenty or thirty young men were taught by frederick. after a while they formed a plan of escaping in a canoe. but some unknown men excited suspicion against them, and they were seized and thrust into prison. they kept their secrets so well, however, that no proof could be obtained against them, and they were released without even a whipping. but some of the neighboring slaveholders said frederick was a dangerous fellow; that he knew too much,--they would not have him tampering with their slaves; and if he was not sent out of the neighborhood they would shoot him. captain thomas auld talked of selling him to alabama; but he finally concluded to let him out again to his brother hugh, with a promise that if he behaved well he should be free at twenty-five years old. when he returned to baltimore he was let out to work at calking vessels; and he soon became so expert at the business that he earned from seven to nine dollars a week. he was trusted to make his own contracts, but was required to pay mr. hugh auld his earnings every saturday night. on such occasions a sixpence or a shilling was sometimes given him, for which he was expected to be grateful; but it naturally occurred to him that the whole of the money rightfully belonged to him who earned it. he was attached to a worthy girl named anna, but he was reluctant to form family ties while he was subject to the vicissitudes of slavery. he often thought of escaping to the free states, but the regulations were so strict that it seemed a hopeless undertaking, unless he had money. when captain thomas auld visited baltimore, he tried to make a bargain with him to buy his time for a specified sum each week, being free to earn as much more as he could. the reply was, "you are planning to run away. but, wherever you go, i shall catch you." the master then tried to coax him with promises of freedom in the future; but frederick thought it very uncertain when they would be willing to give up a man who brought them in nine dollars a week. he concluded to go to the free states. how he accomplished it he never told, for he was afraid of bringing trouble upon those who helped him. when he arrived in new york, he says he felt as he should suppose a man would feel who had escaped from a den of hungry lions. but the joyful feeling was soon checked. he met an acquaintance who had recently escaped from slavery. he told him the city was full of southerners, who had agents out in every direction to catch runaway slaves; and then he hurried away, as if afraid of being betrayed. this made frederick feel very desolate. he was afraid to seek employment as a calker, lest spies from his master should be on the watch for him. he bought a loaf of bread, and hid away for the night among some barrels on a wharf. in the morning, he met a sailor, who looked so good-natured and honest that he ventured to tell him he was a fugitive slave, and to ask him for advice. he was not deceived in the expression of the man's face. he invited him to his house, and went in search of mr. david ruggles, a worthy colored man, well known as a zealous friend of his oppressed race. the fugitive was kept hidden for a few days, during which time anna was sent for, and they were married. by help of mr. ruggles, employment at calking was obtained in new bedford, a large town in massachusetts, where a great many ships are constantly employed. there he found many intelligent colored people, not a few of whom had been slaves. they lived in convenient houses, took newspapers, bought books, and sent their children to good schools. they had various societies for improvement; and when he attended their meetings, he was surprised to hear their spirited discussions on various subjects. his bright mind was roused into full activity by the influences around him. he changed his name to frederick douglass. he was called mr. douglass now, and felt like it. he worked hard, but that was a pleasure, now that he could enjoy his own earnings. he felt safe; for there were so many abolitionists and so many intelligent colored people in new bedford, that slaveholders did not venture to go there to hunt for fugitives. the cruel treatment he had received from hypocritical professors of religion had not destroyed his faith in the excellence of real religion. he joined a church of colored people, called zion methodists, and became a class-leader and preacher among them. he took a newspaper called "the liberator," edited by william lloyd garrison, wherein he found the rights of the colored people vindicated with great zeal and ability. his wife proved a neat and industrious helpmate, and a little family of children began to gather round him. thus furnished with healthy employment for his mind, his heart, and his hands, he lived over three years in new bedford. at the end of that period, in the year , a great anti-slavery meeting was held in the vicinity, and mr. douglass went to hear mr. garrison and others speak. he did not suppose that any one in the meeting knew him; but a gentleman was present who had heard him preach in zion church, and he went to him and urged him to address the anti-slavery meeting. he was bashful about speaking before such a large and intelligent audience; and when he was persuaded to mount the platform he trembled in every limb. but what he said flowed right out from the depths of his heart; and when people of any intelligence speak in that way, they are always eloquent. the audience were greatly moved by what he told them of his experiences. it was the beginning of a great change in his life. the anti-slavery society employed him to travel in the free states to lecture against slavery; and that you may be sure he could do with a will. crowds went to hear him, and his ministration was greatly blessed. the prophecy of good uncle lawson was fulfilled. the lord _had_ a great work for him to do; and in his own good time he had brought it about. people who were in favor of slavery said he was an impostor; that he did not look like a slave, or speak like a slave; and that they did not believe he had ever been in the southern states. to prove that he was not an impostor he wrote and published an account of his life, with the names of his masters and the places where they resided. the book was ably written, and produced almost as great an effect as his lectures. slaveholders were very angry that one of their escaped chattels should produce such an excitement. there was great danger that some of their agents would kidnap him as he went about the country lecturing. it was therefore concluded that he had better go to england. in he took passage for liverpool in the english steamship cambria. he was invited to deliver a lecture on deck. some slaveholders from new orleans and georgia, who were a little under the influence of brandy, swore they would throw him overboard if he did; but the captain of the vessel threatened to put them in irons if they behaved in a disorderly manner. when they arrived in england they tried to injure mr. douglass by publishing that he was an insolent, lying negro; but their efforts only served to make him famous. he delivered a great number of lectures, and attracted crowds everywhere. in the free states of his own country he had been excluded from many places of improvement, and often insulted on account of his color; but he had no such prejudice to encounter in england. he behaved like a gentleman, and was treated like a gentleman. many distinguished and wealthy people invited him to their houses, as a mark of respect for his natural abilities and the efforts he had made to improve himself. but he felt that his labors were needed in america, in behalf of his oppressed brethren, and he wanted to return. his friends in england entered into negotiations with captain thomas auld for the purchase of his freedom, which they succeeded in obtaining for little more than seven hundred dollars. after an absence of two years he returned to the united states a freeman. he established himself with his family in rochester, new york. there he edited a weekly newspaper, called "the north star," and from time to time travelled about the country to deliver lectures, which were always fully attended. after he was free he wrote a spirited letter to his old master, captain thomas auld, in which he asks: "what has become of my dear old grandmother, whom you turned out, like an old horse, to die in the woods? if she is still alive, she must be near eighty years old,--too old to be of any service to you. o, she was father and mother to me, so far as hard toil for my comfort could make her so. send her to me at rochester, and it shall be the crowning happiness of my life to take care of her in her old age." i never heard that any answer was received to this letter. during the rebellion mr. douglass labored zealously to raise colored regiments, and one of his sons enlisted in the service of the united states. after the proclamation of emancipation he was invited to baltimore, where he delivered an address before a large audience of respectable citizens. how different was free maryland from the slavery-ridden state which he had left, secretly and in terror, nearly thirty years before! how the good work goes on. in the spring of an association of colored men was formed in baltimore for moral and intellectual improvement. they bought a building formerly used by the newton university, for which they paid sixteen thousand dollars. in honor of their able pioneer, frederick douglass, they named it "the douglass institute." on the day of its dedication he delivered an address before the association in baltimore, in the course of which he said: "the mission of this institution is to develop manhood; to build up manly character among the colored people of this city and state. it is to teach them the true idea of manly independence and self-respect. it is to be a dispenser of knowledge, a radiator of light. in a word, we dedicate this institution to virtue, temperance, knowledge, truth, liberty, and justice." dedication hymn. by j. m. whitefield. written for the vine street methodist episcopal church of colored people, in buffalo, n. y. god of our sires! before thy throne our humble offering now we bring; deign to accept it as thine own, and dwell therein, almighty king! around thy glorious throne above angels and flaming seraphs sing; archangels own thy boundless love, and cherubim their tribute bring. and every swiftly rolling sphere, that wends its way through boundless space, hymns forth, in chorus loud and clear, its mighty maker's power and grace. it is not ours to bear the parts in that celestial song of praise; but here, o lord! with grateful hearts, this earthly fane to thee we raise. o let thy presence fill this house, and from its portals ne'er depart! accept, o lord! the humble vows poured forth by every contrite heart! no sacrifice of beast or bird, no clouds of incense here shall rise, but, in accordance with thy word we'll bring a holier sacrifice. here shall the hoary-headed sire invoke thy grace, on bended knee; while youth shall catch the sacred fire, and pour its song of praise to thee. let childhood, too, with stammering tongue, here lisp thy name with reverent awe; and high and low, and old and young, learn to obey thy holy law. and when our spirits shall return back to the god who gave them birth, and these frail bodies shall be borne to mingle with their kindred earth,-- then, in that house not made with hands, new anthems to thy praise we'll sing, to thee, who burst our slavish bands, our saviour, prophet, priest, and king. a prayer. grant, o father, that the time of earth's deliverance may be near, when every land and tongue and clime the message of thy love shall hear; when, smitten as with fire from heaven, the captive's chain shall sink in dust, and to his fettered soul be given the glorious freedom of the just. john g. whittier. william and ellen crafts. by l. maria child. william crafts is a black man, born in georgia. his master had the reputation of being a humane man and a pious christian. yet, when some of his slaves were getting old, he had no scruples about selling them away from their families, and buying a young lot. among those sold were the father and mother of william. they were sold to different purchasers from different places, and never saw each other again. they were much attached to each other, and it was a consolation to their son to think how happy would be their reunion in another world; for he says he never knew people who more humbly placed their trust in god than his parents did. william was apprenticed to a cabinet-maker, and his brother to a blacksmith; because slaves who worked well at a trade could be let out with more profit to their masters, and would also bring a higher price if sold. before their time was out, their master became hard pressed for money. accordingly, he sold the young blacksmith, and mortgaged william and his sister, a girl of fourteen. when the time of the mortgage was up, their master had no money to redeem them, and they were placed on the auction-block, to be sold to the highest bidder. the girl was sold first, and bought by a planter who lived some distance in the country. william was strongly attached to his sister; and when he saw her put into a cart, to be carried away from him forever, it seemed as if his heart would burst. he knelt down and begged and entreated to be allowed to go and speak to her before she was taken away; but they handled him roughly, and ordered him to stay on the auction-block. as he stood there awaiting his own fate, he saw the cart moving slowly away. the tears were rolling down his sister's cheeks, and she stretched her hands toward him with a movement of despair. the thought that he could do nothing for her, and that they might never meet more, almost killed him. his eyes were blinded with tears; and when he could see again, the cart was gone. he was bought by the man to whom he had been mortgaged, and ordered to return to the cabinet-maker's shop to work. after a while his new master took him to macon, where he was let out to work at his trade. there he became acquainted with a quadroon girl named ellen, whom he afterward married. ellen was the daughter of her master, but her mother was a slave. her handsome dark eyes were apt to attract attention; her hair was straight, and her skin was so nearly white that strangers often mistook her for one of her master's own white family. this was very vexatious to her mistress, who treated her so harshly that the poor child had no comfort of her life. when she was eleven years old she was given to a daughter of her mistress, who was about to be married to a gentleman living in macon. it was painful to part from her poor mother, but she was glad to get away from the incessant cruelty of her old mistress. her new mistress proved more humane. in her service ellen grew up without being exposed to some of the most degrading influences of slavery. she and the intelligent young cabinet-maker formed an attachment for each other soon after they were acquainted. but ellen had seen so much of the separation of families in slavery, that she was very reluctant to marry. whenever william said anything about it, she reminded him that they were both slaves; and that if they were married either of their masters could separate them whenever they chose. william remembered, with bitterness of heart, how his father and mother and brother had been sold, and how his sister had been torn from him without his being allowed to bid her good by. he had not been tortured in his own person, but he had seen other slaves cruelly whipped and branded with hot iron, hunted and torn by bloodhounds, and even burned alive, merely for trying to get their freedom. in view of these things, he had a great horror of bringing children into the world to be slaves. he and ellen often talked together about escaping to the north and being married there. but they reflected that they would have to travel a thousand miles before they could reach any free state. they knew that bloodhounds and slave-hunters would be put upon their track; that if they were taken, they would be subjected to terrible tortures; and that, even if they succeeded in reaching the free states, they would still be in danger of being delivered up to their masters. they talked over a variety of plans; but the prospect of escape seemed so discouraging, that at last they concluded to ask their owner's consent to their marriage; and they resolved to be as contented as they could in the situation to which they were born. but they were too intelligent not to know that a great wrong was done to them by keeping them in slavery. william shuddered to think into what cruel and licentious hands his dear wife might fall if she should be sold by her present owners; and ellen was filled with great anguish whenever she thought what might happen to her children, if she should be a mother. they were always thinking and talking about freedom, and they often prayed earnestly to god that some way of escape might be opened for them. in december, , a bold plan came into william's mind. he thought that if his wife were dressed in men's clothes she could easily pass for a white gentleman, and that he could accompany her on her travels as her negro slave. ellen, who was very modest and timid, at first shrank from the idea. but, after reflecting more upon their hopeless situation, she said: "it seems too difficult for us to undertake; but i feel that god is on our side, and with his help we may carry it through. we will try." it was contrary to law for white men in the southern states to sell anything secretly to slaves; but there were always enough ready to do it for the sake of getting money,--especially as they knew that no colored man was allowed to testify against a white man. william was skilful and diligent at his trade; and though his wages all went to his master, he had contrived to lay up money by doing jobs for others in extra hours. he therefore found little difficulty in buying the various articles of a gentleman's dress, at different times and in different parts of the town. he had previously made ellen a chest of drawers, with locks and key; and as she was a favorite and trusted slave, she was allowed to keep it for her own use in the little room where she slept. as fast as the articles were bought they were secretly conveyed to her, and she locked them up. the next important thing was to obtain leave of absence for a few days. it was near christmas-time, when kind slaveholders sometimes permit favorite slaves to be absent on a visit to friends or relatives. but ellen's services were very necessary to her mistress, and she had to ask many times before she could obtain a written permission to be gone for a few days. the cabinet-maker for whom william worked was persuaded to give him a similar paper, but he charged him to be sure and return as soon as the time was up, because he should need him very much. there was still another difficulty in the way. travellers were required to register their names at the custom-houses and hotels, and to sign a certificate for the slaves who accompanied them. when ellen remembered this, it made her weep bitterly to think that she could not write. but in a few moments she wiped her eyes and said, with a smile, "i will poultice my right hand and put it in a sling, and then there will be a good excuse for asking the officers to write my name for me." when she was dressed in her disguise, william thought she could easily pass for a white gentleman, only she looked young enough for a mere boy; he therefore bought a pair of green spectacles to make her look older. she, on her part, was afraid that the smoothness of her chin might betray her; she therefore resolved to tie a bandage round her face, as if she were troubled with toothache. in four days after they first thought of the plan, all was in readiness. they sat up all night, whispering over to each other the parts they were to act in case of various supposable difficulties. william cut off ellen's glossy black hair, according to the fashion of gentlemen. when all was carefully arranged, they knelt together and prayed that god would protect them through their perilous undertaking. they raised the latch of the door very softly, and looked out and listened. nobody was stirring abroad, and all was still. but ellen trembled and threw herself on her husband's breast. there she wept for a few moments, while he tried to comfort her with whispered words of encouragement, though he also felt that they were going forth into the midst of terrible dangers. she soon recovered