Remarks upon the present confederacy, and late revolution in England, &c. Anderton, William, d. 1693. 1693 Approx. 152 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A25373 Wing A3112 ESTC R448 07754130 ocm 07754130 40112 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A25373) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 40112) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 162:13) Remarks upon the present confederacy, and late revolution in England, &c. Anderton, William, d. 1693. [2], 47 p. [s.n.], London, : Printed in the Year MDCXCIII [1693] Errata: p. 47. Has been attributed to William Anderton, who was tried and executed for printing this and other seditious pamphlets. Cf. Halkett & Laing (2nd ed.). Reproduction of original in the Cambridge University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Great Britain -- History -- Revolution of 1688. Great Britain -- History -- William and Mary, 1689-1702. Europe -- History -- 1648-1715. 2006-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-05 Derek Lee Sampled and proofread 2006-05 Derek Lee Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion REMARKS UPON THE Present Confederary . AND Late Revolution IN ENGLAND , &c. LONDON , Printed in the Year MDCXCIII . REMARKS UPON THE Present Confederacy , &c. THE most formidable Enterprise , no doubt , that ever was levell'd against the growing Grandeur of France , during the long and successful Reign of Lewis le Grande , was this late Confederacy , form'd by the most powerful Princes in all Europe : An Undertaking of so dangerous consequence to that Prince , that if their Carier had not been stopt by a surprising Providence , and diverted by the wonderful Vigilance and Activity of that truly greatest Prince in all these parts of the World , that Monarchy by this time had laid expiring . As the Confederates had resolutely , and with prodigious Prospects of Advantage to themselves agreed upon this Design ; so to facilitate it had sagaciously enough foreseen what Remoraes might lie in their way , and as resolutely determin'd to remove them , right or wrong . England , which had for some years past skreen'd them from those violent , and otherwise irresistible , shocks they were exposed to from France , was most feared at this time would stand in their way ; and to speak the Truth , from the Experience we have had of the French Power and Policy during this War , the least Assistance from her , or a meer Neutrality , had left them to the Mercy and entire Disposal of their Enemy . This , I say , was politickly enough foreseen , and by most wicked and unjust means for some time at least prevented ; though by comparing the Successes on both sides hitherto , cannot in all humane probability be long protracted : But more of this afterwards . To accomplish this Grand Design of theirs , King James must be deposed , to make way for the Ambition and Pride of another , the most likely to carry on the War against France ; if we either consider that heighth of Malice which he had long ago conceived against that Monarch , chiefly from his being so frequently baffled in Holland and Flanders , by the Bravery of his Generals there ; or that Natural Malignity in his very Constitution , derived from his Ancestors , who had never been famous for their Loyalty to their own Princes , or Affection for Crowned Heads . This they concluded feasible enough , not being ignorant of the ambitious Designs the Prince of Orange had been carrying on for several years in England of mounting that Throne , by having a hand in all the Plots against King Charles the Second ; but especially his Father in-law , to exclude him , and what not ; and the Dispositions he had laid in order to that End , by his corrupting the greatest Ministers of State under that unfortunate Prince , to take advantage from his Religion , to which the English are naturally averse , to put him upon some Acts which would in all likelihood alienate his Subjects Affections from him , and make the P. or O's Access the more easie . All this being well known to many of the Confederate Princes , they had no more to doe but to sound his Inclination somewhat nearer , and proffer him their Assistance for the obtaining of what he so eagerly desired , and by all indirect means pursued . To this end having engaged themselves and him in the strict bonds of a Confederacy , they immediately lent him such Assistance as was requisite to land him in England , where all things were ready to his hand , and there most wickedly deposed King James II. I confess some are apt to alledge that the Prince of Orange exceeded his Commission , and acted directly contrary to the Determination of the Confederacy , their sole Aim being onely by this Invasion to draw King James in to their Designs : But if we consider those notable Hints in the foreign Papers upon this occasion , particularly The General History of Europe , published in French , at the Hague , by the Authority of the States of Holland and West Friesland , we may be easily inclined to believe the contrary , out of which I shall present the Reader with some remarkable Passages , and leave it to him to judge , whether what I have laid down for my Principle does not look highly probable . Historical Account for the Month of November , in the Article of Advice from England , 1688. The King's Fleet ( that is , King James's , ) is about forty three Men of War , ten Fireships ; but though commanded by the Earl of Dartmouth , who is entirely for the King's Interest , 't is thought the Seamen , and many of the Officers , will not perform that Duty which the King expects from them . Reflexions upon the Advice from Holland , the same Month. The Expence that has been bestowed upon the Fleet and Army set forth from Holland , is a sign they are morally assured of the Success of the Enterprise , which I am apt to believe has been a long time ago in Agitation , though it was carried on with that Prudence and Secrecy , as not to be discovered till it could not be longer concealed . Advice from Germany , Decemb. 1688. The Confederates are arrived in Franconia , where they stay till General Dunewald comes up to join them with the Emperour's Forces , to the end they may march together , &c. Nevertheless when they are joined , there is great probability they will do nothing till they hear what the Prince of Orange does in England ; for he is at present the primum Mobile of all things . Reflexions upon the Advice from France , Decemb. 1688. 'T is thought that Monsieur Seignalay's Journey to visit the Coasts was particularly occasioned by the turn of Affairs in England , &c. But now all those Journeys will signifie little ; for if Heaven continues Prosperity to the Prince of Orange , of necessity the most Christian King must quit the Ocean . Reflexions upon the Advice from England the same Month. So soon as the Enterprize of the Prince of Orange was discoursed of all Men imagined that he was sure of the greatest part of the Nobility of England . Some put the question whether he will dethrone his Father in Law , or whether , &c. he 'll be contented with the Honour of having saved the Protestant Religion , and the Liberty of the English Nation . — For my part I believe an Accommodation will be a difficult thing . — I make no question but the next Parliament King James will be declared to have forfeited his Crown . Reflexions on the Advice from Germany , February 1689. I am apt to believe they are not to be called by the name of Politicians , who imagine that the Emperour caused the Marquess of Lucignan to be seised , that he might have an opportunity to enter into a Negotiation . Then again , What was befaln the Emperour since unknown to us that should enforce him to alter his Conduct ? If it had been that the Affairs in England went ill on the P. of O's side , that had been a Reason indeed ; — but all the World knows there is no such thing ; the Prince of Orange has been crowned , &c. To all which I shall add a remarkable Passage out of the French King's Declaration of War against Spain : Amongst other Motives he declares , That he is informed what share the Governour of the Spanish Low Countries had in the Prince of Orange's Enterprize against England ; but not believing what he did was done by his Master's Command , his Majesty was in good hopes to have persuaded his most Catholick Majesty to have joined with him for the Restoration of the lawful King of England , &c. To which purpose he made several Proposals that were all received whilst the Success of the Prince of Orange continued doubtfull ; but when 't was known at Madrid that the King of England had left his Kingdom , then nothing was thought of but War with France . That his Majesty was also farther informed , that the Spanish Ambassadour in England visited the Prince of Orange every day , and importuned him to declare War against France , &c. But finding that his most Catholick Majesty was resolved , &c. Gen. Hist . of Europe , Vol. 1. Month Apr. 89. As to this last passage I am sensible many prejudiced persons will be ready to object the little Reputation the French King and his Ministers have had for their Veracity these many Years ; but if we reflect on the vast Charge he is constantly at for Intelligence in all places where he is concerned , and how much it imported him to find out the Mystery of the Confederacy , it ought in some measure at least to incline us to credit him , especially when it 's notoriously known he had intimated to King James , some considerable time before he could give credit to it , the Design of the Prince of Orange , and the States General , against him ; and proffered him such Assistance , that if he had complied with it , would have effectually prevented this late Revolution in Great Britain , and consequently this bloody and desperate War , which has been the sad Effect of it . And there are some persons now living , of unquestionable Integrity , and sufficient Interest to know the truth of it , who assert , that Don Ronquillo , the late Spanish Ambassadour , plainly told King James , that if we would not be induced to join in the Confederacy with the Empire and Spain , against France , he would run the hazard of losing his Crown ; so certain it is that the Revolution here was an immediate Effect of the Consultations and Resolutions of the Confederacy , though not publickly enough hitherto understood , to the great injury of the King , and perversion of his Subjects . These Passages out of a publick Account of the Affairs of Europe , allowed to be published , and ( as we are obliged to suppose ) approved by the States General for the present , ( till something more material be offered by more capable and intelligent Persons , ) may seem to any reasonable man a sufficient Proof of my Assertion , that what the Pr. of Orange has lately transacted there , was not managed by him alone against the Intentions of the rest of the Confederacy : If so , why did not they remonstrate against his Proceedings , by their Ambassadours to King James , and the Prince of Orange too ; and , as in Honour bound , contribute their Assistence , when especially requested to it , towards his Restoration ? Nay , why did they on the contrary by their respective Ambassadours and Envoys congratulate the Prince and Princess of Orange's Accession to the Throne , and by this means virtually declare to all the World , that King James was justly deposed , and that the Prince and Princess of Orange were become the lawfull and rightfull King and Queen of England ? So that the more nicely we examine the methods of the Prince of Orange's Proceedings , the greater reason we have to conclude this Objection to be a meer Sham and Excuse . His charging his Father in law with Male-administration , Violating the Fundamental Laws of the Realm , with setting up the Roman Catholick Religion , imposing a Supposititious Heir upon the Three Kingdoms , in order to put by the Succession of his own Children , meerly on the account of Religion , &c. What was all this to the business of France and the Confederates ? The only thing in the Prince of Orange's Daclaration , that makes for the business pretended , is the Private League Offensive and Defensive between King James and France ; which notwithstanding could never be produced , and exposed to the view of the World ; and if it had been so , could never be any just pretence for their assisting to invade him , unless it had been contrary to former Alliances between him and them ; none of which appearing , it is altogether as frivolous as many other Shams in that Master-piece of Villany , the forementioned Declaration . Upon these Suppositions then 't is apparent , that that which was to give Life unto the Confederacy , and bring it into Act , was the pulling down King James , and setting up the Prince of Orange ; so that before all this was accomplish'd , the Confederacy was but an Embrio , and no better than a Conditional Stipulation ; and upon the unsuccessfulness of the Prince of Orange would have been stisled and vanish'd into nothing . There was no War declared , before this Gentleman was most Traiterously Proclaimed King ; but by the Duke of Bavaria , Nov. 10. as you may see in the London Gazette : The Emperour and Dutch did not till March — 89. and in all probability it had not been done afterward on the Confederates side , if this Praeludium to all the rest had miscarried . To this effect we may remember that the Dutch Ambassadour when charged by King James in the behalf of his Masters , the States General , with assisting the Prince of Orange with Men , Money , Arms , &c. for his Expedition , ( against the express Articles of Peace and Alliance made between King Charles the Second , of blessed Memory , and the States of the Vnited Netherlands , 1667. particularly the 11th Article , wherein it was agreed , That the said King of Great Britain , and the said States General , remain Friends , Confederates , united and allied for the Defence , and Preservation of the Rights , Liberties , and Immunities of either Allie , and their Subjects , against all who shall endeavor to disturb the Peace of either by Sea or Land. And Artie . 13. That neither the said King , nor the said Common-wealth , nor any of the Subjects of either , inhabiting or residing within their Jurisdiction , shall cherish and assist the Rebels of either party , with any Succour , Counsel , or Favour whatsoever ; but shall expose and effectually hinder all persons abiding , residing , or dwelling in either of their Dominions , from supplying or furnishing any of those foresaid Rebels by Sea or Land with Arms , Succour or Assistance either in Men , Ships , Arms , or Warlike Furniture , &c. And Article 14. That the King of Great Britain , and the said States General shall Mutually , Sincerely and Faithfully as there is occasion , assist each other against the Rebels of either by Sea or Land , with Men , Ships , &c. Article 15. That neither the said King , nor the said Commonwealth , nor the Subjects of either , shall in any of their Jurisdictions , Countries , &c. receive any Rebel or Rebels , Fugitive or Fugitives declared , or to be declared , &c. ) pretended to know nothing of it ; which is a plain Indication they would have insisted upon that denial , and urged it in their own Vindication , if that Project had not succeeded , to prevent a Storm from King James and the K. of France ; and it would have equally served the rest of the Confederates too : But as soon as they heard his Enterprize had its desired effect , the next thing we heard of , was the States Manifesto owning the whole business , justifying themselves , and applauding the Heroick Attempt of the Prince of Orange . From what has been hitherto said , I shall beg leave to infer , That this Revolution was the Contrivance of the Confederates in general , and not the Prince of Orange's separately from them , but in Conjunction with them ; That all his Motives , of what nature soever , were meerly introductory to it ; and that the most principal of them that seemed the most justifiable of his Proceedings , were calculated only to serve the Malicious and Disaffected part of the Nation , and to wheedle and amuse the rest into a Compliance with him ; That if those had not been subtilly thought on , others would not have been wanting ; That he had no design to secure Religion , vindicate Justice , to assert the Liberties , or secure the Properties of the People , but to execute the Designs of the Confederates in general , and to serve his own Ambition , and unsatisfied Thirst after Empire in particular ; That therefore the Grand Presumptions ( as he terms it ) of the Supposititiousness of the Prince of Wales , of the Private League between K. James and the K. of France , the introducing of Arbitrary Power , Popery , &c. were meer Cant , and nothing to the purpose , he having not performed any thing promised in that Declaration , but acted quite contrary ; and for corroborating my main Position , I shall proceed to shew what peculiar Advantages the rest of the Confederates proposed to themselves