981	----	BEOWULF By Anonymous Translated by Gummere BEOWULF PRELUDE OF THE FOUNDER OF THE DANISH HOUSE LO, praise of the prowess of people-kings of spear-armed Danes, in days long sped, we have heard, and what honor the athelings won! Oft Scyld the Scefing from squadroned foes, from many a tribe, the mead-bench tore, awing the earls. Since erst he lay friendless, a foundling, fate repaid him: for he waxed under welkin, in wealth he throve, till before him the folk, both far and near, who house by the whale-path, heard his mandate, gave him gifts: a good king he! To him an heir was afterward born, a son in his halls, whom heaven sent to favor the folk, feeling their woe that erst they had lacked an earl for leader so long a while; the Lord endowed him, the Wielder of Wonder, with world's renown. Famed was this Beowulf: {0a} far flew the boast of him, son of Scyld, in the Scandian lands. So becomes it a youth to quit him well with his father's friends, by fee and gift, that to aid him, aged, in after days, come warriors willing, should war draw nigh, liegemen loyal: by lauded deeds shall an earl have honor in every clan. Forth he fared at the fated moment, sturdy Scyld to the shelter of God. Then they bore him over to ocean's billow, loving clansmen, as late he charged them, while wielded words the winsome Scyld, the leader beloved who long had ruled.... In the roadstead rocked a ring-dight vessel, ice-flecked, outbound, atheling's barge: there laid they down their darling lord on the breast of the boat, the breaker-of-rings, {0b} by the mast the mighty one. Many a treasure fetched from far was freighted with him. No ship have I known so nobly dight with weapons of war and weeds of battle, with breastplate and blade: on his bosom lay a heaped hoard that hence should go far o'er the flood with him floating away. No less these loaded the lordly gifts, thanes' huge treasure, than those had done who in former time forth had sent him sole on the seas, a suckling child. High o'er his head they hoist the standard, a gold-wove banner; let billows take him, gave him to ocean. Grave were their spirits, mournful their mood. No man is able to say in sooth, no son of the halls, no hero 'neath heaven, -- who harbored that freight! I Now Beowulf bode in the burg of the Scyldings, leader beloved, and long he ruled in fame with all folk, since his father had gone away from the world, till awoke an heir, haughty Healfdene, who held through life, sage and sturdy, the Scyldings glad. Then, one after one, there woke to him, to the chieftain of clansmen, children four: Heorogar, then Hrothgar, then Halga brave; and I heard that -- was -- 's queen, the Heathoscylfing's helpmate dear. To Hrothgar was given such glory of war, such honor of combat, that all his kin obeyed him gladly till great grew his band of youthful comrades. It came in his mind to bid his henchmen a hall uprear, a master mead-house, mightier far than ever was seen by the sons of earth, and within it, then, to old and young he would all allot that the Lord had sent him, save only the land and the lives of his men. Wide, I heard, was the work commanded, for many a tribe this mid-earth round, to fashion the folkstead. It fell, as he ordered, in rapid achievement that ready it stood there, of halls the noblest: Heorot {1a} he named it whose message had might in many a land. Not reckless of promise, the rings he dealt, treasure at banquet: there towered the hall, high, gabled wide, the hot surge waiting of furious flame. {1b} Nor far was that day when father and son-in-law stood in feud for warfare and hatred that woke again. {1c} With envy and anger an evil spirit endured the dole in his dark abode, that he heard each day the din of revel high in the hall: there harps rang out, clear song of the singer. He sang who knew {1d} tales of the early time of man, how the Almighty made the earth, fairest fields enfolded by water, set, triumphant, sun and moon for a light to lighten the land-dwellers, and braided bright the breast of earth with limbs and leaves, made life for all of mortal beings that breathe and move. So lived the clansmen in cheer and revel a winsome life, till one began to fashion evils, that field of hell. Grendel this monster grim was called, march-riever {1e} mighty, in moorland living, in fen and fastness; fief of the giants the hapless wight a while had kept since the Creator his exile doomed. On kin of Cain was the killing avenged by sovran God for slaughtered Abel. Ill fared his feud, {1f} and far was he driven, for the slaughter's sake, from sight of men. Of Cain awoke all that woful breed, Etins {1g} and elves and evil-spirits, as well as the giants that warred with God weary while: but their wage was paid them! II WENT he forth to find at fall of night that haughty house, and heed wherever the Ring-Danes, outrevelled, to rest had gone. Found within it the atheling band asleep after feasting and fearless of sorrow, of human hardship. Unhallowed wight, grim and greedy, he grasped betimes, wrathful, reckless, from resting-places, thirty of the thanes, and thence he rushed fain of his fell spoil, faring homeward, laden with slaughter, his lair to seek. Then at the dawning, as day was breaking, the might of Grendel to men was known; then after wassail was wail uplifted, loud moan in the morn. The mighty chief, atheling excellent, unblithe sat, labored in woe for the loss of his thanes, when once had been traced the trail of the fiend, spirit accurst: too cruel that sorrow, too long, too loathsome. Not late the respite; with night returning, anew began ruthless murder; he recked no whit, firm in his guilt, of the feud and crime. They were easy to find who elsewhere sought in room remote their rest at night, bed in the bowers, {2a} when that bale was shown, was seen in sooth, with surest token, -- the hall-thane's {2b} hate. Such held themselves far and fast who the fiend outran! Thus ruled unrighteous and raged his fill one against all; until empty stood that lordly building, and long it bode so. Twelve years' tide the trouble he bore, sovran of Scyldings, sorrows in plenty, boundless cares. There came unhidden tidings true to the tribes of men, in sorrowful songs, how ceaselessly Grendel harassed Hrothgar, what hate he bore him, what murder and massacre, many a year, feud unfading, -- refused consent to deal with any of Daneland's earls, make pact of peace, or compound for gold: still less did the wise men ween to get great fee for the feud from his fiendish hands. But the evil one ambushed old and young death-shadow dark, and dogged them still, lured, or lurked in the livelong night of misty moorlands: men may say not where the haunts of these Hell-Runes {2c} be. Such heaping of horrors the hater of men, lonely roamer, wrought unceasing, harassings heavy. O'er Heorot he lorded, gold-bright hall, in gloomy nights; and ne'er could the prince {2d} approach his throne, -- 'twas judgment of God, -- or have joy in his hall. Sore was the sorrow to Scyldings'-friend, heart-rending misery. Many nobles sat assembled, and searched out counsel how it were best for bold-hearted men against harassing terror to try their hand. Whiles they vowed in their heathen fanes altar-offerings, asked with words {2e} that the slayer-of-souls would succor give them for the pain of their people. Their practice this, their heathen hope; 'twas Hell they thought of in mood of their mind. Almighty they knew not, Doomsman of Deeds and dreadful Lord, nor Heaven's-Helmet heeded they ever, Wielder-of-Wonder. -- Woe for that man who in harm and hatred hales his soul to fiery embraces; -- nor favor nor change awaits he ever. But well for him that after death-day may draw to his Lord, and friendship find in the Father's arms! III THUS seethed unceasing the son of Healfdene with the woe of these days; not wisest men assuaged his sorrow; too sore the anguish, loathly and long, that lay on his folk, most baneful of burdens and bales of the night. This heard in his home Hygelac's thane, great among Geats, of Grendel's doings. He was the mightiest man of valor in that same day of this our life, stalwart and stately. A stout wave-walker he bade make ready. Yon battle-king, said he, far o'er the swan-road he fain would seek, the noble monarch who needed men! The prince's journey by prudent folk was little blamed, though they loved him dear; they whetted the hero, and hailed good omens. And now the bold one from bands of Geats comrades chose, the keenest of warriors e'er he could find; with fourteen men the sea-wood {3a} he sought, and, sailor proved, led them on to the land's confines. Time had now flown; {3b} afloat was the ship, boat under bluff. On board they climbed, warriors ready; waves were churning sea with sand; the sailors bore on the breast of the bark their bright array, their mail and weapons: the men pushed off, on its willing way, the well-braced craft. Then moved o'er the waters by might of the wind that bark like a bird with breast of foam, till in season due, on the second day, the curved prow such course had run that sailors now could see the land, sea-cliffs shining, steep high hills, headlands broad. Their haven was found, their journey ended. Up then quickly the Weders' {3c} clansmen climbed ashore, anchored their sea-wood, with armor clashing and gear of battle: God they thanked or passing in peace o'er the paths of the sea. Now saw from the cliff a Scylding clansman, a warden that watched the water-side, how they bore o'er the gangway glittering shields, war-gear in readiness; wonder seized him to know what manner of men they were. Straight to the strand his steed he rode, Hrothgar's henchman; with hand of might he shook his spear, and spake in parley. "Who are ye, then, ye armed men, mailed folk, that yon mighty vessel have urged thus over the ocean ways, here o'er the waters? A warden I, sentinel set o'er the sea-march here, lest any foe to the folk of Danes with harrying fleet should harm the land. No aliens ever at ease thus bore them, linden-wielders: {3d} yet word-of-leave clearly ye lack from clansmen here, my folk's agreement. -- A greater ne'er saw I of warriors in world than is one of you, -- yon hero in harness! No henchman he worthied by weapons, if witness his features, his peerless presence! I pray you, though, tell your folk and home, lest hence ye fare suspect to wander your way as spies in Danish land. Now, dwellers afar, ocean-travellers, take from me simple advice: the sooner the better I hear of the country whence ye came." IV To him the stateliest spake in answer; the warriors' leader his word-hoard unlocked: -- "We are by kin of the clan of Geats, and Hygelac's own hearth-fellows we. To folk afar was my father known, noble atheling, Ecgtheow named. Full of winters, he fared away aged from earth; he is honored still through width of the world by wise men all. To thy lord and liege in loyal mood we hasten hither, to Healfdene's son, people-protector: be pleased to advise us! To that mighty-one come we on mickle errand, to the lord of the Danes; nor deem I right that aught be hidden. We hear -- thou knowest if sooth it is -- the saying of men, that amid the Scyldings a scathing monster, dark ill-doer, in dusky nights shows terrific his rage unmatched, hatred and murder. To Hrothgar I in greatness of soul would succor bring, so the Wise-and-Brave {4a} may worst his foes, -- if ever the end of ills is fated, of cruel contest, if cure shall follow, and the boiling care-waves cooler grow; else ever afterward anguish-days he shall suffer in sorrow while stands in place high on its hill that house unpeered!" Astride his steed, the strand-ward answered, clansman unquailing: "The keen-souled thane must be skilled to sever and sunder duly words and works, if he well intends. I gather, this band is graciously bent to the Scyldings' master. March, then, bearing weapons and weeds the way I show you. I will bid my men your boat meanwhile to guard for fear lest foemen come, -- your new-tarred ship by shore of ocean faithfully watching till once again it waft o'er the waters those well-loved thanes, -- winding-neck'd wood, -- to Weders' bounds, heroes such as the hest of fate shall succor and save from the shock of war." They bent them to march, -- the boat lay still, fettered by cable and fast at anchor, broad-bosomed ship. -- Then shone the boars {4b} over the cheek-guard; chased with gold, keen and gleaming, guard it kept o'er the man of war, as marched along heroes in haste, till the hall they saw, broad of gable and bright with gold: that was the fairest, 'mid folk of earth, of houses 'neath heaven, where Hrothgar lived, and the gleam of it lightened o'er lands afar. The sturdy shieldsman showed that bright burg-of-the-boldest; bade them go straightway thither; his steed then turned, hardy hero, and hailed them thus: -- "'Tis time that I fare from you. Father Almighty in grace and mercy guard you well, safe in your seekings. Seaward I go, 'gainst hostile warriors hold my watch." V STONE-BRIGHT the street: {5a} it showed the way to the crowd of clansmen. Corselets glistened hand-forged, hard; on their harness bright the steel ring sang, as they strode along in mail of battle, and marched to the hall. There, weary of ocean, the wall along they set their bucklers, their broad shields, down, and bowed them to bench: the breastplates clanged, war-gear of men; their weapons stacked, spears of the seafarers stood together, gray-tipped ash: that iron band was worthily weaponed! -- A warrior proud asked of the heroes their home and kin. "Whence, now, bear ye burnished shields, harness gray and helmets grim, spears in multitude? Messenger, I, Hrothgar's herald! Heroes so many ne'er met I as strangers of mood so strong. 'Tis plain that for prowess, not plunged into exile, for high-hearted valor, Hrothgar ye seek!" Him the sturdy-in-war bespake with words, proud earl of the Weders answer made, hardy 'neath helmet: -- "Hygelac's, we, fellows at board; I am Beowulf named. I am seeking to say to the son of Healfdene this mission of mine, to thy master-lord, the doughty prince, if he deign at all grace that we greet him, the good one, now." Wulfgar spake, the Wendles' chieftain, whose might of mind to many was known, his courage and counsel: "The king of Danes, the Scyldings' friend, I fain will tell, the Breaker-of-Rings, as the boon thou askest, the famed prince, of thy faring hither, and, swiftly after, such answer bring as the doughty monarch may deign to give." Hied then in haste to where Hrothgar sat white-haired and old, his earls about him, till the stout thane stood at the shoulder there of the Danish king: good courtier he! Wulfgar spake to his winsome lord: -- "Hither have fared to thee far-come men o'er the paths of ocean, people of Geatland; and the stateliest there by his sturdy band is Beowulf named. This boon they seek, that they, my master, may with thee have speech at will: nor spurn their prayer to give them hearing, gracious Hrothgar! In weeds of the warrior worthy they, methinks, of our liking; their leader most surely, a hero that hither his henchmen has led." VI HROTHGAR answered, helmet of Scyldings: -- "I knew him of yore in his youthful days; his aged father was Ecgtheow named, to whom, at home, gave Hrethel the Geat his only daughter. Their offspring bold fares hither to seek the steadfast friend. And seamen, too, have said me this, -- who carried my gifts to the Geatish court, thither for thanks, -- he has thirty men's heft of grasp in the gripe of his hand, the bold-in-battle. Blessed God out of his mercy this man hath sent to Danes of the West, as I ween indeed, against horror of Grendel. I hope to give the good youth gold for his gallant thought. Be thou in haste, and bid them hither, clan of kinsmen, to come before me; and add this word, -- they are welcome guests to folk of the Danes." [To the door of the hall Wulfgar went] and the word declared: -- "To you this message my master sends, East-Danes' king, that your kin he knows, hardy heroes, and hails you all welcome hither o'er waves of the sea! Ye may wend your way in war-attire, and under helmets Hrothgar greet; but let here the battle-shields bide your parley, and wooden war-shafts wait its end." Uprose the mighty one, ringed with his men, brave band of thanes: some bode without, battle-gear guarding, as bade the chief. Then hied that troop where the herald led them, under Heorot's roof: [the hero strode,] hardy 'neath helm, till the hearth he neared. Beowulf spake, -- his breastplate gleamed, war-net woven by wit of the smith: -- "Thou Hrothgar, hail! Hygelac's I, kinsman and follower. Fame a plenty have I gained in youth! These Grendel-deeds I heard in my home-land heralded clear. Seafarers say how stands this hall, of buildings best, for your band of thanes empty and idle, when evening sun in the harbor of heaven is hidden away. So my vassals advised me well, -- brave and wise, the best of men, -- O sovran Hrothgar, to seek thee here, for my nerve and my might they knew full well. Themselves had seen me from slaughter come blood-flecked from foes, where five I bound, and that wild brood worsted. I' the waves I slew nicors {6a} by night, in need and peril avenging the Weders, {6b} whose woe they sought, -- crushing the grim ones. Grendel now, monster cruel, be mine to quell in single battle! So, from thee, thou sovran of the Shining-Danes, Scyldings'-bulwark, a boon I seek, -- and, Friend-of-the-folk, refuse it not, O Warriors'-shield, now I've wandered far, -- that I alone with my liegemen here, this hardy band, may Heorot purge! More I hear, that the monster dire, in his wanton mood, of weapons recks not; hence shall I scorn -- so Hygelac stay, king of my kindred, kind to me! -- brand or buckler to bear in the fight, gold-colored targe: but with gripe alone must I front the fiend and fight for life, foe against foe. Then faith be his in the doom of the Lord whom death shall take. Fain, I ween, if the fight he win, in this hall of gold my Geatish band will he fearless eat, -- as oft before, -- my noblest thanes. Nor need'st thou then to hide my head; {6c} for his shall I be, dyed in gore, if death must take me; and my blood-covered body he'll bear as prey, ruthless devour it, the roamer-lonely, with my life-blood redden his lair in the fen: no further for me need'st food prepare! To Hygelac send, if Hild {6d} should take me, best of war-weeds, warding my breast, armor excellent, heirloom of Hrethel and work of Wayland. {6e} Fares Wyrd {6f} as she must." VII HROTHGAR spake, the Scyldings'-helmet: -- "For fight defensive, Friend my Beowulf, to succor and save, thou hast sought us here. Thy father's combat {7a} a feud enkindled when Heatholaf with hand he slew among the Wylfings; his Weder kin for horror of fighting feared to hold him. Fleeing, he sought our South-Dane folk, over surge of ocean the Honor-Scyldings, when first I was ruling the folk of Danes, wielded, youthful, this widespread realm, this hoard-hold of heroes. Heorogar was dead, my elder brother, had breathed his last, Healfdene's bairn: he was better than I! Straightway the feud with fee {7b} I settled, to the Wylfings sent, o'er watery