her calmness, and said, "let us go." they stepped out on tiptoe, shook hands in silence, and parted to go to the railway station by different routes. william deemed it prudent to take a short cut across the fields, to avoid being recognized; but his wife, who was now to pass for his young master, went by the public road. under the name of mr. william johnson, she purchased tickets for herself and slave for savannah, which was about two hundred miles off. the porter who took charge of the luggage at the station had formerly wished to marry ellen; but her disguise was so complete that he called her "young massa," and respectfully obeyed her orders concerning the baggage. she gave him a bit of money for his trouble, and he made his best bow. the moment william arrived at the station, he hid himself in the "negro car" assigned to servants. it was lucky that he did so; for, just before the train started, he saw upon the platform the cabinet-maker, who had given him a pass for quite a different purpose than an excursion to savannah. he was looking round, as if searching for some one; and william afterward heard that he suspected him of attempting to escape. luckily, the train started before he had time to examine the "negro car." ellen had a narrow escape on her part; for a gentleman who took the seat beside her proved to be mr. cray, who frequently visited at her master's house, and who had known her ever since she was a child. her first thought was that he had come to seize her and carry her back; but it soon became evident that he did not recognize her in a gentleman's dress, with green spectacles, bandaged face, and her arm in a sling. after the cars started, he remarked, "it is a very fine morning, sir." ellen, being afraid that her voice would betray her, continued to look out of the window, and made no reply. after a little while, he repeated the remark in a louder tone. the passengers who heard him began to smile, and mr. cray turned away, saying, "i shall not trouble that deaf fellow any more." to her great relief, he left the cars at the next station. they arrived at savannah early in the evening, and william having brought his master something to eat, they went on board a steamer bound for charleston, south carolina. mr. johnson, as ellen was now called, deemed it most prudent to retire to his berth immediately. william, fearing this might seem strange to the other passengers, made a great fuss warming flannels and opodeldoc at the stove, informing them that his young master was an invalid travelling to philadelphia in hopes of getting cured. he did not tell them the disease was slavery; he called it inflammatory rheumatism. the next morning, at breakfast, mr. johnson was seated by the captain of the boat, and, as his right hand was tied in a sling, his servant, william, cut up his food for him. the captain remarked, "you have a very attentive boy, sir; but i advise you to watch him like a hawk when you get north. several gentlemen have lately lost valuable niggers among them cut-throat abolitionists." a hard-looking slave-trader, with red eyes, and bristly beard, was sitting opposite. he laid down a piece of chicken he was eating, and with his thumbs stuck in the arm-holes of his waistcoat, said: "i wouldn't take a nigger north under no consideration. now, if you'd like to sell that 'ere boy, i'll pay you for him in silver dollars, on this 'ere board. what do you say, stranger?" mr. johnson replied, "i do not wish to sell him, sir; i could not get on well without him." "you'll _have_ to get on without him, if you take him to the north," continued the slave-trader. "i am an older cove than you are, and i reckon i have had more dealings with niggers. i tell you, stranger, that boy will never do you any good if you take him across mason and dixon's line. i can see by the cut of his eye that he is bound to run away as soon as he can get a chance." mr. johnson replied, "i think not, sir. i have great confidence in his fidelity." whereupon the slave-trader began to swear about niggers in general. a military officer, who was also travelling with a servant, said to mr. johnson: "excuse me, sir, for saying i think you are likely to spoil that boy of yours by saying 'thank you' to him. the only way to make a nigger toe the mark, and to keep him in his place, is to storm at him like thunder. don't you see that when i speak to my ned, he darts like lightning? if he didn't, i'd skin him." when the steamboat arrived at charleston, the hearts of the fugitives beat almost loud enough to be heard; they were so afraid their flight had been discovered, and a telegraph sent from savannah to have them arrested. but they passed unnoticed among the crowd. they took a carriage and drove to a fashionable hotel, where the invalid gentleman received every attention befitting his supposed rank. he was seated at a luxurious table in a brilliant dining-room, while william received some fragments of food on a broken plate, and was told to go into the kitchen. mr. johnson gave some pieces of money to the servants who waited upon him; and they said to william, "your massa is a big-bug. he is de greatest gentleman dat has been dis way dis six months." notwithstanding the favorable impression he had made, mr. johnson found some difficulty in obtaining tickets to philadelphia for himself and his slave. the master of the ticket-office refused to write the invalid gentleman's name for him. but the military officer who had breakfasted with him stepped up and said he knew the gentleman, and all was right. the captain of the north carolina steamer hearing this, and not wishing to lose a passenger, said, "i will register the gentleman's name, and take the responsibility upon myself." mr. johnson thanked him politely, and the captain remarked: "no disrespect was intended to you, sir; but they are obliged to be very strict in charleston. some abolitionist might take a valuable nigger along with him, and try to pass him off as his slave." they arrived safely at wilmington, north carolina, and took the cars to richmond, virginia. on the way, an elderly lady in the cars, seeing william on the platform, cried out, in great excitement, "there goes my nigger ned!" mr. johnson said, very politely, "no, madam, that is my boy." but the lady, without paying any attention to what he said, called out, "ned, you runaway rascal, come to me, sir." on nearer inspection she perceived that she was mistaken, and said to mr. johnson: "i beg your pardon, sir. i was sure it was my ned. i never saw two black pigs look more alike." from petersburg, a virginia gentleman with two handsome daughters were in the same car with mr. johnson. supposing him to be a rich, fashionable young southerner, they were very attentive and sympathizing. the old gentleman told him he knew how to pity him, for he had had inflammatory rheumatism himself. he advised him to lie down to rest; which he was very willing to do, as a good means of avoiding conversation. the ladies took their extra shawls and made a comfortable pillow for his head, and their father gave him a piece of paper which he said contained directions for curing the rheumatism. the invalid thanked him politely; but not knowing how to read, and fearing he might hold the paper upside down, prudently put it in his pocket. when they supposed him to be asleep, one of the ladies said, "papa, he seems to be a very nice young gentleman"; and the other responded, "i never felt so much for any gentleman in my life." at parting the virginian gave him his card and said: "i hope you will call upon me when you return. i should be much pleased to see you, and so would my daughters." he gave ten cents to william, and charged him to be attentive to his master. this he promised to do, and he very faithfully kept his word. they arrived at baltimore with the joyful feeling that they were close upon the borders of a free state. william saw that his master was comfortably placed in one of the best cars, and was getting into the servants' car when a man tapped him on the shoulder and asked where he was going. william replied humbly, "i am going to philadelphia, sir, with my master, who is in the next car." "then you had better get him out, and be mighty quick about it," said the man; "for the train is going to start, and no man is allowed to take a slave past here till he has satisfied the folks in the office that he has a right to take him along." william felt as if he should drop down on the spot; but he controlled himself, and went and asked his master to go back to the office. it was a terrible fright. as mr. johnson stepped out he whispered, in great agitation, "o william, is it possible we shall have to go back to slavery, after all we have gone through?" it was very hard to satisfy the station-master. he said if a man carried off a slave that did not belong to him, and the rightful owner could prove that he escaped on that road, they would be obliged to pay for the slave. mr. johnson kept up a calm appearance, though his heart was in his throat. "i bought tickets at charleston to pass us through to philadelphia," said he; "therefore you have no right to detain us here." "right or no right, we shall not let you go," replied the man. some of the spectators sympathized with the rich young southerner, and said it was a pity to detain him when he was so unwell. while the man hesitated, the bell rang for the cars to start, and the fugitives were in an agony. "i don't know what to do," said the man. "it all seems to be right; and as the gentleman is so unwell, it is a hard case for him to be stopped on the way. clerk, run and tell the conductor to let this gentleman and his slave pass." they had scarcely time to scramble into the cars, before the train started. it was eight o'clock in the evening, and they expected to arrive in philadelphia early the next morning. they did not know that on the way the passengers would have to leave the cars and cross the river susquehanna in a ferry-boat. they had slept very little for several nights before they left georgia, and they had been travelling day and night for four days. william, overcome with fatigue, and feeling that their greatest dangers were now over, fell sound asleep on a heap of baggage. when they arrived at the ferry, it was cold, dark, and rainy; and for the first time during their hazardous journey the invalid found no faithful servant at hand when the cars stopped. he was in great distress, fearing that william had been arrested or kidnapped. he anxiously inquired of the passengers whether they had seen his boy. there were a good many northerners on board, and, supposing his slave had run away, they rather enjoyed his perplexity. one gruffly replied, "i am no slave-hunter." another smiled as he said, "i guess he is in philadelphia before now." when they had crossed the ferry one of the guard found william still sound asleep on the baggage, which had been rolled into the boat. he shook him and bawled out: "wake up, you boy! your master has been half scared to death. he thought you had run away." as soon as william was enough awake to understand what had happened, he said, "i am sure my good master does not think that of me." he hastened to explain to mr. johnson how he happened to be out of the way. he was received with a great leap of the heart; but the passengers only thought that the master was very glad to recover his lost property. some of them took a convenient opportunity to advise william to run away when they reached philadelphia. he replied, "i shall never run away from such a good master as i have." they laughed, and said, "you will think differently when you get into a free state." they told him how to proceed in case he wanted to be free, and he thanked them. a colored man also entered into conversation with him, and told him of a certain boarding-house in philadelphia, the keeper of which was very friendly to slaves who wanted their freedom. on christmas-day, just as morning was about to dawn, they came in sight of the flickering lights of philadelphia. william procured a cab as quick as possible, hurried their baggage into it, and told the driver to take them to the boarding-house which had been recommended to them. while ellen had been obliged to act the part of mr. johnson, she had kept her mind wonderfully calm and collected. but now that she was on free soil she broke down with the excess of her emotions. "thank god, william, we are safe, we are safe!" she exclaimed; and sinking upon her husband's breast, she burst into a passion of tears. when they arrived at the boarding-house, she was so faint she had no further occasion to act being an invalid. as soon as a room was provided, they entered and fastened the door. then kneeling down side by side, folded in each other's arms, with tears flowing freely, they thanked god for having brought them safely through their dangerous journey, and having permitted them to live to see this happy sabbath day, which was christmas-day also. when they had rested and refreshed themselves with a wash, ellen put on her womanly garments and went to the sitting-room. when the landlord came at their summons, he was very much surprised and perplexed. "where is your master?" inquired he; and when william pointed to his wife, he thought it was a joke; for he could not believe she was the same person who came into the house in the dress of a gentleman. he listened to their singular story with great interest and sympathy. he told them he was afraid it would not be safe for them to remain in philadelphia, but he would send for some abolitionists who knew the laws better than he did. friends soon came, and gave them a hearty welcome; but they all agreed that it would not be safe for them to remain long in philadelphia, and advised them to go to boston. barclay ivens, a kind-hearted quaker farmer, who lived some distance in the country, invited them to rest a few weeks at his house. they went accordingly. but ellen, who had not been accustomed to receive such attentions from white people, was a little flurried when they arrived. she had received the impression that they were going to stay with colored people; and when she saw a white lady and three daughters come out to the wagon to meet her, she was much disturbed, and said to william, "i thought they were colored people." "it is all the same as if they were," replied he. "they are our good friends." "it is _not_ all the same," said ellen, decidedly. "i have no faith in white people. they will be sending us back into slavery. i am going right off." she had not then become acquainted with the abolitionists. she had heard her master and other southerners talk about them as very bad men, who would make slaves believe they were their friends, and then sell them into distant countries. the quaker lady saw that she was afraid, and she went up to her and took her very kindly by the hand, saying: "how art thou, my dear? we are very glad to see thee and thy husband. we have heard about thy marvellous escape from slavery. come in and warm thyself. i dare say thou art cold and hungry after thy journey." ellen thanked her, and allowed herself to be led into the house. still she did not feel quite safe in that strange place, away from all her people. when mrs. ivens attempted to remove her bonnet, she said, "no, i thank you. i am not going to stop long." "poor child!" said the good quaker mother, "i don't wonder thou art timid. but don't be afraid. thou art among friends who would as soon sell their own daughters into slavery as betray thee. we would not harm a hair of thy head for the world." the kindly face and the motherly tones melted the heart of the poor frightened fugitive, and the tears began to flow. they stayed several weeks in that hospitable house, and the son and daughters took so much pains to teach them to read and write, that before they left they could spell a little, and write their names quite legibly. they were strongly urged to stay longer, and would have done so had they not been very desirous to be earning their own living. when they left this excellent family it seemed like parting with near and dear relatives. in boston they were introduced to william lloyd garrison, wendell phillips, francis jackson, rev. theodore parker, and other good men, who had for years been laboring for the emancipation of the slaves. the fugitives made a favorable impression on strangers at first sight. they both looked intelligent and honest. william had a very manly air, and ellen was modest and ladylike in her manners. their marriage in georgia had been, like other slave marriages, without a certificate; therefore they were desirous to have the ceremony performed again, with all the forms of law, now that they were in a free land. they were accordingly married by the rev. mr. parker, at the house of a respectable colored citizen of boston, named lewis hayden. mr. crafts was employed at his trade, and his wife obtained work as a seamstress. they lived in boston two years, during which time they established an excellent character by their honest industry and correct deportment. they earned a comfortable living, and might have laid by some money if circumstances had permitted them to remain in massachusetts. but in the congress of the united states, under the influence of slaveholders, passed a very wicked act called the fugitive slave bill. there was in boston at that time a celebrated lawyer named daniel webster. he wanted to be president of the united states, and for many years no man had been able to get elected to that office unless he pleased the slaveholders. he accordingly used his great influence to help the passage of the bill, and advised the people of massachusetts to get over their scruples about hunting slaves. he died without being president; and i hope god forgave the great sin into which his ambition led him. by that cruel act of congress, everybody, all over the country, was required to send back fugitive slaves to their masters. whoever concealed them or helped them in any way became liable to a year's imprisonment and a fine of a thousand dollars, besides paying the price of the slave. in all the northern cities there were many honest, industrious colored people who had escaped from slavery years before, and were now getting a comfortable living. many of them had married at the north and reared families. but when slaveholders gained this victory over the conscience of the north, they were compelled to leave their business and their homes, and hide themselves wheresoever they could. mr. and mrs. crafts had many zealous friends in boston, but the friends of the slaveholders were more numerous. for some time past, southerners had been rather reluctant to hunt slaves in massachusetts, because the public opinion of the people was so much opposed to slavery, that they found it a difficult and disagreeable job. but after the passage of that unrighteous bill, they and their pro-slavery accomplices at the north became more bold. one day, while mr. crafts was busy in his shop, he received a visit from a man by the name of knight, who used to work in the same shop with him in georgia. he professed to be much pleased to see william again, and invited him to walk round the streets and show him the curiosities of boston. mr. crafts told him he had work to do, and was very busy. the next day he tried again; but finding mr. crafts still too busy to walk with him, he said: "i wish you would come to see me at the united states hotel, and bring your wife with you. she would like to hear from her mother. if you want to send letters to georgia, i will take them for you." this was followed by a badly spelled note to mr. crafts, informing him that he was going to leave boston early the next morning, and if he wanted to send a letter to georgia he must bring it to him at the hotel after tea. mr. crafts smiled that he should think him silly enough to walk into such an open trap. mr. knight had told him that he came to boston alone; but when he questioned the hotel-servant who brought the note, he was told that a mr. hughes from georgia accompanied him. mr. hughes was a notorious slave-catcher, and the jailer of macon. mr. crafts continued to work at his shop; but he kept the door locked, and a loaded pistol beside him. finding that his intended victim was too much on his guard to be caught by trickery, mr. hughes applied to the united states court in boston and obtained a warrant to arrest william and ellen crafts as fugitive slaves. this produced tremendous excitement. the abolitionists were determined that they should not be carried back into slavery. they had people everywhere