by such a Revolution in England , which may induce all impartial Readers to subscribe to the Truth of what I have hitherto said . The principal Advantage the Confederates in general , exclusive of the P. of Orange proposed to themselves by this Revolution , was to have the Kingdom of Great Britain , one of the Strongest and most Flourishing Monarchies in Europe , at their entire Devotion , to draw off Men and Money at their pleasure , so long as they could keep this new set-up King in the Throne ; an advantage so considerable , that whilst they can do this , and any Wealth remains in England , they are sure to make the cheapest Experiment they could possibly devise , and withall the most powerful effort imaginable towards the reducing the growing Power of France , and retrieving their former losses : And however the infatuated and easily deluded Populace of England may seem to despise the Confederates in their Discourse ; yet it 's evident enough , that so long as this Confederacy holds , and no longer , shall they keep their new King ; it being sufficiently apparent to any one of common Sense , that if the whole and entire Confederacy have had hitherto enough to do , to oppose France even in the lowest degree , it is more than demonstration , that she alone will be able to do it least ; for I must take it as granted , that if England breaks from the Confederacy , the Confederates must of necessity knock quite off , and make their best terms at any rate , and consequently unite with France against England , which we are well assured that King will oblige them to , in order to the compleating that most Glorious Resolution which he has so often made , and will eternize his Memory , of the Restoring that Unfortunate Prince and Martyr for his sake , the true and lawfull King of England . This supposition , I hope , will without much difficulty be granted me , if we consider the great losses of the Confederates on all sides , their apparent Poverty , and Inability to carry on the War at their sole Charge , that England is their principal support , and has been all this War , that without the continuation of Assistance from hence , they must break , and England compelled to submit to her Lawfull and most Injured Sovereign again , which all these Allies know they would not be easily or suddenly inclined to from the Sense of their horrid Guilt , and dread of his just Resentment ; and therefore till meer Necessity and the utmost Extremity drives them to it , they are sure to drain them at their pleasure . Another advantage the Confederates propos'd to reap by the late Revolution here , and by engaging these Nations into the Confederacy is this , ( supposing their successfulness in Attacking France ) that whatever Cities or Territories should be recovered , or won from the French , should either revert to their old respective Owners , or be acquired to some of the rest of the Confederates exclusive of the Prince of Orange , as should be agreed by them . This is natural and easie enough to be supposed ; for can any one imagine , should the late pretended Design of the Prince of Orange to attempt the taking of Dunkirk , Ipres , or Namur , have been effected , that the King of Spain would have resigned his right in them to him , and permitted them to be annext to the Crown of England , since 't is evident beyond all contradiction , that the ground of this Confederacy as is published by them to all the World , was to make War upon France , in order to recover what they urged was some time since so unjustly ravished from them by that Monarch ; and nothing of this nature could ever be pretended with truth by the Prince of Orange as King of England , we have not lost one single Town to the French ? So that it is manifest , all the Prodigious Expence we have been at to carry on the War in Flanders and Piedmont , was not in order to recover any thing from France that we had any right to , but only to assist the rest of the Confederates in regaining what was lately theirs ; and pray what advantage is this to us ? And let the War in the conclusion , be as successful as can be wisht , we shall only have the honour in assisting to debilitate France by weakening our selves , and enriching the Confederates by impoverishing and reducing poor England . But perhaps it may be alledged , that what has been urged in reference to the retaking of such places as have been unjustly taken from the Confederates by France , will be readily granted ; but what Acquists the English shall make in France it self , will be their own . As to this I answer : By the late Project of Invading France , we may be satisfied that there was no manner of appearance it would be so , if it had been attempted , and really succeeded : For supposing they had landed at Bayonne , marched into Provence and Dauphine , it was with a design to joyn the Duke of Savoy's and the rest of the Confederate Forces , to make Reprisals for what the French had acted in Savoy , and Piedmont , or in order to retake such places as formerly belonged to that Prince , now in the Possession of the French. This is so probable , nay , next to certain , that it's non-sense to think otherwise , no possible Acquists on that side being answerable either to the Charge of taking or keeping by the English : Neither can it be congruous to common Sense , that it could be of any Interest to the Duke of Savoy to assist the others in Subjugating any part of France to the English , whilst most of his own Countrey was already subdued , and in the hands of the French. Again , granting that the other design of Beseiging Dunkirk with the Transport Forces from England , had answered common expectation , Dunkirk all the World knows was formerly the Spaniards , the most important Garison and Port that belonged to Flanders ; and can any one so much as fancy that the King of Spain would ever have been contented it should be an Appendage to England , when it was alone of greater consequence to that Monarch to recover , than half of what he had hitherto lost in Flanders ? Or do we think the English Army alone was in a capacity to undertake the Seige of such a Garrison , and carry it ; or if it were jointly performed with the rest of the Confederate Army , that they would tamely let the Prince of Orange have the sole honour of winning and wearing it too ? This can never enter into the Head of the meanest Dotard , and therefore the direct contrary must necessarily be admitted . The next Advantage , and that of no mean consequence neither , that the Confederates have from our Revolution , besides that of making these Experiments upon France at the vast expence of our Blood and Treasure , is , that if no possible hopes remain of attaining their Ends upon their common Enemy , as they phrase it , they have a fair opportunity of making their Peace , whether England consent or not : This must be acknowledged a prodigious one , if duly considered ; for when the worst comes to the worst , the leaving England ( which in reality has been the most powerfull as well as the most malicious Enemy ) to the just Resentments of France , will almost amount to an Expiation for all the envious Designs they have all this while formed against her , and by a timely Desertion of her , or in conjuction with France against her , will in some measure attone for those Injuries they have done to her lawfull Monarch , and indeed to themselves , and all the Crowned Heads in the World , by so wicked a Precedent as they have given : This is a plain Case , and must be owned a singular Advantage on their side . All will agree 't is no way feasible for England , resolving to maintain the P. of O. in the possession of the Crown he has basely usurpt , ever to come to any sort of an Accommodation with France , exclusive of them ; and that they , if necessitated , can and will , without him ; it being impossible for us to wage War against France and them to , when we with all the united Forces of the Allies were not able to make the least impression against the former . The Objection that may be made to this Advantage of the Confederates , exclusive of England , is this , viz. That by the Articles of the Confederacy it 's stipulated that no one of them shall make a separate Peace . To this it may be replied , That this Provision or Caution at first sight may seem to be of some force , to keep such of them who are the weakest , and the most contiguous , within the bounds of it , for fear of being outraged , and treated as Enemies by the rest ; but as for the more potent or remote , it can be of little moment , especially after the sad Experience of their declining Condition , and the sensible and irresistible Growth of the hitherto so much envied Power of France . The utmost Fury of the Allies has been already spent , and their utmost Efforts by Sea and Land , and all to their own loss , and the Interest of their Enemy . That brave Army under the Command of the Duke of Lorrain , a great part of which consisted of those veterane Troops that for several years had signalised themselves against the Turks , were broken and shattered in pieces the very first Campaign ; by which means the Emperour has been extremely weakened both in Hungary and Germany , and the Enemy left at liberty to doe what he pleases on the Rhine and the Mosell ever since ; the strongest part of Flanders lost ; the Duke of Savoy upon the brink of Ruine ; all Savoy gone ; Piedmont in a sinking Condition ; the Commerce in all these Princes Countries destroyed : So that what they took to be one of the surest Methods of reducing France , has faln most heavy upon themselves ; nothing but Misery and an universal Discontent , with an utter despair of ever succeeding in their Enterprizes against their Enemy multiplying among them ; and England , which has been their best Support , hitherto growing less able and willing to go on with the War , and more disappointed perhaps than any of the rest . These Considerations laid together , and seriously weighed , will more than evince my Assertion , and confute the Objection , since what has been for the most part practised in the like Cases , may be now ; That it has been no unusual thing for some of a Confederacy ( when altogether worsted , and ready to be over-run by their Adversaries , ) to make their best Advantage of a separate Peace , when they could not bring down the haughty and stubborn Spirits of the rest to their Sentiments and Resolutions ; especially when convinced by wofull Experience , that it would be their onely Honour and Interest so to doe , whereas at first they were really trickt into it against both . That this may be the Case of some of these united Princes , will be no hard task to demonstrate ; as for instance : What Honour was it for the Duke of Savoy to enter into the Confederacy against his Uncle , the best and most potent Friend he had , whose annual Pension to him for some years amounted to a greater Summ than the Revenues of his Principality ? What Honour to his Religion to entertain a hodgpodg of all Opinions , contrary to the Principles of his own ; to permit them to preach up their filthy Cant where ever they go , and to gratifie their Gothish and brutish Zeal in the profaning all that is sacred , and looks like good , by their irreligious and unchristian Behaviour , and such Villanies as are not fit to be named among Christians ? What Honour was it for him to let out his own native Countrey for a Cockpit to the rest of the Confederates , ( and in particular to the K of Spain , and the Dutch , for I must reckon the P of O. among them , ) who had violated all their former Leagues with two Crowned Heads , to try tricks whether they could by that means divert the War from their own doors , to the Devastation of his Territories , and Ruine of himself and poor Subjects , beyond any Recompence all of them together can ever make him , when he had such Advantages at the same time offered him by France , of encreasing his own and Subjects Wealth and Prosperity beyond any of his Ancestors ? What Honour is it for him to bring upon himself the just Hatred and Indignation of all his neighbouring Princes , for the perpetual Insults , Ravages , and Plunderings they are exposed to in quartering Foreigners upon his Account ? What Honour for that miserable infatuated Prince to be complemented by the Emperour and the King of Spain with the empty Title of Generalissimo , and yet be over-ruled in all his Projects and Designs by their Generals , as is evident from their refusing to attack Briancon and Queiras , where he might have put in strong Garisons , and from thence have summoned in the Countrey to bring in their Contributions , and have ordered every thing to better Advantage , and with more Reputation than he has done ; and all this perhaps with as little loss as the taking of Guillestre and Ambrun , which he has been forct at last to quit shamefully ? What Honour was it to him , that the Germans against his Consent , and Remonstrances to the contrary , should commit such horrid Barbarities by their burning and destroying , for which he and his half ruined Country must be accountable , to the utter Destruction of it ; or at least be forced to such an Accommodation ( unless the French King be superlatively generous ) as will in all probability leave onely the empty Title of Dukes of Savoy to him and his Posterity ? To conclude , What Honour has it been to him , by the Importunities of his perfidious and impotent Allies , to persist in his Stubbornness , and to refuse so many good Overtures as have been made him , ( since the loss of all Savoy , and the perpetual Disappointments of competent Succours articled for in the very Alliances between him , the Emperor , and Spain , &c. after his most pressing instances made for them at their respective Courts , and as many empty Promises from them , ) and opportunities of healing himself again in due time , ( the French King having proffered him blanks to write his own Conditions , ) and this since he was , humanely speaking , past all hopes of regaining any thing by the greatest Opposition he could make ? Since then 't is evident that this Prince has engaged himself against his Honor and Interest , unless we will suppose him uncapable of the least degree of good Sense , and irrecoverably desperate , he will not after so many fruitless Attempts , and the base Disappointments of all that Assistance promised him from the Empire , Spain , and England , reject those Offers which are now made him of an Accommodation by the Fr. King and his Holiness . All that he can expect from the Confederacy is onely a little Subsistence-money , to act defensively , since the French Forces daily augment upon him , and all imaginable Care is taken to strengthen the Garisons on that side by new Works , and to shut him out of Provence and Dauphine for the time to come . And since the rest of the Confederates have been hitherto , notwithstanding their utmost Endeavours to encrease their Forces , inferiour to their Enemy , and he grows stronger , and they weaker , and out of condition either to repair his Losses , or prevent their own ; there 's no other Method left him , but either to comply , or fall dishonourably and unpitied . There is no great difficulty to shew this to be the State of that deluded Prince , since all the World is convinc'd , that he had the best prospect of disembarassing his Affairs this last Campaign that ever he could or can expect : The P. of O. promised him to land an Army at Bayonne , thence to march into Provence and Dauphine to join him ; as did likewise the K. of Spain . England by that casual Advantage at Sea was entirely Mistress in that Element all the year , ( at least for that purpose , ) had a powerfull Navy wholly at lessure ever since to prosecute it , there being no probability of any Opposition , and 16000 Men , with a vast Train of Artillery , and Munitions of both sorts , originally design'd for that Enterprize , which if it had been put in Execution , would in the opinion of all Mankind have exercised the Fineness and Politicks of France , more than any thing that ever was , or can be attempted for the future . This , I say , was the onely nicking Opportunity for Savoy , while the French were visibly weak at Sea , and altogether unprovided to make any resistence at Land on that side ; but by what Fate I cannot tell , all these Prospects utterly vanish'd , to the astonishment of all Europe , without leaving the least Effect but want of Policy , and the indelible Character of a panick Fear , downright Cowardice or Desperation , and more than an Improbability of ever having the same opportunity again ; besides the sad Prognostick , that all 's running down on the Confederates Side , and Providence clearly on that of France . As to what may be pretended , that the same Designs may be prosecuted the next Campaign , &c. it is easy to urge that there 's no manner of likelihood it can be , since 't is well known that France will be provided of as good , or a much better Fleet than she ever had , by that time ; and that since the World is now convinced