ridges, treasures olden: oaths he {7c} swore me. Sore is my soul to say to any of the race of man what ruth for me in Heorot Grendel with hate hath wrought, what sudden harryings. Hall-folk fail me, my warriors wane; for Wyrd hath swept them into Grendel's grasp. But God is able this deadly foe from his deeds to turn! Boasted full oft, as my beer they drank, earls o'er the ale-cup, armed men, that they would bide in the beer-hall here, Grendel's attack with terror of blades. Then was this mead-house at morning tide dyed with gore, when the daylight broke, all the boards of the benches blood-besprinkled, gory the hall: I had heroes the less, doughty dear-ones that death had reft. -- But sit to the banquet, unbind thy words, hardy hero, as heart shall prompt thee." Gathered together, the Geatish men in the banquet-hall on bench assigned, sturdy-spirited, sat them down, hardy-hearted. A henchman attended, carried the carven cup in hand, served the clear mead. Oft minstrels sang blithe in Heorot. Heroes revelled, no dearth of warriors, Weder and Dane. VIII UNFERTH spake, the son of Ecglaf, who sat at the feet of the Scyldings' lord, unbound the battle-runes. {8a} -- Beowulf's quest, sturdy seafarer's, sorely galled him; ever he envied that other men should more achieve in middle-earth of fame under heaven than he himself. -- "Art thou that Beowulf, Breca's rival, who emulous swam on the open sea, when for pride the pair of you proved the floods, and wantonly dared in waters deep to risk your lives? No living man, or lief or loath, from your labor dire could you dissuade, from swimming the main. Ocean-tides with your arms ye covered, with strenuous hands the sea-streets measured, swam o'er the waters. Winter's storm rolled the rough waves. In realm of sea a sennight strove ye. In swimming he topped thee, had more of main! Him at morning-tide billows bore to the Battling Reamas, whence he hied to his home so dear beloved of his liegemen, to land of Brondings, fastness fair, where his folk he ruled, town and treasure. In triumph o'er thee Beanstan's bairn {8b} his boast achieved. So ween I for thee a worse adventure -- though in buffet of battle thou brave hast been, in struggle grim, -- if Grendel's approach thou darst await through the watch of night!" Beowulf spake, bairn of Ecgtheow: -- "What a deal hast uttered, dear my Unferth, drunken with beer, of Breca now, told of his triumph! Truth I claim it, that I had more of might in the sea than any man else, more ocean-endurance. We twain had talked, in time of youth, and made our boast, -- we were merely boys, striplings still, -- to stake our lives far at sea: and so we performed it. Naked swords, as we swam along, we held in hand, with hope to guard us against the whales. Not a whit from me could he float afar o'er the flood of waves, haste o'er the billows; nor him I abandoned. Together we twain on the tides abode five nights full till the flood divided us, churning waves and chillest weather, darkling night, and the northern wind ruthless rushed on us: rough was the surge. Now the wrath of the sea-fish rose apace; yet me 'gainst the monsters my mailed coat, hard and hand-linked, help afforded, -- battle-sark braided my breast to ward, garnished with gold. There grasped me firm and haled me to bottom the hated foe, with grimmest gripe. 'Twas granted me, though, to pierce the monster with point of sword, with blade of battle: huge beast of the sea was whelmed by the hurly through hand of mine. IX ME thus often the evil monsters thronging threatened. With thrust of my sword, the darling, I dealt them due return! Nowise had they bliss from their booty then to devour their victim, vengeful creatures, seated to banquet at bottom of sea; but at break of day, by my brand sore hurt, on the edge of ocean up they lay, put to sleep by the sword. And since, by them on the fathomless sea-ways sailor-folk are never molested. -- Light from east, came bright God's beacon; the billows sank, so that I saw the sea-cliffs high, windy walls. For Wyrd oft saveth earl undoomed if he doughty be! And so it came that I killed with my sword nine of the nicors. Of night-fought battles ne'er heard I a harder 'neath heaven's dome, nor adrift on the deep a more desolate man! Yet I came unharmed from that hostile clutch, though spent with swimming. The sea upbore me, flood of the tide, on Finnish land, the welling waters. No wise of thee have I heard men tell such terror of falchions, bitter battle. Breca ne'er yet, not one of you pair, in the play of war such daring deed has done at all with bloody brand, -- I boast not of it! -- though thou wast the bane {9a} of thy brethren dear, thy closest kin, whence curse of hell awaits thee, well as thy wit may serve! For I say in sooth, thou son of Ecglaf, never had Grendel these grim deeds wrought, monster dire, on thy master dear, in Heorot such havoc, if heart of thine were as battle-bold as thy boast is loud! But he has found no feud will happen; from sword-clash dread of your Danish clan he vaunts him safe, from the Victor-Scyldings. He forces pledges, favors none of the land of Danes, but lustily murders, fights and feasts, nor feud he dreads from Spear-Dane men. But speedily now shall I prove him the prowess and pride of the Geats, shall bid him battle. Blithe to mead go he that listeth, when light of dawn this morrow morning o'er men of earth, ether-robed sun from the south shall beam!" Joyous then was the Jewel-giver, hoar-haired, war-brave; help awaited the Bright-Danes' prince, from Beowulf hearing, folk's good shepherd, such firm resolve. Then was laughter of liegemen loud resounding with winsome words. Came Wealhtheow forth, queen of Hrothgar, heedful of courtesy, gold-decked, greeting the guests in hall; and the high-born lady handed the cup first to the East-Danes' heir and warden, bade him be blithe at the beer-carouse, the land's beloved one. Lustily took he banquet and beaker, battle-famed king. Through the hall then went the Helmings' Lady, to younger and older everywhere carried the cup, till come the moment when the ring-graced queen, the royal-hearted, to Beowulf bore the beaker of mead. She greeted the Geats' lord, God she thanked, in wisdom's words, that her will was granted, that at last on a hero her hope could lean for comfort in terrors. The cup he took, hardy-in-war, from Wealhtheow's hand, and answer uttered the eager-for-combat. Beowulf spake, bairn of Ecgtheow: -- "This was my thought, when my thanes and I bent to the ocean and entered our boat, that I would work the will of your people fully, or fighting fall in death, in fiend's gripe fast. I am firm to do an earl's brave deed, or end the days of this life of mine in the mead-hall here." Well these words to the woman seemed, Beowulf's battle-boast. -- Bright with gold the stately dame by her spouse sat down. Again, as erst, began in hall warriors' wassail and words of power, the proud-band's revel, till presently the son of Healfdene hastened to seek rest for the night; he knew there waited fight for the fiend in that festal hall, when the sheen of the sun they saw no more, and dusk of night sank darkling nigh, and shadowy shapes came striding on, wan under welkin. The warriors rose. Man to man, he made harangue, Hrothgar to Beowulf, bade him hail, let him wield the wine hall: a word he added: -- "Never to any man erst I trusted, since I could heave up hand and shield, this noble Dane-Hall, till now to thee. Have now and hold this house unpeered; remember thy glory; thy might declare; watch for the foe! No wish shall fail thee if thou bidest the battle with bold-won life." X THEN Hrothgar went with his hero-train, defence-of-Scyldings, forth from hall; fain would the war-lord Wealhtheow seek, couch of his queen. The King-of-Glory against this Grendel a guard had set, so heroes heard, a hall-defender, who warded the monarch and watched for the monster. In truth, the Geats' prince gladly trusted his mettle, his might, the mercy of God! Cast off then his corselet of iron, helmet from head; to his henchman gave, -- choicest of weapons, -- the well-chased sword, bidding him guard the gear of battle. Spake then his Vaunt the valiant man, Beowulf Geat, ere the bed be sought: -- "Of force in fight no feebler I count me, in grim war-deeds, than Grendel deems him. Not with the sword, then, to sleep of death his life will I give, though it lie in my power. No skill is his to strike against me, my shield to hew though he hardy be, bold in battle; we both, this night, shall spurn the sword, if he seek me here, unweaponed, for war. Let wisest God, sacred Lord, on which side soever doom decree as he deemeth right." Reclined then the chieftain, and cheek-pillows held the head of the earl, while all about him seamen hardy on hall-beds sank. None of them thought that thence their steps to the folk and fastness that fostered them, to the land they loved, would lead them back! Full well they wist that on warriors many battle-death seized, in the banquet-hall, of Danish clan. But comfort and help, war-weal weaving, to Weder folk the Master gave, that, by might of one, over their enemy all prevailed, by single strength. In sooth 'tis told that highest God o'er human kind hath wielded ever! -- Thro' wan night striding, came the walker-in-shadow. Warriors slept whose hest was to guard the gabled hall, -- all save one. 'Twas widely known that against God's will the ghostly ravager him {10a} could not hurl to haunts of darkness; wakeful, ready, with warrior's wrath, bold he bided the battle's issue. XI THEN from the moorland, by misty crags, with God's wrath laden, Grendel came. The monster was minded of mankind now sundry to seize in the stately house. Under welkin he walked, till the wine-palace there, gold-hall of men, he gladly discerned, flashing with fretwork. Not first time, this, that he the home of Hrothgar sought, -- yet ne'er in his life-day, late or early, such hardy heroes, such hall-thanes, found! To the house the warrior walked apace, parted from peace; {11a} the portal opended, though with forged bolts fast, when his fists had struck it, and baleful he burst in his blatant rage, the house's mouth. All hastily, then, o'er fair-paved floor the fiend trod on, ireful he strode; there streamed from his eyes fearful flashes, like flame to see. He spied in hall the hero-band, kin and clansmen clustered asleep, hardy liegemen. Then laughed his heart; for the monster was minded, ere morn should dawn, savage, to sever the soul of each, life from body, since lusty banquet waited his will! But Wyrd forbade him to seize any more of men on earth after that evening. Eagerly watched Hygelac's kinsman his cursed foe, how he would fare in fell attack. Not that the monster was minded to pause! Straightway he seized a sleeping warrior for the first, and tore him fiercely asunder, the bone-frame bit, drank blood in streams, swallowed him piecemeal: swiftly thus the lifeless corse was clear devoured, e'en feet and hands. Then farther he hied; for the hardy hero with hand he grasped, felt for the foe with fiendish claw, for the hero reclining, -- who clutched it boldly, prompt to answer, propped on his arm. Soon then saw that shepherd-of-evils that never he met in this middle-world, in the ways of earth, another wight with heavier hand-gripe; at heart he feared, sorrowed in soul, -- none the sooner escaped! Fain would he flee, his fastness seek, the den of devils: no doings now such as oft he had done in days of old! Then bethought him the hardy Hygelac-thane of his boast at evening: up he bounded, grasped firm his foe, whose fingers cracked. The fiend made off, but the earl close followed. The monster meant -- if he might at all -- to fling himself free, and far away fly to the fens, -- knew his fingers' power in the gripe of the grim one. Gruesome march to Heorot this monster of harm had made! Din filled the room; the Danes were bereft, castle-dwellers and clansmen all, earls, of their ale. Angry were both those savage hall-guards: the house resounded. Wonder it was the wine-hall firm in the strain of their struggle stood, to earth the fair house fell not; too fast it was within and without by its iron bands craftily clamped; though there crashed from sill many a mead-bench -- men have told me -- gay with gold, where the grim foes wrestled. So well had weened the wisest Scyldings that not ever at all might any man that bone-decked, brave house break asunder, crush by craft, -- unless clasp of fire in smoke engulfed it. -- Again uprose din redoubled. Danes of the North with fear and frenzy were filled, each one, who from the wall that wailing heard, God's foe sounding his grisly song, cry of the conquered, clamorous pain from captive of hell. Too closely held him he who of men in might was strongest in that same day of this our life. XII NOT in any wise would the earls'-defence {12a} suffer that slaughterous stranger to live, useless deeming his days and years to men on earth. Now many an earl of Beowulf brandished blade ancestral, fain the life of their lord to shield, their praised prince, if power were theirs; never they knew, -- as they neared the foe, hardy-hearted heroes of war, aiming their swords on every side the accursed to kill, -- no keenest blade, no farest of falchions fashioned on earth, could harm or hurt that hideous fiend! He was safe, by his spells, from sword of battle, from edge of iron. Yet his end and parting on that same day of this our life woful should be, and his wandering soul far off flit to the fiends' domain. Soon he found, who in former days, harmful in heart and hated of God, on many a man such murder wrought, that the frame of his body failed him now. For him the keen-souled kinsman of Hygelac held in hand; hateful alive was each to other. The outlaw dire took mortal hurt; a mighty wound showed on his shoulder, and sinews cracked, and the bone-frame burst. To Beowulf now the glory was given, and Grendel thence death-sick his den in the dark moor sought, noisome abode: he knew too well that here was the last of life, an end of his days on earth. -- To all the Danes by that bloody battle the boon had come. From ravage had rescued the roving stranger Hrothgar's hall; the hardy and wise one had purged it anew. His night-work pleased him, his deed and its honor. To Eastern Danes had the valiant Geat his vaunt made good, all their sorrow and ills assuaged, their bale of battle borne so long, and all the dole they erst endured pain a-plenty. -- 'Twas proof of this, when the hardy-in-fight a hand laid down, arm and shoulder, -- all, indeed, of Grendel's gripe, -- 'neath the gabled roof. XIII MANY at morning, as men have told me, warriors gathered the gift-hall round, folk-leaders faring from far and near, o'er wide-stretched ways, the wonder to view, trace of the traitor. Not troublous seemed the enemy's end to any man who saw by the gait of the graceless foe how the weary-hearted, away from thence, baffled in battle and banned, his steps death-marked dragged to the devils' mere. Bloody the billows were boiling there, turbid the tide of tumbling waves horribly seething, with sword-blood hot, by that doomed one dyed, who in den of the moor laid forlorn his life adown, his heathen soul, and hell received it. Home then rode the hoary clansmen from that merry journey, and many a youth, on horses white, the hardy warriors, back from the mere. Then Beowulf's glory eager they echoed, and all averred that from sea to sea, or south or north, there was no other in earth's domain, under vault of heaven, more valiant found, of warriors none more worthy to rule! (On their lord beloved they laid no slight, gracious Hrothgar: a good king he!) From time to time, the tried-in-battle their gray steeds set to gallop amain, and ran a race when the road seemed fair. From time to time, a thane of the king, who had made many vaunts, and was mindful of verses, stored with sagas and songs of old, bound word to word in well-knit rime, welded his lay; this warrior soon of Beowulf's quest right cleverly sang, and artfully added an excellent tale, in well-ranged words, of the warlike deeds he had heard in saga of Sigemund. Strange the story: he said it all, -- the Waelsing's wanderings wide, his struggles, which never were told to tribes of men, the feuds and the frauds, save to Fitela only, when of these doings he deigned to speak, uncle to nephew; as ever the twain stood side by side in stress of war, and multitude of the monster kind they had felled with their swords. Of Sigemund grew, when he passed from life, no little praise; for the doughty-in-combat a dragon killed that herded the hoard: {13a} under hoary rock the atheling dared the deed alone fearful quest, nor was Fitela there. Yet so it befell, his falchion pierced that wondrous worm, -- on the wall it struck, best blade; the dragon died in its blood. Thus had the dread-one by daring achieved over the ring-hoard to rule at will, himself to pleasure; a sea-boat he loaded, and bore on its bosom the beaming gold, son of Waels; the worm was consumed. He had of all heroes the highest renown among races of men, this refuge-of-warriors, for deeds of daring that decked his name since the hand and heart of Heremod grew slack in battle. He, swiftly banished to mingle with monsters at mercy of foes, to death was betrayed; for torrents of sorrow had lamed him too long; a load of care to earls and athelings all he proved. Oft indeed, in earlier days, for the warrior's wayfaring wise men mourned, who had hoped of him help from harm and bale, and had thought their sovran's son would thrive, follow his father, his folk protect, the hoard and the stronghold, heroes' land, home of Scyldings. -- But here, thanes said, the kinsman of Hygelac kinder seemed to all: the other {13b} was urged to crime! And afresh to the race, {13c} the fallow roads by swift steeds measured! The morning sun was climbing higher. Clansmen hastened to the high-built hall, those hardy-minded, the wonder to witness. Warden of treasure, crowned with glory, the king himself, with stately band from the bride-bower strode; and with him the queen and her crowd of maidens measured the path to the mead-house fair. XIV HROTHGAR spake, -- to the hall he went, stood by the steps, the steep roof saw, garnished with gold, and Grendel's hand: -- "For the sight I see to the Sovran Ruler be speedy thanks! A throng of sorrows I have borne from Grendel; but God still works wonder on wonder, the Warden-of-Glory. It was but now that I never more for woes that weighed on me waited help long as I lived, when, laved in blood, stood sword-gore-stained this stateliest house, -- widespread woe for wise men all, who had no hope to hinder ever foes infernal and fiendish sprites from havoc in hall. This hero now, by the Wielder's might, a work has done that not all of us erst could ever do by wile and wisdom. Lo, well can she say whoso of women this warrior bore among sons of men, if still she liveth, that the God of the ages was good to her in the birth of her bairn. Now, Beowulf, thee, of heroes best, I shall heartily love as mine own, my son; preserve thou ever this kinship new: thou shalt never lack wealth of the world that I wield as mine! Full oft for less have I largess showered, my precious hoard, on a punier man, less stout in struggle. Thyself hast now fulfilled such deeds, that thy fame shall endure through all the ages. As ever he did, well may the Wielder reward thee still!" Beowulf spake, bairn of Ecgtheow: -- "This work of war most willingly we have fought, this fight, and fearlessly dared force of the foe. Fain, too, were I hadst thou but seen himself, what time the fiend in his trappings tottered to fall! Swiftly, I thought, in strongest gripe on his bed of death to bind him down, that he in the hent of this hand of mine should breathe his last: but he broke away. Him I might not -- the Maker willed not -- hinder from flight, and firm enough hold the life-destroyer: too sturdy was he, the ruthless, in running! For rescue, however, he left behind him his hand in pledge, arm and shoulder; nor aught of help could the cursed one thus procure at all. None the longer liveth he, loathsome fiend, sunk in his sins, but sorrow holds him tightly grasped in gripe of anguish, in baleful bonds, where bide he must, evil outlaw, such awful doom as the Mighty Maker shall mete him out." More silent seemed the son of Ecglaf {14a} in boastful speech of his battle-deeds, since athelings all, through the earl's great prowess, beheld that hand, on the high roof gazing, foeman's fingers, -- the forepart of each of the sturdy nails to steel was likest, -- heathen's "hand-spear," hostile warrior's claw uncanny. 