on the watch, and employed lawyers to throw all manner of difficulties in the way of the slave-hunters, whose persons and manners were described in the newspapers in a way by no means agreeable to them. the colored people held large meetings, and passed various spirited resolutions, among which was the following: "_resolved_, man wills us slaves, but god wills us free. we will as god wills. god's will be done." two hundred of them armed themselves and vowed that they would defend william and ellen crafts to the death. mr. crafts said very calmly, but very resolutely, that they should never take him alive. hughes the slave-catcher swore: "i'll have 'em if i stay in boston to all eternity. if there a'n't men enough in massachusetts to take 'em, i'll bring men from georgia." merchants in boston, thinking only of their trade with the south, sympathized with those men engaged in such a base calling; and the united states officials did all they could to help them. but though they received countenance and aid from many influential men in boston, those hirelings of slavery could not help feeling ashamed of their business. they complained that the boys in the streets hooted after them, and that wherever they made their appearance, people called out, "there go the slave-hunters!" they heard that the abolitionists were preparing to arrest them and try them as kidnappers; and the number of colored people who watched their movements with angry looks made them wish themselves back in georgia. during all this commotion, the conduct of mr. crafts excited universal admiration. he was resolute, but very calm. if there had been any law to protect him, he would have appealed to the law, rather than have harmed a hair of any man's head; but left defenceless as he was among a pack of wolves hunting him and his innocent wife, he was determined to defend his freedom at any cost. ellen was secretly conveyed out of the city. mr. and mrs. ellis gray loring of boston were excellent people, always kind to the poor and true friends to the oppressed slaves. they spent their summers in the neighboring town of brookline. a boston physician, who was an abolitionist, carried ellen to their house in the evening. mr. and mrs. loring were both absent from home for a few days, but a lady who was staying in the house received her with great kindness. she stayed there two days, assisting the lady very industriously and skilfully with her needle. her mind was full of anxiety about her husband, whom she had left in the city exposed to the most fearful danger. she was very wakeful through the night, listening to every noise. as soon as she became drowsy, she would wake with a sudden start from some bad dream. she dreamed that she and william were running from the georgia slave-catcher, and that daniel webster was close behind them, pointing a pistol at them. it was a sad thing that a man of such intellectual ability as mr. webster, and with so much influence in society, should make such bad use of his great power that he haunted the dreams of the poor and the oppressed. ellen rose in the morning with a feeling of weariness and a great load upon her heart. but she kept back the tears that were ready to flow, and was so quiet and sweet-tempered that she completely gained the hearts of her protectors. early the next evening, the same friend who carried ellen from the city brought her husband to her. he also had been sleepless, and was worn down with fatigue and anxiety. they were advised to retire to rest immediately, to remain in their room with the door locked, and be careful not to show themselves at the window. they followed these directions, and the lady was hoping they would both have peaceful and refreshing slumber, when ellen came to say that her husband wanted to speak with her. she found him standing by the fireplace looking very sad, but with a dignified calmness that seemed to her truly noble in the midst of such dreadful danger. as she entered he said, "ellen has just told me that mr. and mrs. loring are absent from home. if we should be found in his house, he would be liable to imprisonment and a heavy fine. it is wrong for us to expose him to this danger without his knowledge and consent. we must seek shelter elsewhere." the lady replied: "mr. loring would feel troubled to have you leave his house under such circumstances. he is the best and kindest of men, and a great friend of the colored people." "that makes it all the more wrong for us to bring him into trouble on our account, without his knowledge," replied mr. crafts. ellen had kept up bravely all day, but now her courage began to fail. she looked up with tears swimming in her handsome eyes and said: "o william, it is so dark and rainy to-night, and it seems so safe here! we may be seen and followed, if we go out. you said you didn't sleep last night. i started up from a little nap, dreaming that daniel webster was chasing us with a loaded pistol. i thought of all manner of horrid things that might be happening to you, and i couldn't sleep any more. don't you think we might stay here just this one night?" he looked at her with pity in his eyes, but said, very firmly, "ellen, it wouldn't be right." without another word she prepared to go, though the tears were falling fast. the lady, finding his mind too fixed to be changed by her persuasions, sent a guide with them to the house of mr. philbrick, a worthy, kind-hearted gentleman, who lived about half a mile off. she herself told me the story; and she said she never felt so much respect and admiration for any human beings as she did for those two hunted slaves when she saw them walk out into the darkness and rain because they thought it wrong to endanger, without his consent, a friend of their persecuted people. she felt anxious lest the slave-catcher or his agents might seize them on the road, and it was a great relief to her mind when the guide returned and said mr. philbrick received them gladly. after a few more days of peril they were secretly put on board a vessel, which conveyed them to england. they carried letters which introduced them to good people, who contributed money to put them to school for a while. their intelligence, industry, and good conduct confirmed the favorable impression made by their first appearance. in , mr. crafts published a little book giving an account of their "running a thousand miles for freedom." they have now been living in england fifteen years. by their united industry and good management they earned a comfortable living, and laid by a little, year after year, until they had enough to buy a small house in the village of hammersmith, not far from the great city of london. there they keep their children at the best of schools, and pay taxes which help to support the poor in the country which protected them in their time of danger and distress. the honesty, energy, and good sense of mr. crafts inspired so much respect and confidence in england, that the quakers and other benevolent people, who wish to do good to africa, also merchants, who want to open trade with that region, sent him out there with a valuable cargo of goods, in november, . the mission he is performing is very important to the well-being of the world, as you will see by the following explanation. africa is four thousand miles across the atlantic ocean from the united states. it is inhabited by numerous tribes of black people, each tribe with a separate government. these tribes vary in degrees of intelligence and civilization; but they are generally of a peaceable and kindly disposition, unless greatly provoked by wrongs from others. where they are safe from attack they live in little villages of huts, and raise yams, rice, and other grain for food. they weave coarse cloth from cotton, merely by means of sticks stuck in the ground, and in some places they color it with gay patterns. they make very pretty baskets and mats from grasses, and some of the tribes manufacture rude tools of iron and ornaments of gold. but a constant state of warfare has hindered the improvement of the africans; for men have very little encouragement to build good houses, and make convenient furniture, and plant grain, if enemies are likely to come any night and burn and trample it all to the ground. these continual wars have been largely caused by the slave-trade. formerly the african chiefs sold men into slavery only in punishment for some crime they had committed, or to work out a debt they had failed to pay, or because they were prisoners taken in war. these customs were barbarous enough, but they were not so bad as what they were afterward taught to do by nations calling themselves christians. in various countries of europe and america there were white people too proud and lazy to work, but desirous to dress in the best and live on the fat of the land. they sent ships out to africa to bring them negroes, whom they compelled to work without wages, with coarse, scanty food, and scarcely any clothing. they grew rich on the labor of these poor creatures, and spent their own time in drinking, gambling, and horse-racing. slave-traders, in order to supply them with as many negroes as they wanted, would steal all the men, women, and children they could catch on the coast of africa; and would buy others from the chiefs, paying them mostly in rum and gunpowder. this made the different tribes very desirous to go to war with each other, in order to take prisoners to sell to the slave-traders; and the more rum they drank, the more full of fight they were. this mean and cruel business has been carried on by white men four hundred years; and all that while african villages have been burned in the night, and harvests trampled, and men, women, and children carried off to hopeless slavery in distant lands. this continual violence, and intercourse with such bad white men as the slave-traders, kept the africans barbarous; and made them much more barbarous than they would otherwise have been. such a state of things made it impossible for them to improve, as they would have done if the nations called christians had sent them spelling-books and bibles instead of rum, teachers instead of slave-traders, and tools and machinery instead of gunpowder. of all the african chiefs the king of dahomey is the most powerful. he sends armed men all about the country to carry off people and sell them to europeans and americans. in that bad way he has grown richer than other chiefs, and more hard-hearted. benevolent people in england have long desired to stop the ravages of the slave-trade and to teach the africans better things. the dearth of cotton in the united states, occasioned by the rebellion of the planters, turned the attention of english merchants in the same direction. it was accordingly agreed to send mr. crafts to dahomey to open a trade, and try to convince the king that it would be more profitable to him to employ men in raising cotton than to sell them for slaves. he was well received by the king of dahomey, who shows a disposition to be influenced by his judicious counsels. this is a great satisfaction to mr. crafts, desirous as he is of elevating people of his own color. numbers who were destined to be sold into foreign slavery are already employed in raising cotton in their native land. wars will become less frequent; and the african tribes will gradually learn that the arts of peace are more profitable, as well as more pleasant. this will bring them into communication with a better class of white men; and i hope that, before another hundred years have passed away, there will be christian churches all over africa, and school-houses for the children. mr. crafts sold all the goods he carried out in the first vessel, and managed the business so well that he was sent out with another cargo. he is now one of the most enterprising and respected merchants in that part of the world; and his labors produce better results than mere money, for they are the means of making men wiser and better. how much would have been lost to himself and the world if he had remained a slave in georgia, not allowed to profit by his own industry, and forbidden to improve his mind by learning to read! mr. m. d. conway, the son of a slaveholder in virginia, but a very able and zealous friend of the colored people, recently visited england, and sent the following letter to boston, where it was read with great interest by the numerous friends of william and ellen crafts:-- "london, october th, . "a walk one pleasant morning across a green common, then through a quiet street of the village called hammersmith, brought me to the house of an american whom i respect as much as any now in europe; namely, william crafts, once a slave in georgia, then a hunted fugitive in massachusetts, but now a respected citizen of england, and the man who is doing more to redeem africa from her cruel superstitions than all other forces put together. he lately came home from dahomey, the ship-load of goods that he had taken out to africa from liverpool having been entirely sold. the merchants who sent him are preparing another cargo for him, and he will probably leave the country this week. his theory is, that commerce is to destroy the abominations in the realm of dahomey. he is very black, but he finds the color which was so much against him in america a leading advantage to him in africa. ellen, his wife, told us that she was too white to go with him. he was absent on business in liverpool, and thus, to my regret, i missed the opportunity of seeing him. there was a pretty little girl, and three unusually handsome boys. they all inherit the light complexion and beauty of their mother. we found mrs. crafts busy packing her husband's trunk for his next voyage. she showed us a number of interesting things which he had brought from africa. among them were birds of bright plumage, a belt worn by the amazons in war, a sword made by the africans, breastpins, and other excellent specimens of work in metals. i remembered that years ago the sight of similar things inspired clarkson with his strong faith in the improvability of the african race. "william and ellen crafts own the house in which they live. after that brave flight of a thousand miles for freedom, after the dangers which surrounded them in massachusetts, it did my heart good to see them enjoying their own simple but charming home, to see them thus living under their own vine and fig-tree, none daring to molest or make them afraid. "m. d. conway." mrs. crafts has used her needle diligently to make garments for the colored people of the united states emancipated by president lincoln's proclamation. she has had the pleasure of hearing that her mother is among them, healthy, and still young looking for her years. as soon as arrangements can be made she will go to england to rejoin her daughter, whom she has not seen since her hazardous flight from georgia. i think all who read this romantic but true story will agree with me in thinking that few white people have shown as much intelligence, moral worth, and refinement of feeling as the fugitive slaves william and ellen crafts. * * * * * in february, , the emperor of russia proclaimed freedom to twenty-three millions of serfs. finding their freedom was not secure in the hands of their former masters, he afterward completed the good work by investing the freedmen with civil and political rights; including the right to testify in court, the right to vote, and the right to hold office. spring. by george horton. hail, thou auspicious vernal dawn! ye birds, proclaim that winter's gone! ye warbling minstrels, sing! pour forth your tribute as ye rise, and thus salute the fragrant skies, the pleasing smiles of spring! coo sweetly, o thou harmless dove, and bid thy mate no longer rove in cold hybernal vales! let music rise from every tongue, whilst winter flies before the song which floats on gentle gales. ye frozen streams, dissolve and flow along the valley sweet and slow! divested fields, be gay! ye drooping forests, bloom on high, and raise your branches to the sky; and thus your charms display! thou world of heat! thou vital source! the torpid insects feel thy force, which all with life supplies. gardens and orchards richly bloom, and send a gale of sweet perfume, to invite them as they rise. near where the crystal waters glide the male of birds escorts his bride, and twitters on the spray; he mounts upon his active wing, to hail the bounty of the spring, the lavish pomp of may. the good grandmother. by harriet jacobs. i had a great treasure in my maternal grandmother, who was a remarkable woman in many respects. she was the daughter of a planter in south carolina, who, at his death, left her and her mother free, with money to go to st. augustine, where they had relatives. it was during the revolutionary war, and they were captured on their passage, carried back, and sold to different purchasers. such was the story my grandmother used to tell me. she was sold to the keeper of a large hotel, and i have often heard her tell how hard she fared during childhood. but as she grew older she evinced so much intelligence, and was so faithful, that her master and mistress could not help seeing it was for their interest to take care of such a valuable piece of property. she became an indispensable person in the household, officiating in all capacities, from cook and wet-nurse to seamstress. she was much praised for her cooking; and her nice crackers became so famous in the neighborhood that many people were desirous of obtaining them. in consequence of numerous requests of this kind, she asked permission of her mistress to bake crackers at night, after all the household work was done; and she obtained leave to do it, provided she would clothe herself and the children from the profits. upon these terms, after working hard all day for her mistress, she began her midnight bakings, assisted by her two oldest children. the business proved profitable; and each year she laid by a little, to create a fund for the purchase of her children. her master died, and his property was divided among the heirs. my grandmother remained in the service of his widow, as a slave. her children were divided among her master's children; but as she had five, benjamin, the youngest, was sold, in order that the heirs might have an equal portion of dollars and cents. there was so little difference in our ages, that he always seemed to me more like a brother than an uncle. he was a bright, handsome lad, nearly white; for he inherited the complexion my grandmother had derived from anglo-saxon ancestors. his sale was a terrible blow to his mother; but she was naturally hopeful, and she went to work with redoubled energy, trusting in time to be able to purchase her children. one day, her mistress begged the loan of three hundred dollars from the little fund she had laid up from the proceeds of her baking. she promised to pay her soon; but as no promise or writing given to a slave is legally binding, she was obliged to trust solely to her honor. in my master's house very little attention was paid to the slaves' meals. if they could catch a bit of food while it was going, well and good. but i gave myself no trouble on that score; for on my various errands i passed my grandmother's house, and she always had something to spare for me. i was frequently threatened with punishment if i stopped there; and my grandmother, to avoid detaining me, often stood at the gate with something for my breakfast or dinner. i was indebted to her for all my comforts, spiritual or temporal. it was _her_ labor that supplied my scanty wardrobe. i have a vivid recollection of the linsey-woolsey dress given me every winter by mrs. flint. how i hated it! it was one of the badges of slavery. while my grandmother was thus helping to support me from her hard earnings, the three hundred dollars she lent her mistress was never repaid. when her mistress died, my master, who was her son-in-law, was appointed executor. when grandmother applied to him for payment, he said the estate was insolvent, and the law prohibited payment. it did not, however, prohibit him from retaining the silver candelabra which had been purchased with that money. i presume they will be handed down in the family from generation to generation. my grandmother's mistress had always promised that at her death she should be free; and it was said that in her will she made good the promise. but when the estate was settled, dr. flint told the faithful old servant that, under existing circumstances, it was necessary she should be sold. on the appointed day the customary advertisement was posted up, proclaiming