that they can and will fight , and dare attempt any thing ; and that 44 of their Men of War were able to make good their parts against 99 of their Enemies , and with the Addition but of 20 more in all probability had worsted them ; that a Fleet of the French by 20 inferior to the others , for the future will be match enough for them : Nay , if we may credit our foreign Advices , they 'l have by the next Spring a Fleet every way equal to that of England and Holland , let them both build , and put out what they can make ; and then it 's a clear Case that the Design of landing an Army to join Savoy , or any where else on the French Coasts , will be impracticable . But then again let us consider , Is there any greater likelihood that the Confederates will be superiour to the French by Land the ensuing Campaign than this last ? They had made , we all know , their utmost Efforts in order to it before , and yet the Pr. of O. told the States at his parting , that the cause of all the miscarriages of this last must be imputed to the Inferiority of their Forces to those of France ; and we may modestly suppose , that 30000 Men will hardly recruit the Confederates Loss , by the Sword , Sickness , and Desertion ; and that their Augmentation will not be near half part so great as that of their Enemy ; so that they must be inferior yet in a double respect , both in Men , and Conduct ; and if so , of doing less than ever : For France has not lost a quarter part so many as they , and it 's reasonable enough to suppose they have raised near as many since the Campaign was opened upon the Account of the Descent from England , besides the standing regular Troops of Irish , &c. in Normandy , and other Provinces , that never came into any Service ; and his Augmentation , besides Recruits , our Monthly Account tells us will amount to above 40000 Men , ( though I am inclined to think , by comparing the foreign Accounts , they cannot amount to much less than 80000. ) Besides , his Cavalry will be prodigiously reinforced : We are told the Jews at Mets , Treves , and Luxemburgh , have engaged to procure him 20 or 30000 Horses , which with the 2000 the Marquess d' Harcourt took from the Lunenburghers , those taken by de Lorge in the Defeat of the Prince of Wirtenburgh , and which Bouffleurs drove away from the Territories of Liege , Bois le Duc , &c , will be able to mount 40000 Men , without reckoning what France and all his new Conquests will afford him . Add to these last Considerations the vast Wealth of France , as may appear by the free Gift of several Provinces , the numerous Edicts for erecting new Offices , ( which we hear never want Purchasers , ) Augmentations of Salaries , and his Standing Revenues , besides the great Summs of Money , or Equivalents to Money , brought in by way of Contribution , the multitudes of English and Dutch Prizes , the Prodigious Wariness and Sagacity of that Prince in providing all sorts of Ammunition and Provisions for the use of the Fleet and Armies at the lowest Rates , and managing all to the best Advantage ; here are such Funds laid up for the carrying on all his Designs , that humanely speaking he cannot readily miscarry in the Execution of them , and such a Prospect of Success as all the Power and Malice of the Confederates can never defeat . In short , the Inference I draw from the Premises is this , That in all probability Savoy must break off from his hitherto unfortunate Alliance , and submit ; that if he will doe it , it is his true and onely Interest ; that his Allies have most ignominiously , and contrary to their Treaty exposed him to Ruine , by failing in assisting him in those Enterprises which were most likely to serve him ; by over-ruling his wisest Resolutions and Methods in managing the Expedition into Dauphine for his Advantage ; that Confederates cannot obstruct an Accommodation between him and France , neither can they propose to themselves or him to be in a better condition to assist him , having lost their onely Opportunity , and being less able to stand upon their own Defence for the future , much less to protect him . To return : As to the Confederates that are more contiguous , it being a Point of somewhat less Importance , though I first proposed it , yet shall take leave to speak to it now . I said in reference to them , that they could not so easily enter upon a Treaty of a separate Peace , without being liable to the Insults of their neighbouring Allies : This is true ; but then we ought to consider what may be done in such a Case , and that honestly and justly ; if a Confederate Prince finds himself exposed to the common Enemy , by the Negligence or Perfidiousness of the rest , ( Confederacies generally importing mutual Defence and Protection , ) in such a Case common Reason and Equity will dictate that he is at liberty to make the best Provision he can for himself ; and if upon reiterated Applications and Entreaties he finds no Relief , his Interest will compell him to make the best Terms he can with his Enemy . So that all that can be pretended from the Articles of the Confederacy providing that no one of them shall make a separate Peace , can be of no Obligation to any one of the Allies to expose himself to certain and miserable Destruction against the Dictates of Reason and Self-preservation , nor can any of the Confederates be supposed so devoid of all sense of Justice to themselves . All this being , as I humbly conceive , undeniable , we are in the next place to consider what is proper to be done in such instances in order to prevent their being treated by their Fellows as common Enemies , and then make a particular Application of it to those of them who seem to be under such Circumstances as render it altogether necessary , and their onely Interest to act accordingly . In these Cases the most secure Method is to join with their Enemy , or at least to endeavour to maintain themselves in a Neutrality ; by which means they 'll easily secure themselves , and perhaps reap such Advantages by a timely Conjunction with the prevailing side , as may in a great measure compensate their former Losses both from their new Allie , and their old ones too , in the concluding a Peace : by the former they 'll be in a condition to make Reprisals on their perfidious self-interested Confederates , who compelled them , or wheedled them into the War to their great Detriment ; or at least be enabled with their new Allie to drive them to the necessity of making a Peace , from which they may exceedingly profit themselves : By the latter maintain themselves in present Security , and gain by both ; which is far more eligible than to be devoured by their Friends and Enemy too . This is all I can imagine at present advisable in this point ; and this seems to be the present Case of some of the Allies , in particular the Bp. of Liege , the Elector Palatine , the Administrator of Wirtenbergh , the Electors of Treves and Cologne , and the K. of Spain himself . What Devastations have been in those parts , and what Acquists the French have made , is too notorious to be recited here . How meanly the Confederates have acquitted themselves in defending those Countries , is so well known , particularly in relieving Mons and Namur , when besieged ; in preventing Excursions into the Territories of Liege , the Palatinate , the Dutchy of Wirtenbergh , Juliers , &c. is a Shame , and grand Reflexion upon them to recount . And what Motives should induce these respective Princes to go on with the War is the greatest riddle in the World. We have not one single Instance of the Vnity of their Councils yet in making one generous Attempt on this side , in attacking or relieving any place of Moment for these three years ; so that hitherto they have done nothing answerable to the Designs they have given out , and common Expectation ; and there are but small hopes , as has been hinted already , that they will ever be more unanimous or capable . So that if these last mentioned Allies should yet be inclinable to proceed with the War , it seems to be against all appearance of Reason , and what Prudence and Foresight cannot persuade them to submit to , Time and Necessity will compell them , to their greater Dishonour as well as Disappointment . Thus I have endeavoured to prove my first Assertion , That the Revolution in England was the Contrivance of the Confederacy in general , and not the P. of O's separately from the rest of the Allies , or effected by his sole Interest , and insisted upon those singular Advantages they proposed to themselves by it . But hitherto , I confess they have not obtained any but the first ; they have indeed drained our Wealth , and occasioned our Bloud to be spilt most profusely ; but as to their Acquists upon France , or regaining their former Losses , not a tittle is to be bragg'd of , they having not been able hitherto to defend themselves : All Savoy gone , Piedmont in danger , Mons and Namur , with most of their Dependencies , in the Hands of the French , and the rest of Flanders in a tottering Condition ; the Palatinate , Territories of Liege , and the Dutchy of Wertenberg most miserably harassed and impoverished : In a word , the State of the Confederacy so feeble in all parts , that although they had exerted their utmost this last Campaign , and given out strange Reports of grand Attacks to be made upon France , nay in the sensible part too , they have been able to doe just nothing . So that instead of carrying on a vigorous War against France , and humbling her , they have stood merely upon the Defensive , which is only to suffer and endure the Evils of War , Waging War implying assaulting , attacking , or offending ; but nothing of this hitherto , unless lately in Dauphine , which has been sensibly retaliated in Germany , Liege , and the Palatinate , and without all peradventure in Piedmont , unless prevented by a sudden Compliance . But what shall we say to poor England ? What Advantages will she get by engaging her self into the Confederacy , and by the late Revolution ? Why truly I believe it would puzzle Men and Angels too to name one at present ; but since we are taught to call things by false names , I shall mention that presumed and most celebrated one , The Happiness of having a Prince of the greatest Reputation in the whole World for Justice , Religion , Valour , Conduct , and an indefatigable Studiousness in promoting the Good of his natural-born Subjects . This is an Advantage indeed , and no doubt worth the purchasing at the dearest Rate . These are great Characters , I confess , and would be extremely charming , if as true as easily said . If his Invading his Father's Throne was rather owing to the Contrivance of the Confederacy , than the Pretences he made in his Declaration ; then it 's manifest to all Mankind , that he acted such a Master-piece of Injustice as can scarce be parallel'd , and beyond all Apology : To name some ; he charged his Father and Mother with imposing a supposititious Heir upon the three Kingdoms , which himself never made the least doubt or scruple of , before he published his Declaration , and he had invaded the Kingdom , upon whose Birth he congratulated the King and Queen , and caused him to be prayed for by name in his own Chapel at the Hague , till a little before his Expedition hither ; and although in the aforesaid Declaration he promised the Nation he would refer the Enquiry into the Birth of the Prince of Wales , and all things relating to it , and to the Right of Succession ; yet it 's notoriously known , the Parliament never so much as went about it , nor himself ever moved it to them ; neither could the reiterated Petitions and Desires of a great many Persons of Quality ever procure any such Favour from them or him , to the great Dissatisfaction of no inconsiderable part of this Kingdom . Besides , let any one compare his Declaration with the Original Contract with him , or Instrument of Government since , and I chalenge all the World to produce such an Instance of Injustice , and Violation of Promises , as this pretended Saint , and Mirror of Justice has afforded us . And though three preceding Kings have been blackened by a set of Villains and Profligates , that are a scandal to all the rest of Mankind , as Neroes , Julians , and Imps of Hell , to set off their dull , gloomy Hero ; yet we may with truth defie them to produce such Instances of Arbitrariness , and Violation of Property , since Henry the VIII . as his four Years Tyranny have produced . It may be said , I own , he is a severe Punisher of Thieves and Clippers ; but then if we do but reflect what a necessity he has reduced some thousands of People unto for want of Trade , and the ill Example he has given himself , by invading three Crowns , and sending the Wealth out of the Nation never to return again , and notwithstanding cried up by the Theologo-Politicoes for a Saint , a Saviour , a Deliverer , &c. he has contributed exceedingly towards the taking off the edge of all religious Restraint , and the searing Mens Consciences , and confirming them in Wickedness ; so that nothing but the Terror of civil Punishment remains to put a stop to all manner of Injustice : And since it 's undoubted that by the severe Infliction of Punishment in such Cases he chiefly aims at his own Interest , as Vsurpers and Tyrants seldom doe otherwise , I am affraid , notwithstanding such pretended Justice , he will hardly avoid the imputation of being guilty of their Bloud , as well as in a great measure accessory to their Crime . And I believe it will not be forgotten in haste , how one poor Fellow laid his Death to his Charge at the very Gallows , as being the sad occasion of it ; and prayed for his true Master , intimating , that if he had not been driven away , in all probability he had never come to that dismal end . Again , let us call to mind the many Sham Plots that have been forged by his Mirmidons , to keep up the Rankour and Malice of the People against their King and his Friends , the illegal sining of Persons beyond their known Abilities , contrary to the Instrument of Government be subscribed as the Condition of his having the Crown , for meer Trifles , as drinking K. James's Health , or praying for him ; in murthering that worthy Gentleman and excellent Christian , Mr. Ashton , the poor Chair-man , and Mr. Cross ; in suborning and protecting from Justice those bloudy Rascals , Blackhead , Young , and Fuller , Fellows that were elected out of all the Gaols in Town by one Pearson , and at his Expence no doubt discharged of their Debts , &c. and afterwards allowed Salaries on purpose to swear all that he hates or fears out of their Lives , when he thinks it expedient ; the frequent illegal Imprisonments of Persons of the greatest Quality , as well as others , and by all that does appear to the contrary , himself alone being the Evidence , Accuser , and Judge ; his shamefully detaining the Soldiers and Seamens Pay , by misapplying it , contrary to the very Acts of Parliament that granted it ; his vast Debts to the Transport Ships ever since the beginning of the Revolution ; the frequent Embargoes ; the refusal of Convoys to secure the publick Trade of the Nation , notwithstanding the Custom and vast Taxes granted upon that , as well as any other Account ; the ordering the publick Monies to contrary uses in general than originally design'd , against the frequent Promises in his Speeches to both Houses of Parliament : These are such notorious Violations of Justice , that we may with as much Truth give him the Reputation of the handsomest Man in the World , as the Character of just . Then again for his Religion : According to the Rules of Method I should have mentioned it first ; but it 's no great matter whether it be considered first or last , or indeed at all . What mortal Wight can tell what Religion he is of ; or rather , Is it not a contradiction to say he has any ? It 's impossible he should be of the Communion of the true Church of England , which he found established by Law , because he persecutes those with the utmost Violence he can , whose Defence he made one of the most specious Pretences in his Declaration . Decl. Parag. 