'Twas clear, they said, that him no blade of the brave could touch, how keen soever, or cut away that battle-hand bloody from baneful foe. XV THERE was hurry and hest in Heorot now for hands to bedeck it, and dense was the throng of men and women the wine-hall to cleanse, the guest-room to garnish. Gold-gay shone the hangings that were wove on the wall, and wonders many to delight each mortal that looks upon them. Though braced within by iron bands, that building bright was broken sorely; {15a} rent were its hinges; the roof alone held safe and sound, when, seared with crime, the fiendish foe his flight essayed, of life despairing. -- No light thing that, the flight for safety, -- essay it who will! Forced of fate, he shall find his way to the refuge ready for race of man, for soul-possessors, and sons of earth; and there his body on bed of death shall rest after revel. Arrived was the hour when to hall proceeded Healfdene's son: the king himself would sit to banquet. Ne'er heard I of host in haughtier throng more graciously gathered round giver-of-rings! Bowed then to bench those bearers-of-glory, fain of the feasting. Featly received many a mead-cup the mighty-in-spirit, kinsmen who sat in the sumptuous hall, Hrothgar and Hrothulf. Heorot now was filled with friends; the folk of Scyldings ne'er yet had tried the traitor's deed. To Beowulf gave the bairn of Healfdene a gold-wove banner, guerdon of triumph, broidered battle-flag, breastplate and helmet; and a splendid sword was seen of many borne to the brave one. Beowulf took cup in hall: {15b} for such costly gifts he suffered no shame in that soldier throng. For I heard of few heroes, in heartier mood, with four such gifts, so fashioned with gold, on the ale-bench honoring others thus! O'er the roof of the helmet high, a ridge, wound with wires, kept ward o'er the head, lest the relict-of-files {15c} should fierce invade, sharp in the strife, when that shielded hero should go to grapple against his foes. Then the earls'-defence {15d} on the floor {15e} bade lead coursers eight, with carven head-gear, adown the hall: one horse was decked with a saddle all shining and set in jewels; 'twas the battle-seat of the best of kings, when to play of swords the son of Healfdene was fain to fare. Ne'er failed his valor in the crush of combat when corpses fell. To Beowulf over them both then gave the refuge-of-Ingwines right and power, o'er war-steeds and weapons: wished him joy of them. Manfully thus the mighty prince, hoard-guard for heroes, that hard fight repaid with steeds and treasures contemned by none who is willing to say the sooth aright. XVI AND the lord of earls, to each that came with Beowulf over the briny ways, an heirloom there at the ale-bench gave, precious gift; and the price {16a} bade pay in gold for him whom Grendel erst murdered, -- and fain of them more had killed, had not wisest God their Wyrd averted, and the man's {16b} brave mood. The Maker then ruled human kind, as here and now. Therefore is insight always best, and forethought of mind. How much awaits him of lief and of loath, who long time here, through days of warfare this world endures! Then song and music mingled sounds in the presence of Healfdene's head-of-armies {16c} and harping was heard with the hero-lay as Hrothgar's singer the hall-joy woke along the mead-seats, making his song of that sudden raid on the sons of Finn. {16d} Healfdene's hero, Hnaef the Scylding, was fated to fall in the Frisian slaughter. {16e} Hildeburh needed not hold in value her enemies' honor! {16f} Innocent both were the loved ones she lost at the linden-play, bairn and brother, they bowed to fate, stricken by spears; 'twas a sorrowful woman! None doubted why the daughter of Hoc bewailed her doom when dawning came, and under the sky she saw them lying, kinsmen murdered, where most she had kenned of the sweets of the world! By war were swept, too, Finn's own liegemen, and few were left; in the parleying-place {16g} he could ply no longer weapon, nor war could he wage on Hengest, and rescue his remnant by right of arms from the prince's thane. A pact he offered: another dwelling the Danes should have, hall and high-seat, and half the power should fall to them in Frisian land; and at the fee-gifts, Folcwald's son day by day the Danes should honor, the folk of Hengest favor with rings, even as truly, with treasure and jewels, with fretted gold, as his Frisian kin he meant to honor in ale-hall there. Pact of peace they plighted further on both sides firmly. Finn to Hengest with oath, upon honor, openly promised that woful remnant, with wise-men's aid, nobly to govern, so none of the guests by word or work should warp the treaty, {16h} or with malice of mind bemoan themselves as forced to follow their fee-giver's slayer, lordless men, as their lot ordained. Should Frisian, moreover, with foeman's taunt, that murderous hatred to mind recall, then edge of the sword must seal his doom. Oaths were given, and ancient gold heaped from hoard. -- The hardy Scylding, battle-thane best, {16i} on his balefire lay. All on the pyre were plain to see the gory sark, the gilded swine-crest, boar of hard iron, and athelings many slain by the sword: at the slaughter they fell. It was Hildeburh's hest, at Hnaef's own pyre the bairn of her body on brands to lay, his bones to burn, on the balefire placed, at his uncle's side. In sorrowful dirges bewept them the woman: great wailing ascended. Then wound up to welkin the wildest of death-fires, roared o'er the hillock: {16j} heads all were melted, gashes burst, and blood gushed out from bites {16k} of the body. Balefire devoured, greediest spirit, those spared not by war out of either folk: their flower was gone. XVII THEN hastened those heroes their home to see, friendless, to find the Frisian land, houses and high burg. Hengest still through the death-dyed winter dwelt with Finn, holding pact, yet of home he minded, though powerless his ring-decked prow to drive over the waters, now waves rolled fierce lashed by the winds, or winter locked them in icy fetters. Then fared another year to men's dwellings, as yet they do, the sunbright skies, that their season ever duly await. Far off winter was driven; fair lay earth's breast; and fain was the rover, the guest, to depart, though more gladly he pondered on wreaking his vengeance than roaming the deep, and how to hasten the hot encounter where sons of the Frisians were sure to be. So he escaped not the common doom, when Hun with "Lafing," the light-of-battle, best of blades, his bosom pierced: its edge was famed with the Frisian earls. On fierce-heart Finn there fell likewise, on himself at home, the horrid sword-death; for Guthlaf and Oslaf of grim attack had sorrowing told, from sea-ways landed, mourning their woes. {17a} Finn's wavering spirit bode not in breast. The burg was reddened with blood of foemen, and Finn was slain, king amid clansmen; the queen was taken. To their ship the Scylding warriors bore all the chattels the chieftain owned, whatever they found in Finn's domain of gems and jewels. The gentle wife o'er paths of the deep to the Danes they bore, led to her land. The lay was finished, the gleeman's song. Then glad rose the revel; bench-joy brightened. Bearers draw from their "wonder-vats" wine. Comes Wealhtheow forth, under gold-crown goes where the good pair sit, uncle and nephew, true each to the other one, kindred in amity. Unferth the spokesman at the Scylding lord's feet sat: men had faith in his spirit, his keenness of courage, though kinsmen had found him unsure at the sword-play. The Scylding queen spoke: "Quaff of this cup, my king and lord, breaker of rings, and blithe be thou, gold-friend of men; to the Geats here speak such words of mildness as man should use. Be glad with thy Geats; of those gifts be mindful, or near or far, which now thou hast. Men say to me, as son thou wishest yon hero to hold. Thy Heorot purged, jewel-hall brightest, enjoy while thou canst, with many a largess; and leave to thy kin folk and realm when forth thou goest to greet thy doom. For gracious I deem my Hrothulf, {17b} willing to hold and rule nobly our youths, if thou yield up first, prince of Scyldings, thy part in the world. I ween with good he will well requite offspring of ours, when all he minds that for him we did in his helpless days of gift and grace to gain him honor!" Then she turned to the seat where her sons wereplaced, Hrethric and Hrothmund, with heroes' bairns, young men together: the Geat, too, sat there, Beowulf brave, the brothers between. XVIII A CUP she gave him, with kindly greeting and winsome words. Of wounden gold, she offered, to honor him, arm-jewels twain, corselet and rings, and of collars the noblest that ever I knew the earth around. Ne'er heard I so mighty, 'neath heaven's dome, a hoard-gem of heroes, since Hama bore to his bright-built burg the Brisings' necklace, jewel and gem casket. -- Jealousy fled he, Eormenric's hate: chose help eternal. Hygelac Geat, grandson of Swerting, on the last of his raids this ring bore with him, under his banner the booty defending, the war-spoil warding; but Wyrd o'erwhelmed him what time, in his daring, dangers he sought, feud with Frisians. Fairest of gems he bore with him over the beaker-of-waves, sovran strong: under shield he died. Fell the corpse of the king into keeping of Franks, gear of the breast, and that gorgeous ring; weaker warriors won the spoil, after gripe of battle, from Geatland's lord, and held the death-field. Din rose in hall. Wealhtheow spake amid warriors, and said: -- "This jewel enjoy in thy jocund youth, Beowulf lov'd, these battle-weeds wear, a royal treasure, and richly thrive! Preserve thy strength, and these striplings here counsel in kindness: requital be mine. Hast done such deeds, that for days to come thou art famed among folk both far and near, so wide as washeth the wave of Ocean his windy walls. Through the ways of life prosper, O prince! I pray for thee rich possessions. To son of mine be helpful in deed and uphold his joys! Here every earl to the other is true, mild of mood, to the master loyal! Thanes are friendly, the throng obedient, liegemen are revelling: list and obey!" Went then to her place. -- That was proudest of feasts; flowed wine for the warriors. Wyrd they knew not, destiny dire, and the doom to be seen by many an earl when eve should come, and Hrothgar homeward hasten away, royal, to rest. The room was guarded by an army of earls, as erst was done. They bared the bench-boards; abroad they spread beds and bolsters. -- One beer-carouser in danger of doom lay down in the hall. -- At their heads they set their shields of war, bucklers bright; on the bench were there over each atheling, easy to see, the high battle-helmet, the haughty spear, the corselet of rings. 'Twas their custom so ever to be for battle prepared, at home, or harrying, which it were, even as oft as evil threatened their sovran king. -- They were clansmen good. XIX THEN sank they to sleep. With sorrow one bought his rest of the evening, -- as ofttime had happened when Grendel guarded that golden hall, evil wrought, till his end drew nigh, slaughter for sins. 'Twas seen and told how an avenger survived the fiend, as was learned afar. The livelong time after that grim fight, Grendel's mother, monster of women, mourned her woe. She was doomed to dwell in the dreary waters, cold sea-courses, since Cain cut down with edge of the sword his only brother, his father's offspring: outlawed he fled, marked with murder, from men's delights warded the wilds. -- There woke from him such fate-sent ghosts as Grendel, who, war-wolf horrid, at Heorot found a warrior watching and waiting the fray, with whom the grisly one grappled amain. But the man remembered his mighty power, the glorious gift that God had sent him, in his Maker's mercy put his trust for comfort and help: so he conquered the foe, felled the fiend, who fled abject, reft of joy, to the realms of death, mankind's foe. And his mother now, gloomy and grim, would go that quest of sorrow, the death of her son to avenge. To Heorot came she, where helmeted Danes slept in the hall. Too soon came back old ills of the earls, when in she burst, the mother of Grendel. Less grim, though, that terror, e'en as terror of woman in war is less, might of maid, than of men in arms when, hammer-forged, the falchion hard, sword gore-stained, through swine of the helm, crested, with keen blade carves amain. Then was in hall the hard-edge drawn, the swords on the settles, {19a} and shields a-many firm held in hand: nor helmet minded nor harness of mail, whom that horror seized. Haste was hers; she would hie afar and save her life when the liegemen saw her. Yet a single atheling up she seized fast and firm, as she fled to the moor. He was for Hrothgar of heroes the dearest, of trusty vassals betwixt the seas, whom she killed on his couch, a clansman famous, in battle brave. -- Nor was Beowulf there; another house had been held apart, after giving of gold, for the Geat renowned. -- Uproar filled Heorot; the hand all had viewed, blood-flecked, she bore with her; bale was returned, dole in the dwellings: 'twas dire exchange where Dane and Geat were doomed to give the lives of loved ones. Long-tried king, the hoary hero, at heart was sad when he knew his noble no more lived, and dead indeed was his dearest thane. To his bower was Beowulf brought in haste, dauntless victor. As daylight broke, along with his earls the atheling lord, with his clansmen, came where the king abode waiting to see if the Wielder-of-All would turn this tale of trouble and woe. Strode o'er floor the famed-in-strife, with his hand-companions, -- the hall resounded, -- wishing to greet the wise old king, Ingwines' lord; he asked if the night had passed in peace to the prince's mind. XX HROTHGAR spake, helmet-of-Scyldings: -- "Ask not of pleasure! Pain is renewed to Danish folk. Dead is Aeschere, of Yrmenlaf the elder brother, my sage adviser and stay in council, shoulder-comrade in stress of fight when warriors clashed and we warded our heads, hewed the helm-boars; hero famed should be every earl as Aeschere was! But here in Heorot a hand hath slain him of wandering death-sprite. I wot not whither, {20a} proud of the prey, her path she took, fain of her fill. The feud she avenged that yesternight, unyieldingly, Grendel in grimmest grasp thou killedst, -- seeing how long these liegemen mine he ruined and ravaged. Reft of life, in arms he fell. Now another comes, keen and cruel, her kin to avenge, faring far in feud of blood: so that many a thane shall think, who e'er sorrows in soul for that sharer of rings, this is hardest of heart-bales. The hand lies low that once was willing each wish to please. Land-dwellers here {20b} and liegemen mine, who house by those parts, I have heard relate that such a pair they have sometimes seen, march-stalkers mighty the moorland haunting, wandering spirits: one of them seemed, so far as my folk could fairly judge, of womankind; and one, accursed, in man's guise trod the misery-track of exile, though huger than human bulk. Grendel in days long gone they named him, folk of the land; his father they knew not, nor any brood that was born to him of treacherous spirits. Untrod is their home; by wolf-cliffs haunt they and windy headlands, fenways fearful, where flows the stream from mountains gliding to gloom of the rocks, underground flood. Not far is it hence in measure of miles that the mere expands, and o'er it the frost-bound forest hanging, sturdily rooted, shadows the wave. By night is a wonder weird to see, fire on the waters. So wise lived none of the sons of men, to search those depths! Nay, though the heath-rover, harried by dogs, the horn-proud hart, this holt should seek, long distance driven, his dear life first on the brink he yields ere he brave the plunge to hide his head: 'tis no happy place! Thence the welter of waters washes up wan to welkin when winds bestir evil storms, and air grows dusk, and the heavens weep. Now is help once more with thee alone! The land thou knowst not, place of fear, where thou findest out that sin-flecked being. Seek if thou dare! I will reward thee, for waging this fight, with ancient treasure, as erst I did, with winding gold, if thou winnest back." XXI BEOWULF spake, bairn of Ecgtheow: "Sorrow not, sage! It beseems us better friends to avenge than fruitlessly mourn them. Each of us all must his end abide in the ways of the world; so win who may glory ere death! When his days are told, that is the warrior's worthiest doom. Rise, O realm-warder! Ride we anon, and mark the trail of the mother of Grendel. No harbor shall hide her -- heed my promise! -- enfolding of field or forested mountain or floor of the flood, let her flee where she will! But thou this day endure in patience, as I ween thou wilt, thy woes each one." Leaped up the graybeard: God he thanked, mighty Lord, for the man's brave words. For Hrothgar soon a horse was saddled wave-maned steed. The sovran wise stately rode on; his shield-armed men followed in force. The footprints led along the woodland, widely seen, a path o'er the plain, where she passed, and trod the murky moor; of men-at-arms she bore the bravest and best one, dead, him who with Hrothgar the homestead ruled. On then went the atheling-born o'er stone-cliffs steep and strait defiles, narrow passes and unknown ways, headlands sheer, and the haunts of the Nicors. Foremost he {21a} fared, a few at his side of the wiser men, the ways to scan, till he found in a flash the forested hill hanging over the hoary rock, a woful wood: the waves below were dyed in blood. The Danish men had sorrow