that there would be "a public sale of negroes, horses, &c." dr. flint called to tell my grandmother that he was unwilling to wound her feelings by putting her up at auction, and that he would prefer to dispose of her at private sale. she saw through his hypocrisy, and understood very well that he was ashamed of the job. she was a very spirited woman; and if he was base enough to sell her, after her mistress had made her free by her will, she was determined the public should know it. she had, for a long time, supplied many families with crackers and preserves; consequently "aunt marthy," as she was called, was generally known; and all who knew her respected her intelligence and good character. it was also well known that her mistress had intended to leave her free, as a reward for her long and faithful services. when the day of sale came, she took her place among the chattels, and at the first call she sprang upon the auction-block. she was then fifty years old. many voices called out: "shame! shame! who's going to sell _you_, aunt marthy? don't stand there. that's no place for _you_." she made no answer, but quietly awaited her fate. no one bid for her. at last a feeble voice said, "fifty dollars." it came from a maiden lady, seventy years old, the sister of my grandmother's deceased mistress. she had lived forty years under the same roof with my grandmother; she knew how faithfully she had served her owners, and how cruelly she had been defrauded of her rights, and she resolved to protect her. the auctioneer waited for a higher bid; but her wishes were respected; no one bid above her. the old lady could neither read nor write; and when the bill of sale was made out, she signed it with a cross. but of what consequence was that, when she had a big heart overflowing with human kindness? she gave the faithful old servant her freedom. my grandmother had always been a mother to her orphan grandchildren, as far as that was possible in a condition of slavery. her perseverance and unwearied industry continued unabated after her time was her own, and she soon became mistress of a snug little home, and surrounded herself with the necessaries of life. she would have been happy, if her family could have shared them with her. there remained to her but three children and two grandchildren; and they were all slaves. most earnestly did she strive to make us feel that it was the will of god; that he had seen fit to place us under such circumstances, and though it seemed hard, we ought to pray for contentment. it was a beautiful faith, coming from a mother who could not call her children her own. but i and benjamin, her youngest boy, condemned it. it appeared to us that it was much more according to the will of god that we should be free, and able to make a home for ourselves, as she had done. there we always found balsam for our troubles. she was so loving, so sympathizing! she always met us with a smile, and listened with patience to all our sorrows. she spoke so hopefully, that unconsciously the clouds gave place to sunshine. there was a grand big oven there, too, that baked bread and nice things for the town; and we knew there was always a choice bit in store for us. but even the charms of that old oven failed to reconcile us to our hard lot. benjamin was now a tall, handsome lad, strongly and gracefully made, and with a spirit too bold and daring for a slave. one day his master attempted to flog him for not obeying his summons quickly enough. benjamin resisted, and in the struggle threw his master down. to raise his hand against a white man was a great crime, according to the laws of the state; and to avoid a cruel, public whipping, benjamin hid himself and made his escape. my grandmother was absent, visiting an old friend in the country, when this happened. when she returned, and found her youngest child had fled, great was her sorrow. but, with characteristic piety, she said, "god's will be done." every morning she inquired whether any news had been heard from her boy. alas! news did come,--sad news. the master received a letter, and was rejoicing over the capture of his human chattel. that day seems to me but as yesterday, so well do i remember it. i saw him led through the streets in chains to jail. his face was ghastly pale, but full of determination. he had sent some one to his mother's house to ask her not to come to meet him. he said the sight of her distress would take from him all self-control. her heart yearned to see him, and she went; but she screened herself in the crowd, that it might be as her child had said. we were not allowed to visit him. but we had known the jailer for years, and he was a kind-hearted man. at midnight he opened the door for my grandmother and myself to enter, in disguise. when we entered the cell, not a sound broke the stillness. "benjamin," whispered my grandmother. no answer. "benjamin!" said she, again, in a faltering tone. there was a jingling of chains. the moon had just risen, and cast an uncertain light through the bars. we knelt down and took benjamin's cold hands in ours. sobs alone were heard, while she wept upon his neck. at last benjamin's lips were unsealed. mother and son talked together. he asked her pardon for the suffering he had caused her. she told him she had nothing to forgive; that she could not blame him for wanting to be free. he told her that he broke away from his captors, and was about to throw himself into the river, but thoughts of her came over him and arrested the movement. she asked him if he did not also think of god. he replied: "no, mother, i did not. when a man is hunted like a wild beast, he forgets that there _is_ a god." the pious mother shuddered, as she said: "don't talk so, benjamin. try to be humble, and put your trust in god." "i wish i had some of your goodness," he replied. "you bear everything patiently, just as though you thought it was all right. i wish i could." she told him it had not always been so with her; that once she was like him; but when sore troubles came upon her, and she had no arm to lean upon, she learned to call on god, and he lightened her burdens. she besought him to do so likewise. the jailer came to tell us we had overstayed our time, and we were obliged to hurry away. grandmother went to the master and tried to intercede for her son. but he was inexorable. he said benjamin should be made an example of. that he should be kept in jail till he was sold. for three months he remained within the walls of the prison, during which time grandmother secretly conveyed him changes of clothes, and as often as possible carried him something warm for supper, accompanied with some little luxury for her friend the jailer. he was finally sold to a slave-trader from new orleans. when they fastened irons upon his wrists to drive him off with the coffle, it was heart-rending to hear the groans of that poor mother, as she clung to the benjamin of her family,--her youngest, her pet. he was pale and thin now, from hardships and long confinement; but still his good looks were so observable that the slave-trader remarked he would give any price for the handsome lad, if he were a girl. we, who knew so well what slavery was, were thankful that he was not. grandmother stifled her grief, and with strong arms and unwavering faith set to work to purchase freedom for benjamin. she knew the slave-trader would charge three times as much as he gave for him; but she was not discouraged. she employed a lawyer to write to new orleans, and try to negotiate the business for her. but word came that benjamin was missing; he had run away again. philip, my grandmother's only remaining son, inherited his mother's intelligence. his mistress sometimes trusted him to go with a cargo to new york. one of these occasions occurred not long after benjamin's second escape. through god's good providence the brothers met in the streets of new york. it was a happy meeting, though benjamin was very pale and thin; for on his way from bondage he had been taken violently ill, and brought nigh unto death. eagerly he embraced his brother, exclaiming: "o phil! here i am at last. i came nigh dying when i was almost in sight of freedom; and o how i prayed that i might live just to get one breath of free air! and here i am. in the old jail, i used to wish i was dead. but life is worth something now, and it would be hard to die." he begged his brother not to go back to the south, but to stay and work with him till they earned enough to buy their relatives. philip replied: "it would kill mother if i deserted her. she has pledged her house, and is working harder than ever to buy you. will you be bought?" "never!" replied benjamin, in his resolute tone. "when i have got so far out of their clutches, do you suppose, phil, that i would ever let them be paid one red cent? do you think i would consent to have mother turned out of her hard-earned home in her old age? and she never to see me after she had bought me? for you know, phil, she would never leave the south while any of her children or grandchildren remained in slavery. what a good mother! tell her to buy _you_, phil. you have always been a comfort to her; and i have always been making her trouble." philip furnished his brother with some clothes, and gave him what money he had. benjamin pressed his hand, and said, with moistened eyes, "i part from all my kindred." and so it proved. we never heard from him afterwards. when uncle philip came home, the first words he said, on entering the house, were: "o mother, ben is free! i have seen him in new york." for a moment she seemed bewildered. he laid his hand gently on her shoulder and repeated what he had said. she raised her hands devoutly, and exclaimed, "god be praised! let us thank him." she dropped on her knees and poured forth her heart in prayer. when she grew calmer, she begged philip to sit down and repeat every word her son had said. he told her all, except that benjamin had nearly died on the way and was looking very pale and thin. still the brave old woman toiled on to accomplish the rescue of her remaining children. after a while she succeeded in buying philip, for whom she paid eight hundred dollars, and came home with the precious document that secured his freedom. the happy mother and son sat by her hearthstone that night, telling how proud they were of each other, and how they would prove to the world that they could take care of themselves, as they had long taken care of others. we all concluded by saying, "he that is _willing_ to be a slave, let him be a slave." my grandmother had still one daughter remaining in slavery. she belonged to the same master that i did; and a hard time she had of it. she was a good soul, this old aunt nancy. she did all she could to supply the place of my lost mother to us orphans. she was the _factotum_ in our master's household. she was house-keeper, waiting-maid, and everything else: nothing went on well without her, by day or by night. she wore herself out in their service. grandmother toiled on, hoping to purchase release for her. but one evening word was brought that she had been suddenly attacked with paralysis, and grandmother hastened to her bedside. mother and daughter had always been devotedly attached to each other; and now they looked lovingly and earnestly into each other's eyes, longing to speak of secrets that weighed on the hearts of both. she lived but two days, and on the last day she was speechless. it was sad to witness the grief of her bereaved mother. she had always been strong to bear, and religious faith still supported her; but her dark life had become still darker, and age and trouble were leaving deep traces on her withered face. the poor old back was fitted to its burden. it bent under it, but did not break. uncle philip asked permission to bury his sister at his own expense; and slaveholders are always ready to grant _such_ favors to slaves and their relatives. the arrangements were very plain, but perfectly respectable. it was talked of by the slaves as a mighty grand funeral. if northern travellers had been passing through the place, perhaps they would have described it as a beautiful tribute to the humble dead, a touching proof of the attachment between slaveholders and their slaves; and very likely the mistress would have confirmed this impression, with her handkerchief at her eyes. _we_ could have told them how the poor old mother had toiled, year after year, to buy her son philip's right to his own earnings; and how that same philip had paid the expenses of the funeral which they regarded as doing so much credit to the master. there were some redeeming features in our hard destiny. very pleasant are my recollections of the good old lady who paid fifty dollars for the purpose of making my grandmother free, when she stood on the auction-block. she loved this old lady, whom we all called miss fanny. she often took tea at grandmother's house. on such occasions, the table was spread with a snow-white cloth, and the china cups and silver spoons were taken from the old-fashioned buffet. there were hot muffins, tea-rusks, and delicious sweetmeats. my grandmother always had a supply of such articles, because she furnished the ladies of the town with such things for their parties. she kept two cows for that purpose, and the fresh cream was miss fanny's delight. she invariably repeated that it was the very best in town. the old ladies had cosey times together. they would work and chat, and sometimes, while talking over old times, their spectacles would get dim with tears, and would have to be taken off and wiped. when miss fanny bade us "good by," her bag was always filled with grandmother's best cakes, and she was urged to come again soon. [here follows a long account of persecutions endured by the granddaughter, who tells this story. she finally made her escape, after encountering great dangers and hardships. the faithful old grandmother concealed her for a long time at great risk to them both, during which time she tried in vain to buy free papers for her. at last there came a chance to escape in a vessel northward bound. she goes on to say:--] "all arrangements were made for me to go on board at dusk. grandmother came to me with a small bag of money, which she wanted me to take. i begged her to keep at least part of it; but she insisted, while her tears fell fast, that i should take the whole. 'you may be sick among strangers,' said she; 'and they would send you to the poor-house to die.' ah, that good grandmother! though i had the blessed prospect of freedom before me, i felt dreadfully sad at leaving forever that old homestead, that had received and sheltered me in so many sorrows. grandmother took me by the hand and said, 'my child, let us pray.' we knelt down together, with my arm clasped round the faithful, loving old friend i was about to leave forever. on no other occasion has it been my lot to listen to so fervent a supplication for mercy and protection. it thrilled through my heart and inspired me with trust in god. i staggered into the street, faint in body, though strong of purpose. i did not look back upon the dear old place, though i felt that i should never see it again." [the granddaughter found friends at the north, and, being uncommonly quick in her perceptions, she soon did much to supply the deficiencies of early education. while leading a worthy, industrious life in new york, she twice very narrowly escaped becoming a victim to the infamous fugitive slave law. a noble-hearted lady purchased her freedom, and thereby rescued her from further danger. she thus closes the story of her venerable ancestor:--] "my grandmother lived to rejoice in the knowledge of my freedom; but not long afterward a letter came to me with a black seal. it was from a friend at the south, who informed me that she had gone 'where the wicked cease from troubling, and where the weary are at rest.' among the gloomy recollections of my life in bondage come tender memories of that good grandmother, like a few fleecy clouds floating over a dark and troubled sea." h. j. note.--the above account is no fiction. the author, who was thirty years in slavery, wrote it in an interesting book entitled "linda." she is an esteemed friend of mine; and i introduce this portion of her story here to illustrate the power of character over circumstances. she has intense sympathy for those who are still suffering in the bondage from which she escaped. she has devoted all her energies to the poor refugees in our camps, comforting the afflicted, nursing the sick, and teaching the children. on the st of january, , she wrote me a letter, which began as follows: "i have lived to hear the proclamation of freedom for my suffering people. all my wrongs are forgiven. i am more than repaid for all i have endured. glory to god in the highest!" l. m. child. * * * * * "they cannot take care of themselves." our tobacco they plant, and our cotton they pick, and our rice they can harvest and thrash; they feed us in health, and they nurse us when sick, and they earn--while we pocket--our cash. they lead us when young, and they help us when old, and their toil loads our tables and shelves; but they're "niggers"; and _therefore_ (the truth must be told) they cannot take care of _themselves_. rev. john pierpont. the colored mother's prayer. great father! who created all, the colored and the fair, o listen to a mother's call; hear thou the negro's prayer! yet once again thy people teach, with lessons from above, that they may _practise_ what they _preach_, and _all_ their neighbors love. again the gospel precepts give; teach them this rule to know,-- such treatment as ye should _receive_, be willing to _bestow_. then my poor child, my darling one, will never feel the smart of their unjust and cruel scorn, that withers all the heart. great father! who created all, the colored and the fair, o listen to a mother's call; hear thou the negro's prayer! william costin. mr. william costin was for twenty-four years porter of a bank in washington, d. c. many millions of dollars passed through his hands, but not a cent was ever missing, through fraud or carelessness. in his daily life he set an example of purity and benevolence. he adopted four orphan children into his family, and treated them with the kindness of a father. his character inspired general respect; and when he died, in , the newspapers of the city made honorable mention of him. the directors of the bank passed a resolution expressive of their high appreciation of his services, and his coffin was followed to the grave by a very large procession of citizens of all classes and complexions. not long after, when the honorable john quincy adams was speaking in congress on the subject of voting, he said: "the late william costin, though he was not white, was as much respected as any man in the district; and the large concourse of citizens that attended his remains to the grave--as well white as black--was an evidence of the manner in which he was estimated by the citizens of washington. now, why should such a man as that be excluded from the elective franchise, when you admit the vilest individuals of the white race to exercise it?" * * * * * strain every nerve, wrestle with every power god and nature have put into your hands, for your place among the races of this western world.