15. and so readily consented to the rooting out Episcopacy in Scotland , settled by several Acts of Convocation and Parliament ; and though he with his usual Arts of Dissimulation seemed to be very squeamish , when he came to that Clause of the Scotch Coronation Oath , We shall be carefull to root out Hereticks , by declaring he did not mean by those Words that he was under any Obligation to become a Persecuter , yet never made any scruple to set on foot and encourage one of the most violent Persecutions we ever read of against the Episcopal Clergy there . Neither can we indeed with any certainty determine to what side he is really most inclined , whether the Presbyterian or Episcoparian , he constantly varying his Favours to either , according to the Emergencies of his present Interests in Scotland itself . Sometimes he would seem to have good Inclinations towards the Episcopal Party , when he has any just reason either to fear them or caress them ; for we are all sensible enough that the main Body of the Nobility and Gentry , and the better sort even of the Commonalty of that Kingdom , are most addicted to them , and though in the hurry and Confusion of Affairs there in the beginning of the Revolution , to gain the Presbyterians , and other Sectaries , he under hand encouraged them to fall upon the Bishops and regular Clergy in a tumultuous manner , which was the most blessed juncture they could wish to vent their innate Malice , and over boiling Zeal , against a Party they hated , if possibly , more than the Devil himself , that he might have an opportunity to make good his Engagements to those their Agitators , who had been for some years plotting and juggling with him in Holland , to bring about this Great Deliverance ; yet finding at length the impossibility of maintaining his Interest there upon that foot , he has several times endeavoured by his Letters , &c. to procure an Accommodation between them , by settling some of the Episcopal Clergy in Livings , &c. resolving , no doubt , assoon as he can conveniently , to determine himself for that Party which he can most safely rely upon . Neither has his Management here in England been much different ; he found the greatest part of the Nation addicted to the Principles of the Church of England , as established by Law , and some of their Principles and Doctrines opposite in the highest degree to his Designs ; therefore like a true Machiavelist , he found it absolutely necessary to bring those Principles into Disreputation , and extirpate them , if possible , right or wrong ; and to this purpuse set up the noted Latitudinarian Gang , by the easie Allurement of his Favour , and the assurance of the best Preferments , to decoy the rest of their Brethren into a ready Compliance with him , who immediately in their Preachings and Writings confessed and owned their former Errours to the People , and in a short time rendred their so much celebrated Passive Obedience and Nonresistence the most ridiculous Doctrine and dangerous Error in the World , gave us new Comments on Rom. 13. telling us that higher Powers must be obeyed , without any regard to lawfull or unlawfull ; that Allegiance and Submission were all one ; that in some Cases it is lawful to violate the Commandments of God ; that Religion and the publick Good knew no Relations ; that it is lawful to swear with Reservation , or to take publick Oaths in private senses ; that an Oath to the present Government did not interfere with the former to K. James , &c. Nay , any Pretences in the beginning were allowed and admitted of , provided they could but hook them into the interest of the Government , and bring them off in some measure from their former Principles ; so firmly had it been resolved by this Gentleman , and his Cabinet , to ruine the old Church of England , and let loose her Discipline , and by all imaginable Arts and Devices to render her odious and contemptible . Neither has this wicked and atheistical Project wanted its Success ; in a moment of time her Face was so altered , and scarce to be known again , her Priesthood perjured and turn'd schismatical , and like Renegades , their new Zeal and Malice boil'd up to that degree , that the Liturgy must be alter'd , her ancient Creeds expung'd , her Ceremonies lest at liberty , or laid aside , and a Comprehension established for bringing all their Reverend Brethren , the Gifted Coblers , Tirkers , Taylors , &c. with the Foreign Reformed Schismaticks into Church-Preferments ; all the Fences and Hedges must be pull'd down in order to unite these Brethren in Iniquity against the common Enemy , tho' indeed the only design was to extirpate and run down those Principles , which whenever it pleases God Almighty to pull off the Scales of the Eyes of the honest and well meaning tho' deluded People of this Nation would set his Worship a packing , notwithstanding that Security which he has promised himself from those horrid Perjuries he has been the occasion of , and which themselves in all their common Discourses own to have so little Obligation , and shamefully call Garrison Oaths . Thus having , as far as possible he could , dissolved the True Old Church of England , and erected a new One upon a mere civil Basis , such as 't is , of Rebellion , Perjury and Usurpation , and rendered it impossible to retrieve the Discipline of the Church , and her Sacred Offices during his Government here ; the next thing he endeavours is to profit himself of all Parties in Religion ( notwithstanding his popular Pretence of uniting them all against the common Enemy , viz. Popery , ) to this purpose he studies privately to dash them one against the other , by reviving old Stories under the former Reigns , and to keep up some necessary Feuds amongst them , for fear of a good Understanding , and Uunion , perhaps in time to throw him out of the Saddle , when once they perceive their true Interest ; and therefore never omits to caress them , as his only Friends he can rely upon when he has a prospect of making a particular Advantage upon them , as in the management of the Election of Mayors , Sheriffs , and Aldermen in the City of London , ( and in the Elections of Burgesses for Parliament all over the Nation ) is too notorious to be insisted upon , in order to oblige them to lend or grant Money , &c. When one Party begins to grow cold and indifferent , by Disappointments , &c. then he underhand applies himself to another , and by stirring up Animosities and Quarrels among them , casts Mists before their Eyes , that being intent upon their private Revenge , and little Plots and Contrivances one against another , they may take the less cognizance of the more publick Concerns , and be the more eager and emulous of serving him , in hopes of drawing him in to favour and assist their Party . Thus he plays Tricks , and juggles with Religion , and that is the most Orthodox which conduces most to the establishing himself in the Government , and is always ready to vary his Religion with his Fortune , let it be what it will ; and I dare engage Arch John , and the rest of the Johns shall readily concur with him at any time to set up what Religion he pleases , provided it will sute their Turn , as well as his . But I shall have occasion to speak more to this Point afterwards , and therefore shall proceed to enquire , whether Valour ought to be admitted as an Ingredient of his Reputation . And as to this Quality , which I must grant never wants its Charms to get into the Affection of the Noblest as well as Popular and Meanest Minds ; I would fain know what Right he can put in for it ? or what gallant Proofs he has given of Personal Bravery , especially since his being amongst us ? The Victory at the Boyne indeed has made a great Noise among his deluded bigotted Mob : But it s well known he never ran the least risk in it , or pass'd the River ( which was the greatest danger ) till most of the Army were over , nor ever was within reach of , much less gently kiss'd with a Cannon-Ball , or received the least hurt there , whatever his Parasitical Mufti , and the pretended Thanksgiving Prayer roar'd out among the Mob by his Atheistical Priests , a clear Evidence of his and their Religion to dare to affront Heaven so profanely , meerly to delude the poor Innocent Sheep , as if they believed there was no God to take Vengeance of such open Blasphemies , as well as of the rest of their Impieties . Just such a silly Story we had of his Deliverance last Year , when he lay encam'd near Beaumont , of a Bullet that fell in the very place where he stood under an Oak the very instant after he went from it , tho' I have been inform'd it was several Hours after , which was cryed up too for a Signal Deliverance . And as to the Engagement at Steinkirk , tho' all the Dutch Courants are full of Encomiums of his Bravery in leading up of Battalion after Battalion , and of Thanksgivings , and many Godly Ejaculations for his wonderful Deliverance , we never for all that could be assur'd he was in the Action at all , or in the least Danger ; and some who had reason enough to know , positively assert he was not . So that these are all nonsensical silly Stories , made on purpose to keep up the Hearts of the King-making Rabble , and to instil into their credulous Minds , that easily digest every Report that makes for their Side , without considering the Truth or Probability of what they hear , and to preserve the Reputation of their Idol's being the Darling of Heaven ; and two or three such whisking Romances is all the return for four Millions per Annum , and all we must look for . As little as we have to alledg for his Personal Valour , and Bravery , yet I am sure much less can be produc'd for his pretended Masterpeice Conduct , which we are all told strikes such Terrour on all occasions into the French King. Pray what Instances have we of it ? As to the Business at the Boyne , the grand Divertisement for the Bartholomew Mob , and not worthy to be taken notice of any way else , all sensible People are convinc'd that advantage was got by mere Treachery , by the Germans laying down their Arms , and absolutely refusing to fight , consequently betraying their Posts , and that Arch-Traytor Hamilton his , the Treachery of both giving such reason of Distrust to the poor Irish , that they turning Tail , the General Officers with much ado persuaded the King to comsent to a Retreat , and leave the Field to his usurping Son-in-law , though with such Order , that the great Hero , with his crue of Rebels , could not do any considerable Damage upon them , or have the Honour of a pursuit to any effect ; and besides , as his own Officers are not affraid to own , after Schomberg's death , a sensible want of Conduct attended all his Enterprises all the remaining Campaign . Was ever any thing more weakly undertaken than the Siege of Limerick , more foolishly and inexpertly attackt ? Or did ever any Army under such an incomparable General come off so basely ? What warlike Policy to undertake such a piece of Work without heavy Canon and Ammunition , &c. and to commit them to the care of so slender a Guard ? To lose about 8000 Men to no purpose , and at last through a pannick fear to run away incognito from his Army , and steal over in a Meal-boat ? He who never saw Siege in his Life might have managed it in all points to better purpose ; and yet , to our mortal Grief , all this owing to the sage Management and Bravery of our Hogan Mogan William . But the next Campaign must make Amends for former oversights : The P. of O. was to be early at the Hague , to consult in all haste of the most effectual means to humble the Pride of France , and while a parcel of grave , dull Germans and Dutch were sucking their Whiskers , and stuffing their Paunches , the grand Hector of France had the confidence to sit down before Mons. The noise of this bold Attempt reaching the Ears of the Butterboxes , and the Prosound thinking Noddle of the Britannick Hero , away he goes to Hall , and before he could bethink himself what to doe , or get out of his Amuzement , the Town was surrendred ; which so confounded his Intellectuals , and stunn'd his considering Pate , that he never could come to any Resolution what to doe the whole Campaign after ; but march'd and counter march'd from place to Place , advancing , retiring , and running away , till he had spent all his Money and Provisions , and cunningly took his leave of the Army as soon as he perceived Luxemburgh had pounded 'em up near Leuse , and was ready to give them a Parting Blow , nois'd it about immediately after , that this Miscarriage was owing to the Misconduct of the Generals in his absence , the cowardly French taking the Advantage of it , and so returned to his Parliament , and told them , That truly the French King was very powerfull . And yet we may remember that in the beginning of that Summer it was rumour'd about that Mons was to be retaken , Dinant or Philipville besiged , the French Army to be beaten , the Confederates having got together a much more powerfull Army than the Enemy , who was reported all along that Campaign to be hard put to it for want of Money , Forrage , Provisions , and the Lord knows what ; but then , as Mischief would have it , they always had the luck to be so strongly intrencht , ( which our unthinking Slaves were made to believe was out of fear to be attackt by his Britannick Majesty , asy the call him , and his Bear-skins , ) that the Confederates could not come at them ; as if that could be a Disgrace to the French , which was ever the Glory of the greatest Generals , to encamp themselves so as not to be compelled to fight without a great Advantage , especially when inferiour in Forces , and merely defensive , which is well known was Luxemburgh's Case all along the two last Summer Campaigns ; and yet in the former of these , though much inferiour in number , he made a shift to fall upon their Rear , and put them to the rout , killing a considerable number , and taking divers Prisoners , and to conclude the Campaign gloriously ; and this last , by a sudden March to take Possession of the very Ground , where there was plenty of Forage that was untoucht , which our brave Generalissimo designed for his Army , who wanted it exceedingly , entrencht himself ; and in regard it could not be well avoided but our Protestant Knight Errant must either pass that way , or march round about , ( which would have proved a horrid Disgrace to him , ) by this means forced him to attack him with his own Men , his Allies positively refusing to second him , and looking on the whole time ; himself in the mean time being sensible of the great danger , and very prudently keeping out of harms way : So that this attacking of the Enemy was merely the Effect of an absolute necessity of his doing something , though to no purpose , and the Conduct and Foresight of the Crook-backt General , as this Thirsites call'd him , and his own Folly besides in making an unaccountable ( and ought to be an unpardonable ) Experiment too , in sacrificing the Lives of so many thousands of English , Scotch , and Danes , to make an empty flash , and to keep up the undue Opinion of his Valour among the abused Mob ; for in one word all the Politicks he is guilty of lies in caressing them ; and so little sense he has , that so long as he can keep them on his side , he concludes all is safe and well . Here is conduct with a Vengeance , and puts me in mind of a short passage in an excellent Author , who comparing Alexander the Great and Caesar together , writes thus : The Prudence of a General has two parts ; the first respects the Conservation of his own Forces , and the other the Destruction of his Enemies . Alexander was defective in the former , because he frequently led his Army into places where they sometimes dyed of Hunger , or Thirst , or by Stones , ( as in some narrow Passages , with Mountains on each side , ) where he was forced to engage his Enemies at all Disadvantages of Ground , &c. and consequently brought his Men oftentimes merely to be butchered : Wherefore that Speech of the grand Scipio will ever be applauded , That he had rather save one Citizen , than slay a thousand of his Enemies . Again , Alexander was wanting in the second ; for whereas two things are necessary to the Destruction of an Enemy , Force and Conduct , he ordinarily depended upon , and succeeded by the former ; which cannot be said of Caesar ; for asmuch as he took as much care of his Men , as a Father of his Family , nor ever went upon any Enterprise without great Stores of Provisions and all Necessaries ; if he had not Corn enough he made it up with Flesh , and having an advantage over his Enemy , chose rather to defeat him by Policy than the Sword : and in all occasions endeavoured to add Industry to his Force . This is but one part of the Comparison of these two Great Men , and since our Boobies will be thought to have made a wise Choice of their King , as they call him , and he must be a great Champion , let him be drest up with all the Imperfections of Alexander , with whom they are pleased so often to compare him ; for I am sure nothing really honourable and commendable in that Great Man can ever sute their puny Hector : and then for a Conclusion , let them but be so just withal , as to apply the Character of Caesar to his Adversary , and judg what they may expect for the future from either . Another famous Instance of his Military Policy is the tender Care he takes in making Provision for , and paying his Soldiers by Sea and Land. It 's not unknown to us all what numbers of Seamen died of strange and unaccountable Diseases the first Summer after this Revolution , through his notable Frugality in furnishing the Navy for the most part with old and decayed Stores , and that abominable Lie that was spread abroad in excuse of it , that their Meat and Salt were poisoned with Nutgalls ; whereas all Physicians will grant , if a quantity of them was really mixt with them they could not produce such Effects , but would