of soul, and for Scyldings all, for many a hero, 'twas hard to bear, ill for earls, when Aeschere's head they found by the flood on the foreland there. Waves were welling, the warriors saw, hot with blood; but the horn sang oft battle-song bold. The band sat down, and watched on the water worm-like things, sea-dragons strange that sounded the deep, and nicors that lay on the ledge of the ness -- such as oft essay at hour of morn on the road-of-sails their ruthless quest, -- and sea-snakes and monsters. These started away, swollen and savage that song to hear, that war-horn's blast. The warden of Geats, with bolt from bow, then balked of life, of wave-work, one monster, amid its heart went the keen war-shaft; in water it seemed less doughty in swimming whom death had seized. Swift on the billows, with boar-spears well hooked and barbed, it was hard beset, done to death and dragged on the headland, wave-roamer wondrous. Warriors viewed the grisly guest. Then girt him Beowulf in martial mail, nor mourned for his life. His breastplate broad and bright of hues, woven by hand, should the waters try; well could it ward the warrior's body that battle should break on his breast in vain nor harm his heart by the hand of a foe. And the helmet white that his head protected was destined to dare the deeps of the flood, through wave-whirl win: 'twas wound with chains, decked with gold, as in days of yore the weapon-smith worked it wondrously, with swine-forms set it, that swords nowise, brandished in battle, could bite that helm. Nor was that the meanest of mighty helps which Hrothgar's orator offered at need: "Hrunting" they named the hilted sword, of old-time heirlooms easily first; iron was its edge, all etched with poison, with battle-blood hardened, nor blenched it at fight in hero's hand who held it ever, on paths of peril prepared to go to folkstead {21b} of foes. Not first time this it was destined to do a daring task. For he bore not in mind, the bairn of Ecglaf sturdy and strong, that speech he had made, drunk with wine, now this weapon he lent to a stouter swordsman. Himself, though, durst not under welter of waters wager his life as loyal liegeman. So lost he his glory, honor of earls. With the other not so, who girded him now for the grim encounter. XXII BEOWULF spake, bairn of Ecgtheow: -- "Have mind, thou honored offspring of Healfdene gold-friend of men, now I go on this quest, sovran wise, what once was said: if in thy cause it came that I should lose my life, thou wouldst loyal bide to me, though fallen, in father's place! Be guardian, thou, to this group of my thanes, my warrior-friends, if War should seize me; and the goodly gifts thou gavest me, Hrothgar beloved, to Hygelac send! Geatland's king may ken by the gold, Hrethel's son see, when he stares at the treasure, that I got me a friend for goodness famed, and joyed while I could in my jewel-bestower. And let Unferth wield this wondrous sword, earl far-honored, this heirloom precious, hard of edge: with Hrunting I seek doom of glory, or Death shall take me." After these words the Weder-Geat lord boldly hastened, biding never answer at all: the ocean floods closed o'er the hero. Long while of the day fled ere he felt the floor of the sea. Soon found the fiend who the flood-domain sword-hungry held these hundred winters, greedy and grim, that some guest from above, some man, was raiding her monster-realm. She grasped out for him with grisly claws, and the warrior seized; yet scathed she not his body hale; the breastplate hindered, as she strove to shatter the sark of war, the linked harness, with loathsome hand. Then bore this brine-wolf, when bottom she touched, the lord of rings to the lair she haunted whiles vainly he strove, though his valor held, weapon to wield against wondrous monsters that sore beset him; sea-beasts many tried with fierce tusks to tear his mail, and swarmed on the stranger. But soon he marked he was now in some hall, he knew not which, where water never could work him harm, nor through the roof could reach him ever fangs of the flood. Firelight he saw, beams of a blaze that brightly shone. Then the warrior was ware of that wolf-of-the-deep, mere-wife monstrous. For mighty stroke he swung his blade, and the blow withheld not. Then sang on her head that seemly blade its war-song wild. But the warrior found the light-of-battle {22a} was loath to bite, to harm the heart: its hard edge failed the noble at need, yet had known of old strife hand to hand, and had helmets cloven, doomed men's fighting-gear. First time, this, for the gleaming blade that its glory fell. Firm still stood, nor failed in valor, heedful of high deeds, Hygelac's kinsman; flung away fretted sword, featly jewelled, the angry earl; on earth it lay steel-edged and stiff. His strength he trusted, hand-gripe of might. So man shall do whenever in war he weens to earn him lasting fame, nor fears for his life! Seized then by shoulder, shrank not from combat, the Geatish war-prince Grendel's mother. Flung then the fierce one, filled with wrath, his deadly foe, that she fell to ground. Swift on her part she paid him back with grisly grasp, and grappled with him. Spent with struggle, stumbled the warrior, fiercest of fighting-men, fell adown. On the hall-guest she hurled herself, hent her short sword, broad and brown-edged, {22b} the bairn to avenge, the sole-born son. -- On his shoulder lay braided breast-mail, barring death, withstanding entrance of edge or blade. Life would have ended for Ecgtheow's son, under wide earth for that earl of Geats, had his armor of war not aided him, battle-net hard, and holy God wielded the victory, wisest Maker. The Lord of Heaven allowed his cause; and easily rose the earl erect. XXIII 'MID the battle-gear saw he a blade triumphant, old-sword of Eotens, with edge of proof, warriors' heirloom, weapon unmatched, -- save only 'twas more than other men to bandy-of-battle could bear at all -- as the giants had wrought it, ready and keen. Seized then its chain-hilt the Scyldings' chieftain, bold and battle-grim, brandished the sword, reckless of life, and so wrathfully smote that it gripped her neck and grasped her hard, her bone-rings breaking: the blade pierced through that fated-one's flesh: to floor she sank. Bloody the blade: he was blithe of his deed. Then blazed forth light. 'Twas bright within as when from the sky there shines unclouded heaven's candle. The hall he scanned. By the wall then went he; his weapon raised high by its hilts the Hygelac-thane, angry and eager. That edge was not useless to the warrior now. He wished with speed Grendel to guerdon for grim raids many, for the war he waged on Western-Danes oftener far than an only time, when of Hrothgar's hearth-companions he slew in slumber, in sleep devoured, fifteen men of the folk of Danes, and as many others outward bore, his horrible prey. Well paid for that the wrathful prince! For now prone he saw Grendel stretched there, spent with war, spoiled of life, so scathed had left him Heorot's battle. The body sprang far when after death it endured the blow, sword-stroke savage, that severed its head. Soon, {23a} then, saw the sage companions who waited with Hrothgar, watching the flood, that the tossing waters turbid grew, blood-stained the mere. Old men together, hoary-haired, of the hero spake; the warrior would not, they weened, again, proud of conquest, come to seek their mighty master. To many it seemed the wolf-of-the-waves had won his life. The ninth hour came. The noble Scyldings left the headland; homeward went the gold-friend of men. {23b} But the guests sat on, stared at the surges, sick in heart, and wished, yet weened not, their winsome lord again to see. Now that sword began, from blood of the fight, in battle-droppings, {23c} war-blade, to wane: 'twas a wondrous thing that all of it melted as ice is wont when frosty fetters the Father loosens, unwinds the wave-bonds, wielding all seasons and times: the true God he! Nor took from that dwelling the duke of the Geats save only the head and that hilt withal blazoned with jewels: the blade had melted, burned was the bright sword, her blood was so hot, so poisoned the hell-sprite who perished within there. Soon he was swimming who safe saw in combat downfall of demons; up-dove through the flood. The clashing waters were cleansed now, waste of waves, where the wandering fiend her life-days left and this lapsing world. Swam then to strand the sailors'-refuge, sturdy-in-spirit, of sea-booty glad, of burden brave he bore with him. Went then to greet him, and God they thanked, the thane-band choice of their chieftain blithe, that safe and sound they could see him again. Soon from the hardy one helmet and armor deftly they doffed: now drowsed the mere, water 'neath welkin, with war-blood stained. Forth they fared by the footpaths thence, merry at heart the highways measured, well-known roads. Courageous men carried the head from the cliff by the sea, an arduous task for all the band, the firm in fight, since four were needed on the shaft-of-slaughter {23d} strenuously to bear to the gold-hall Grendel's head. So presently to the palace there foemen fearless, fourteen Geats, marching came. Their master-of-clan mighty amid them the meadow-ways trod. Strode then within the sovran thane fearless in fight, of fame renowned, hardy hero, Hrothgar to greet. And next by the hair into hall was borne Grendel's head, where the henchmen were drinking, an awe to clan and queen alike, a monster of marvel: the men looked on. XXIV BEOWULF spake, bairn of Ecgtheow: -- "Lo, now, this sea-booty, son of Healfdene, Lord of Scyldings, we've lustily brought thee, sign of glory; thou seest it here. Not lightly did I with my life escape! In war under water this work I essayed with endless effort; and even so my strength had been lost had the Lord not shielded me. Not a whit could I with Hrunting do in work of war, though the weapon is good; yet a sword the Sovran of Men vouchsafed me to spy on the wall there, in splendor hanging, old, gigantic, -- how oft He guides the friendless wight! -- and I fought with that brand, felling in fight, since fate was with me, the house's wardens. That war-sword then all burned, bright blade, when the blood gushed o'er it, battle-sweat hot; but the hilt I brought back from my foes. So avenged I their fiendish deeds death-fall of Danes, as was due and right. And this is my hest, that in Heorot now safe thou canst sleep with thy soldier band, and every thane of all thy folk both old and young; no evil fear, Scyldings' lord, from that side again, aught ill for thy earls, as erst thou must!" Then the golden hilt, for that gray-haired leader, hoary hero, in hand was laid, giant-wrought, old. So owned and enjoyed it after downfall of devils, the Danish lord, wonder-smiths' work, since the world was rid of that grim-souled fiend, the foe of God, murder-marked, and his mother as well. Now it passed into power of the people's king, best of all that the oceans bound who have scattered their gold o'er Scandia's isle. Hrothgar spake -- the hilt he viewed, heirloom old, where was etched the rise of that far-off fight when the floods o'erwhelmed, raging waves, the race of giants (fearful their fate!), a folk estranged from God Eternal: whence guerdon due in that waste of waters the Wielder paid them. So on the guard of shining gold in runic staves it was rightly said for whom the serpent-traced sword was wrought, best of blades, in bygone days, and the hilt well wound. -- The wise-one spake, son of Healfdene; silent were all: -- "Lo, so may he say who sooth and right follows 'mid folk, of far times mindful, a land-warden old, {24a} that this earl belongs to the better breed! So, borne aloft, thy fame must fly, O friend my Beowulf, far and wide o'er folksteads many. Firmly thou shalt all maintain, mighty strength with mood of wisdom. Love of mine will I assure thee, as, awhile ago, I promised; thou shalt prove a stay in future, in far-off years, to folk of thine, to the heroes a help. Was not Heremod thus to offspring of Ecgwela, Honor-Scyldings, nor grew for their grace, but for grisly slaughter, for doom of death to the Danishmen. He slew, wrath-swollen, his shoulder-comrades, companions at board! So he passed alone, chieftain haughty, from human cheer. Though him the Maker with might endowed, delights of power, and uplifted high above all men, yet blood-fierce his mind, his breast-hoard, grew, no bracelets gave he to Danes as was due; he endured all joyless strain of struggle and stress of woe, long feud with his folk. Here find thy lesson! Of virtue advise thee! This verse I have said for thee, wise from lapsed winters. Wondrous seems how to sons of men Almighty God in the strength of His spirit sendeth wisdom, estate, high station: He swayeth all things. Whiles He letteth right lustily fare the heart of the hero of high-born race, -- in seat ancestral assigns him bliss, his folk's sure fortress in fee to hold, puts in his power great parts of the earth, empire so ample, that end of it this wanter-of-wisdom weeneth none. So he waxes in wealth, nowise can harm him illness or age; no evil cares shadow his spirit; no sword-hate threatens from ever an enemy: all the world wends at his will, no worse he knoweth, till all within him obstinate pride waxes and wakes while the warden slumbers, the spirit's sentry; sleep is too fast which masters his might, and the murderer nears, stealthily shooting the shafts from his bow! XXV "UNDER harness his heart then is hit indeed by sharpest shafts; and no shelter avails from foul behest of the hellish fiend. {25a} Him seems too little what long he possessed. Greedy and grim, no golden rings he gives for his pride; the promised future forgets he and spurns, with all God has sent him, Wonder-Wielder, of wealth and fame. Yet in the end it ever comes that the frame of the body fragile yields, fated falls; and there follows another who joyously the jewels divides, the royal riches, nor recks of his forebear. Ban, then, such baleful thoughts, Beowulf dearest, best of men, and the better part choose, profit eternal; and temper thy pride, warrior famous! The flower of thy might lasts now a while: but erelong it shall be that sickness or sword thy strength shall minish, or fang of fire, or flooding billow, or bite of blade, or brandished spear, or odious age; or the eyes' clear beam wax dull and darken: Death even thee in haste shall o'erwhelm, thou hero of war! So the Ring-Danes these half-years a hundred I ruled, wielded 'neath welkin, and warded them bravely from mighty-ones many o'er middle-earth, from spear and sword, till it seemed for me no foe could be found under fold of the sky. Lo, sudden the shift! To me seated secure came grief for joy when Grendel began to harry my home, the hellish foe; for those ruthless raids, unresting I suffered heart-sorrow heavy. Heaven be thanked, Lord Eternal, for life extended that I on this head all hewn and bloody, after long evil, with eyes may gaze! -- Go to the bench now! Be glad at banquet, warrior worthy! A wealth of treasure at dawn of day, be dealt between us!" Glad was the Geats' lord, going betimes to seek his seat, as the Sage commanded. Afresh, as before, for the famed-in-battle, for the band of the hall, was a banquet dight nobly anew. The Night-Helm darkened dusk o'er the drinkers. The doughty ones rose: for the hoary-headed would hasten to rest, aged Scylding; and eager the Geat, shield-fighter sturdy, for sleeping yearned. Him wander-weary, warrior-guest from far, a hall-thane heralded forth, who by custom courtly cared for all needs of a thane as in those old days warrior-wanderers wont to have. So slumbered the stout-heart. Stately the hall rose gabled and gilt where the guest slept on till a raven black the rapture-of-heaven {25b} blithe-heart boded. Bright came flying shine after shadow. The swordsmen hastened, athelings all were eager homeward forth to fare; and far from thence the great-hearted guest would guide his keel. Bade then the hardy-one Hrunting be brought to the son of Ecglaf, the sword bade him take, excellent iron, and uttered his thanks for it, quoth that he counted it keen in battle, "war-friend" winsome: with words he slandered not edge of the blade: 'twas a big-hearted man! Now eager for parting and armed at point warriors waited, while went to his host that Darling of Danes. The doughty atheling to high-seat hastened and Hrothgar greeted. XXVI BEOWULF spake, bairn of Ecgtheow: -- "Lo, we seafarers say our will, far-come men, that we fain would seek Hygelac now. We here have found hosts to our heart: thou hast harbored us well. If ever on earth I am able to win me more of thy love, O lord of men, aught anew, than I now have done, for work of war I am willing still! If it come to me ever across the seas that neighbor foemen annoy and fright thee, -- as they that hate thee erewhile have used, -- thousands then of thanes I shall bring, heroes to help thee. Of Hygelac I know, ward of his folk, that, though few his years, the lord of the Geats will give me aid by word and by work, that well I may serve thee, wielding the war-wood to win thy triumph and lending thee might when thou lackest men. If thy Hrethric should come to court of Geats, a sovran's son, he will surely there find his friends. A far-off land each man should visit who vaunts him brave." Him then answering, Hrothgar spake: -- "These words of thine the wisest God sent to thy soul! No sager counsel from so young in years e'er yet have I heard. Thou art strong of main and in mind art wary, art wise in words! I ween indeed if ever it hap that Hrethel's heir by spear be seized, by sword-grim battle, by illness or iron, thine elder and lord, people's leader, -- and life be thine, -- no seemlier man will the Sea-Geats find at all to choose for their chief and king, for hoard-guard of heroes, if hold thou wilt thy kinsman's kingdom! Thy keen mind pleases me the longer the better, Beowulf loved! Thou hast brought it about that both our peoples, sons of the Geat and Spear-Dane folk, shall have mutual peace, and from murderous strife, such as once they waged, from war refrain. Long as I rule this realm so wide, let our hoards be common, let heroes with gold each other greet o'er the gannet's-bath, and the ringed-prow bear o'er rolling waves tokens of love. I trow my landfolk towards friend and foe are firmly joined, and honor they keep in the olden way." To him in the hall, then, Healfdene's son gave treasures twelve, and the trust-of-earls bade him fare with the gifts to his folk beloved, hale to his home, and in haste return. Then kissed the king of kin renowned, Scyldings' chieftain, that choicest thane, and fell on his neck. Fast flowed the tears of the hoary-headed. Heavy with winters, he had chances twain, but he clung to this, {26a} -- that each should look on the other again, and hear him in hall. Was this hero so dear to him. his breast's wild billows he banned in vain; safe in his soul a secret longing, locked in his mind, for that loved man burned in his blood. Then Beowulf strode, glad of his gold-gifts, the grass-plot o'er, warrior blithe. The wave-roamer bode riding at