--wendell phillips. education of children. by l. maria child. people of all colors and conditions love their offspring; but very few consider sufficiently how much the future character and happiness of their children depend on their own daily language and habits. it does very little good to teach children to be honest if the person who teaches them is not scrupulous about taking other people's property or using it without leave. it does very little good to tell them they ought to be modest, if they are accustomed to hear their elders use unclean words or tell indecent stories. primers and catechisms may teach them to reverence god, but the lesson will lose half its effect if they habitually hear their parents curse and swear. some two hundred years ago a very learned astronomer named sir isaac newton lived in england. he was so devout that he always took off his hat when the name of god was mentioned. by that act of reverence he taught a religious lesson to every child who witnessed it. young souls are fed by what they see and hear, just as their bodies are fed with daily food. no parents who knew what they were doing would give their little ones poisonous food, that would produce fevers, ulcers, and death. it is of far more consequence not to poison their souls; for the body passes away, but the soul is immortal. when a traveller pointed to a stunted and crooked tree and asked what made it grow so, a child replied, "i suppose somebody trod on it when it was little." it is hard for children born in slavery to grow up spiritually straight and healthy, because they are trodden on when they are little. being constantly treated unjustly, they cannot learn to be just. their parents have no power to protect them from evil influences. they cannot prevent their continually seeing cruel and indecent actions, and hearing profane and dirty words. heretofore, you could not educate your children, either morally or intellectually. but now that you are freemen, responsibility rests upon you. you will be answerable before god for the influence you exert over the young souls intrusted to your care. you may be too ignorant to teach them much of book-learning, and you may be too poor to spend much money for their education, but you can set them a pure and good example by your conduct and conversation. this you should try your utmost to do, and should pray to the heavenly father to help you; for it is a very solemn duty, this rearing of young souls for eternity. that you yourselves have had a stunted growth, from being trodden upon when you were little, will doubtless make you more careful not to tread upon them. it is necessary that children should be made obedient to their elders, because they are not old enough to know what is good for themselves; but obedience should always be obtained by the gentlest means possible. violence excites anger and hatred, without doing any good to counterbalance the evil. when it is necessary to punish a child, it should be done in such a calm and reasonable manner as to convince him that you do it for his good, and not because you are in a rage. slaves, all the world over, are generally much addicted to lying. the reason is, that if they have done any mischief by carelessness or accident, they dare not tell the truth about it for fear of a cruel flogging. violent and tyrannical treatment always produces that effect. wherever children are abused, whether they are white or black, they become very cunning and deceitful; for when the weak are tortured by the strong, they have no other way to save themselves from suffering. such treatment does not cure faults; it only makes people lie to conceal their faults. if a child does anything wrong, and confesses it frankly, his punishment ought to be slight, in order to encourage him in habits of truthfulness, which is one of the noblest attributes of manhood. if he commits the same fault a second time, even if he confesses it, he ought not to be let off so easily, because it is necessary to teach him that confession, though a very good thing, will not supply the place of repentance. when children are naughty, it is better to deprive them of some pleasant thing that they want to eat or drink or do, than it is to kick and cuff them. it is better to attract them toward what is right than to drive them from what is wrong. thus if a boy is lazy, it is wiser to promise him reward in proportion to his industry, than it is to cuff and scold him, which will only make him shirk work as soon as you are out of sight. whereas, if you tell him, "you shall have six cents if you dig one bushel of potatoes, and six cents more if you dig two," he will have a motive that will stimulate him when you are not looking after him. if he is too lazy to be stimulated by such offers, he must be told that he who digs no potatoes must have none to eat. the moral education which you are all the time giving your children, by what they hear you say and see you do, is of more consequence to them than reading and writing and ciphering. but the education they get at school is also very important; and it will be wise and kind in you to buy such books as they need, and encourage them in every way to become good scholars, as well as good men. by so doing you will not only benefit them, but you will help all your race. every colored man or woman who is virtuous and intelligent takes away something of prejudice against colored men and women in general; and it likewise encourages all their brethren and sisters, by showing what colored people are capable of doing. the system of slavery was all penalty and no attraction; in other words, it punished men if they did _not_ do, but it did not reward them for _doing_. in the management of your children you should do exactly the opposite of this. you should appeal to their manhood, not to their fears. after emancipation in the west indies, planters who had been violent slaveholders, if they saw a freedman leaning on his hoe, would say, "work, you black rascal, or i'll flog you"; and the freedman would lean all the longer on his hoe. planters of a more wise and moderate character, if they saw the emancipated laborers idling away their time, would say, "we expect better things of free men"; and that appeal to their manhood made the hoes fly fast. old men and women have been treated with neglect and contempt in slavery, because they were no longer able to work for the profit of their masters. but respect and tenderness are peculiarly due to the aged. they have done much and suffered much. they are no longer able to help themselves; and we should help them, as they helped us in the feebleness of our infancy, and as we may again need to be helped in the feebleness of age. any want of kindness or civility toward the old ought to be very seriously rebuked in children; and affectionate attentions should be spoken of as praiseworthy. slavery in every way fosters violence. slave-children, being in the habit of seeing a great deal of beating, early form the habit of kicking and banging each other when they are angry, and of abusing poor helpless animals intrusted to their care. on all such occasions parents should say to them: "those are the ways of slavery. we expect better things of free children." * * * * * an honorable record. in the colored population in philadelphia numbered eighteen thousand seven hundred and sixty-eight. many of them were poor and ignorant, and some of them were vicious; as would be the case with any people under such discouraging influences. but, notwithstanding they were excluded by prejudice from all the most profitable branches of industry, they had acquired property valued at one million three hundred and fifty thousand dollars; five hundred and fifty thousand was in real estate, and eight hundred thousand was personal property. they had built sixteen churches, valued at one hundred and fourteen thousand dollars, for the support of which they annually paid over six thousand dollars. the pauper tax they paid was more than enough to support all the colored paupers in the city. they had eighty benevolent societies, and during that year they had expended fourteen thousand one hundred and seventy-two dollars for the relief of the sick and the helpless. a number of them who had been slaves had paid, in the course of that year, seventy thousand seven hundred and thirty-three dollars to purchase their own freedom, or that of their relatives. thank god for little children. by frances e. w. harper. thank god for little children! bright flowers by earth's wayside,-- the dancing, joyous life-boats upon life's stormy tide. thank god for little children! when our skies are cold and gray, they come as sunshine to our hearts, and charm our cares away. i almost think the angels, who tend life's garden fair, drop down the sweet wild blossoms that bloom around us here. it seems a breath of heaven "round many a cradle lies," and every little baby brings a message from the skies. the humblest home, with children, is rich in precious gems; better than wealth of monarchs, or golden diadems. dear mothers, guard these jewels as sacred offerings meet,-- a wealth of household treasures, to lay at jesus' feet. sam and andy. by harriet beecher stowe. a beautiful slave in kentucky, named eliza, had a very handsome little boy. one day she overheard her master making a bargain with a slave-trader by the name of haley to sell them both. she made her escape that night, taking her child with her. her mistress, who was much attached to her, and did not want to have her sold, was glad when she heard that eliza was gone; but her master, who was afraid the trader would think he had helped her off after he had taken the money for her, ordered the horses bill and jerry to be brought, and two of his slaves, called sam and andy, to go with the slave-trader in pursuit of the fugitive. the way they contrived how _not_ to overtake eliza is thus told in "uncle tom's cabin":-- "'sam! halloo, sam!' said andy. 'mas'r wants you to cotch bill and jerry.' "'high! what's afoot now?' said sam. "'why i s'pose you don't know that lizy's cut stick, and clared out, with her young un?' "'you teach your granny!' replied sam, with infinite contempt; 'knowed it a heap sooner than _you_ did. this nigger a'n't so green, now.' "'wal, anyhow, mas'r wants bill and jerry geared right up; and you and i's to go with mas'r haley, to look arter her,' said andy. "sam, who had just been contriving how he could make himself of importance on the plantation, exclaimed: 'good, now! dat's de time o' day! it's sam dat's called for in dese yere times. _he_'s de nigger. mas'r'll see what sam can do!' "'ah, you'd better think twice,' said andy; 'for missis don't want her cotched, and she'll be in yer wool.' "'high! how you know dat?' said sam, opening his eyes. "'heard her say so, my own self, dis blessed mornin', when i bring in mas'r's shaving-water. she sent me to see why lizy didn't come to dress her; and when i telled her she was off, she jes ris up, and ses she, "the lord be praised!" mas'r he seemed rael mad; and ses he, "wife, you talk like a fool." but, lor! she'll bring him to. i knows well enough how that'll be. it's allers best to stand missis's side the fence, now i tell yer,' said andy. "sam scratched his woolly pate, and gave a hitch to his pantaloons, as he had a habit of doing when his mind was perplexed. 'der a'n't never no sayin' 'bout no kind o' thing in dis yere world,' said he at last. 'now i'd a said sartin that missis would a scoured the varsal world after lizy.' "'so she would,' said andy; 'but can't ye see through a ladder, ye black nigger? missis don't want dis yer mas'r haley to get lizy's boy; dat's de go. and i 'specs you'd better be making tracks for dem hosses,--mighty sudden too,--for i hearn missis 'quirin' arter yer; so you've stood foolin' long enough.' "sam, upon this, began to bestir himself in earnest, and after a while appeared, bearing down gloriously towards the house, with bill and jerry in a full canter. adroitly throwing himself off before they had any idea of stopping, he brought them up alongside the horse-post like a tornado. haley's horse, which was a skittish young colt, winced and bounced, and pulled hard at his halter. "'ho! ho!' said sam, 'skeery, ar ye?' and his black face lighted up with a curious, mischievous gleam. 'i'll fix ye now,' said he. "there was a large beech-tree overshadowing the place, and the small, sharp, triangular beech-nuts lay scattered thickly on the ground. sam stroked and patted the colt, and while pretending to adjust the saddle, he slipped under it a sharp little nut, in such a manner that the least weight brought upon the saddle would annoy the nervous animal, without leaving any perceptible wound. "'dar, me fix 'em,' said he, rolling his eyes with an approving grin. "at this moment mrs. shelby appeared on the balcony and beckoned to him. 'why have you been loitering so, sam?' said she. 'i sent andy to tell you to hurry.' "'bress you, missis, hosses won't be cotched all in a minit. they done clared out down to the south pasture, and everywhar,' said sam. "'well, sam,' replied his mistress, 'you are to go with mr. haley to show him the road, and help him. be careful of the horses, sam. you know jerry was a little lame last week. _don't ride them too fast._' she spoke the last words in a low voice, and with strong emphasis. "'let dis chile alone for dat,' said sam, rolling up his eyes with a look full of meaning. 'yes, missis, i'll look out for de hosses.' "sam returned to his stand under the beech-tree, and said to andy, 'now, andy, i wouldn't be 't all surprised if dat ar gen'lman's crittur should gib a fling, by and by, when he comes to be a gettin' up. you know, andy, critturs _will_ do such things'; and sam poked andy in the side, in a highly suggestive manner. "'high!' exclaimed andy, with an air that showed he understood instantly. "'yes, you see, andy, missis wants to make time,' said sam; 'dat ar's cl'ar to der most or'nary 'bserver. i jis make a little for her. now, you see, get all dese yere hosses loose, caperin' permiscus round dis yere lot, and down to de wood dar, and i 'spec mas'r won't be off in a hurry.' "andy grinned. "'you see, andy,' said sam, 'if any such thing should happen as that mas'r haley's hoss _should_ begin to act contrary, and cut up, you and i jist lets go of _our'n_ to help him! o yes, we'll _help_ him!' and sam and andy laid their heads back on their shoulders, and broke into a low, immoderate laugh, snapping their fingers, and flourishing their heels with exquisite delight. "while they were enjoying themselves in this style, haley appeared on the verandah. some cups of very good coffee had somewhat mollified him, and he came out smiling and talking in tolerably restored humor. sam and andy clawed for their torn hats, and flew to the horse-posts to be ready to 'help mas'r.' the brim of sam's hat was all unbraided, and the slivers of the palm-leaf started apart in every direction, giving it a blazing air of freedom and defiance. the brim had gone entirely from andy's hat; but he thumped the crown on his head, and looked about well pleased, as if to ask, 'who says i haven't got a hat?' "'well, boys,' said haley, 'be alive now. we must lose no time.' "'not a bit of him, mas'r,' said sam, putting haley's rein into his hand and holding his stirrup, while andy was untying the other two horses. "the instant haley touched the saddle the mettlesome creature bounded from the earth with a sudden spring, that threw his master sprawling some feet off, on the dry, soft turf. with frantic ejaculations sam made a dive at the reins, but only succeeded in brushing the torn slivers of his hat into the horse's eyes, which by no means tended to allay the confusion of his nerves. with two or three contemptuous snorts he upset sam, flourished his heels vigorously in the air, and pranced away toward the lower end of the lawn. he was followed by bill and jerry, whom andy had not failed to let loose, according to contract, speeding them off with various direful cries. and now there was a scene of great confusion. sam and andy ran and shouted; dogs ran barking here and there; mike, mose, mandy, fanny, and all the smaller specimens on the place, raced, whooped, shouted, and clapped their hands with outrageous zeal. haley's fleet horse entered into the spirit of the scene with great gusto. he raced round the lawn, which was half a mile in extent, and seemed to take a mischievous delight in letting his pursuers come within a hand's breadth of him, and then whisking off again with a start and a snort. "sam's torn hat was seen everywhere. if there seemed to be the least chance that a horse could be caught, down he bore upon him full tilt, shouting, 'now for it! cotch him! cotch him!' in a way that set them all to racing again. "haley ran up and down, stamped, cursed, and swore. the master in vain tried to give some directions from the balcony, and the mistress looked from her chamber window and laughed. she had some suspicion that sam was the cause of all this confusion. "at last, about twelve o'clock, sam appeared, mounted on jerry, leading haley's horse, reeking with sweat, but with flashing eyes and dilated nostrils, showing that the spirit of freedom had not yet entirely subsided. "'he's cotched!' exclaimed sam, triumphantly. 'if it hadn't been for me they might a bust themselves, all on 'em; but i cotched him.' "'_you!_' growled haley. 'if it hadn't been for _you_, this never would have happened.' "'bress us, mas'r!' exclaimed sam; 'when it's me that's been a racin' and chasin' till the swet jist pours off me.' "'well, well!' said haley, 'you've lost me near three hours with your cursed nonsense. now let's be off, and have no more fooling.' "'why, mas'r,' said sam, in a deprecating tone, 'i do believe you mean to kill us all clar,--hosses and all. here we are all jist ready to drop down, and the critturs all in a reek o' sweat. sure mas'r won't think of startin' now till arter dinner. mas'r's hoss wants rubben down. see how he's splashed hisself!--and jerry limps, too. don't think missis would be willing to have us start dis yere way, no how. bress you, mas'r, we can ketch up, if we stop. lizy nebber was no great of a walker.' "the mistress, who, greatly to her amusement, overheard this conversation from the verandah, now came forward and courteously urged mr. haley to stay to dinner, saying that the cook should bring it on the table immediately. all things considered, the slave-trader concluded it was best to do so. as he moved toward the parlor, sam rolled his eyes after him with unutterable meaning, and gravely led the horses to the stable. "when he had fairly got beyond the shelter of the barn, and fastened the horse to a post, he exclaimed, 'did you see him, andy? _did_ yer see him? o lor', if it warn't as good as a meetin', now, to see him a dancin' and a kickin', and swarin' at us! didn't i hear him? swar away, ole fellow! says i to myself. will you have yer hoss now, or wait till you cotch him? says i.' and sam and andy leaned up against the barn, and laughed to their hearts' content. "'yer oughter seen how mad he looked when i brought the hoss up. lor', he'd a killed me if he durs' to; and there i was a standin' as innercent and humble.' "'lor', i seed you,' said andy. 'a'n't you an old hoss, sam?' "'rather 'specs i am,' said sam. 'did you see missus up stars at the winder? i seed her laughin'.' "'i'm sure i was racin' so i didn't see nothin,' said andy. "'wal, yer see, i'se 'quired a habit o' bobservation,' said sam. 'it's a very 'portant habit, andy; and i 'commend yer to be cultivatin' it, now yer young. bobservation makes all de difference in niggers. didn't i see what missis wanted, though she never let on? dat ar's bobservation, andy. i 'specs it's what yer may call a faculty. faculties is different in different peoples; but cultivation of 'em goes a great way.' "'i guess if i hadn't helped your bobservation dis mornin', yer wouldn't have seen yer way so smart,' said andy. "'you's a promisin' chile, andy, der a'n't no manner o' doubt,' said sam. 'i think lots of yer, andy; and i don't feel no ways ashamed to take idees from yer. let's go up to the house now, andy. i'll be boun' missis'll give us an uncommon good bite dis yere time.'" "the mistress had promised that dinner should be brought on the table in a hurry, and she had given the orders in haley's hearing. but the servants all seemed to have an impression that missis would not be disobliged by delay. aunt chloe, the cook, went on with her operations in a very leisurely manner. then it was wonderful what a number of accidents happened. one upset the butter; another tumbled down with the water, and had to go to the spring for more; another spilled the gravy; then aunt chloe set about making new gravy, watching it and stirring it with the greatest precision. if reminded that the orders were to hurry, she answered shortly that she 'warn't a going to have raw gravy on the table, to help nobody's catchin's.' "from time to time there was giggling in the kitchen, when news was brought that 'mas'r haley was mighty oneasy, and that he couldn't set in his cheer no ways, but was a walkin' and stalkin' to the winders and through the porch.' "'sarves him right!' said aunt chloe. 'he'll git wus nor oneasy, one of these days, if he don't mend his ways.' "at last the dinner was sent in, and the mistress smiled and chatted, and did all she could to make the time pass imperceptibly. "at two o'clock, sam and andy brought the horses up to the posts, apparently greatly refreshed and invigorated by the scamper of the morning. as haley prepared to mount, he said, 'your master don't keep no dogs, i s'pose?' "'heaps on 'em,' said sam, triumphantly. 'thar's bruno,--he's a roarer; and besides that, 'bout every nigger of us keeps a pup o' some natur' or uther.' "'but does your master keep any dogs for tracking out niggers?' said haley. "sam knew very well what he meant, but he kept on a look of desperate simplicity. 