rather have proved an excellent Medicine to have prevented , or cured the Bloody or any other Fluxes ; which were very frequent among them , being a great Astringent . But not to insist upon this senseless Story , these old Stores however decayed were thought a good expedient to save Money to hire Foreigners and many other necessary uses . What Care did he take to send over Provisions for the Army in Ireland , whereof at least ten Thousand perished through want of all manner of Necessaries , and were ready to leap at what our very Dogs would refuse , while the Dutch and other Foreigners , wanted nothing , but were fat , and well liking ? And because this Prince must be call'd and own'd as Generalissimo of the Confederate Forces in Flanders , and all Advantages against the Enemy there ascribed to his Conduct , so it is not unreasonable to lay all the Miscarriages there to his Charge , as Evidences of his sinister Conduct . Whence proceeded that great scarcity nay absolute want of all sorts of Provisions , even of Tents and Straw , in the beginning of the Campaign , which occasioned a great deal of Sickness , and the Death of many Men and Horses , but from his Negligence , or want of Money to provide them , which is as inexcusable as the other ; since that General who will go upon any Enterprize without all things necessary , has been ever condemn'd as rash , and void of all Military Prudence ? What a Reflection is it upon the Politicks of this Mighty Warrior to be unprovided in the beginning of that Annus Mirabilis , which raised the expectations of all Christendom , and was to decide the Fate of all Europe , when he had engaged himself to be early in the Field , and seem'd resolute to oppose the French in all they could pretend to ; and yet tamely to stand staring at the Head of 100000 Men , without making the least Attempt to raise the Seige of Namur , the most important Town in all Flanders , or to give the least Diversion ; and to serve only for an Evidence of one of the bravest Actions that ever was perform'd by any Prince , and that indelible Dishonour and Loss to him and his Allies , which they in all likelyhood can never retrieve . Now , I say , the P. of O. committing so great an Oversight in not making timely and competent Provisions for his Army in such a difficult time of the Year , his Army must be more than ordinarily fatigu'd , dispirited , and unfit for Action , and never ready on the sudden to act offensively or defensively ; and one thing which argues this was not a single Error , but a perpetual Miscarriage on the Confederates side all this War , is , That whereas the Foreign Prints have constantly given us an Account of the early and indefatigable Preparations of the French all this War , they seldom afford us the like Instances in the Confederates : let the true Reason lie where it will , it s an Argument of a double Weakness , and that their Success , whenever they have any , is an effect of Chance , and not of their Politicks and Diligence . For want of timely and suitable Preparations for an Enterprize , its odds but it must miscarry , especially when it cannot be relieved by Prudence or Stratagem ; and how sagacious he is at a dead Lift let the World bear him witness , unless it be in throwing his Miscarriages upon others , without any regard to Truth and Honour . We have not found yet that he has been early enough out either by Sea or Land , but onely by a meer Accident at Sea this last Year , the crossness of the Winds favouring , which is an Advantage he cannot always promise himself ; and had it not been for that , in all Humane Probability , he would have for ever lost all opportunity of playing the Fool again . But this is not the onely Defect remarkable in the P. of O. as to Military Prudence , ( or Providence , ) but his Pay has been all along bad . Money is called the Nerves , and the Belly of War ; the Nerves because it gives Motion to , and maintains Armies in their Motion ; ( hence Thucidides observes , that few of the Grecians in respect of the extent of their Territories went to the Wars against Troy , and could never keep themselves long together , through want of Money ; and that the People of the Morea made short Campaigns upon that account . It 's generally for Money and Subsistence that Men list themselves into the Wars , and when once that fails , they sensibly grow weary and dead hearted ; ) and it 's properly call'd the Belly of War , because like as the Belly distributes Nourishment to all parts of the Animal , so does Money to an Army . How far this P. has discharged himself in this Point , no Body is ignorant from the highest to the lowest amongst us . The present Arrears to the Army in Ireland is an Instance of Injustice without Parallel . Men that had ventured their Lives , and indured all the Hardships possible for Humane Nature to sustain , in hopes at least of good Pay , if not sharing the Country for their Service , having never received any other than a little Subsistence Money , and forced thereby to commit all the Villanies in the World , by Plundering and Murdering , to the Destruction of near a third part of the People , and three parts in four of the natural Riches and Product of the Countrey ; and at last told by their Officers they must never expect their Arrears , but exact Pay for the time to come , and then immediately to be transported to Flanders to be made Forlorns , is such a Monument of Inhumanity as we can scarce find in History , though at the same time a just Reward from God for their Rebellion against their Lawful King , who ever tender'd them as his Children , there being not one part of four alive of all those Villains who had so basely deserted him , and betrayed him . This Matter of Fact about the Arrears , if occasion should require , will be readily acknowledged by some hundreds of Officers , particularly by Colonel Bierly , whose Case being singular , I shall beg leave to insert it , which in short is this ; The Colonel was a Gentleman of a plentiful Fortune , and formerly very zealous for the P. of O's Interest , and Colonel of a Regiment of Horse from first to last , and hath expended between 5 and 6000 l. of his Estate in his Service , and there being an Arrear of above 4000 l. due to him ; for several Months he solicited diligently for it , but without Success : in conclusion , he told the Lords of the Treasury that his private Affairs obliged him to go into the Countrey to settle them , having been so long absent , therefore desired that he might know whether he might expect an Order for his Arrears or not , and he would stay a Week longer to adjust that Business . The Lords Commissioners told him that he might go into the Countrey when he pleased , for he was to expect nothing from them , for they had no Orders to pay any Arrears : So he 's gone into the Countrey , where he spares no occasions to set forth the Injustice and Ingratitude of him , who was never guilty of doing a just or honourable Action in his whole Life . What a Scandal and burning Shame is it , that the poor Seamen ( whereof a great many have two or three Years Arrears due to them , and all the rest proportionably , having been exposed to all Dangers , kept out at Sea , and on Shipboard , longer than ever was known , and been instrumental of that Grand Deliverance he had only to brag of in his Speech ) should be defrauded of their Pay ; nay , not having so much as Subsistence Money ; and yet tied up to the Service by severe and repeated Proclamations , without and against all former Precedents , oblig'd to be at Sea most part of this Winter , and utterly forbidden their ancient Priviledg of making a short Voyage or two to get Bread for their poor Wives and Families , who having Bankrupt their former Credit with Shop-keepers , Bakers , &c. are forc'd to beg and starve ! This is such a Hardship as they and their Fore-fathers never knew before , and such a Yoke as none but a Dutch Bore could ever have fixed upon English Necks . The Cowardly , and justly to be abominated Dutch by all of our Nation , after the Defeat at Sea two Years agoe , were taken into our Hospitals before any of our Countreymen were put in , tenderly provided for , and had a Gratuity given by the Princess of Orange for their Encouragement , were entertained , and got Money from all sorts of People ; and besides all this , This Gracious Governess promised to refit all their disabled Ships at the publick Charge , to have Pensions for the Widows of the Men that were lost in the Fight , &c. as may be seen in the London Gazette of July 21. 90 , in the Article from the Hague , July 25. On the 22d Mr. Harbord arrived here from England , and the same Evening had Audience of the States General , — to whom he represented , that he was commanded by the Queen to let them know how much her Majesty was concerned at the Misfortune that had befall'n their Squadron , in the late Engagement , and that their not being seconded as they ought to have been , which Matter her Majesty had directed to be examined into , in order to recompence those that had done their Duty , and to punish such as should be found to have deserv'd it . That her Majesty had given Orders for the refitting the Dutch Ships that were disabled , at her own Charge , and had commanded that all possible care should be taken of the sick and wounded Seamen , and that Rewards should be given to the Widows of those that were killed , behaving themselves bravely in the Fight , to encourage those that do well for the future . Here is a strange Partiality and Tenderness for the Dutch , Rewards for their Widows , Encouragement promised to those of them that shall do well for the future , besides particular Care of their sick and wounded in our Hospitals ; while our own Men were permitted to perish for want of necessary looking after , and under the unskilful Hands of Country Chyrurgions little better than the Country Farriers . What Instances of such Grace and Compassion to the poor Widows and Orphans of the English , which are numberless in Wapping , Chatham , and many other of our Ports , who never as yet could get the just Arrears due to their Deceased Husbands ; and yet which is most barbarous and unjust , the Dutch must have Rewards and Encouragements out of our Pay , whilst the English are neglected and permitted to starve . This is a Specimen of the Affection our New Governours have for the English Nation , and a clear Forerunner of our Slavery , if God Almighty does not timely prevent it , which none but a degenerous and infatuated People to their own Destruction would ever suffer themselves to groan under ? But this is not all , the ancient Encouragement of Smart-Money to the wounded is most fraudulently detain'd , the maim'd exposed to meer Beggary , for want of their usual Pensions paid to them by the respective Counties they belong to , and are become a publick Nusance in our Cities and great Towns. What is become of the wounded and maimed in Ireland and Flanders , who , no doubt , were very numerous ? God only knows ; the most reasonable Conjecture is , they are either suffered to perish abroad , by being refused Passage Home , or knock'd on the Head to save their Pay , and that they might not come Home and tell Tales of their hard Usage , to the discouraging their Fellow Slaves from entring upon the Service . The Story of 50 wounded English being burnt in a Barn by the Dutch , at the Command of the P. of O. in Ireland , upon the absolute refusal of an English Officer , who had some remains of Compassion and natural Affection for his own Countrey men , is real matter of Fact , and ought not to be forgotten ; which was done , as is said , meerly to avoid the Trouble and Charge of curing them . These are some of the Hardships the Soldiery groan under , and a Specimen of the Brutish Temper as well as Vnpolitickness of our Vsurper ; and sooner or later he must expect to reap the just Fruits of his Cruelty and Folly both . What Glorious Atchievements can he ever pretend to do with Soldiers , who must in due time ( if there be so much Mercy reserved in Heaven , have their Eyes open'd , see their Error ) and resent such ill Usage and Partiality ? However our dull and unthinking Bigots may flatter themselves with great expectations of what he has most sillily given out in his Speech to both Houses , of his Resolution to make a Descent , and do Miracles in France ; the Soldiery are of the contrary Opinion , and through meer Despair of ever getting their Pay , or effecting any thing upon their Enemy , have deserted considerably , and really entertain low and mean Thoughts of his Conduct , see through the Cheat ; and are only hindred by the strictness of his Discipline from running unanimously to their Old and Best Master . They own , as many as get over , that they are hated in Flanders , abused at all rates by the Dutch , exposed upon all accounts as Forlorns : They can tell you how divers of their Officers were cashier'd , and Soldiers hang'd immediately after the Battle at Steinkirk , for avoiding being knock'd on the Head by the French , when a numerous Army stood looking on , and not one single Troop or Company permitted ( though some of the English desired it , and were ready to hazard their Lives to rescue their poor Countrey-men ) to go in to their assistance . By several Letters from Officers in Flanders in the English Army , we have been informed , how the poor wounded Men , thro' the intolerable Pains they endured , curs'd and damn'd to the Pit of Hell , with their last Breaths , him who brought them to that horrid Butchery . They can tell you likewise what great Numbers deserted his Service immediately after the Fight , choosing rather to run the hazard of being hang'd , and loosing all their Pay and Arrears than to continue in his Service . They can tell you how the English are universally hated by the Countrey People there , that they I scarce let them have Necessaries for their Money , and that the Flanderkins have more respect for the Enemy than for their pretended Friends the Allies , and much better usage for them . They can tell you that their Wounded and Prisoners , that fell into the Hands of the French , were more kindly treated by them than among their Friends ; and how far such Usage may work upon the Minds of a People naturally Generous , though at present bereav'd of their Senses , Time may demonstrate . They can tell you how the P. of O. is undervalued and nos'd by the Confederates in general , distrusted by the Dutch , despised by the Inhabitants in all the Cities and Towns in Flanders , and hated by all , and for want of those Qualifications we are made to admire , and so foolishly and superabundantly have hitherto magnified in him . What wonder then is it that our English Seamen and Soldiers mutiny , run away , &c. they can neither get their Pay , nor good Words but at a dead lift ; if they modestly demand their own , though incited to it by the keenest Necessity , they are immediately hanged or shot to Death without the least Remorse or Pity ! Had we ever such unjust Acts of Parliament made in any Kings Reigns , for enslaving and punishing of Seamen or Landmen , as since this Revolution ; so many brave Men hang'd or shot to Death for Trisles ; such Kidnapping our Landmen , under pretence for Sea Service , and sent the Lord knows whither ? Nay , I am credibly informed , it has been no unusual thing to press Landmen , and sell them for 3 l. a Head to the Dutch , or into other Foreign Service . What Apology can be made for the wicked abuses of the Mariners , a parcel of brave young Fellows , who were kept on Board till they were almost all dead of the Small-Pox and other Distempers , the remainder cheated of and denied their Pay , and then forced in a sickly and most pitious Condition to beg from door to door , as London and other Places can sufficiently testify ? To recount all the Miseries of our distressed Countreymen , who are actually engaged under this Government , would be an endless Task ; all I shall add under this Head , is , that this ill Usage looks more like the effect of Malice , and a perfect Hatred , and Distrust , than of any necessity upon our Governous ; but if it be , our Condition is deplorable and remediless , by all the Supplies we are able to give , though never so willingly , and without our most just and present Resentments , a certain Forerunner of inevitable Ruine ; but if we have but one grain of Sense , or Reflection left , and be not benumb'd all over , an infallible Indication of the Stupidity of the Generalissimo of the besotted and dull Confederates ; and what the effects of such Politicks may be , with relation to himself , I leave to the Judgments of all ingenuous Men to conjecture . Thus we find his Politicks are by no means adequate to his Designs , or proportionable to those great Undertakings , his Reputation , and the necessity of his Affairs , as well as of these three Kingdoms unhappily under his Management , do absolutely require : and in reference to this last particular , I shall now enquire , whether an indefatigable and sincere