anchor, its owner awaiting. As they hastened onward, Hrothgar's gift they lauded at length. -- 'Twas a lord unpeered, every way blameless, till age had broken -- it spareth no mortal -- his splendid might. XXVII CAME now to ocean the ever-courageous hardy henchmen, their harness bearing, woven war-sarks. The warden marked, trusty as ever, the earl's return. From the height of the hill no hostile words reached the guests as he rode to greet them; but "Welcome!" he called to that Weder clan as the sheen-mailed spoilers to ship marched on. Then on the strand, with steeds and treasure and armor their roomy and ring-dight ship was heavily laden: high its mast rose over Hrothgar's hoarded gems. A sword to the boat-guard Beowulf gave, mounted with gold; on the mead-bench since he was better esteemed, that blade possessing, heirloom old. -- Their ocean-keel boarding, they drove through the deep, and Daneland left. A sea-cloth was set, a sail with ropes, firm to the mast; the flood-timbers moaned; {27a} nor did wind over billows that wave-swimmer blow across from her course. The craft sped on, foam-necked it floated forth o'er the waves, keel firm-bound over briny currents, till they got them sight of the Geatish cliffs, home-known headlands. High the boat, stirred by winds, on the strand updrove. Helpful at haven the harbor-guard stood, who long already for loved companions by the water had waited and watched afar. He bound to the beach the broad-bosomed ship with anchor-bands, lest ocean-billows that trusty timber should tear away. Then Beowulf bade them bear the treasure, gold and jewels; no journey far was it thence to go to the giver of rings, Hygelac Hrethling: at home he dwelt by the sea-wall close, himself and clan. Haughty that house, a hero the king, high the hall, and Hygd {27b} right young, wise and wary, though winters few in those fortress walls she had found a home, Haereth's daughter. Nor humble her ways, nor grudged she gifts to the Geatish men, of precious treasure. Not Thryth's pride showed she, folk-queen famed, or that fell deceit. Was none so daring that durst make bold (save her lord alone) of the liegemen dear that lady full in the face to look, but forged fetters he found his lot, bonds of death! And brief the respite; soon as they seized him, his sword-doom was spoken, and the burnished blade a baleful murder proclaimed and closed. No queenly way for woman to practise, though peerless she, that the weaver-of-peace {27c} from warrior dear by wrath and lying his life should reave! But Hemming's kinsman hindered this. -- For over their ale men also told that of these folk-horrors fewer she wrought, onslaughts of evil, after she went, gold-decked bride, to the brave young prince, atheling haughty, and Offa's hall o'er the fallow flood at her father's bidding safely sought, where since she prospered, royal, throned, rich in goods, fain of the fair life fate had sent her, and leal in love to the lord of warriors. He, of all heroes I heard of ever from sea to sea, of the sons of earth, most excellent seemed. Hence Offa was praised for his fighting and feeing by far-off men, the spear-bold warrior; wisely he ruled over his empire. Eomer woke to him, help of heroes, Hemming's kinsman, Grandson of Garmund, grim in war. XXVIII HASTENED the hardy one, henchmen with him, sandy strand of the sea to tread and widespread ways. The world's great candle, sun shone from south. They strode along with sturdy steps to the spot they knew where the battle-king young, his burg within, slayer of Ongentheow, shared the rings, shelter-of-heroes. To Hygelac Beowulf's coming was quickly told, -- that there in the court the clansmen's refuge, the shield-companion sound and alive, hale from the hero-play homeward strode. With haste in the hall, by highest order, room for the rovers was readily made. By his sovran he sat, come safe from battle, kinsman by kinsman. His kindly lord he first had greeted in gracious form, with manly words. The mead dispensing, came through the high hall Haereth's daughter, winsome to warriors, wine-cup bore to the hands of the heroes. Hygelac then his comrade fairly with question plied in the lofty hall, sore longing to know what manner of sojourn the Sea-Geats made. "What came of thy quest, my kinsman Beowulf, when thy yearnings suddenly swept thee yonder battle to seek o'er the briny sea, combat in Heorot? Hrothgar couldst thou aid at all, the honored chief, in his wide-known woes? With waves of care my sad heart seethed; I sore mistrusted my loved one's venture: long I begged thee by no means to seek that slaughtering monster, but suffer the South-Danes to settle their feud themselves with Grendel. Now God be thanked that safe and sound I can see thee now!" Beowulf spake, the bairn of Ecgtheow: -- "'Tis known and unhidden, Hygelac Lord, to many men, that meeting of ours, struggle grim between Grendel and me, which we fought on the field where full too many sorrows he wrought for the Scylding-Victors, evils unending. These all I avenged. No boast can be from breed of Grendel, any on earth, for that uproar at dawn, from the longest-lived of the loathsome race in fleshly fold! -- But first I went Hrothgar to greet in the hall of gifts, where Healfdene's kinsman high-renowned, soon as my purpose was plain to him, assigned me a seat by his son and heir. The liegemen were lusty; my life-days never such merry men over mead in hall have I heard under heaven! The high-born queen, people's peace-bringer, passed through the hall, cheered the young clansmen, clasps of gold, ere she sought her seat, to sundry gave. Oft to the heroes Hrothgar's daughter, to earls in turn, the ale-cup tendered, -- she whom I heard these hall-companions Freawaru name, when fretted gold she proffered the warriors. Promised is she, gold-decked maid, to the glad son of Froda. Sage this seems to the Scylding's-friend, kingdom's-keeper: he counts it wise the woman to wed so and ward off feud, store of slaughter. But seldom ever when men are slain, does the murder-spear sink but briefest while, though the bride be fair! {28a} "Nor haply will like it the Heathobard lord, and as little each of his liegemen all, when a thane of the Danes, in that doughty throng, goes with the lady along their hall, and on him the old-time heirlooms glisten hard and ring-decked, Heathobard's treasure, weapons that once they wielded fair until they lost at the linden-play {28b} liegeman leal and their lives as well. Then, over the ale, on this heirloom gazing, some ash-wielder old who has all in mind that spear-death of men, {28c} -- he is stern of mood, heavy at heart, -- in the hero young tests the temper and tries the soul and war-hate wakens, with words like these: -- Canst thou not, comrade, ken that sword which to the fray thy father carried in his final feud, 'neath the fighting-mask, dearest of blades, when the Danish slew him and wielded the war-place on Withergild's fall, after havoc of heroes, those hardy Scyldings? Now, the son of a certain slaughtering Dane, proud of his treasure, paces this hall, joys in the killing, and carries the jewel {28d} that rightfully ought to be owned by thee!_ Thus he urges and eggs him all the time with keenest words, till occasion offers that Freawaru's thane, for his father's deed, after bite of brand in his blood must slumber, losing his life; but that liegeman flies living away, for the land he kens. And thus be broken on both their sides oaths of the earls, when Ingeld's breast wells with war-hate, and wife-love now after the care-billows cooler grows. "So {28e} I hold not high the Heathobards' faith due to the Danes, or their during love and pact of peace. -- But I pass from that, turning to Grendel, O giver-of-treasure, and saying in full how the fight resulted, hand-fray of heroes. When heaven's jewel had fled o'er far fields, that fierce sprite came, night-foe savage, to seek us out where safe and sound we sentried the hall. To Hondscio then was that harassing deadly, his fall there was fated. He first was slain, girded warrior. Grendel on him turned murderous mouth, on our mighty kinsman, and all of the brave man's body devoured. Yet none the earlier, empty-handed, would the bloody-toothed murderer, mindful of bale, outward go from the gold-decked hall: but me he attacked in his terror of might, with greedy hand grasped me. A glove hung by him {28f} wide and wondrous, wound with bands; and in artful wise it all was wrought, by devilish craft, of dragon-skins. Me therein, an innocent man, the fiendish foe was fain to thrust with many another. He might not so, when I all angrily upright stood. 'Twere long to relate how that land-destroyer I paid in kind for his cruel deeds; yet there, my prince, this people of thine got fame by my fighting. He fled away, and a little space his life preserved; but there staid behind him his stronger hand left in Heorot; heartsick thence on the floor of the ocean that outcast fell. Me for this struggle the Scyldings'-friend paid in plenty with plates of gold, with many a treasure, when morn had come and we all at the banquet-board sat down. Then was song and glee. The gray-haired Scylding, much tested, told of the times of yore. Whiles the hero his harp bestirred, wood-of-delight; now lays he chanted of sooth and sadness, or said aright legends of wonder, the wide-hearted king; or for years of his youth he would yearn at times, for strength of old struggles, now stricken with age, hoary hero: his heart surged full when, wise with winters, he wailed their flight. Thus in the hall the whole of that day at ease we feasted, till fell o'er earth another night. Anon full ready in greed of vengeance, Grendel's mother set forth all doleful. Dead was her son through war-hate of Weders; now, woman monstrous with fury fell a foeman she slew, avenged her offspring. From Aeschere old, loyal councillor, life was gone; nor might they e'en, when morning broke, those Danish people, their death-done comrade burn with brands, on balefire lay the man they mourned. Under mountain stream she had carried the corpse with cruel hands. For Hrothgar that was the heaviest sorrow of all that had laden the lord of his folk. The leader then, by thy life, besought me (sad was his soul) in the sea-waves' coil to play the hero and hazard my being for glory of prowess: my guerdon he pledged. I then in the waters -- 'tis widely known -- that sea-floor-guardian savage found. Hand-to-hand there a while we struggled; billows welled blood; in the briny hall her head I hewed with a hardy blade from Grendel's mother, -- and gained my life, though not without danger. My doom was not yet. Then the haven-of-heroes, Healfdene's son, gave me in guerdon great gifts of price. XXIX "So held this king to the customs old, that I wanted for nought in the wage I gained, the meed of my might; he made me gifts, Healfdene's heir, for my own disposal. Now to thee, my prince, I proffer them all, gladly give them. Thy grace alone can find me favor. Few indeed have I of kinsmen, save, Hygelac, thee!" Then he bade them bear him the boar-head standard, the battle-helm high, and breastplate gray, the splendid sword; then spake in form: -- "Me this war-gear the wise old prince, Hrothgar, gave, and his hest he added, that its story be straightway said to thee. -- A while it was held by Heorogar king, for long time lord of the land of Scyldings; yet not to his son the sovran left it, to daring Heoroweard, -- dear as he was to him, his harness of battle. -- Well hold thou it all!" And I heard that soon passed o'er the path of this treasure, all apple-fallow, four good steeds, each like the others, arms and horses he gave to the king. So should kinsmen be, not weave one another the net of wiles, or with deep-hid treachery death contrive for neighbor and comrade. His nephew was ever by hardy Hygelac held full dear, and each kept watch o'er the other's weal. I heard, too, the necklace to Hygd he presented, wonder-wrought treasure, which Wealhtheow gave him sovran's daughter: three steeds he added, slender and saddle-gay. Since such gift the gem gleamed bright on the breast of the queen. Thus showed his strain the son of Ecgtheow as a man remarked for mighty deeds and acts of honor. At ale he slew not comrade or kin; nor cruel his mood, though of sons of earth his strength was greatest, a glorious gift that God had sent the splendid leader. Long was he spurned, and worthless by Geatish warriors held; him at mead the master-of-clans failed full oft to favor at all. Slack and shiftless the strong men deemed him, profitless prince; but payment came, to the warrior honored, for all his woes. -- Then the bulwark-of-earls {29a} bade bring within, hardy chieftain, Hrethel's heirloom garnished with gold: no Geat e'er knew in shape of a sword a statelier prize. The brand he laid in Beowulf's lap; and of hides assigned him seven thousand, {29b} with house and high-seat. They held in common land alike by their line of birth, inheritance, home: but higher the king because of his rule o'er the realm itself. Now further it fell with the flight of years, with harryings horrid, that Hygelac perished, {29c} and Heardred, too, by hewing of swords under the shield-wall slaughtered lay, when him at the van of his victor-folk sought hardy heroes, Heatho-Scilfings, in arms o'erwhelming Hereric's nephew. Then Beowulf came as king this broad realm to wield; and he ruled it well fifty winters, {29d} a wise old prince, warding his land, until One began in the dark of night, a Dragon, to rage. In the grave on the hill a hoard it guarded, in the stone-barrow steep. A strait path reached it, unknown to mortals. Some man, however, came by chance that cave within to the heathen hoard. {29e} In hand he took a golden goblet, nor gave he it back, stole with it away, while the watcher slept, by thievish wiles: for the warden's wrath prince and people must pay betimes! XXX THAT way he went with no will of his own, in danger of life, to the dragon's hoard, but for pressure of peril, some prince's thane. He fled in fear the fatal scourge, seeking shelter, a sinful man, and entered in. At the awful sight tottered that guest, and terror seized him; yet the wretched fugitive rallied anon from fright and fear ere he fled away, and took the cup from that treasure-hoard. Of such besides there was store enough, heirlooms old, the earth below, which some earl forgotten, in ancient years, left the last of his lofty race, heedfully there had hidden away, dearest treasure. For death of yore had hurried all hence; and he alone left to live, the last of the clan, weeping his friends, yet wished to bide warding the treasure, his one delight, though brief his respite. The barrow, new-ready, to strand and sea-waves stood anear, hard by the headland, hidden and closed; there laid within it his lordly heirlooms and heaped hoard of heavy gold that warden of rings. Few words he spake: "Now hold thou, earth, since heroes may not, what earls have owned! Lo, erst from thee brave men brought it! But battle-death seized and cruel killing my clansmen all, robbed them of life and a liegeman's joys. None have I left to lift the sword, or to cleanse the carven cup of price, beaker bright. My brave are gone. And the helmet hard, all haughty with gold, shall part from its plating. Polishers sleep who could brighten and burnish the battle-mask; and those weeds of war that were wont to brave over bicker of shields the bite of steel rust with their bearer. The ringed mail fares not far with famous chieftain, at side of hero! No harp's delight, no glee-wood's gladness! No good hawk now flies through the hall! Nor horses fleet stamp in the burgstead! Battle and death the flower of my race have reft away." Mournful of mood, thus he moaned his woe, alone, for them all, and unblithe wept by day and by night, till death's fell wave o'erwhelmed his heart. His hoard-of-bliss that old ill-doer open found, who, blazing at twilight the barrows haunteth, naked foe-dragon flying by night folded in fire: the folk of earth dread him sore. 'Tis his doom to seek hoard in the graves, and heathen gold to watch, many-wintered: nor wins he thereby! Powerful this plague-of-the-people thus held the house of the hoard in earth three hundred winters; till One aroused wrath in his breast, to the ruler bearing that costly cup, and the king implored for bond of peace. So the barrow was plundered, borne off was booty. His boon was granted that wretched man; and his ruler saw first time what was fashioned in far-off days. When the dragon awoke, new woe was kindled. O'er the stone he snuffed. The stark-heart found footprint of foe who so far had gone in his hidden craft by the creature's head. -- So may the undoomed easily flee evils and exile, if only he gain the grace of The Wielder! -- That warden of gold o'er the ground went seeking, greedy to find the man who wrought him such wrong in sleep. Savage and burning, the barrow he circled all without; nor was any there, none in the waste.... Yet war he desired, was eager for battle. The barrow he entered, sought the cup, and discovered soon that some one of mortals had searched his treasure, his lordly gold. The guardian waited ill-enduring till evening came; boiling with wrath was the barrow's keeper, and fain with flame the foe to pay for the dear cup's loss. -- Now day was fled as the worm had wished. By its wall no more was it glad to bide, but burning flew folded in flame: a fearful beginning for sons of the soil; and soon it came, in the doom of their lord, to a dreadful end. XXXI THEN the baleful fiend its fire belched out, and bright homes burned. The blaze stood high all landsfolk frighting. No living thing would that loathly one leave as aloft it flew. Wide was the dragon's warring seen, its fiendish fury far and near, as the grim destroyer those Geatish people hated and hounded. To hidden lair, to its hoard it hastened at hint of dawn. Folk of the land it had lapped in flame, with bale and brand. In its barrow it trusted, its battling and bulwarks: that boast was vain! To Beowulf then the bale was told quickly and truly: the king's own home, of buildings the best, in brand-waves melted, that gift-throne of Geats. To the good old man sad in heart, 'twas heaviest sorrow. The sage assumed that his sovran God he had angered, breaking ancient law, and embittered the Lord. His breast within with black thoughts welled, as his wont was never. The folk's own fastness that fiery dragon with flame had destroyed, and the stronghold all washed by waves; but the warlike king, prince of the Weders, plotted vengeance. Warriors'-bulwark, he bade them work all of iron -- the earl's commander -- a war-shield wondrous: well he knew that forest-wood against fire were worthless, linden could aid not. -- Atheling brave, he was fated to finish this fleeting life, {31a} his days on earth, and the dragon with him, though long it had watched o'er the wealth of the hoard! -- Shame he reckoned it, sharer-of-rings, to follow the flyer-afar with a host, a broad-flung band; nor the battle feared he, nor deemed he dreadful the dragon's warring, its vigor and valor: ventures desperate he had passed a-plenty, and perils of