'wal,' said he, 'our dogs all smells round considerable sharp. i 'spect they's the _kind_, though they ha'n't never had no _practice_. they's far dogs at most anything though, if you'd get 'em started.' he whistled to bruno, a great lumbering newfoundland dog, who came pitching tumultuously toward them. "'you go hang!' exclaimed haley, mounting his horse. 'come, tumble up, now.' "sam tumbled up accordingly, contriving to tickle andy as he did so. this made andy split out into a laugh, greatly to haley's indignation, who made a cut at him with his riding-whip. 'i'se 'stonished at yer, andy,' said sam, with awful gravity. 'this yere's a seris bisness, andy. yer mustn't be a makin' game. this yere a'n't no way to help mas'r.' "when they came to the boundaries of the estate, haley said: 'i shall take the road to the river. i know the way of all of 'em. they always makes tracks for the underground.' "'sartin, dat's de idee,' said sam. 'mas'r haley hits de thing right in de middle. now, der's two roads to de river,--de dirt road and der pike. which mas'r mean to take?' "andy looked up innocently at sam, surprised at hearing this new geographical fact; but he instantly confirmed what sam said. "'i'd rather be 'clined to 'magine that lizy'd take der dirt road, bein' it's the least travelled,' said sam. though haley was an old bird, and inclined to be suspicious of chaff, he was rather brought up by this view of the case. he pondered a moment, and said, 'if yer wasn't both on yer such cussed liars, now!' "the pensive tone in which this was spoken amused andy prodigiously. he fell a little behind, and shook so with laughter as to run a great risk of falling from his horse. but sam's face was immovably composed into the most doleful gravity. "'course, mas'r can do as he'd ruther,' said sam. 'it's all one to us. when i study 'pon it, i think de straight road is de best.' "'she would naturally go a lonesome way,' said haley. "'i should 'magine so,' said sam; 'but gals is pecular. dey nebber does nothin' ye thinks they will; mose gen'lly de contrar; so if yer thinks they've gone one road, it's sartin you'd better go t'other, and then you'll be sure to find 'em. so i think we'd better take de straight road.' "haley announced decidedly that he should go the other, and asked when they should come to it. "'a little piece ahed,' said sam, giving a wink to andy. he added gravely, 'i've studded on de matter, and i'm quite clar we ought not to go dat ar way. i nebber been over it no way. it's despit lonesome, and we might lose our way. and now i think on't, i hearn 'em tell dat ar road was all fenced up down by der creek. a'n't it, andy?' "andy wasn't certain; he'd only 'hearn tell' about that road, but had never been over it. "haley thought the first mention of the road was involuntary on sam's part, and that, upon second thoughts, he had lied desperately to dissuade him from taking that direction because he was unwilling to implicate eliza. therefore he struck briskly into the road, and was followed by sam and andy. "the road in fact had formerly been an old thoroughfare to the river, but after the laying of the new pike it had been abandoned. it was open for about an hour's ride, and after that it was cut across by various farms and fences. sam knew this perfectly well; indeed, the road had been so long closed that andy had never heard of it. he therefore rode along with an air of dutiful submission, only groaning occasionally, and saying it was 'desp't rough, and bad for jerry's foot.' "'now, i jest give yer warning, i know yer,' said haley. 'yer won't get me to turn off this yere road, with all yer fussin'; so you shet up.' "'mas'r will go his own way,' said sam, with rueful submission, at the same time winking portentously to andy, whose delight now was very near the explosive point. sam was in wonderful spirits. he professed to keep a very brisk lookout. at one time he exclaimed that he saw 'a gal's bunnet' on the top of some distant eminence; at another time, he called out to andy to ask if 'that thar wasn't lizy down in the holler.' he was always sure to make these exclamations in some rough or craggy part of the road, where the sudden quickening of speed was a special inconvenience to all parties concerned, thus keeping haley in a state of constant commotion. "after riding about an hour in this way, the whole party made a precipitate and tumultuous descent into a barn-yard belonging to a large farming establishment. not a soul was in sight, all the hands being employed in the fields; but as the barn stood square across the road, it was evident that their journey in that direction had reached its end. "'you rascal!' said haley; 'you knew all about this.' "'didn't i _tell_ yer i knowed, and yer wouldn't believe me?' replied sam. 'i telled mas'r 't was all shet up, and fenced up, and i didn't 'spect we could git through. andy heard me.' "this was too true to be disputed, and the unlucky man had to pocket his wrath as well as he could. all three faced to the right about, and took up their line of march for the highway." [the consequence of all these delays was, that they reached the ohio river only in season to see eliza and her child get safely on the other side, by jumping from one mass of floating ice to the other.] "'the gal's got seven devils in her i believe,' said haley. 'how like a wild-cat she jumped!' "'wal, now,' said sam, scratching his head, 'i hope mas'r 'scuse us tryin' dat ar road. don't think i feel spry enough for dat ar, no way'; and sam gave a hoarse chuckle. "'_you_ laugh!' exclaimed the slave-trader, with a growl. "'i couldn't help it now, mas'r,' said sam, giving way to the long pent-up delight of his soul. 'she looked so curis, a leapin' and springin'; ice a crackin'--and only to hear her! plump! ker chunk! ker splash!' and sam and andy laughed till the tears rolled down their cheeks. "'i'll make yer laugh t'other side yer mouths!' exclaimed the trader, laying about their heads with his riding-whip. both ducked, and ran shouting up the bank. they were on their horses before he could come up with them. "with much gravity sam called out: 'good evening, mas'r haley. won't want us no longer. i 'spect missis be anxious 'bout jerry. missis wouldn't hear of our ridin' the critturs over lizy's bridge to-night.' with a poke into andy's ribs, they started off at full speed, their shouts of laughter coming faintly on the wind. "sam was in the highest possible feather. he expressed his exultation by all sorts of howls and ejaculations, and by divers odd motions and contortions of his whole system. sometimes he would sit backward with his face to the horse's tail; then, with a whoop and a somerset, he would come right side up in his place again; and, drawing on a grave face, he would begin to lecture andy for laughing and playing the fool. anon, slapping his sides with his arms, he would burst forth in peals of laughter, that made the old woods ring as they passed. with all these evolutions, he contrived to keep the horses up to the top of their speed, until, between ten and eleven, their heels resounded on the gravel at the end of the balcony. "his mistress flew to the railings, and called out, 'is that you, sam? where are they?' "'mas'r haley's a restin' at the tavern,' said sam. 'he's drefful fatigued, missis.' "'and eliza, where is she, sam?' "'wal, missis, de lord he persarves his own. lizy's done gone over the river into 'hio; as 'markably as if de lord took her over in a chariot of fire and two hosses.' "his master, who had followed his wife to the verandah, said, 'come up here, and tell your mistress what she wants to know.' "sam soon appeared at the parlor-door, hat in hand. in answer to their questions, he told his story in lively style. 'dis yere's a providence, and no mistake,' said sam, piously rolling up his eyes. 'as missis has allers been instructin' on us, thar's allers instruments ris up to do de lord's will. now if it hadn't been for me to-day, lizy'd been took a dozen times. warn't it i started off de hosses, dis yere mornin', and kept 'em chasin' till dinner time? and didn't i car mas'r haley five miles out of de road dis evening? else he'd a come up with lizy, as easy as a dog arter a coon. dese yere's all providences!' "with as much sternness as he could command under the circumstances, his master said, 'they are a kind of providences that you'll have to be pretty sparing of, sam. i allow no such practices with gentlemen on my place.' "sam stood with the corners of his mouth lowered, in most penitential style. 'mas'r's quite right,' said he. 'it was ugly on me; thar's no disputin' that ar; and of course mas'r and missis wouldn't encourage no such works. i'm sensible ob dat ar. but a poor nigger like me's 'mazin' tempted to act ugly sometimes, when fellers will cut up such shines as dat ar mas'r haley. he a'n't no gen'l'man no way. anybody's been raised as i've been can't help a seein' dat ar.' "'well, sam,' said his mistress, 'as you seem to have a proper sense of your errors, you may go now and tell aunt chloe she may get you some of that cold ham that was left of dinner to-day. you and andy must be hungry.' "'missis is a heap too good for us,' said sam, making his bow with alacrity and departing. "having done up his piety and humility, to the satisfaction of the parlor, as he trusted, he clapped his palm-leaf on his head with a sort of free-and-easy air, and proceeded to the dominions of aunt chloe, with the intention of flourishing largely in the kitchen." john brown and the colored child. by l. maria child. [when john brown went from the jail to the gallows, in charlestown, virginia, december , , he stooped to kiss a little colored child.] a winter sunshine, still and bright, the blue hills bathed with golden light, and earth was smiling to the sky, when calmly he went forth to die. infernal passions festered there, where peaceful nature looked so fair; and fiercely, in the morning sun, flashed glitt'ring bayonet and gun. the old man met no friendly eye, when last he looked on earth and sky; but one small child, with timid air, was gazing on his hoary hair. as that dark brow to his upturned, the tender heart within him yearned; and, fondly stooping o'er her face, he kissed her for her injured race. the little one she knew not why that kind old man went forth to die; nor why, 'mid all that pomp and stir, he stooped to give a kiss to _her_. but jesus smiled that sight to see, and said, "he did it unto _me_." the golden harps then sweetly rung, and this the song the angels sung: "who loves the poor doth love the lord; earth cannot dim thy bright reward: we hover o'er yon gallows high, and wait to bear thee to the sky." * * * * * john brown, on his way to the scaffold, stooped to take up a slave-child. that closing example was the legacy of the dying man to his country. that benediction we must continue and fulfil. in this new order, equality, long postponed, shall become the master-principle of our system, and the very frontispiece of our constitution.--hon. charles sumner. * * * * * christ told me to remember those in bonds as bound with them; to do toward them as i should wish them to do toward me in similar circumstances. my conscience bade me to do that. therefore i have no regret for the transaction for which i am condemned. i think i feel as happy as paul did when he lay in prison. he knew if they killed him it would greatly advance the cause of christ. that was the reason he rejoiced. on that same ground "i do rejoice, yea, and will rejoice."--john brown. the air of freedom. by frances e. w. harper. [written at niagara falls in .] i have just returned from canada. i have gazed for the first time upon free land. would you believe it? the tears sprang to my eyes, and i wept. it was a glorious sight to gaze, for the first time, on the land where a poor slave, flying from our land of boasted liberty, would in a moment find his fetters broken and his shackles loosed. whatever he was in the land of washington, in the shadow of bunker hill monument, or even upon plymouth rock, _here_ he becomes "a man and a brother." i had gazed on harper's ferry, or rather the rock at the ferry, towering up in simple grandeur, with the gentle potomac gliding peacefully at its feet; and i felt that it was god's masonry. my soul expanded while gazing on its sublimity. i had heard the ocean singing its wild chorus of sounding waves, and the living chords of my heart thrilled with ecstasy. i have since seen the rainbow-crowned niagara, girdled with grandeur and robed with glory, chanting the choral hymn of omnipotence; but none of these sights have melted me, as did the first sight of free land. towering mountains, lifting their hoary summits to catch the first faint flush of day, when the sunbeams kiss the shadows from morning's drowsy face, may expand and exalt your soul; the first view of the ocean may fill you with strange delight; the great, the glorious niagara may hush your spirit with its ceaseless thunder,--it may charm you with its robe of crested spray, and with its rainbow crown: but the land of freedom has a lesson of deeper significance than foaming waves and towering mountains. it carries the heart back to that heroic struggle in great britain for the emancipation of the slaves, in which the great heart of the people throbbed for liberty, and the mighty pulse of the nation beat for freedom, till eight hundred thousand men, women, and children in the west indies arose redeemed from bondage and freed from chains. emancipation in the district of columbia, april , . by james madison bell. unfurl your banners to the breeze! let freedom's tocsin sound amain, until the islands of the seas re-echo with the glad refrain! columbia's free! columbia's free! her teeming streets, her vine-clad groves, are sacred now to liberty, and god, who every right approves. thank god, the capital is free! the slaver's pen, the auction-block, the gory lash of cruelty, no more this nation's pride shall mock; no more, within those ten miles square, shall men be bought and women sold; nor infants, sable-hued and fair, exchanged again for paltry gold. to-day the capital is free! and free those halls where adams stood to plead for man's humanity, and for a common brotherhood; where sumner stood, with massive frame, whose eloquent philosophy has clustered round his deathless name bright laurels for eternity; where wilson, lovejoy, wade, and hale, and other lights of equal power, have stood, like warriors clad in mail, before the giant of the hour,-- co-workers in a common cause, laboring for their country's weal, by just enactments, righteous laws, and burning, eloquent appeal. to them we owe and gladly bring the grateful tributes of our hearts; and while we live to muse and sing, these in our songs shall claim their parts. to-day columbia's air doth seem much purer than in days agone; and now her mighty heart, i deem, hath lighter grown by marching on. the laws of health. by l. maria child. there are three things peculiarly essential to health,--plenty of fresh water, plenty of pure air, and enough of nourishing food. if possible, the human body should be washed all over every day; but if circumstances render that difficult, the operation should be performed at least two or three times a week. people in general are not aware how important frequent bathing is. the cuticle, or skin, with which the human body is covered, is like fine net-work, or lace. by help of a magnifying-glass, called a microscope, it can be seen that there are a thousand holes in every inch of our skin. in the skin of a middle-sized man there are two millions three hundred and four thousand of these holes, called pores. those pores are the mouths of exceedingly small vessels made to carry off fluids, which are continually formed in the human body, and need to be continually carried off. this process is going on all the time, whether we are sleeping or waking, hot or cold. when we are cool and at rest, that which passes off is invisible; and because we see no signs of it, and are not sensible of it, it is called insensible perspiration. but in very hot weather, or when we exercise violently, a saltish fluid passes through our pores in great drops, which we call sweat; and because we can see and feel it, it is called sensible perspiration. if the pores of the body are filled up with dust, or any kind of dirt, the fluids cannot pass off through them, as nature intended; and, being shut up, they become corrupt and produce fevers and bad humors. this is the reason why physicians always advise people to be careful and keep their pores open. in order to do this, dust and dirt should be frequently washed away. many a fever and many a troublesome sore might be prevented by frequent bathing. moreover, the skin looks smoother and handsomer when it is washed often. if a pond or river is near by, it is well to swim a few minutes every day or two; if not, the body should be washed with a pail of water and a rag. but it is not safe to go into cold water, or to apply it to the skin, when you are very much heated; nor is it safe to drink much cold water until you get somewhat cool. the best way is to plunge into water when you first get up in the morning, and then rub yourself with a cloth till you feel all of a glow. it takes but a few minutes, and you will feel more vigorous for it all day. cool water is more healthy to wash in than warm water. it makes a person feel stronger, and it is not attended with any danger of catching cold afterward. but water directly from the well is too chilly; it is better to use it when it has been standing in the house some hours. garments worn next to the skin, and the sheets in which you sleep, imbibe something of the fluids all the time passing from the body; therefore they should be washed every week. i am aware that, as slaves, you had no beds or sheets; but as free men i hope you will gradually be able to provide yourselves with such comforts. meanwhile, sleep in the cleanest way that you can; for that is one way to avoid sickness. when the skin is hot and feverish, it does a great deal of good to wipe the face, arms, and legs with a cloth moistened with cool water, changed occasionally. headache is often cured by placing the feet in cool water a minute or two, and then rubbing them smartly with a dry cloth. sitting in cool water fifteen or twenty minutes is also a remedy for headache or dizziness. a cut or bruise heals much quicker if it is soaked ten or fifteen minutes in cool water, then wrapped in six or eight folds of wet rag, and covered with a piece of dry cloth. the rag should be moistened again when it gets dry. this simple process subdues the heat and fever of a wound. when the throat is sore, it is an excellent thing to wash the outside freely with cold water the first thing in the morning, and then wipe it very dry. a wet bandage at night, covered with a dry cloth, to keep it from the air, often proves very comforting when the throat is inflamed. indeed, it is scarcely possible to say too much in favor of using cool water freely, at suitable times. fresh air is as important as good water. the lungs of the human body are all the time drawing in air and breathing out air. what we breathe out carries away with it something from our bodies. therefore it is unhealthy to be in a room with many people, without doors or windows open; for the people draw in all the fresh air, and what they breathe out is more or less corrupted by having passed through their bodies. it is very important to health to have plenty of pure fresh air to breathe. no dirty things, or decaying substances, such as cabbage leaves or mouldy vegetables, or pools of stagnant water, should be allowed to remain anywhere near a dwelling. the pools should be filled up, and the decaying things should be carried away from the house, heaped up and covered with earth to make manure for the garden. if there is not room enough to do that, they should be buried in the ground. whole families often have fevers from breathing the bad odors that rise from such things. it is morally wrong to indulge in any habits that injure the health or well-being of others. the bed, and the coverings of the bed, should have fresh air let in upon them every day; otherwise, they retain the fluids which are passing from the body all the time. in england, children that worked in large manufactories became pale and sickly and died off fast. when doctors inquired into it, they found that the poor little creatures crept into the same bedclothes week after week, and month after month, without having