studiousness to promote the publick Good of these Nations , ought to be admitted as a just Ingredient of his Character or Reputation : I need not much enlarge upon this Point , the direct contrary being easily deducible from what has been said all along , onely for the assistance of our Memories shall recapitulate . Our Constitution both of Church and State are renvers'd , and quite disjointed ; our Liberties and Properties most unjustly invaded , and more Instances of Arbitrary Power daily committed than in several of the former Reigns . Trade in general decreasing , basely and designedly betrayed , and rendered almost impracticable . A great part of our current Coin either transported in Specie , or melted into Ingots , and recoined into Dutch Scellings in Holland , and irrecoverably lost , to our vast impoverishment , and the enriching our sworn Enemies . A Million at least per Annum , by the confession of Favourites of the Government , lost ever since this War in Shipping and Merchandize , besides the Produce of it in Trade at Home , to the undoing of Multitudes of Families in a short time ; and this loss like to continue as long as we have any thing to lose , or the War lasts . Ireland a third part depopulated , and more than half of the intrinsick Riches , or Product of that Kingdom , embezzel'd and wasted ; and a third part of our Seamen dead or deserted . The Flower of our fighting English destroyed to no purpose . What excuse can be made for the detaining our Turkey Fleet above twelve Months , nay after our never to be forgotten Victory at Sea , when we could have well spared half our Fleet for Convoys ? the remainder with the Dutch being more than sufficient Guards to the Descent ( a Design so senselessly managed , and shamefully mentioned at this time of day , as the onely thing to buoy us up to spunge 5 or 6 Millions more out of our Purses ) and yet by their idleing in our Ports and Harbours , and doing nothing but lousing themselves , have suffered more Ships to be lost since than in any one Year since the War. I desy all Mankind to satisfy us in this Affair of so near consequence to the very Being almost of the English Nation : And if the Descent be urged as a proper excuse , What has been the occasion of its miscarriage , to the astonishment of all Europe ? It must either be occasioned through its Impracticableness , or for Want of Necessaries to such an Expedition ; but neither of these can apologize for such an unpardonable Frustration , being a certain sign of the Incapacity of the Authors and Contrivers of it , neither foreseeing the Difficulties nor Charges necessarily attending such an Enterprize ; and thence we may conclude the great Infelicity , and Disadvantages these miserable Nations lie under , to be engaged in a War that our Governours have no skill to manage : and then what can we expect but to be perpetually worsted , and to come off with infinite Loss and Disreputation , and in the end be forc'd to submit . So that unless our Parliament , by their Omnipotence , can supply them with more Brains and better Conduct , and instil into their Sculls more Wit to improve a Victory , when they can get it , it will be equal to us whether we beat or be beaten , and then how deplorable will our Condition be ? The last Blessing of this Revolution that I shall mention these unfortunate Nations enjoy under the P. of O. ( which is a plain Inference from what has been hitherto insisted on ) is this , That they shall not , or cannot enjoy their Idolany longer than the Confederacy holds tight with us , or we with them ; this is so necessary a deduction that it cannot be evaded , because he is their Creature , set up meerly for their common Interest , and his downfal may become an Advantage to them in time , as well as his Prosperity and Grandeur , ( as has been said . ) Whatever Figure of Generalissimo we may fancy he makes among the Confederates in Flanders , it 's certain he has not the command of any Forces ( if really of those ) but what he carries over from hence . How often has he been over-rul'd in Councils of War by the Spanish Governour Castinaga , and Bavaria since , Prince Waldeck , &c. is to notorious to be recounted here . So that his Business is rather to be their Providitore-General than any thing else , to furnish them with Men , Money and Stores , to build them Forts , and repay their Losses , ( as in that Instance lately produc'd of the Dutch Squadron : ) Nay , so unwilling are they so much as to find his Soldiers Quarters , that he is forced to transport part of his Quota back again , and to be at the expence of fortifying two Towns , Dixmuyde and Furnes , to lodg part of the Remainder , send over Provisions , and even Coals for their Subsistence ; Ghent , Bruges , and some other places refusing positively to entertain the rest , if not prevailed upon by the Duke of Bavaria . All the Reward he has for the vast Sums he annually pilfers for them out of our almost exhausted Coffers , is to King it here , and all he desires ; and upon that account it 's his Personal Interest to keep the War on Foot whatsoever it costs us . From whence it 's proper enough to infer , that if we be able or willing to furnish as many Millions yearly as the Support of the Confederacy will require , we may yet keep the Dutch Stadtholder for our King , and if not , we must part with him , and there 's an end of the Raree Shew . As a Corollary to this last Advantage , we ought not to forget another as remarkable , ( for we do every thing aukwardly , and pray and hope , as they say , backwards , and in opposition to all the rest of Mankind that are not infatuated or grown mad , ) and that is the Blessing of never enjoying Peace so long as the P. of O. Lords it here . I confess in his Speech the last Sessions of Parliament , and in his Discourse to the States before , or after that , he promised he would do his utmost to humble France , and procure an Honourable Peace to all Europe ; but in this as well as in all other Promises he has deceived all our Hopes , and none but half-witted People would ever be so deluded . 'T is Demonstration he can never do the one or the other now ; France was never so powerful as at present , nay , is grown excessively Powerful , as he tells the Parliament in this last Speech ; and I may add , the Confederacy exceedingly weak , and England , that must give Life and Vigour unto all , not excessively rich , nor I hope for ever abandon'd to the highest degree of Sottishness and Insensibility . And as for a Peace , himself is the only Obstacle of it , and will first or last be curs'd by all Europe on that account . The Confederacy must of necessity have dropt long e're this , if we , through our Zeal and Malice against our Lawful King , whatever we roar against Louis le Grand , had not been so prodigal of our Wealth , and Bloud , to maintain the abominable Vsurpation of a Foreigner , and through all the Course of his Management a sworn Enemy and Hater of the English Nation . And now forsooth , in this last Speech ( after all his ill laid Projects and Designs baffled , and frustrated at Sea and Land , and that he had at the long run discovered , that the Power of France was excessive , i. e. in plain English insuperable , by all the Force and childish Politicks of himself and the Confederates , ) he very humbly craves the Advice of the Parliament at a dead Lift , when all lies at stake , which he never thought worthy of advising with before , and modestly asks at least an equal Force to that of the last Year ; as if a Force that was able to do nothing the last Year , either by Sea or Land ( but by a meer Accident ) would be able to do Wonders the next , against the augmented Forces of his Enemy by both . What pitiful Cant is all this ? Is it not plain by his Speech that he dares not so much as flatter us with the hopes of any Success against France the next Campaign , since he is fearful even of asking such a Supply as all intelligent Men foresee will be absolutely necessary to oppose the prodigious Preparations of the Enemy ? And can we hope with the same Assistance we gave him the last Year , which we experimentally found was insufficient even for the Defensive part , by Land especially , will be superiour to him the next ? We are certainly informed of the great Preparations of all sorts of Ammunitions the French are making in all their Frontier Garisons upon the Sambre , the Maes , the Moselle , and the Rhine , the vast Magazines of Hay , Straw , Oats , and other Grain and Provisions they are erecting in those parts ; their Forces so disposed of in Posts upon the Sambre and the Maes , that 30000 can be got together at any time upon any Enterprize at a short warning ; and upon the Moselle 20000 on any occasion , and all without doubt to execute some great Designs very early before the Confederates can be in a condition to oppose them . And will it be sufficient for the Confederates to stand upon the Defensive , which they never could do to any effect ? And is this the way to humble France , to reduce her to her ancient Limits , and to restore Peace and Liberty to Europe ? And then as for Savoy , what Measures are concerted to preserve his Territories from the French Reprizals , or even to hinder them from being swallowed up ? It 's true indeed there are several of the Emperor's Troops quartered in Italy , besides those of some of the German Princes ; but then if we do but remind our selves of the Winter Campaign , which the French King has already begun in Flanders , and on the Rhine ; his Resolution ( as we are informed by all the Foreign Gazetts and Courants ) to act in concert with the Turk , and to push on the War with all imaginable Vigour during this Season , while the other does the same in Hungary , ( where as we are told the Ottoman Forces encrease daily ; and by their Motions and Preparations it 's generally conjectured they have present and great Designs in Hand , having lately assembled in great Bodies between Belgrade and Semandria , as ( it's thought ) to fall into Sclavonia , or attack Peterwaraden ; ) in such a Case as this , it 's but reasonable to suppose that both the Emperour and the foresaid Princes , will be necessitated to recall the greatest part of their Forces ; and then let the World judge whether 50 , 60 , or as some accounts say 70000 French will not probably prove too great a Match for that Prince to encounter , and especially in the Winter time ; for these Prints do positively tell us , that all the Troops in Dauphine and thereabouts , with all the Magazines that have been erecting for several Months since , are actually removed towards the Frontiers of Piedmont , and that the French design in the Month of February , if the Season favour them , to besiege Coni , or Turin it self . The German and Spanish Troops , notwithstanding the most pressing Instances of the D. of Savoy to detain them , are marcht into their Quarters ; Bavaria had recalled two of his Regiments , if he had not been prevailed upon by the P. of O. to let them stay , upon his promise to maintain them this Winter at his own Charge , which by the way is a certain sign of the French Forces encreasing on that Side ; and therefore could not be conveniently spared : So that the only present Security he has is the Winter Season , and the deep Snows ; and as soon as the Weather breaks , a Force by much superior , and in all Points better provided for , will fall into his Country , and in all probability put a speedy period to the War on that Side , either by an entire Conquest , or by forcing him into a sudden Compliance . We hear of no Preparations answerable to those of France on the Confederates Side , all being at a stand , waiting for the lucky News of more Money from the Parliament in England ; and e're that be done , and Preparations made , the Enemy will have done his Business , and have little to doe but to dodge with them , and play with their Noses the whole Summer , and shew the World what Fools they are . Again , what a piece of kindness is it to our Parliament , and an honour too to tell them , the Inconveniency of sending out of the Kingdom great Sums of Money for the payment of the Troops abroad , ( he dares not say the English or Scotch , ) is very considerable , and so much wishes it could be remedied , that if they can suggest to him any methods for the support of them , which might lesson that Inconvenience , he should be ready to receive them with all his Heart . Why truly the Case is plainly this , he finds it 's no concealing any longer the Transportation of all our Money for the support of Foreigners , and is afraid this Trade will not hold long , either that England can pay the Confederates unreasonable Pensions , or that the Confederates can be held together , notwithstanding the exactest payment of what he is engaged to them ; therefore he is willing to go on with them , or knock off as the Parliament will advise him , ( provided he mentions these Things bona fide , and does not impose upon the rest , and the whole Kingdom besides , by an assurance of a Majority that will carry all right or wrong for his Interest , ) any thing so he may continue King , or have the satisfaction at least of ruining the Nation with himself when he must fall . This is downright , ( if he be in good earnest ) and the Nation has a fit opportunity to look to her self . No means can be found out to avoid this Inconvenience , and to maintain an Army abroad at the same time : The only way is to take him at his Word , recall our Forces , break off the Confederacy , and to stand upon our own Legs , maintain a good Army here at Home , pay them well , and augment our Navy . But yet this Method has its Difficulties too ; so hard a thing it is to ensure any the least degree of Mundane Felicity : For should we leave the Confederacy in the Lurch , ( which his present Circumstances seem to encline , or necessitate him to consent to , if the Parliament think fit , ) then the vast Arrears owing to the Allies which they could never expect to get from him , would oblige them to unite with France , declare the P. of O the common Enemy , and England the Seat of War. ( That he is indebted to the Confederates seems highly probable to me , by the Elector of Brandenburg's pressing the States and the King of Spain so hard for the Subsidies , or Pensions , due to him the last Spring , representing to them that without them he should not be in a condition to maintain the Forces he had on foot , which the Elector of Saxony did likewise the same time ; and 't is not unlikely , that was one pricipal reason of Hanouer's slow Proceedings the last Campaign : And if I be not much mistaken in my Conjecture , the P. of O. must come in for a Snack in that Affair , as well as the States and Spain , especially if he be the Primum Mobile of the Confederacy , as the Monthly Account and one of the late Slips term him . ) But to return , the latter would be insignificant , for Reasons formerly mentioned ; so that our Case looks desperate . But if we should break up the Confederacy by consent , these Arrears must be paid , which no doubt will arise to a large Sum , which would be hard for us to part with in these Circumstances , and to support the Charge of a War besides . But , Oh the Descent ! This must be carried on yet . None can desire more than I that a Descent should be made into France , and therefore notwithstanding the Disappointment of that Design the last Summer , I intend to attempt it the next Year with a much more considerable Force , &c. What a parcel of Stuff and Contradiction huddled together , as if the Noise of the Cannon from Mons and Namur was not out of his Head yet ! To talk of a Descent so publickly , so long before-hand , enough to frustrate the best laid Project in the World. If it were impracticable the last Year , much more the next . There are the same Difficulties at least this Year , if not ten times greater ; but nothing will serve our Turns , or be worth our Noble Attempts , but Impossibilities . By the next Year there will be a potent Fleet to obstruct us , if not powerful enough to defeat and ruine us ; more powerful Diversion by Land ; early notice of this Design ; all possible means found out to prevent us by Sea and Land ; and it may be a Descent to anticipate ours , and what then ? Ay , but I intend to attempt it — with a more considerable Force . Is not this a palpable Contradiction to his modest Request he had made before , of a Force at least as great by Sea and Land as we had the last Year ? i. e. If we may be permitted to understand him , he desires , if it can't be otherwise , but the same assistance of Men and Money he had the last Year , and he will attempt it ; and if they enable him with a much more considerable Force he 'll attempt it ; if , notwithstanding all the forementioned greater opposition he 's like to meet with the next Year than the last , he intends yet to attempt it , though with equal Forces to those he had before ; Why was it not attempted then when there were far less ? Will he engage to be wiser next Year than the last , or that