war, contest-crash, since, conqueror proud, Hrothgar's hall he had wholly purged, and in grapple had killed the kin of Grendel, loathsome breed! Not least was that of hand-to-hand fights where Hygelac fell, when the ruler of Geats in rush of battle, lord of his folk, in the Frisian land, son of Hrethel, by sword-draughts died, by brands down-beaten. Thence Beowulf fled through strength of himself and his swimming power, though alone, and his arms were laden with thirty coats of mail, when he came to the sea! Nor yet might Hetwaras {31b} haughtily boast their craft of contest, who carried against him shields to the fight: but few escaped from strife with the hero to seek their homes! Then swam over ocean Ecgtheow's son lonely and sorrowful, seeking his land, where Hygd made him offer of hoard and realm, rings and royal-seat, reckoning naught the strength of her son to save their kingdom from hostile hordes, after Hygelac's death. No sooner for this could the stricken ones in any wise move that atheling's mind over young Heardred's head as lord and ruler of all the realm to be: yet the hero upheld him with helpful words, aided in honor, till, older grown, he wielded the Weder-Geats. -- Wandering exiles sought him o'er seas, the sons of Ohtere, who had spurned the sway of the Scylfings'-helmet, the bravest and best that broke the rings, in Swedish land, of the sea-kings' line, haughty hero. {31c} Hence Heardred's end. For shelter he gave them, sword-death came, the blade's fell blow, to bairn of Hygelac; but the son of Ongentheow sought again house and home when Heardred fell, leaving Beowulf lord of Geats and gift-seat's master. -- A good king he! XXXII THE fall of his lord he was fain to requite in after days; and to Eadgils he proved friend to the friendless, and forces sent over the sea to the son of Ohtere, weapons and warriors: well repaid he those care-paths cold when the king he slew. {32a} Thus safe through struggles the son of Ecgtheow had passed a plenty, through perils dire, with daring deeds, till this day was come that doomed him now with the dragon to strive. With comrades eleven the lord of Geats swollen in rage went seeking the dragon. He had heard whence all the harm arose and the killing of clansmen; that cup of price on the lap of the lord had been laid by the finder. In the throng was this one thirteenth man, starter of all the strife and ill, care-laden captive; cringing thence forced and reluctant, he led them on till he came in ken of that cavern-hall, the barrow delved near billowy surges, flood of ocean. Within 'twas full of wire-gold and jewels; a jealous warden, warrior trusty, the treasures held, lurked in his lair. Not light the task of entrance for any of earth-born men! Sat on the headland the hero king, spake words of hail to his hearth-companions, gold-friend of Geats. All gloomy his soul, wavering, death-bound. Wyrd full nigh stood ready to greet the gray-haired man, to seize his soul-hoard, sunder apart life and body. Not long would be the warrior's spirit enwound with flesh. Beowulf spake, the bairn of Ecgtheow: -- "Through store of struggles I strove in youth, mighty feuds; I mind them all. I was seven years old when the sovran of rings, friend-of-his-folk, from my father took me, had me, and held me, Hrethel the king, with food and fee, faithful in kinship. Ne'er, while I lived there, he loathlier found me, bairn in the burg, than his birthright sons, Herebeald and Haethcyn and Hygelac mine. For the eldest of these, by unmeet chance, by kinsman's deed, was the death-bed strewn, when Haethcyn killed him with horny bow, his own dear liege laid low with an arrow, missed the mark and his mate shot down, one brother the other, with bloody shaft. A feeless fight, {32b} and a fearful sin, horror to Hrethel; yet, hard as it was, unavenged must the atheling die! Too awful it is for an aged man to bide and bear, that his bairn so young rides on the gallows. A rime he makes, sorrow-song for his son there hanging as rapture of ravens; no rescue now can come from the old, disabled man! Still is he minded, as morning breaks, of the heir gone elsewhere; {32c} another he hopes not he will bide to see his burg within as ward for his wealth, now the one has found doom of death that the deed incurred. Forlorn he looks on the lodge of his son, wine-hall waste and wind-swept chambers reft of revel. The rider sleepeth, the hero, far-hidden; {32d} no harp resounds, in the courts no wassail, as once was heard. XXXIII "THEN he goes to his chamber, a grief-song chants alone for his lost. Too large all seems, homestead and house. So the helmet-of-Weders hid in his heart for Herebeald waves of woe. No way could he take to avenge on the slayer slaughter so foul; nor e'en could he harass that hero at all with loathing deed, though he loved him not. And so for the sorrow his soul endured, men's gladness he gave up and God's light chose. Lands and cities he left his sons (as the wealthy do) when he went from earth. There was strife and struggle 'twixt Swede and Geat o'er the width of waters; war arose, hard battle-horror, when Hrethel died, and Ongentheow's offspring grew strife-keen, bold, nor brooked o'er the seas pact of peace, but pushed their hosts to harass in hatred by Hreosnabeorh. Men of my folk for that feud had vengeance, for woful war ('tis widely known), though one of them bought it with blood of his heart, a bargain hard: for Haethcyn proved fatal that fray, for the first-of-Geats. At morn, I heard, was the murderer killed by kinsman for kinsman, {33a} with clash of sword, when Ongentheow met Eofor there. Wide split the war-helm: wan he fell, hoary Scylfing; the hand that smote him of feud was mindful, nor flinched from the death-blow. -- "For all that he {33b} gave me, my gleaming sword repaid him at war, -- such power I wielded, -- for lordly treasure: with land he entrusted me, homestead and house. He had no need from Swedish realm, or from Spear-Dane folk, or from men of the Gifths, to get him help, -- some warrior worse for wage to buy! Ever I fought in the front of all, sole to the fore; and so shall I fight while I bide in life and this blade shall last that early and late hath loyal proved since for my doughtiness Daeghrefn fell, slain by my hand, the Hugas' champion. Nor fared he thence to the Frisian king with the booty back, and breast-adornments; but, slain in struggle, that standard-bearer fell, atheling brave. Not with blade was he slain, but his bones were broken by brawny gripe, his heart-waves stilled. -- The sword-edge now, hard blade and my hand, for the hoard shall strive." Beowulf spake, and a battle-vow made his last of all: "I have lived through many wars in my youth; now once again, old folk-defender, feud will I seek, do doughty deeds, if the dark destroyer forth from his cavern come to fight me!" Then hailed he the helmeted heroes all, for the last time greeting his liegemen dear, comrades of war: "I should carry no weapon, no sword to the serpent, if sure I knew how, with such enemy, else my vows I could gain as I did in Grendel's day. But fire in this fight I must fear me now, and poisonous breath; so I bring with me breastplate and board. {33c} From the barrow's keeper no footbreadth flee I. One fight shall end our war by the wall, as Wyrd allots, all mankind's master. My mood is bold but forbears to boast o'er this battling-flyer. -- Now abide by the barrow, ye breastplate-mailed, ye heroes in harness, which of us twain better from battle-rush bear his wounds. Wait ye the finish. The fight is not yours, nor meet for any but me alone to measure might with this monster here and play the hero. Hardily I shall win that wealth, or war shall seize, cruel killing, your king and lord!" Up stood then with shield the sturdy champion, stayed by the strength of his single manhood, and hardy 'neath helmet his harness bore under cleft of the cliffs: no coward's path! Soon spied by the wall that warrior chief, survivor of many a victory-field where foemen fought with furious clashings, an arch of stone; and within, a stream that broke from the barrow. The brooklet's wave was hot with fire. The hoard that way he never could hope unharmed to near, or endure those deeps, {33d} for the dragon's flame. Then let from his breast, for he burst with rage, the Weder-Geat prince a word outgo; stormed the stark-heart; stern went ringing and clear his cry 'neath the cliff-rocks gray. The hoard-guard heard a human voice; his rage was enkindled. No respite now for pact of peace! The poison-breath of that foul worm first came forth from the cave, hot reek-of-fight: the rocks resounded. Stout by the stone-way his shield he raised, lord of the Geats, against the loathed-one; while with courage keen that coiled foe came seeking strife. The sturdy king had drawn his sword, not dull of edge, heirloom old; and each of the two felt fear of his foe, though fierce their mood. Stoutly stood with his shield high-raised the warrior king, as the worm now coiled together amain: the mailed-one waited. Now, spire by spire, fast sped and glided that blazing serpent. The shield protected, soul and body a shorter while for the hero-king than his heart desired, could his will have wielded the welcome respite but once in his life! But Wyrd denied it, and victory's honors. -- His arm he lifted lord of the Geats, the grim foe smote with atheling's heirloom. Its edge was turned brown blade, on the bone, and bit more feebly than its noble master had need of then in his baleful stress. -- Then the barrow's keeper waxed full wild for that weighty blow, cast deadly flames; wide drove and far those vicious fires. No victor's glory the Geats' lord boasted; his brand had failed, naked in battle, as never it should, excellent iron! -- 'Twas no easy path that Ecgtheow's honored heir must tread over the plain to the place of the foe; for against his will he must win a home elsewhere far, as must all men, leaving this lapsing life! -- Not long it was ere those champions grimly closed again. The hoard-guard was heartened; high heaved his breast once more; and by peril was pressed again, enfolded in flames, the folk-commander! Nor yet about him his band of comrades, sons of athelings, armed stood with warlike front: to the woods they bent them, their lives to save. But the soul of one with care was cumbered. Kinship true can never be marred in a noble mind! XXXIV WIGLAF his name was, Weohstan's son, linden-thane loved, the lord of Scylfings, Aelfhere's kinsman. His king he now saw with heat under helmet hard oppressed. He minded the prizes his prince had given him, wealthy seat of the Waegmunding line, and folk-rights that his father owned Not long he lingered. The linden yellow, his shield, he seized; the old sword he drew: -- as heirloom of Eanmund earth-dwellers knew it, who was slain by the sword-edge, son of Ohtere, friendless exile, erst in fray killed by Weohstan, who won for his kin brown-bright helmet, breastplate ringed, old sword of Eotens, Onela's gift, weeds of war of the warrior-thane, battle-gear brave: though a brother's child had been felled, the feud was unfelt by Onela. {34a} For winters this war-gear Weohstan kept, breastplate and board, till his bairn had grown earlship to earn as the old sire did: then he gave him, mid Geats, the gear of battle, portion huge, when he passed from life, fared aged forth. For the first time now with his leader-lord the liegeman young was bidden to share the shock of battle. Neither softened his soul, nor the sire's bequest weakened in war. {34b} So the worm found out when once in fight the foes had met! Wiglaf spake, -- and his words were sage; sad in spirit, he said to his comrades: -- "I remember the time, when mead we took, what promise we made to this prince of ours in the banquet-hall, to our breaker-of-rings, for gear of combat to give him requital, for hard-sword and helmet, if hap should bring stress of this sort! Himself who chose us from all his army to aid him now, urged us to glory, and gave these treasures, because he counted us keen with the spear and hardy 'neath helm, though this hero-work our leader hoped unhelped and alone to finish for us, -- folk-defender who hath got him glory greater than all men for daring deeds! Now the day is come that our noble master has need of the might of warriors stout. Let us stride along the hero to help while the heat is about him glowing and grim! For God is my witness I am far more fain the fire should seize along with my lord these limbs of mine! {34c} Unsuiting it seems our shields to bear homeward hence, save here we essay to fell the foe and defend the life of the Weders' lord. I wot 'twere shame on the law of our land if alone the king out of Geatish warriors woe endured and sank in the struggle! My sword and helmet, breastplate and board, for us both shall serve!" Through slaughter-reek strode he to succor his chieftain, his battle-helm bore, and brief words spake: -- "Beowulf dearest, do all bravely, as in youthful days of yore thou vowedst that while life should last thou wouldst let no wise thy glory droop! Now, great in deeds, atheling steadfast, with all thy strength shield thy life! I will stand to help thee." At the words the worm came once again, murderous monster mad with rage, with fire-billows flaming, its foes to seek, the hated men. In heat-waves burned that board {34d} to the boss, and the breastplate failed to shelter at all the spear-thane young. Yet quickly under his kinsman's shield went eager the earl, since his own was now all burned by the blaze. The bold king again had mind of his glory: with might his glaive was driven into the dragon's head, -- blow nerved by hate. But Naegling {34e} was shivered, broken in battle was Beowulf's sword, old and gray. 'Twas granted him not that ever the edge of iron at all could help him at strife: too strong was his hand, so the tale is told, and he tried too far with strength of stroke all swords he wielded, though sturdy their steel: they steaded him nought. Then for the third time thought on its feud that folk-destroyer, fire-dread dragon, and rushed on the hero, where room allowed, battle-grim, burning; its bitter teeth closed on his neck, and covered him with waves of blood from his breast that welled. XXXV 'TWAS now, men say, in his sovran's need that the earl made known his noble strain, craft and keenness and courage enduring. Heedless of harm, though his hand was burned, hardy-hearted, he helped his kinsman. A little lower the loathsome beast he smote with sword; his steel drove in bright and burnished; that blaze began to lose and lessen. At last the king wielded his wits again, war-knife drew, a biting blade by his breastplate hanging, and the Weders'-helm smote that worm asunder, felled the foe, flung forth its life. So had they killed it, kinsmen both, athelings twain: thus an earl should be in danger's day! -- Of deeds of valor this conqueror's-hour of the king was last, of his work in the world. The wound began, which that dragon-of-earth had erst inflicted, to swell and smart; and soon he found in his breast was boiling, baleful and deep, pain of poison. The prince walked on, wise in his thought, to the wall of rock; then sat, and stared at the structure of giants, where arch of stone and steadfast column upheld forever that hall in earth. Yet here must the hand of the henchman peerless lave with water his winsome lord, the king and conqueror covered with blood, with struggle spent, and unspan his helmet. Beowulf spake in spite of his hurt, his mortal wound; full well he knew his portion now was past and gone of earthly bliss, and all had fled of his file of days, and death was near: "I would fain bestow on son of mine this gear of war, were given me now that any heir should after me come of my proper blood. This people I ruled fifty winters. No folk-king was there, none at all, of the neighboring clans who war would wage me with 'warriors'-friends' {35a} and threat me with horrors. At home I bided what fate might come, and I cared for mine own; feuds I sought not, nor falsely swore ever on oath. For all these things, though fatally wounded, fain am I! From the Ruler-of-Man no wrath shall seize me, when life from my frame must flee away, for killing of kinsmen! Now quickly go and gaze on that hoard 'neath the hoary rock, Wiglaf loved, now the worm lies low, sleeps, heart-sore, of his spoil bereaved. And fare in haste. I would fain behold the gorgeous heirlooms, golden store, have joy in the jewels and gems, lay down softlier for sight of this splendid hoard my life and the lordship I long have held." XXXVI I HAVE heard that swiftly the son of Weohstan at wish and word of his wounded king, -- war-sick warrior, -- woven mail-coat, battle-sark, bore 'neath the barrow's roof. Then the clansman keen, of conquest proud, passing the seat, {36a} saw store of jewels and glistening gold the ground along; by the wall were marvels, and many a vessel in the den of the dragon, the dawn-flier old: unburnished bowls of bygone men reft of richness; rusty helms of the olden age; and arm-rings many wondrously woven. -- Such wealth of gold, booty from barrow, can burden with pride each human wight: let him hide it who will! -- His glance too fell on a gold-wove banner high o'er the hoard, of handiwork noblest, brilliantly broidered; so bright its gleam, all the earth-floor he easily saw and viewed all these vessels. No vestige now was seen of the serpent: the sword had ta'en him. Then, I heard, the hill of its hoard was reft, old work of giants, by one alone; he burdened his bosom with beakers and plate at his own good will, and the ensign took, brightest of beacons. -- The blade of his lord -- its edge was iron -- had injured deep one that guarded the golden hoard many a year and its murder-fire spread hot round the barrow in horror-billows at midnight hour, till it met its doom. Hasted the herald, the hoard so spurred him his track to retrace; he was troubled by doubt, high-souled hero, if haply he'd find alive, where he left him, the lord of Weders, weakening fast by the wall of the cave. So he carried the load. His lord and king he found all bleeding, famous chief at the lapse of life. The liegeman again plashed him with water, till point of word broke through the breast-hoard. Beowulf spake, sage and sad, as he stared at the gold. -- "For the gold and treasure, to God my thanks, to the Wielder-of-Wonders, with words I say, for what I behold, to Heaven's Lord, for the grace that I give such gifts to my folk or ever the day of my death be run! Now I've bartered here for booty of treasure the last of my life, so look ye well to the needs of my land! No longer I tarry. A barrow bid ye the battle-fanned raise for my ashes. 