them washed or aired. occasional change in articles of food is healthy, as well as agreeable; but it is injurious to eat a great variety of things at the same meal. there are two good rules, so very simple that everybody, rich or poor, can observe them: first, never indulge yourself in eating what you have found by experience does not agree with you; secondly, when you have eaten enough, do not continue to eat merely because the food tastes good. it is foolish to derange the stomach for a long time to please the palate for a short time. if you have oppressed feelings in the head, or sour and bitter tastes in the mouth, or a tendency to sickishness, take nothing but bread and water for two or three days, and you will be very likely to save yourself from a fever. people might spare themselves many a toothache if they would rinse their mouths after every meal, and every night, before going to bed, remove every particle of food from between the teeth, and rinse them thoroughly with water. new toothpicks should be made often, for the sake of cleanliness. dirt was a necessity of slavery; and that is one reason, among many others, why freemen should hate it, and try to put it away from their minds, their persons, and their habitations. president lincoln's proclamation of emancipation, january , . by frances e. w. harper. it shall flash through coming ages, it shall light the distant years; and eyes now dim with sorrow shall be brighter through their tears. it shall flush the mountain ranges, and the valleys shall grow bright; it shall bathe the hills in radiance, and crown their brows with light. it shall flood with golden splendor all the huts of caroline; and the sun-kissed brow of labor with lustre new shall shine. it shall gild the gloomy prison, darkened by the nation's crime, where the dumb and patient millions wait the better-coming time. by the light that gilds their prison they shall see its mouldering key; and the bolts and bars shall vibrate with the triumphs of the free. though the morning seemed to linger o'er the hill-tops far away, now the shadows bear the promise of the quickly coming day. soon the mists and murky shadows shall be fringed with crimson light, and the glorious dawn of freedom break refulgent on the sight. new-year's day on the islands of south carolina, . by charlotte l. forten. a few days before christmas we were delighted at receiving a beautiful christmas hymn from john g. whittier, written especially for our children. they learned it very easily, and enjoyed singing it. we showed them the writer's picture, and told them he was a very good friend of theirs, who felt the deepest interest in them, and had written this hymn expressly for them to sing. this made them very proud and happy. early christmas morning we were wakened by the people knocking at the doors and windows, and shouting "merry christmas!" after distributing some little presents among them, we went to the church, which had been decorated with holly, pine, cassena, mistletoe, and the hanging moss, and had a very christmas-like look. the children of our school assembled there, and we gave them the nice comfortable clothing and the picture-books which had been kindly sent by some philadelphia ladies. there were at least a hundred and fifty children present. it was very pleasant to see their happy, expectant little faces. to them it was a wonderful christmas-day, such as they had never dreamed of before. there was cheerful sunshine without, lighting up the beautiful moss drapery of the oaks, and looking in joyously through the open windows; and there were bright faces and glad hearts within. after the distribution of the gifts, the children were addressed by some of the gentlemen present. then they sang the following hymn, which their good friend whittier had written for them:-- "o, none in all the world before were ever so glad as we! we're free on carolina's shore, we're all at home and free. "thou friend and helper of the poor, who suffered for our sake, to open every prison-door, and every yoke to break,-- "bend low thy pitying face and mild, and help us sing and pray; the hand that blest the little child upon our foreheads lay. "we hear no more the driver's horn, no more the whip we fear; this holy day that saw thee born was never half so dear. "the very oaks are greener clad, the waters brighter smile; o, never shone a day so glad on sweet st. helen's isle. "we praise thee in our songs to-day, to thee in prayer we call; make swift the feet and straight the way of freedom unto all. "come once again, o blessed lord! come walking on the sea! and let the mainlands hear the word that sets the islands free!" then they sang john brown's hallelujah song, and several of their own hymns. christmas night, the children came in and had several grand shouts. they were too happy to keep still. one of them, a cunning, kittenish little creature, named amaretta, only six years old, has a remarkably sweet voice. "o miss," said she, "all i want to do is to sing and shout!" and sing and shout she did, to her heart's content. she reads nicely, and is very fond of books. many of the children already know their letters. the parents are eager to have them learn. they sometimes say to me: "do, miss, let de children learn eberyting dey can. we neber hab no chance to learn nuttin'; but we wants de chillen to learn." they are willing to make many sacrifices that their children may attend school. one old woman, who had a large family of children and grandchildren, came regularly to school in the winter, and took her seat among the little ones. another woman, who had one of the best faces i ever saw, came daily, and brought her baby in her arms. it happened to be one of the best babies in the world, and allowed its mother to pursue her studies without interruption. new-year's day, emancipation day, was a glorious one to us. general saxton and colonel higginson had invited us to visit the camp of the first regiment of south carolina volunteers on that day, "the greatest day in the nation's history." we enjoyed perfectly the exciting scene on board the steamboat flora. there was an eager, wondering crowd of the freed people, in their holiday attire, with the gayest of headkerchiefs, the whitest of aprons, and the happiest of faces. the band was playing, the flags were streaming, and everybody was talking merrily and feeling happy. the sun shone brightly, and the very waves seemed to partake of the universal gayety, for they danced and sparkled more joyously than ever before. long before we reached camp saxton, we could see the beautiful grove and the ruins of the old fort near it. some companies of the first regiment were drawn up in line under the trees near the landing, ready to receive us. they were a fine, soldierly looking set of men, and their brilliant dress made a splendid appearance among the trees. it was my good fortune to find an old friend among the officers. he took us over the camp and showed us all the arrangements. everything looked clean and comfortable; much neater, we were told, than in most of the white camps. an officer told us that he had never seen a regiment in which the men were so honest. "in many other camps," said he, "the colonel and the rest of us would find it necessary to place a guard before our tents. we never do it here. our tents are left entirely unguarded, but nothing has ever been touched." we were glad to know that. it is a remarkable fact, when we consider that the men of this regiment have all their lives been slaves; for we all know that slavery does not tend to make men honest. the ceremony in honor of emancipation took place in the beautiful grove of live-oaks adjoining the camp. i wish it were possible to describe fitly the scene which met our eyes, as we sat upon the stand, and looked down on the crowd before us. there were the black soldiers in their blue coats and scarlet pantaloons; the officers of the first regiment, and of other regiments, in their handsome uniforms; and there were crowds of lookers-on, men, women, and children, of every complexion, grouped in various attitudes, under the moss-hung trees. the faces of all wore a happy, interested look. the exercises commenced with a prayer by the chaplain of the regiment. an ode, written for the occasion, was then read and sung. president lincoln's proclamation of emancipation was then read, and enthusiastically cheered. the rev. mr. french presented colonel higginson with two very elegant flags, a gift to the first regiment, from the church of the puritans, in new york. he accompanied them by an appropriate and enthusiastic speech. as colonel higginson took the flags, before he had time to reply to the speech, some of the colored people, of their own accord, began to sing,-- "my country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee we sing!" it was a touching and beautiful incident, and sent a thrill through all our hearts. the colonel was deeply moved by it. he said that reply was far more effective than any speech he could make. but he did make one of those stirring speeches which are "half battles." all hearts swelled with emotion as we listened to his glorious words, "stirring the soul like the sound of a trumpet." his soldiers are warmly attached to him, and he evidently feels toward them all as if they were his children. general saxton spoke also, and was received with great enthusiasm. throughout the morning, repeated cheers were given for him by the regiment, and joined in heartily by all the people. they know him to be one of the best and noblest men in the world. his unfailing kindness and consideration for them, so different from the treatment they have sometimes received at the hands of united states officers, have caused them to have unbounded confidence in him. at the close of colonel higginson's speech, he presented the flags to the color-bearers, sergeant rivers and sergeant sutton, with an earnest charge, to which they made appropriate replies. mrs. gage uttered some earnest words, and then the regiment sang john brown's hallelujah song. after the meeting was over, we saw the dress-parade, which was a brilliant and beautiful sight. an officer told us that the men went through the drill remarkably well, and learned the movements with wonderful ease and rapidity. to us it seemed strange as a miracle to see this regiment of blacks, the first mustered into the service of the united states, thus doing itself honor in the sight of officers of other regiments, many of whom doubtless came to scoff. the men afterward had a great feast; ten oxen having been roasted whole, for their especial benefit. in the evening there was the softest, loveliest moonlight. we were very unwilling to go home; for, besides the attractive society, we knew that the soldiers were to have grand shouts and a general jubilee that night. but the steamboat was coming, and we were obliged to bid a reluctant farewell to camp saxton and the hospitable dwellers therein. we walked the deck of the steamer singing patriotic songs, and we agreed that moonlight and water had never looked so beautiful as they did that night. at beaufort we took the row-boat for st. helena. the boatmen as they rowed sang some of their sweetest, wildest hymns. it was a fitting close to such a day. our hearts were filled with an exceeding great gladness; for although the government had left much undone, we knew that freedom was surely born in our land that day. it seemed too glorious a good to realize, this beginning of the great work we had so longed for and prayed for. it was a sight never to be forgotten, that crowd of happy black faces from which the shadow of slavery had forever passed. "forever free! forever free!"--those magical words in the president's proclamation were constantly singing themselves in my soul. song of the negro boatmen at port royal, s. c. by john g. whittier. o praise and tanks! de lord he come to set de people free; an' massa tink it day ob doom, an' we ob jubilee. de lord dat heap de red sea waves, he jus' as 'trong as den; he say de word: we las' night slaves; to-day, de lord's free men. de yam will grow, de cotton blow, we'll hab de rice an' corn: o nebber you fear, if nebber you hear de driver blow his horn! ole massa on he trabbels gone; he leaf de land behind: de lord's breff blow him furder on, like corn-shuck in de wind. we own de hoe, we own de plough, we own de hands dat hold; we sell de pig, we sell de cow, but nebber chile be sold. we pray de lord: he gib us signs dat some day we be free; de norf-wind tell it to de pines, de wild-duck to de sea; we tink it when de church-bell ring, we dream it in de dream; de rice-bird mean it when he sing, de eagle when he scream. we know de promise nebber fail, an' nebber lie de word; so, like de 'postles in de jail, we waited for de lord: an' now he open ebery door, an' trow away de key; he tink we lub him so before, we lub him better free. de yam will grow, de cotton blow, he'll gib de rice an' corn: o nebber you fear, if nebber you hear de driver blow his horn! extract from speech by hon. henry wilson to the colored people in charleston, s. c., april, . "for twenty-nine years, in private life and in public life, at all times and on all occasions, i have spoken and voted against slavery, and in favor of the freedom of every man that breathes god's air or walks his earth. and to-day, standing here in south carolina, i feel that the slave-power we have fought so long is under my heel; and that the men and women held in bondage so long are free forevermore. "understanding this to be your position,--that you are forever free,--remember, o remember, the sacrifices that have been made for your freedom, and be worthy of the blessing that has come to you! i know you will be. [cheers.] through these four years of bloody war, you have always been loyal to the old flag of the country. you have never betrayed the union soldiers who were fighting the battles of the country. you have guided them, you have protected them, you have cheered them. you have proved yourselves worthy the great situation in which you were placed by the slaveholders' rebellion. four years ago you saw the flag of your country struck down from fort sumter; yesterday you saw the old flag go up again. its stars now beam with a brighter lustre. you know now what the old flag means,--that it means liberty to every man and woman in the country. [cheers.] "you have been patient, you have endured, you have trusted in god and your country; and the god of our fathers has blessed our country, and he has blessed you. the long, dreary, chilly night of slavery has passed away forevermore, and the sun of liberty casts its broad beams upon you to-day. "but your duties commence with your liberties. remember that you are to be obedient, faithful, true, and loyal to the country forevermore. [cheers, and cries of 'yes!' 'yes!' 'yes!'] remember that you are to educate your children; that you are to improve their condition; that you are to make a brighter future for _them_ than the past has been to _you_. remember that you are to be industrious. freedom does not mean that you are not to work. it means that when you do work you shall have pay for it, to carry home to your wives and the children of your love. liberty means the liberty to work for yourselves, to have the fruits of your labor, to better your own condition, and improve the condition of your children. i want every man and woman to understand that every neglect of duty, every failure to be industrious, to be economical, to support yourselves, to take care of your families, to secure the education of your children, will be put in the faces of your friends as a reproach. your old masters will point you out and say to us, 'we told you so.' for more than thirty years we have said that you were fit for liberty. we have maintained it amid obloquy and reproach. for maintaining this doctrine in the halls of congress our names have been made a by-word. the great lesson for you in the future is to prove that we were right; to prove that you were worthy of liberty. we simply ask you, in the name of your friends, in the name of our country, to show by your good conduct, and by efforts to improve your condition, that you were worthy of freedom; to prove to all the world, even to your old masters and mistresses, that it was a sin against god to hold you in slavery, and that you are worthy to have your names enrolled among the freemen of the united states of america. [great cheering.] "we want you to respect yourselves; to walk erect, with the consciousness that you are free men. be humane and kind to each other, always serving each other when you can. be courteous and gentlemanly to everybody on earth, black and white, but cringe to nobody. "you have helped us to fight our battles; you have stood by the old flag; you have given us your prayers; and you have had the desire of your hearts fulfilled. the cause of freedom has triumphed; and in our triumph we want all to stand up and rejoice together." extract from a speech by hon. judge kelly to the colored people in charleston, s. c., april, . "i will not, my colored friends, talk to you of the past. you understand that all too well. i turn to the hopeful future; not to flatter you for the deeds you have done during the last four years, but to remind you that, though you no longer have earthly masters, there is a ruler in heaven whom you are bound to obey,--that great being who strengthened and guided your eminent friend william lloyd garrison, who trained abraham lincoln for his great work, in honest poverty and simple-mindedness; that good god whose stars shine the same over the slaves' huts and the masters' palaces. his laws you must obey. you must worship him not only at the altar, but in every act of your daily life. it will not be enough to observe the sabbath, to go to him with your sorrows, and remember him in your joys. you must remember that he has said to man, 'in the sweat of thy brow shalt thou eat thy bread.' labor is the law of all. your friends in the north appeal to you to help them in the great work they undertook to do for you. we want you to work _with_ us. we want you to do it by working here in south carolina, earning wages, taking care of your money, and making profit out of that money. work on the plantation, if that is all you can do. if you can work in the workshop, do it, and work well. he who does a day's work not so well as he might have done it, cheats himself. strive that your work on monday shall be better done than it was on saturday; and when saturday comes round again, you will be able to do a still more skilful day's work. we at the north sometimes learn three or four trades. if any one of you feels sure that he can do better for himself and his family by changing his pursuit, he had better change it." "i like to look at the women assembled here. remember, my friends, that you are to be mothers and wives in the homes of free men. you must try to make those homes respectable and happy. you are to be the mothers of american citizens. you must give them the best education you can. you must strive to make them intelligent, educated, moral, patriotic, and religious men. many of you cannot read, but you are not too old yet to learn. a mother who knows how to read can half educate her own child by helping him with his lessons; and the mother who has but little learning will get a great deal more by trying to hear the child's lessons; and so it is with the father. "you need no longer live in slave huts, now that you are to have your own earnings. i charge you, men, to make your homes comfortable, and you, women, to make them happy. work industriously. be faithful to each other; be true and honest with all men. if you respect yourselves, others will respect you. there are northerners who are prejudiced against you; but you can find the way to their hearts and consciences through their pockets. when they find that there are colored tradesmen who have money to spend, and colored farmers who want to buy goods of them, they will no longer call you jack and joe; they will begin to think that you are mr. john black and mr. joseph brown." [great laughter.] black tom. by a yankee soldier. hunted by his rebel master over many a hill and glade, black tom, with his wife and children, found his way to our brigade. tom had sense and truth and courage, often tried where danger rose: once our flag his strong arm rescued from the grasp of rebel foes. one day, tom was marching with us through the forest as our guide, when a ball from traitor's rifle broke his arm and pierced his side. on a litter white men bore him through the