the French shall be more Fools , or that they shall be less able to oppose him with a more powerful Navy , and a greater number of Land Forces the next than they had the last Campaign , and he be stronger and abler to attack them with the same Forces he had before ? And suppose he be enabled with a more considerable Force , can he assure us that their Diligence in repairing their Losses at Sea , and the considerable Augmentation of their Land Forces will not exceed his more numerous Forces , and render his good Intention as impracticable as ever ? This is just such a passionate desire as he had to fight LVXEMBVRGH Hand over Head , without the least shadow of Hope to get any Advantage , but meerly to keep up the Opinion amongst Fools of his being a Fighting Spark , and scorning to pass a whole Campaign with doing nothing ; so he is resolved to attempt something by Sea , though he is sure to get nothing but hard Blows , and expose some thousands of his English to be knock'd on the Head , or to die like Fools to their immortal Honour : And this is all he seems to promise in his Speech , to attempt a landing in France , which was ever laugh'd at by sensible Men before , and ought to be hiss'd at now . Well! but here are grand Motives to stir us up to support him with all the speed imaginable : We are exposed to the Attempts of France while the French King is in a condition to make them , and therefore the great Advantage we have at this very nick of Time of being joined with the most of the Princes and States of Europe , against so dangerous an Enemy , ought not to be slipt , especially our Countrey and Religion lying at stake , &c. and we have the same Religion to defend &c. What Advantage have we now that we had not before ? Are we but just now entered into the Confederacy , or have we or they been asleep or drunk all this while ? Why an Advantage now ? Are they stronger now , or more politick , or resolute than before ? Or if we have had little or no Advantage in being joined with them all this while , what assurance have we of any from henceforward ? I am sure some wise Statesmen , who have transmitted to us the Experience of former Ages , do assure us if a Confederacy does not make some notable Impression upon the common Enemy the first or second Campaign , they are never like to do it afterwards , but grow weaker and weaker till they sink into nothing ; and as to these Confederates , notwithstanding they have served almost an Apprenticeship under one of the wisest Masters of his Craft in the whole World , have added so little to their Skill , and approved themselves such notorious Dunces , that we have no hopes of ever seeing a Masterpiece from them , to their grand Disparagement , and our infinite Loss . And after all this Pother , are we exposed to the Attempts of France , and is France a dangerons Enemy , and the Power of France excessive ? Who may we thank for all this ? Was it not the P. of O's being joined with most of the Princes and States of Europe , that brought us into these Snares upon a parcel of sham Pretences , and Bugbear Stories , with his Bearskins and Laplanders , and the Devil knows what ? And has not their senseless management of their Affairs against their Common Enemy , as they call him , made him so strong and dangerous as he is ? And is there any prospect they will be ever more politick and powerful for the future , and have better Success in all their Enterprizes ? Can all the Speed they make in getting Money , providing Necessaries for the War be answerable to his Preparations , which are at this time so forward , as to wait only a proper Season to employ them ? And if from the nature of things they must be later , since all the World is convinc'd of the Agility and Diligence of the French , and that they are never guilty of losing . Opportunities ; do we imagine that all the Confederates can do will signify any thing ? Then to what purpose is it to throw away our Money , and to impoverish and weaken our Selves ? All the good that our Money is like to doe the Confederates , is only to discharge part of the Contributions they are obliged to pay the French to save their Towns and Villages from being laid in Ashes ; such Brave Fellows they are in defending their own Liberties and Properties , that continually spunge the Money out of our Pockets under the Sham of being our Saviours and Deliverers : And so far from humbling their Enemy , and carrying the War into his own Bowels , that what he does not think worth the taking from them , they are forc'd to redeem from being destroyed at any rate , and we like F — deposite the Money . Again , how strangely are all our Measures , and those of our Allies , broke in pieces in a trice ? Our Doughty P. of O. demads but modestly at least as great Force at Land and Sea as the last Year , consequently at least as much Money , &c. and no doubt the Allies do what they can on their parts at the same time . Now if we consider the vast Expences and Losses the Common Enemy is like to put them to by this Devilish Winter Campaign , ( being destitute of Magazines , of Provisions for Horse and Man , Ammunition , Carriages , and all Necessaries , as we are well assured by the late Instance of Charleroy being bombarded almost to Ashes before they could get up to its Relief , the carrying Furnes and Dixmuyde , and sixteen or seventeen days playing upon Rhinfelden and the Kat , before they were in any condition to attempt the Relief of them , ) by false Alarms , taking their Towns , and the bare attacking others to give them Diversion , while they are in good earnest in other places , and ( which at the same time shews they have not Men enough to secure themselves on all Sides , though the French have to beard them , and keep them in play , while they assault them in their tenderest and weakest part ) we shall find in the upshot that these at least as great Sums of Money will go near to be half expended before the Summer Campaign begins , ( their Designs reaching no farther ; ) and consequently all their Hopes , if they have any , and Projects of effecting any thing upon France crush'd , in the very Shell . I know the saving of Rhinfeld is look'd upon as a very great Deliverance , and that Te Deum has been sung in Germany on that occasion , which is an Argument of its great Importance ; but yet at the same time we are not ignorant that it was owing to the badness of the Weather , more than to any thing else ; and for all I can see to the contrary , the Confederates have no reason to think themselves secure , even as to that point ; the Town and Castle , and the Kat are miserably ruin'd , and before they can put them into any defensible condition again , an indifferent good Season may give the French an opportunity , if they have no better Fish to fry , to attack it the second time , as undoubtedly they will , and with a stronger Force ; and then it must go . How the Germans will be able to supply their late Losses in those Parts , the whole Countrey round having been most miserably plundered and harrassed during the Siege , and forced to pay swinging Contributions ; the vast Expences in supplying that place with Ammunition and Provisions , to repair the Breaches , add new Works , provide for the Subsistence of their Forces , and those many ruined Families in the Towns burnt by the French in their Retreat , I cannot divine : But if we reflect upon the Monies and Monies worth raised by the French , in the several Excursions made during that Siege into divers parts , forcing the Country to supply them with whatever they had for their convenience all the time , and what they have extorted from them since ; I am morally assured the Germans have paid the whole Charge of the others Expedition . But to all this let us add , that since the taking of that place would have been of vast consequence to the facilitating of the Designs of France upon the Empire , ( as generally was acknowledged and dreaded , ) and the early taking of it yet would be so still upon the former supposition , ( especially if the Turk , taking the Advantage from the Emperor's weakness and unpreparedness , make some early and vigorous Attempt in Hungary or Sclavonia ; ) the effect will be this , the French will be able to penetrate so far into the Empire , as to put all Germany into a Convulsion , force that Prince to draw all his Forces out of Italy , ( by which the Duke of Savoy must fall off , and consequently the War draw on to a period ; ) and though he should , by the adding those Forces to the Army in Hungary or the Rhine , make some tolerable defence , yet being unable to do the same on the other Side , he would be compelled to accept of any Terms from the Turk and French King ; and then farewel England and Holland too ; the one must be glad to submit to her old Master , and the other to such Conditions as she can get . This is the Game we are likely to see in a short time , the effect of our Weakness as well as Wickedness , notwithstanding our profuseness and readiness to support so wretched a Cause to the ruine of these Nations , if God be not the more merciful : Of our Weakness , I say , abstracting all other Considerations , because we will not learn Wisdom and Forecast from our Enemy , in making Provisions against the Winter , when he 's always most active ; and we may take it for a certain Maxim , grounded upon our Experience all this War , that if we can't prevent the French from doing their Business in the Winter time , or very early in the Spring , all our Summer's Expedition ends in nothing but marching and countermarching , running away or getting a kick on the A — , and so Home again , and tell our Loving Subjects some dreadful Story of the great or excessive Power of France , and desire more Money . Thus we are fool'd and cajol'd from Year to Year with the perpetual Outcries of the growing Power , and excessive Power of France , their augmenting their Forces by Sea and Land ; put in mind of our being exposed to their Attempts , the danger of our Countrey , Liberties and Properties ; and to animate us to open our Purses the wider , and bleed the more freely , he assures us in the Word of a True Protestant Dutchman , he has the same Religion to defend . What pitiful Nonsense is all this ? It has been pretended all along this War , that the French King in his Negotiations with the Pope and the Italian Princes and States , to encline them to use their Interest to procure a Peace among the Catholick Princes , or to take part with him , has made it his Business to perswade them , that the War carried on against him so far as the Protestant Princes or States were concerned , was on the score of Religion , which has been denied by the said Protestant Princes , and most of their Writers on this occasion , and particularly by the Author of the General History of Europe , published by the Authority of the States General , in the P. of O's Declaration published by Schomberg in Dauphine ; and in the Articles of Limerick we find the P. of O. to the regret of many of our Protestant Rebels , has granted greater Liberty and Priviledges to the Roman Catholicks in Ireland , than ever they enjoyed in the Reigns of any of our Protestant Kings . But to come nearer , he uses ambiguous terms , which look very suspitiously , We have the same Religion to defend . What same Religion ? The new Latitudinarian Religion , Presbyterian , or the Oliverian Independent , or what ? Even what you please . We are Presbyterians in Scotland , Episcoparians in England , Calvinists in Holland , and ( if some intelligent Persons are not mistaken ) Roman Catholicks in Flanders , and after all every where Atheists . There are those in the World who fear not to assert , that it was publickly enough reported at Rome by divers of the Cardinals , and particularly the Auditor of the Rota , some time before the Revolution , that he was reconcil'd to the Ch. of Rome ; and some stick not to assert , that he made his Protest in the Royal Chapel at Brussels before the High Altar , at his Admission into the Confederacy , that he would inviolably perform the Articles of it , whereof one is this , if we may credit a Copy printed here in England , of the Resolution of the Princes , Allies , and Confederates , which has been taken in the Assembly at the Hague , &c. Art. 1. Having resolved to make a Descent into France , &c. We will make no Peace with Lewis XIV . till he has made reparation to the Holy See for whatsoever he has acted against it , and till he has annull'd and made void all those infamous Proceedings against the Holy Father Innocent XI . If this be really one Article of the Confederacy , as there is a grand Suspition , if we consider the Lukewarmness of that Pope towards King James , as was frequently buz'd amongst us formerly , what Figure he made in the Confederacy , and his Inveterateness against the French King , the Bigotry of the Emperour , and the inflexible Temper of the Spaniard as to matters of Religion , it 's not to be conceived how they should enter into a Negotiation of this nature with the P. of O. without an assurance of his coming over to their Persuasion , and Resolution of promoting the Rom. Catholick Interest in these Kingdoms . Neither is it reasonable to suppose they would contribute their Assistance to remove a Prince of their own Principles , tho' with a grand Prospect of advancing their civil Interests , to the hazard of impairing their Religion to make way for an heretical Prince . Besides , how can we imagine they would ever communicate such a secret to him , if they were not first sure of him , or could be sure of him without such an Engagement ? The sole Refusal or Discovery of it would have infallibly prevented all their Designs , brought an indelible Dishonour and Scandal upon their Religion , as well as their Persons , and provoked K. James and the French King to take the utmost Vengeance upon them , and made them justly odious to all the rest of the Christian World , of whatever Persuasion : What a Blemish would it have fixed upon the Emperor , commonly characterized as a Prince of a most devout Temper , and actually engaged against the Common Enemy of Christianity , to be found in a Design to depose a Catholick Prince , and at the same time to cut off all the Hopes of ever propagating the Catholick Religion in three Kingdoms ? Neither is his usual Partiality towards Popish Bishops , Priests , and the Roman Catholicks in general , one of the slightest Arguments for his Suspicion , though it 's usually objected , that by his Alliances he was obliged to shew some favour to them . Why was it not as well cautioned he should not set the Mob upon their Houses and Chappels ? and why did not those Princes by their Interest with him prevent the issue of so much Bloud , and put a timely stop to those horrid Barbarities , and irreparable ruine of vast Numbers of their own Persuasion then , as to shew such favour and marks of distinction since ? No , some Severity was absolutely necessary in the beginning to get the Affections of the People , and to his surer establishment in the Throne ; but since he has gained his Point , and dipt all Degrees and Orders of Men so deep in Guilt against their Lawful Soveraign , that they fancy themselves beyond all hopes of Pardon , he rides them at his pleasure , makes them believe what he lists , and readily stops their Mouths , and entirely satisfies them with this Excuse . There might be some other very considerable Arguments offered on this Head if necessary or prudent ; all that I shall add is this , That for my own part I shall ever believe him to be a Papist , as much as any others fancy him either a Presbyterian , or of the Communion of the present pretended Church of England , till he satisfies the World to the contrary , by taking some severe Test , and most solemn Oath ; and if this should prove true , ( as it may notwithstanding his communicating publickly according to the Form of the Church of England , as many have done formerly to our knowledg before the Test was advised to make the distinction ; ) How finely are we trumpt upon ? However , let him urge this Motive as far as he pleases , it 's little to the present purpose ; as the Business of Religion has been managed since his Vsurpation , 't is no great matter what Religion he or we profess ; we have as good as renounc'd our Christianity already , to make and receive him as King ; and I am sure nothing can be more contrary to it , or affrontive of the Great God of Heaven and Earth , than our very Prayers and Devotions , wherein we beseech him to support and prosper one of the grandest pieces of Villany that ever was acted upon the Face of the Earth , to confound all Justice and Probity ; which is as great an Indignity to an Holy and Just God , as Idolatry in the highest degree of it . Nay , more than that , all our Preaching and Prayers tend directly to nothing but the hardening and encouraging Men to persevere in the horrid Sins of Rebellion and Schism , with their Concomitants , and by consequence in the Eye of Reason give an inlet to all other Vices , it being