'Twill shine by the shore of the flood, to folk of mine memorial fair on Hrones Headland high uplifted, that ocean-wanderers oft may hail Beowulf's Barrow, as back from far they drive their keels o'er the darkling wave." From his neck he unclasped the collar of gold, valorous king, to his vassal gave it with bright-gold helmet, breastplate, and ring, to the youthful thane: bade him use them in joy. "Thou art end and remnant of all our race the Waegmunding name. For Wyrd hath swept them, all my line, to the land of doom, earls in their glory: I after them go." This word was the last which the wise old man harbored in heart ere hot death-waves of balefire he chose. From his bosom fled his soul to seek the saints' reward. XXXVII IT was heavy hap for that hero young on his lord beloved to look and find him lying on earth with life at end, sorrowful sight. But the slayer too, awful earth-dragon, empty of breath, lay felled in fight, nor, fain of its treasure, could the writhing monster rule it more. For edges of iron had ended its days, hard and battle-sharp, hammers' leaving; {37a} and that flier-afar had fallen to ground hushed by its hurt, its hoard all near, no longer lusty aloft to whirl at midnight, making its merriment seen, proud of its prizes: prone it sank by the handiwork of the hero-king. Forsooth among folk but few achieve, -- though sturdy and strong, as stories tell me, and never so daring in deed of valor, -- the perilous breath of a poison-foe to brave, and to rush on the ring-board hall, whenever his watch the warden keeps bold in the barrow. Beowulf paid the price of death for that precious hoard; and each of the foes had found the end of this fleeting life. Befell erelong that the laggards in war the wood had left, trothbreakers, cowards, ten together, fearing before to flourish a spear in the sore distress of their sovran lord. Now in their shame their shields they carried, armor of fight, where the old man lay; and they gazed on Wiglaf. Wearied he sat at his sovran's shoulder, shieldsman good, to wake him with water. {37b} Nowise it availed. Though well he wished it, in world no more could he barrier life for that leader-of-battles nor baffle the will of all-wielding God. Doom of the Lord was law o'er the deeds of every man, as it is to-day. Grim was the answer, easy to get, from the youth for those that had yielded to fear! Wiglaf spake, the son of Weohstan, -- mournful he looked on those men unloved: -- "Who sooth will speak, can say indeed that the ruler who gave you golden rings and the harness of war in which ye stand -- for he at ale-bench often-times bestowed on hall-folk helm and breastplate, lord to liegemen, the likeliest gear which near of far he could find to give, -- threw away and wasted these weeds of battle, on men who failed when the foemen came! Not at all could the king of his comrades-in-arms venture to vaunt, though the Victory-Wielder, God, gave him grace that he got revenge sole with his sword in stress and need. To rescue his life, 'twas little that I could serve him in struggle; yet shift I made (hopeless it seemed) to help my kinsman. Its strength ever waned, when with weapon I struck that fatal foe, and the fire less strongly flowed from its head. -- Too few the heroes in throe of contest that thronged to our king! Now gift of treasure and girding of sword, joy of the house and home-delight shall fail your folk; his freehold-land every clansman within your kin shall lose and leave, when lords high-born hear afar of that flight of yours, a fameless deed. Yea, death is better for liegemen all than a life of shame!" XXXVIII THAT battle-toil bade he at burg to announce, at the fort on the cliff, where, full of sorrow, all the morning earls had sat, daring shieldsmen, in doubt of twain: would they wail as dead, or welcome home, their lord beloved? Little {38a} kept back of the tidings new, but told them all, the herald that up the headland rode. -- "Now the willing-giver to Weder folk in death-bed lies; the Lord of Geats on the slaughter-bed sleeps by the serpent's deed! And beside him is stretched that slayer-of-men with knife-wounds sick: {38b} no sword availed on the awesome thing in any wise to work a wound. There Wiglaf sitteth, Weohstan's bairn, by Beowulf's side, the living earl by the other dead, and heavy of heart a head-watch {38c} keeps o'er friend and foe. -- Now our folk may look for waging of war when once unhidden to Frisian and Frank the fall of the king is spread afar. -- The strife began when hot on the Hugas {38d} Hygelac fell and fared with his fleet to the Frisian land. Him there the Hetwaras humbled in war, plied with such prowess their power o'erwhelming that the bold-in-battle bowed beneath it and fell in fight. To his friends no wise could that earl give treasure! And ever since the Merowings' favor has failed us wholly. Nor aught expect I of peace and faith from Swedish folk. 'Twas spread afar how Ongentheow reft at Ravenswood Haethcyn Hrethling of hope and life, when the folk of Geats for the first time sought in wanton pride the Warlike-Scylfings. Soon the sage old sire {38e} of Ohtere, ancient and awful, gave answering blow; the sea-king {38f} he slew, and his spouse redeemed, his good wife rescued, though robbed of her gold, mother of Ohtere and Onela. Then he followed his foes, who fled before him sore beset and stole their way, bereft of a ruler, to Ravenswood. With his host he besieged there what swords had left, the weary and wounded; woes he threatened the whole night through to that hard-pressed throng: some with the morrow his sword should kill, some should go to the gallows-tree for rapture of ravens. But rescue came with dawn of day for those desperate men when they heard the horn of Hygelac sound, tones of his trumpet; the trusty king had followed their trail with faithful band. XXXIX "THE bloody swath of Swedes and Geats and the storm of their strife, were seen afar, how folk against folk the fight had wakened. The ancient king with his atheling band sought his citadel, sorrowing much: Ongentheow earl went up to his burg. He had tested Hygelac's hardihood, the proud one's prowess, would prove it no longer, defied no more those fighting-wanderers nor hoped from the seamen to save his hoard, his bairn and his bride: so he bent him again, old, to his earth-walls. Yet after him came with slaughter for Swedes the standards of Hygelac o'er peaceful plains in pride advancing, till Hrethelings fought in the fenced town. {39a} Then Ongentheow with edge of sword, the hoary-bearded, was held at bay, and the folk-king there was forced to suffer Eofor's anger. In ire, at the king Wulf Wonreding with weapon struck; and the chieftain's blood, for that blow, in streams flowed 'neath his hair. No fear felt he, stout old Scylfing, but straightway repaid in better bargain that bitter stroke and faced his foe with fell intent. Nor swift enough was the son of Wonred answer to render the aged chief; too soon on his head the helm was cloven; blood-bedecked he bowed to earth, and fell adown; not doomed was he yet, and well he waxed, though the wound was sore. Then the hardy Hygelac-thane, {39b} when his brother fell, with broad brand smote, giants' sword crashing through giants'-helm across the shield-wall: sank the king, his folk's old herdsman, fatally hurt. There were many to bind the brother's wounds and lift him, fast as fate allowed his people to wield the place-of-war. But Eofor took from Ongentheow, earl from other, the iron-breastplate, hard sword hilted, and helmet too, and the hoar-chief's harness to Hygelac carried, who took the trappings, and truly promised rich fee 'mid folk, -- and fulfilled it so. For that grim strife gave the Geatish lord, Hrethel's offspring, when home he came, to Eofor and Wulf a wealth of treasure, Each of them had a hundred thousand {39c} in land and linked rings; nor at less price reckoned mid-earth men such mighty deeds! And to Eofor he gave his only daughter in pledge of grace, the pride of his home. "Such is the feud, the foeman's rage, death-hate of men: so I deem it sure that the Swedish folk will seek us home for this fall of their friends, the fighting-Scylfings, when once they learn that our warrior leader lifeless lies, who land and hoard ever defended from all his foes, furthered his folk's weal, finished his course a hardy hero. -- Now haste is best, that we go to gaze on our Geatish lord, and bear the bountiful breaker-of-rings to the funeral pyre. No fragments merely shall burn with the warrior. Wealth of jewels, gold untold and gained in terror, treasure at last with his life obtained, all of that booty the brands shall take, fire shall eat it. No earl must carry memorial jewel. No maiden fair shall wreathe her neck with noble ring: nay, sad in spirit and shorn of her gold, oft shall she pass o'er paths of exile now our lord all laughter has laid aside, all mirth and revel. Many a spear morning-cold shall be clasped amain, lifted aloft; nor shall lilt of harp those warriors wake; but the wan-hued raven, fain o'er the fallen, his feast shall praise and boast to the eagle how bravely he ate when he and the wolf were wasting the slain." So he told his sorrowful tidings, and little {39d} he lied, the loyal man of word or of work. The warriors rose; sad, they climbed to the Cliff-of-Eagles, went, welling with tears, the wonder to view. Found on the sand there, stretched at rest, their lifeless lord, who had lavished rings of old upon them. Ending-day had dawned on the doughty-one; death had seized in woful slaughter the Weders' king. There saw they, besides, the strangest being, loathsome, lying their leader near, prone on the field. The fiery dragon, fearful fiend, with flame was scorched. Reckoned by feet, it was fifty measures in length as it lay. Aloft erewhile it had revelled by night, and anon come back, seeking its den; now in death's sure clutch it had come to the end of its earth-hall joys. By it there stood the stoups and jars; dishes lay there, and dear-decked swords eaten with rust, as, on earth's lap resting, a thousand winters they waited there. For all that heritage huge, that gold of bygone men, was bound by a spell, {39e} so the treasure-hall could be touched by none of human kind, -- save that Heaven's King, God himself, might give whom he would, Helper of Heroes, the hoard to open, -- even such a man as seemed to him meet. XL A PERILOUS path, it proved, he {40a} trod who heinously hid, that hall within, wealth under wall! Its watcher had killed one of a few, {40b} and the feud was avenged in woful fashion. Wondrous seems it, what manner a man of might and valor oft ends his life, when the earl no longer in mead-hall may live with loving friends. So Beowulf, when that barrow's warden he sought, and the struggle; himself knew not in what wise he should wend from the world at last. For {40c} princes potent, who placed the gold, with a curse to doomsday covered it deep, so that marked with sin the man should be, hedged with horrors, in hell-bonds fast, racked with plagues, who should rob their hoard. Yet no greed for gold, but the grace of heaven, ever the king had kept in view. {40d} Wiglaf spake, the son of Weohstan: -- "At the mandate of one, oft warriors many sorrow must suffer; and so must we. The people's-shepherd showed not aught of care for our counsel, king beloved! That guardian of gold he should grapple not, urged we, but let him lie where he long had been in his earth-hall waiting the end of the world, the hest of heaven. -- This hoard is ours but grievously gotten; too grim the fate which thither carried our king and lord. I was within there, and all I viewed, the chambered treasure, when chance allowed me (and my path was made in no pleasant wise) under the earth-wall. Eager, I seized such heap from the hoard as hands could bear and hurriedly carried it hither back to my liege and lord. Alive was he still, still wielding his wits. The wise old man spake much in his sorrow, and sent you greetings and bade that ye build, when he breathed no more, on the place of his balefire a barrow high, memorial mighty. Of men was he worthiest warrior wide earth o'er the while he had joy of his jewels and burg. Let us set out in haste now, the second time to see and search this store of treasure, these wall-hid wonders, -- the way I show you, -- where, gathered near, ye may gaze your fill at broad-gold and rings. Let the bier, soon made, be all in order when out we come, our king and captain to carry thither -- man beloved -- where long he shall bide safe in the shelter of sovran God." Then the bairn of Weohstan bade command, hardy chief, to heroes many that owned their homesteads, hither to bring firewood from far -- o'er the folk they ruled -- for the famed-one's funeral. " Fire shall devour and wan flames feed on the fearless warrior who oft stood stout in the iron-shower, when, sped from the string, a storm of arrows shot o'er the shield-wall: the shaft held firm, featly feathered, followed the barb." And now the sage young son of Weohstan seven chose of the chieftain's thanes, the best he found that band within, and went with these warriors, one of eight, under hostile roof. In hand one bore a lighted torch and led the way. No lots they cast for keeping the hoard when once the warriors saw it in hall, altogether without a guardian, lying there lost. And little they mourned when they had hastily haled it out, dear-bought treasure! The dragon they cast, the worm, o'er the wall for the wave to take, and surges swallowed that shepherd of gems. Then the woven gold on a wain was laden -- countless quite! -- and the king was borne, hoary hero, to Hrones-Ness. XLI THEN fashioned for him the folk of Geats firm on the earth a funeral-pile, and hung it with helmets and harness of war and breastplates bright, as the boon he asked; and they laid amid it the mighty chieftain, heroes mourning their master dear. Then on the hill that hugest of balefires the warriors wakened. Wood-smoke rose black over blaze, and blent was the roar of flame with weeping (the wind was still), till the fire had broken the frame of bones, hot at the heart. In heavy mood their misery moaned they, their master's death. Wailing her woe, the widow {41a} old, her hair upbound, for Beowulf's death sung in her sorrow, and said full oft she dreaded the doleful days to come, deaths enow, and doom of battle, and shame. -- The smoke by the sky was devoured. The folk of the Weders fashioned there on the headland a barrow broad and high, by ocean-farers far descried: in ten days' time their toil had raised it, the battle-brave's beacon. Round brands of the pyre a wall they built, the worthiest ever that wit could prompt in their wisest men. They placed in the barrow that precious booty, the rounds and the rings they had reft erewhile, hardy heroes, from hoard in cave, -- trusting the ground with treasure of earls, gold in the earth, where ever it lies useless to men as of yore it was. Then about that barrow the battle-keen rode, atheling-born, a band of twelve, lament to make, to mourn their king, chant their dirge, and their chieftain honor. They praised his earlship, his acts of prowess worthily witnessed: and well it is that men their master-friend mightily laud, heartily love, when hence he goes from life in the body forlorn away. Thus made their mourning the men of Geatland, for their hero's passing his hearth-companions: quoth that of all the kings of earth, of men he was mildest and most beloved, to his kin the kindest, keenest for praise. Footnotes: {0a} Not, of course, Beowulf the Great, hero of the epic. {0b} Kenning for king or chieftain of a comitatus: he breaks off gold from the spiral rings -- often worn on the arm -- and so rewards his followers. {1a} That is, "The Hart," or "Stag," so called from decorations in the gables that resembled the antlers of a deer. This hall has been carefully described in a pamphlet by Heyne. The building was rectangular, with opposite doors -- mainly west and east -- and a hearth in the middle of th single room. A row of pillars down each side, at some distance from the walls, made a space which was raised a little above the main floor, and was furnished with two rows of seats. On one side, usually south, was the high-seat midway between the doors. Opposite this, on the other raised space, was another seat of honor. At the banquet soon to be described, Hrothgar sat in the south or chief high-seat, and Beowulf opposite to him. The scene for a flying (see below, v.499) was thus very effectively set. Planks on trestles -- the "board" of later English literature -- formed the tables just in front of the long rows of seats, and were taken away after banquets, when the retainers were ready to stretch themselves out for sleep on the benches. {1b} Fire was the usual end of these halls. See v. 781 below. One thinks of the splendid scene at the end of the Nibelungen, of the Nialssaga, of Saxo's story of Amlethus, and many a less famous instance. {1c} It is to be supposed that all hearers of this poem knew how Hrothgar's hall was burnt, -- perhaps in the unsuccessful attack made on him by his son-in-law Ingeld. {1d} A skilled minstrel. The Danes are heathens, as one is told presently; but this lay of beginnings is taken from Genesis. {1e} A disturber of the border, one who sallies from his haunt in the fen and roams over the country near by. This probably pagan nuisance is now furnished with biblical credentials as a fiend or devil in good standing, so that all Christian Englishmen might read about him. "Grendel" may mean one who grinds and crushes. {1f} Cain's. {1g} Giants. {2a} The smaller buildings within the main enclosure but separate from the hall. {2b} Grendel. {2c} "Sorcerers-of-hell." {2d} Hrothgar, who is the "Scyldings'-friend" of 170. {2e} That is, in formal or prescribed phrase. {3a} Ship. {3b} That is, since Beowulf selected his ship and led his men to the harbor. {3c} One of the auxiliary names of the Geats. {3d} Or: Not thus openly ever came warriors hither; yet... {4a} Hrothgar. {4b} Beowulf's helmet has several boar-images on it; he is the "man of war"; and the boar-helmet guards him as typical representative of the marching party as a whole. The boar was sacred to Freyr, who was the favorite god of the Germanic tribes about the North Sea and the Baltic. Rude representations of warriors show the boar on the helmet quite as large as the helmet itself. {5a} Either merely paved, the strata via of the Romans, or else thought of as a sort of mosaic, an extravagant touch like the reckless waste of gold on the walls and roofs of a hall. {6a} The nicor, says Bugge, is a hippopotamus; a walrus, says Ten Brink. But that water-goblin who covers the space from Old Nick of jest to the Neckan and Nix of poetry and tale, is all one needs, and Nicor is a good name for him. {6b} His own people, the Geats. {6c} That is, cover it as with a face-cloth. "There will be no need of funeral rites." {6d} Personification of Battle. {6e} The Germanic Vulcan. {6f} This mighty power, whom the Christian poet can still revere, has here the general force of "Destiny." {7a} There is no irrelevance here. Hrothgar sees in Beowulf's mission a heritage of duty, a return of the good offices which the Danish king rendered to Beowulf's father in time of dire need. {7b} Money, for wergild, or man-price. {7c} Ecgtheow, Beowulf's sire. {8a} "Began the fight." {8b} Breca. {9a} Murder. {10a} Beowulf, -- the "one." {11a} That is, he was a "lost soul," doomed to hell. {12a} Kenning for Beowulf. {13a} "Guarded the treasure." {13b} Sc. Heremod. {13c} The singer has sung his lays, and the epic