forest drear and damp, laid him, dying, where our banners brightly fluttered o'er our camp. pointing to his wife and children, while he suffered racking pain, said he to our soldiers round him, "don't let _them_ be slaves again!" "no, by heaven!" spoke out a soldier,-- and _that_ oath was not profane,-- "our brigade will still protect them; they shall ne'er be slaves again." over old tom's dusky features came and stayed a joyous ray; and with saddened friends around him, his free spirit passed away. * * * * * at rodman's point, in north carolina, the united states troops were obliged to retreat before rebels, who outnumbered them ten to one. the scow in which they attempted to escape stuck in the mud, and could not be moved with poles. while the soldiers were lying down they were in some measure protected from rebel bullets; but whoever jumped into the water to push the boat off would certainly be killed. a vigorous black man who was with them said: "lie still. i will push off the boat. if they kill me, it is nothing; but you are soldiers, and are needed to fight for the country." he leaped overboard, pushed off the boat, and sprang back, pierced by seven bullets. he died two days after. i wish i knew his name; for it deserves to be recorded with the noblest heroes the world has known. letter from a freedman to his old master. [written just as he dictated it.] dayton, ohio, august , . _to my old master_, colonel p. h. anderson, _big spring, tennessee_. sir: i got your letter, and was glad to find that you had not forgotten jourdon, and that you wanted me to come back and live with you again, promising to do better for me than anybody else can. i have often felt uneasy about you. i thought the yankees would have hung you long before this, for harboring rebs they found at your house. i suppose they never heard about your going to colonel martin's to kill the union soldier that was left by his company in their stable. although you shot at me twice before i left you, i did not want to hear of your being hurt, and am glad you are still living. it would do me good to go back to the dear old home again, and see miss mary and miss martha and allen, esther, green, and lee. give my love to them all, and tell them i hope we will meet in the better world, if not in this. i would have gone back to see you all when i was working in the nashville hospital, but one of the neighbors told me that henry intended to shoot me if he ever got a chance. i want to know particularly what the good chance is you propose to give me. i am doing tolerably well here. i get twenty-five dollars a month, with victuals and clothing; have a comfortable home for mandy,--the folks call her mrs. anderson,--and the children--milly, jane, and grundy--go to school and are learning well. the teacher says grundy has a head for a preacher. they go to sunday school, and mandy and me attend church regularly. we are kindly treated. sometimes we overhear others saying, "them colored people were slaves" down in tennessee. the children feel hurt when they hear such remarks; but i tell them it was no disgrace in tennessee to belong to colonel anderson. many darkeys would have been proud, as i used to be, to call you master. now if you will write and say what wages you will give me, i will be better able to decide whether it would be to my advantage to move back again. as to my freedom, which you say i can have, there is nothing to be gained on that score, as i got my free papers in from the provost-marshal-general of the department of nashville. mandy says she would be afraid to go back without some proof that you were disposed to treat us justly and kindly; and we have concluded to test your sincerity by asking you to send us our wages for the time we served you. this will make us forget and forgive old scores, and rely on your justice and friendship in the future. i served you faithfully for thirty-two years, and mandy twenty years. at twenty-five dollars a month for me, and two dollars a week for mandy, our earnings would amount to eleven thousand six hundred and eighty dollars. add to this the interest for the time our wages have been kept back, and deduct what you paid for our clothing, and three doctor's visits to me, and pulling a tooth for mandy, and the balance will show what we are in justice entitled to. please send the money by adams's express, in care of v. winters, esq., dayton, ohio. if you fail to pay us for faithful labors in the past, we can have little faith in your promises in the future. we trust the good maker has opened your eyes to the wrongs which you and your fathers have done to me and my fathers, in making us toil for you for generations without recompense. here i draw my wages every saturday night; but in tennessee there was never any pay-day for the negroes any more than for the horses and cows. surely there will be a day of reckoning for those who defraud the laborer of his hire. in answering this letter, please state if there would be any safety for my milly and jane, who are now grown up, and both good-looking girls. you know how it was with poor matilda and catherine. i would rather stay here and starve--and die, if it come to that--than have my girls brought to shame by the violence and wickedness of their young masters. you will also please state if there has been any schools opened for the colored children in your neighborhood. the great desire of my life now is to give my children an education, and have them form virtuous habits. say howdy to george carter, and thank him for taking the pistol from you when you were shooting at me. from your old servant, jourdon anderson. * * * * * sergeant w. h. carney, of new bedford, massachusetts, was very severely wounded when the famous fifty-fourth regiment attacked fort wagner; but he resolutely held up the stars and stripes, as he dragged his wounded limb along, amid a shower of bullets; and when he reached his comrades he exclaimed exultingly, "the dear old flag has never touched the ground, boys!" colonel robert g. shaw. by eliza b. sedgwick. [in the summer of an attack was made on fort wagner, in south carolina, by the th massachusetts regiment, composed of colored troops. their leader, colonel shaw, belonging to one of the best white families in boston, was killed. when his friends asked for his body, the reply of the rebels was, "he is buried with his niggers."] buried with a band of brothers, whom for him would fain have died; buried with the gallant fellows who fell fighting by his side. buried with the men god gave him,-- those whom he was sent to save; buried with the martyred heroes, he has found an honored grave. buried where his dust so precious makes the soil a hallowed spot; buried where by christian patriot he shall never be forgot. buried in the ground accursed, which man's fettered feet have trod; buried where his voice still speaketh, appealing for the slave to god. fare thee well, thou noble warrior! who in youthful beauty went on a high and holy mission, by the god of battles sent. chosen of him, "elect and precious," well didst thou fulfil thy part; when thy country "counts her jewels," she shall wear thee on her heart. advice from an old friend. by l. maria child. for many years i have felt great sympathy for you, my brethren and sisters, and i have tried to do what i could to help you to freedom. and now that you have at last received the long-desired blessing, i most earnestly wish that you should make the best possible use of it. i have made this book to encourage you to exertion by examples of what colored people are capable of doing. such men and women as toussaint l'ouverture, benjamin banneker, phillis wheatley, frederick douglass, and william and ellen crafts, prove that the power of _character_ can overcome all external disadvantages, even that most crushing of all disadvantages, slavery. perhaps few of you will be able to stir the hearts of large assemblies by such eloquent appeals as those of frederick douglass, or be able to describe what you have seen and heard so gracefully as charlotte l. forten does. probably none of you will be called to govern a state as toussaint l'ouverture did; for such a remarkable career as his does not happen once in hundreds of years. but the bible says, "he that ruleth his own spirit is greater than he that ruleth a kingdom"; and such a ruler every man and woman can become, by the help and blessing of god. it is not the _greatness_ of the thing a man does which makes him worthy of respect; it is the doing _well_ whatsoever he hath to do. in many respects, your opportunities for usefulness are more limited than those of others; but you have one great opportunity peculiar to yourselves. you can do a vast amount of good to people in various parts of the world, and through successive generations, by simply being sober, industrious, and honest. there are still many slaves in brazil and in the spanish possessions. if you are vicious, lazy, and careless, their masters will excuse themselves for continuing to hold them in bondage, by saying: "look at the freedmen of the united states! what idle vagabonds they are! how dirty their cabins are! how slovenly their dress! that proves that negroes cannot take care of themselves, that they are not fit to be free." but if your houses look neat, and your clothes are clean and whole, and your gardens well weeded, and your work faithfully done, whether for yourselves or others, then all the world will cry out, "you see that negroes _can_ take care of themselves; and it is a sin and a shame to keep such men in slavery." thus, while you are serving your own interests, you will be helping on the emancipation of poor weary slaves in other parts of the world. it is a great privilege to have a chance to do extensive good by such simple means, and your heavenly father will hold you responsible for the use you make of your influence. your manners will have a great effect in producing an impression to your advantage or disadvantage. be always respectful and polite toward your associates, and toward those who have been in the habit of considering you an inferior race. it is one of the best ways to prove that you are not inferior. never allow yourselves to say or do anything in the presence of women of your own color which it would be improper for you to say or do in the presence of the most refined white ladies. such a course will be an education for them as well as for yourselves. when you appoint committees about your schools and other public affairs, it would be wise to have both men and women on the committees. the habit of thinking and talking about serious and important matters makes women more sensible and discreet. such consultations together are in fact a practical school both for you and them; and the more modest and intelligent women are, the better will children be brought up. personal appearance is another important thing. it is not necessary to be rich in order to dress in a becoming manner. a pretty dress for festival occasions will last a long while, if well taken care of; and a few wild-flowers, or bright berries, will ornament young girls more tastefully than jewels. working-clothes that are clean and nicely patched always look respectable; and they make a very favorable impression, because they indicate that the wearer is neat and economical. and here let me say, that it is a very great saving to mend garments well, and before the rents get large. we thrifty yankees have a saying that "a stitch in time saves nine"; and you will find by experience that neglected mending will require more than nine stitches instead of one, and will not look so well when it is done. the appearance of your villages will do much to produce a favorable opinion concerning your characters and capabilities. whitewash is not expensive; and it takes but little time to transplant a cherokee rose, a jessamine, or other wild shrubs and vines, that make the poorest cabin look beautiful; and, once planted, they will be growing while you are working or sleeping. it is a public benefit to remove everything dirty or unsightly, and to surround homes with verdure and flowers; for a succession of pretty cottages makes the whole road pleasant, and cheers all passers by; while they are at the same time an advertisement, easily read by all men, that the people who live there are not lazy, slovenly, or vulgar. the rich pay a great deal of money for pictures to ornament their walls, but a whitewashed cabin, with flowering-shrubs and vines clustering round it, is a pretty picture freely exhibited to all men. it is a public benefaction. but even if you are as yet too poor to have a house and garden of your own, it is still in your power to be a credit and an example to your race: by working for others as faithfully as you would work for yourself; by taking as good care of their tools as you would if they were your own; by always keeping your promises, however inconvenient it may be; by being strictly honest in all your dealings; by being temperate in your habits, and never speaking a profane or indecent word,--by pursuing such a course you will be consoled with an inward consciousness of doing right in the sight of god, and be a public benefactor by your example, while at the same time you will secure respect and prosperity for yourself by establishing a good character. a man whose conduct inspires confidence is in a fair way to have house and land of his own, even if he starts in the world without a single cent. be careful of your earnings, and as saving in your expenses as is consistent with health and comfort; but never allow yourselves to be stingy. avarice is a mean vice, which eats all the heart out of a man. money is a good thing, and you ought to want to earn it, as a means of improving the condition of yourselves and families. but it will do good to your character, and increase your happiness, if you impart a portion of your earnings to others who are in need. help as much as you conveniently can in building churches and school-houses for the good of all, and in providing for the sick and the aged. if your former masters and mistresses are in trouble, show them every kindness in your power, whether they have treated you kindly or not. remember the words of the blessed jesus: "do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you and persecute you." there is one subject on which i wish to guard you against disappointment. do not be discouraged if freedom brings you more cares and fewer advantages than you expected. such a great change as it is from slavery to freedom cannot be completed all at once. by being brought up as slaves, you have formed some bad habits, which it will take time to correct. those who were formerly your masters have acquired still worse habits by being brought up as slaveholders; and they cannot be expected to change all at once. both of you will gradually improve under the teaching of new circumstances. for a good while it will provoke many of them to see those who were once their slaves acting like freemen. they will doubtless do many things to vex and discourage you, just as the slaveholders in jamaica did after emancipation there. they seemed to want to drive their emancipated bondmen to insurrection, that they might have a pretext for saying: "you see what a bad effect freedom has on negroes! we told you it would be so!" but the colored people of jamaica behaved better than their former masters wished them to do. they left the plantations where they were badly treated, or poorly paid, but they worked diligently elsewhere. their women and children raised vegetables and fowls and carried them to market; and, by their united industry and economy, they soon had comfortable little homes of their own. i think it would generally be well for you to work for your former masters, if they treat you well, and pay you as much as you could earn elsewhere. but if they show a disposition to oppress you, quit their service, and work for somebody who will treat you like freemen. if they use violent language to you, never use impudent language to them. if they cheat you, scorn to cheat them in return. if they break their promises, never break yours. if they propose to women such connections as used to be common under the bad system of slavery, teach them that freedwomen not only have the legal power to protect themselves from such degradation, but also that they have pride of character. if in fits of passion, they abuse your children as they formerly did, never revenge it by any injury to them or their property. it is an immense advantage to any man always to keep the right on his side. if you pursue this course you will always be superior, however rich or elegant may be the man or woman who wrongs you. i do not mean by this that you ought to submit tamely to insult or oppression. stand up for your rights, but do it in a manly way. quit working for a man who speaks to you contemptuously, or who tries to take a mean advantage of you, when you are doing your duty faithfully by him. if it becomes necessary, apply to magistrates to protect you and redress your wrongs. if you are so unlucky as to live where the men in authority, whether civil or military, are still disposed to treat the colored people as slaves, let the most intelligent among you draw up a statement of your grievances and send it to some of your firm friends in congress, such as the hon. charles sumner, the hon. henry wilson, and the hon. george w. julian. a good government seeks to make laws that will equally protect and restrain all men. heretofore you had no reason to respect the laws of this country, because they punished you for crime, in many cases more severely than white men were punished, while they did nothing to protect your rights. but now that good president lincoln has made you free, you will be legally protected in your rights and restrained from doing wrong, just as other men are protected and restrained. it is one of the noblest privileges of freemen to be able to respect the law, and to rely upon it always for redress of grievances, instead of revenging one wrong by another wrong. you will have much to put up with before the new order of things can become settled on a permanent foundation. i am grieved to read in the newspapers how wickedly you are still treated in some places; but i am not surprised, for i knew that slavery was a powerful snake, that would try to do mischief with its tail after its head was crushed. but, whatever wrongs you may endure, comfort yourselves with two reflections: first, that there is the beginning of a better state of things, from which your children will derive much more benefit than you can; secondly, that a great majority of the american people are sincerely determined that you shall be protected in your rights as freemen. year by year your condition will improve. year by year, if you respect yourselves, you will be more and more respected by white men. wonderful changes have taken place in your favor during the last thirty years, and the changes are still going on. the abolitionists did a great deal for you, by their continual writing and preaching against slavery. then this war enabled thousands of people to see for themselves what a bad institution slavery was; and the uniform kindness with which you treated the yankee soldiers raised you up multitudes of friends. there are still many pro-slavery people in the northern states, who, from aristocratic pride or low vulgarity, still call colored people "niggers," and treat them as such. but the good leaven is now fairly worked into public sentiment, and these people, let them do what they will, cannot get it out. the providence of god has opened for you an upward path. walk ye in it, without being discouraged by the brambles and stones at the outset. those who come after you will clear them away, and will place in their stead strong, smooth rails for the steam-car called progress of the colored race. day of jubilee. by a. g. duncan. roll on, thou joyful day, when tyranny's proud sway, stern as the grave, shall to the ground be hurled, and freedom's flag unfurled shall wave throughout the world, o'er every slave! trump of glad jubilee, echo o'er land and sea, freedom for all! let the glad tidings fly, and every tribe reply, glory to god on high, at slavery's fall! the end. cambridge: stereotyped and printed by welch, bigelow, & co. * * * * * transcriber's notes: obvious punctuation and spelling errors have been repaired. spelling and accented letters, as well as inconsistent chapter headings in the contents and the body of the text, have otherwise been retained as they appear in the original publication.