as justifiable for a Man to plead a necessity for Whoring , Theft , Murder , &c , as to incur the guilt of Perjury and Rebellion for the preservation of Religion ; and the consequence is so visible and intelligible by all the Debauchees and Atheists of the Age , that we to our great Sorrow perceive the visible growth of both dayly ; and one John Tillotson has contributed more to the spreading and rooting of Atheism , than 50 Spinosa's , Hobbs's or Vaninus's : So that let him insist as long as he pleases upon that old stale Cant of Religion to cover all the rest of his profligate Designs , we are certain he has the least reason to name it of any Person in the whole World ; one may as soon with his Arch-Heretick , and Schismatick , Don John , find out a place for the Damn'd in the Mansions of Eternal Bliss , after a certain period of suffering Hell Torments , or that the Devils and the Damned sing Hallelujahs in Hell , or that they shall at length merit a Release from those dreadful Torments , by their supposed Blasphemies against , or Execrations of God Almighty , as the least spark of Religion in him , if we reflect upon his Practises , ( which are ever the Fruits of good or bad Principles ; ) or as soon demonstrate that the Emperour , the King of Spain , Dukes of Bavarin and Savoy entered into the Consederacy with him and the rest of the Protestant Princes , out of no other Design but to preserve the Church of England against the Attempts of King James and the French King , as prove it ever was the least part of his Intentions . For 't is visible to any one that knows the difference between Schism and the Vnity of the Church , that he has persecuted ever since he came hither the Members of the True established Church of England ; and the first effort that he made was to let loose all manner of Schisms and Heresies upon her to worry her to Death , if possibly , the preservation of which he most impudently makes one of the plausible Pretexts of his Invasion ; and if the Latitudinarian Gentlemen had not out of a great Zeal to preserve their Preferments more than their Religion , swallowed the Oaths against their known Duty and Allegiante , had put the Presbyterians and Independents into the actual Possession of all the Churches in the Kingdom , as is constantly urged by them in private as the only Reason of their complyance , and so turned R — , as they say , to keep Rogues out . And here I must not forget to give them their Due , they prov'd apt Scholars and out-witted him : Nay more than that , by compelling them to Complyances against all that they formerly taught and professed to believe to be their indispensible Duty , he has been the occasion of such new Lights and Discoveries to them in matters of the nearest Concernment to them , that in effect he has given the sham to the so Glorious Deliverance it self , and rendered himself for the future altogether useless . How natural is it now for them to urge , and indeed in some of their Writings they have already , that though there might be some pretence in the late dark Age of their Immaturity and Childhood for his Heroick and Generous Undertaking , there can be none now for his Continuance , which by his Unsuccessfulness , and the vast Expences he puts the Nation to , without any colour of hope to accomplish the remainder of his Designs , has already dimn'd the Lustre of his first Enterprize , and sunk it almost into Oblivion . 'T is not Change in Religion , let it be what it will , can affect them now ; they 've got a Clue that will readily extricate them out of all such Labyrinths , with the new Arts of higher and lower Sense , the Distinction between Submission and Allegiance , as Circumstances shall determine it : No Oaths can now enslave them and tye them up , and no pretence of Religion impose upon them . Christianity is not the same thing now that she was in her Swadling Cloaths , one thing is to be done in propagating the Faith , another when she has taken firm rooting . The Self-denial and Passivity of the first Ages was really necessary for the propagation of the Faith ; but now it 's setled it's become an useless Topick , especially since the State has added her Sanction , and stampt it into Civil Property ; and Christianity as to the Agenda requires little more then what the pure sight of Nature clear'd up from Passion and Prejudice suggests of her self : Self-Preservation is her prime Law and Dictate , and all the Religion in the World cannot null it without committing the greatest violence upon Humanity it self . Besides , since Salvation is not confined to any Party or Sect of Christians , but allowances must be made for Humane Frailty , it must be diametrically opposite to the Great Law of Charity it self to be strait-lac'd in a point of such deep importance . Therefore let the P. of O. talk what he will as to Religion , Ours is as Comprehensive as his , let it be what it will ; we want only the much desired Opportunity to reap the Blessings of our happy Change , which if it cannot be obtained under him , we are ready for the next propitious Providence ; and let it come from whence it will , modo hic sit bene , if we may but continue Vicars of Bray still , we 'll call it and celebrate it as the Greatest Deliverance we ever had yet . These short Reflections upon some Passages of his Speech , I thought fit to subjoin to my Considerations on the last mentioned Disadvantage these Nations have by this Great Revolution , viz. the unlikelyhood of ever enjoying Peace under the present Government . I might , if it were not to avoid being over tedious , enlarge my self upon a Subject of satal Importance to these Islands , the Daily Decay of Trade ; all that I shall say in reference unto it is only this , that it 's impossible for us to retrieve it so long as the P. of O. continues here ; because we can never hope to be at Peace , or Masters of the Seas so as to secure it ; and we must allow a Million and a half at least to be yearly lost during this War , in Shipping and Goods , and all the possible Product or Encrease of it in the way of Commerce , near a third part to be deducted out of the Trade in general , occasioned by excessive Taxes , and scarcity of Money ; a considerable part whereof is near lost already for want of Seamen , Convoys , and Ships themselves , by such vast numbers being taken for Transportation , the frequent Embargoes , and unhappy detaining of our Fleets , to the loss of their Markets , wasting their Provisions , and raising Commodities to such high Rates , that we had as good be without them ; particularly the Newfoundland and Bank Fishery suspended , if not lost , to the impoverishing of divers of our Port Towns , by reducing numerous Families to downright Beggary , to the excessive Charge of the respective Parishes they belong to . Then again , for our Comfort , let us but consider the Encrease of the French Shipping , by their perpetually snapping ours and the Dutch , the Encrease of their Seamen by the vast Encouragement of the Privateers , the addition that will be made by the next Summer to their Navy , and we shall find Trading by Sea will in a little time be rendred almost impracticable . Add to this the P. of O's certain Design to betray our Trade to the Dutch , for it 's impossible to avoid such a Reflexion , since no other Reason can be given for the detaining our Turkey Fleet above twelve months for want of Convoys , after they were ordered to be in a readiness . What other account can be given of the Ineffectualness of the Petition made by divers Merchants and Ensurers to the House of Commons now sitting , wherein they set forth their Losses of 190 Vessels taken by the French since the last Fight , ( and I suppose they mentioned only such as belonged to the Port of London , ) they were only slighted by the Committee , telling them opprobriously , they were not the chief Merchants of London , and demanded whether they would swear on their own Knowledge to the number of the Ships , and the particular Time and Place of their Taking , &c. whether they had applied themselves to the Lords of the Admiralty for Convoys , and when they answered that they had , they referred them to the Council Board , and the Council told them they could spare them none ; the Committee quell'd the business , saying , the Council must have some Reasons why they could not grant them any . Does not all this appear to be a real Design to ruine our Commerce , and to gratifie the Dutch ? And are not we forced by this means to trade with them for ready Cash or Bullion , for those Commodities which we use to fetch in our own Bottoms from abroad ? And if we do but reflect what a prodigious Summ of Money the Spices we annually take off from the Dutch , which we were wont to barter for with our Tobaccoes , Sugars , &c. from the West-Indies ; and the Losses we have sustained during this War in our Jamaica , Virginia , and Barbadoes Fleets , by which means we are necessitated to part with our Coin in specie ; the Interruption in our East-India , Streights , and Levant Trade , being hereby obliged to take those sorts of Goods at the second hand from them ; the Decay in our Traffick , and the great hazard of utterly losing it , it will appear , to the eternal Reproach of our Mock-Deliver , the manifest Treachery of the Conservators of our Liberties and Properties , and the Terror and ( I hope in God ) the just Regret of all those who are not yet willing to have their Noses and Ears cut off by the cursed and never to be forgiven Dutch. This is not all , let us reflect upon his endeavours the last Session of Parliament to dissolve the East-India Company , which part of our Trade has been ever envied by those greedy Mammonists , and for many Years has been attempted to be engrost by them ; and you will easily foresee to what a weak condition the Trade of the Nation will be reduc'd , if not speedily prevented , which must require many Years to recover her pristine Wealth and Glory . In one Word , All that 's valuable to us runs to wreck , Our Religion dwindling sensibly into downright Atheism and Profaneness , Our Liberties into Slavery , Our Property into Beggary , the Honour and Reputation of the English Nation into the utmost Contempt ; the Constitution of our Government broken , and the People running more and more into Factions , the greatest part of them however disagreeing among themselves , dissatisfied with the present Government . Add to these Considerations the certain Prognosticks of a decaying State ; the lost Reputation of him who sits at the Helm ; the growing Lukewarmness and Despondency of the People in general , occasioned by immoderate Taxes , want of Trade , the barbarous usage of our Soldiers by Land and Sea , unsuccessfulness in all the late noisy Projects , and the Known Strength and Policy of the Enemy . Then consider and weigh seriously the loosness of the present Clergy both in Principle and Practice ; as to the former Atheists more than Christians , asserting , in effect , that real and acknowledged Evil may be done to good Ends , preaching up and practising Rebellion , reviling in their Sermons and blaspheming the Lord 's Anointed , applauding the Wickedness of the Vsurper , and blasphemously equallizing him to our Blessed Saviour , as some of them have most impudently done ; and by justifying all his most flagitions Proceedings make themselves accessory and Parties to all he does , imbruing by that means their Hands in all that Innocent Bloud of their Fellow-Subjects that has heen spilt by that Detestible Murtherer , to the subversion of the Monarchy , and all the Calamities that have ensued upon it , let them be of what quality soever , ( since if they had done their Duties , all these Miseries had , morally speaking , been infallibly prevented , to the grand Honour of themselves and their Religion ; ) and so render themselves unfit to approach the Holy Altar of God , and to intercede for a Blessing upon his People : Thus by their means the Gates of Heaven are barr'd against us , and instead of Blessings we have Plagues and Judgments . The Degeneracy of the Priests has been ever lookt upon as a direful Forerunner of ensuing Destruction ; and I am sure it must look very horridly , when the Priests shall pray and praise God for nothing but what 's the effect of his Indignation , caused by the Sins of themselves , and the People misled by their wicked Examples , when they shall endeavour to harden and confirm them in the Sins they have drawn them into , and as much as ever they can prevent their Repentance ; when they shall exhort them to take part with Disobedient and Rebellious Children against their Parents , to violate their Allegiance , expose their Bodies and Souls in a most Vnnatural Rebellion , and pray to Heaven to prosper them in the very heighth , &c. of Impiety ; What a Dishonour is this to God and Religion ! What a Curse to the World ! What an Injury to Men's Souls ! And what can it portend but Vengeance , and ( without a timely and extraordinary Repentance ) inevitable Ruine ? Neither can I omit putting my Fellow-Subjects in mind of that raging Pestilence in the East-Indies , which has swept away Multitudes of our People ; the never to be forgotten Earthquake in Jamaica , and those late Monitory Shakings which ran through all this Island , as well as a great part of the Territories of our Wicked Confederates : I shall not pretend to divine what may be the Consequence of them ; but we never heard of an Earthquake in this Island but did certainly forerun some very remarkable Calamity . All I shall farther add is this , The only Refuge this Government has ( for I find they don't think it safe to stand upon their own Legs , ) is to keep up the Confederacy ; This is reality will prove a rotten Reed , we may lean upon it , but it will run into our Hands and wound us , but never support us ; it 's grown already feeble and contemptible , and being originally founded in Villany there 's little likelyhood it will prosper . By the Experience of former Ages , Confederacies seldom or never performed great Atchiements . Their Religions , Manners , Interests , being for the most part different and contrary , their Consultations for that very Reason seldom prove effectual : And Monluc tells us , that two Princes designing to overcome a third never agree long ; and gives you his own Experience , and that of preceding Times for it . And the most acute and judicious Guicciardine tells us , That Confederacies can never be so knitted and united , but that some or other of them will grow remiss , or go off from the rest ; and then all is spoiled . And Comines adds , That if there be not One to over-rule and govern all the rest of the Confederacy , their Designs will be frustrated , and end in nothing but their own Shame and Weakness , and the Glory and Advantage of the Common Enemy . I might , if I dare take that Liberty , have produced a multitude of Examples of this Nature , but I hope any One's Reflection upon the Instances of this Age will save me that Trouble ; and therefore will address my self to those of my Countreymen who have had the misfortune to be misled , that since they have found all their Expectations deceived , themselves gull'd out of all those real Blessings of Government they formerly enjoyed , Peace , Plenty , Liberty and Property , and all that could render a People happy , by One whom a Man would be tempted to think could never have been procreated of Humane Race , void of all sense of Religion , Justice , Honour , and every Qualification that is apt to conciliate Love or Veneration from Mankind ; who has really forfeited the Crown by his own Act , having violated the very Instrument of Government he subscribed : One that has been the occasion of shedding more Christian Bloud , on both Sides , than was spilt in the ten Persecutions , and meerly upon a Sham Pretence of Religion to us ; that it is their Interest and indispensible Duty , if they have any sence of Goodness remaining , any fear of God before their Eyes , any respect for Religion , or love for their Souls , any remorse for the Evil they have done , any Bowels for their own Countrey , any Charity for the rest of the World , to free these Nations of such a Plague and Curse , and if possibly , to redeem all those Blessings which have been so long with-held from us by his Means , by atoning God Almighty , by doing Justice to their highly injur'd King and Queen , to themselves , and to all Europe , and averting those dismal Plagues which otherwise e're long will fall upon their Heads : Otherwise let them do what they can , be as obstinate , malicious and revengeful as they please , if they be resolv'd yet to act wickedly they shall be consumed , both they and their King. FINIS . ERRATA . PAg. 6. Lin. 5. make a Comma after that . P. 10. l. 2. for have r. having . Pag. 15. l. 28. r. the Confederacy . P. 16. l. 4. for miserable r. inevitable . P. 17. l. 25. r. peradventure will be . P. 18. l. 6. after Succession add to the Parliament . P. 19. l. 3. r. selected . P. 22. l. 18. r. encamp'd . P. 29. l. ult . for for r. from .