resumes its story. The time-relations are not altogether good in this long passage which describes the rejoicings of "the day after"; but the present shift from the riders on the road to the folk at the hall is not very violent, and is of a piece with the general style. {14a} Unferth, Beowulf's sometime opponent in the flyting. {15a} There is no horrible inconsistency here such as the critics strive and cry about. In spite of the ruin that Grendel and Beowulf had made within the hall, the framework and roof held firm, and swift repairs made the interior habitable. Tapestries were hung on the walls, and willing hands prepared the banquet. {15b} From its formal use in other places, this phrase, to take cup in hall, or "on the floor," would seem to mean that Beowulf stood up to receive his gifts, drink to the donor, and say thanks. {15c} Kenning for sword. {15d} Hrothgar. He is also the "refuge of the friends of Ing," below. Ing belongs to myth. {15e} Horses are frequently led or ridden into the hall where folk sit at banquet: so in Chaucer's Squire's tale, in the ballad of King Estmere, and in the romances. {16a} Man-price, wergild. {16b} Beowulf's. {16c} Hrothgar. {16d} There is no need to assume a gap in the Ms. As before about Sigemund and Heremod, so now, though at greater length, about Finn and his feud, a lay is chanted or recited; and the epic poet, counting on his readers' familiarity with the story, -- a fragment of it still exists, -- simply gives the headings. {16e} The exact story to which this episode refers in summary is not to be determined, but the following account of it is reasonable and has good support among scholars. Finn, a Frisian chieftain, who nevertheless has a "castle" outside the Frisian border, marries Hildeburh, a Danish princess; and her brother, Hnaef, with many other Danes, pays Finn a visit. Relations between the two peoples have been strained before. Something starts the old feud anew; and the visitors are attacked in their quarters. Hnaef is killed; so is a son of Hildeburh. Many fall on both sides. Peace is patched up; a stately funeral is held; and the surviving visitors become in a way vassals or liegemen of Finn, going back with him to Frisia. So matters rest a while. Hengest is now leader of the Danes; but he is set upon revenge for his former lord, Hnaef. Probably he is killed in feud; but his clansmen, Guthlaf and Oslaf, gather at their home a force of sturdy Danes, come back to Frisia, storm Finn's stronghold, kill him, and carry back their kinswoman Hildeburh. {16f} The "enemies" must be the Frisians. {16g} Battlefield. -- Hengest is the "prince's thane," companion of Hnaef. "Folcwald's son" is Finn. {16h} That is, Finn would govern in all honor the few Danish warriors who were left, provided, of course, that none of them tried to renew the quarrel or avenge Hnaef their fallen lord. If, again, one of Finn's Frisians began a quarrel, he should die by the sword. {16i} Hnaef. {16j} The high place chosen for the funeral: see description of Beowulf's funeral-pile at the end of the poem. {16k} Wounds. {17a} That is, these two Danes, escaping home, had told the story of the attack on Hnaef, the slaying of Hengest, and all the Danish woes. Collecting a force, they return to Frisia and kill Finn in his home. {17b} Nephew to Hrothgar, with whom he subsequently quarrels, and elder cousin to the two young sons of Hrothgar and Wealhtheow, -- their natural guardian in the event of the king's death. There is something finely feminine in this speech of Wealhtheow's, apart from its somewhat irregular and irrelevant sequence of topics. Both she and her lord probably distrust Hrothulf; but she bids the king to be of good cheer, and, turning to the suspect, heaps affectionate assurances on his probity. "My own Hrothulf" will surely not forget these favors and benefits of the past, but will repay them to the orphaned boy. {19a} They had laid their arms on the benches near where they slept. {20a} He surmises presently where she is. {20b} The connection is not difficult. The words of mourning, of acute grief, are said; and according to Germanic sequence of thought, inexorable here, the next and only topic is revenge. But is it possible? Hrothgar leads up to his appeal and promise with a skillful and often effective description of the horrors which surround the monster's home and await the attempt of an avenging foe. {21a} Hrothgar is probably meant. {21b} Meeting place. {22a} Kenning for "sword." Hrunting is bewitched, laid under a spell of uselessness, along with all other swords. {22b} This brown of swords, evidently meaning burnished, bright, continues to be a favorite adjective in the popular ballads. {23a} After the killing of the monster and Grendel's decapitation. {23b} Hrothgar. {23c} The blade slowly dissolves in blood-stained drops like icicles. {23d} Spear. {24a} That is, "whoever has as wide authority as I have and can remember so far back so many instances of heroism, may well say, as I say, that no better hero ever lived than Beowulf." {25a} That is, he is now undefended by conscience from the temptations (shafts) of the devil. {25b} Kenning for the sun. -- This is a strange role for the raven. He is the warrior's bird of battle, exults in slaughter and carnage; his joy here is a compliment to the sunrise. {26a} That is, he might or might not see Beowulf again. Old as he was, the latter chance was likely; but he clung to the former, hoping to see his young friend again "and exchange brave words in the hall." {27a} With the speed of the boat. {27b} Queen to Hygelac. She is praised by contrast with the antitype, Thryth, just as Beowulf was praised by contrast with Heremod. {27c} Kenning for "wife." {28a} Beowulf gives his uncle the king not mere gossip of his journey, but a statesmanlike forecast of the outcome of certain policies at the Danish court. Talk of interpolation here is absurd. As both Beowulf and Hygelac know, -- and the folk for whom the Beowulf was put together also knew, -- Froda was king of the Heathobards (probably the Langobards, once near neighbors of Angle and Saxon tribes on the continent), and had fallen in fight with the Danes. Hrothgar will set aside this feud by giving his daughter as "peace-weaver" and wife to the young king Ingeld, son of the slain Froda. But Beowulf, on general principles and from his observation of the particular case, foretells trouble. Note: {28b} Play of shields, battle. A Danish warrior cuts down Froda in the fight, and takes his sword and armor, leaving them to a son. This son is selected to accompany his mistress, the young princess Freawaru, to her new home when she is Ingeld's queen. Heedlessly he wears the sword of Froda in hall. An old warrior points it out to Ingeld, and eggs him on to vengeance. At his instigation the Dane is killed; but the murderer, afraid of results, and knowing the land, escapes. So the old feud must break out again. {28c} That is, their disastrous battle and the slaying of their king. {28d} The sword. {28e} Beowulf returns to his forecast. Things might well go somewhat as follows, he says; sketches a little tragic story; and with this prophecy by illustration returns to the tale of his adventure. {28f} Not an actual glove, but a sort of bag. {29a} Hygelac. {29b} This is generally assumed to mean hides, though the text simply says "seven thousand." A hide in England meant about 120 acres, though "the size of the acre varied." {29c} On the historical raid into Frankish territory between 512 and 520 A.D. The subsequent course of events, as gathered from hints of this epic, is partly told in Scandinavian legend. {29d} The chronology of this epic, as scholars have worked it out, would make Beowulf well over ninety years of age when he fights the dragon. But the fifty years of his reign need not be taken as historical fact. {29e} The text is here hopelessly illegible, and only the general drift of the meaning can be rescued. For one thing, we have the old myth of a dragon who guards hidden treasure. But with this runs the story of some noble, last of his race, who hides all his wealth within this barrow and there chants his farewell to life's glories. After his death the dragon takes possession of the hoard and watches over it. A condemned or banished man, desperate, hides in the barrow, discovers the treasure, and while the dragon sleeps, makes off with a golden beaker or the like, and carries it for propitiation to his master. The dragon discovers the loss and exacts fearful penalty from the people round about. {31a} Literally "loan-days," days loaned to man. {31b} Chattuarii, a tribe that dwelt along the Rhine, and took part in repelling the raid of (Hygelac) Chocilaicus. {31c} Onla, son of Ongentheow, who pursues his two nephews Eanmund and Eadgils to Heardred's court, where they have taken refuge after their unsuccessful rebellion. In the fighting Heardred is killed. {32a} That is, Beowulf supports Eadgils against Onela, who is slain by Eadgils in revenge for the "care-paths" of exile into which Onela forced him. {32b} That is, the king could claim no wergild, or man-price, from one son for the killing of the other. {32c} Usual euphemism for death. {32d} Sc. in the grave. {33a} Eofor for Wulf. -- The immediate provocation for Eofor in killing "the hoary Scylfing," Ongentheow, is that the latter has just struck Wulf down; but the king, Haethcyn, is also avenged by the blow. See the detailed description below. {33b} Hygelac. {33c} Shield. {33d} The hollow passage. {34a} That is, although Eanmund was brother's son to Onela, the slaying of the former by Weohstan is not felt as cause of feud, and is rewarded by gift of the slain man's weapons. {34b} Both Wiglaf and the sword did their duty. -- The following is one of the classic passages for illustrating the comitatus as the most conspicuous Germanic institution, and its underlying sense of duty, based partly on the idea of loyalty and partly on the practical basis of benefits received and repaid. {34c} Sc. "than to bide safely here," -- a common figure of incomplete comparison. {34d} Wiglaf's wooden shield. {34e} Gering would translate "kinsman of the nail," as both are made of iron. {35a} That is, swords. {36a} Where Beowulf lay. {37a} What had been left or made by the hammer; well-forged. {37b} Trying to revive him. {38a} Nothing. {38b} Dead. {38c} Death-watch, guard of honor, "lyke-wake." {38d} A name for the Franks. {38e} Ongentheow. {38f} Haethcyn. {39a} The line may mean: till Hrethelings stormed on the hedged shields, -- i.e. the shield-wall or hedge of defensive war -- Hrethelings, of course, are Geats. {39b} Eofor, brother to Wulf Wonreding. {39c} Sc. "value in" hides and the weight of the gold. {39d} Not at all. {39e} Laid on it when it was put in the barrow. This spell, or in our days the "curse," either prevented discovery or brought dire ills on the finder and taker. {40a} Probably the fugitive is meant who discovered the hoard. Ten Brink and Gering assume that the dragon is meant. "Hid" may well mean here "took while in hiding." {40b} That is "one and a few others." But Beowulf seems to be indicated. {40c} Ten Brink points out the strongly heathen character of this part of the epic. Beowulf's end came, so the old tradition ran, from his unwitting interference with spell-bound treasure. {40d} A hard saying, variously interpreted. In any case, it is the somewhat clumsy effort of the Christian poet to tone down the heathenism of his material by an edifying observation. {41a} Nothing is said of Beowulf's wife in the poem, but Bugge surmises that Beowulf finally accepted Hygd's offer of kingdom and hoard, and, as was usual, took her into the bargain. 
20431	----	Transcriber's note: In the printed book, line numbering was determined by the physical length of a line. Sometimes the numbered line was one or even two lines above or below the nearest multiple of 10. Where a stanza ended on a multiple of 10, the first line of the following stanza was numbered instead. Line numbers have been regularized for this e-text. THE TALE OF BEOWULF Sometime King of the Folk of the Weder Geats Translated by WILLIAM MORRIS and A. J. WYATT Longmans, Green, and Co. 39 Paternoster Row, London New York and Bombay MCMIV Bibliographical Note First printed at the Kelmscott Press, January 1895 Ordinary Edition . . . . . . . . . . . August 1898 Reprinted . . . . . . . . . . . . . . August 1904 ARGUMENT Hrothgar, king of the Danes, lives happily and peacefully, and bethinks him to build a glorious hall called Hart. But a little after, one Grendel, of the kindred of the evil wights that are come of Cain, hears the merry noise of Hart and cannot abide it; so he enters thereinto by night, and slays and carries off and devours thirty of Hrothgar's thanes. Thereby he makes Hart waste for twelve years, and the tidings of this mishap are borne wide about lands. Then comes to the helping of Hrothgar Beowulf, the son of Ecgtheow, a thane of King Hygelac of the Geats, with fourteen fellows. They are met on the shore by the land-warder, and by him shown to Hart and the stead of Hrothgar, who receives them gladly, and to whom Beowulf tells his errand, that he will help him against Grendel. They feast in the hall, and one Unferth, son of Ecglaf, taunts Beowulf through jealousy that he was outdone by Breca in swimming. Beowulf tells the true tale thereof. And a little after, at nightfall, Hrothgar and his folk leave the hall Hart, and it is given in charge to Beowulf, who with his Geats abides there the coming of Grendel. Soon comes Grendel to the hall, and slays a man of the Geats, hight Handshoe, and then grapples with Beowulf, who will use no weapon against him: Grendel feels himself over-mastered and makes for the door, and gets out, but leaves his hand and arm behind him with Beowulf: men on the wall hear the great noise of this battle and the wailing of Grendel. In the morning the Danes rejoice, and follow the bloody slot of Grendel, and return to Hart racing and telling old tales, as of Sigemund and the Worm. Then come the king and his thanes to look on the token of victory, Grendel's hand and arm, which Beowulf has let fasten: to the hall-gable. The king praises Beowulf and rewards him, and they feast in Hart, and the tale of Finn and Hengest is told. Then Hrothgar leaves Hart, and so does Beowulf also with his Geats, but the Danes keep guard there. In the night comes in Grendel's Mother, and catches up Aeschere, a thane of Hrothgar, and carries him off to her lair. In the morning is Beowulf fetched to Hrothgar, who tells him of this new grief and craves his help. Then they follow up the slot and come to a great water-side, and find thereby Aeschere's head, and the place is known for the lair of those two: monsters are playing in the deep, and Beowulf shoots one of them to death. Then Beowulf dights him and leaps into the water, and is a day's while reaching the bottom. There he is straightway caught hold of by Grendel's Mother, who bears him into her hall. When he gets free he falls on her, but the edge of the sword Hrunting (lent to him by Unferth) fails him, and she casts him to the ground and draws her sax to slay him; but he rises up, and sees an old sword of the giants hanging on the wall; he takes it and smites off her head therewith. He sees Grendel lying dead, and his head also he strikes off; but the blade of the sword is molten in his venomous blood. Then Beowulf strikes upward, taking with him the head of Grendel and the hilts of the sword. When he comes to the shore he finds his Geats there alone; for the Danes fled when they saw the blood floating in the water. They go up to Hrothgar's stead, and four men must needs bear the head. They come to Hrothgar, and Beowulf gives him the hilts and tells him what he has done. Much praise is given to Beowulf; and they feast together. On the morrow Beowulf bids farewell to Hrothgar, more gifts are given, and messages are sent to Hygelac: Beowulf departs with the full love of Hrothgar. The Geats come to their ship and reward the ship-warder, and put off and sail to their own land. Beowulf comes to Hygelac's house. Hygelac is told of, and his wife Hygd, and her good conditions, against whom is set as a warning the evil Queen Thrytho. Beowulf tells all the tale of his doings in full to Hygelac, and gives him his gifts, and the precious-gemmed collar to Hygd. Here is told of Beowulf, and how he was contemned in his youth, and is now grown so renowned. Time wears; Hygelac is slain in battle; Heardred, his son, reigns in his stead, he is slain by the Swedes, and Beowulf is made king. When he is grown old, and has been king for fifty years, come new tidings. A great dragon finds on the sea-shore a mound wherein is stored the treasure of ancient folk departed. The said dragon abides there, and broods the gold for 300 years. Now a certain thrall, who had misdone against his lord and was fleeing from his wrath, haps on the said treasure and takes a cup thence, which he brings to his lord to appease his wrath. The Worm waketh, and findeth his treasure lessened, but can find no man who hath done the deed. Therefore he turns on the folk, and wars on them, and burns Beowulf's house. Now Beowulf will go and meet the Worm. He has an iron shield made, and sets forth with eleven men and the thrall the thirteenth. He comes to the ness, and speaks to his men, telling them of his past days, and gives them his last greeting: then he cries out a challenge to the Worm, who comes forth, and the battle begins: Beowulf's sword will not bite on the Worm. Wiglaf eggs on the others to come to Beowulf's help, and goes himself straightway, and offers himself to Beowulf; the Worm comes on again, and Beowulf breaks his sword Nægling on him, and the Worm wounds Beowulf. Wiglaf smites the Worm in the belly; Beowulf draws his ax, and between them they slay the Worm. Beowulf now feels his wounds, and knows that he is hurt deadly; he sits down by the wall, and Wiglaf bathes his wounds. Beowulf speaks, tells how he would give his armour to his son if he had one; thanks God that he has not sworn falsely or done guilefully; and prays Wiglaf to bear out the treasure that he may see it before he dies. Wiglaf fetches out the treasure, and again bathes Beowulf's wounds; Beowulf speaks again, rejoices over the sight of the treasure; gives to Wiglaf his ring and his armour, and bids the manner of his bale-fire. With that he passes away. Now the dastards come thereto and find Wiglaf vainly bathing his dead lord. He casteth shame upon them with great wrath. Thence he sends a messenger to the barriers of the town, who comes to the host, and tells them of the death of Beowulf. He tells withal of the old feud betwixt the Geats and the Swedes, and how these, when they hear of the death of the king, will be upon them. The warriors go to look on Beowulf, and find him and the Worm lying dead together. Wiglaf chooses out seven of them to go void the treasure-house, after having bidden them gather wood for the bale-fire. They shove the Worm over the cliff into the sea, and bear off the treasure in wains. Then they bring Beowulf's corpse to bale, and they kindle it; a woman called the wife of aforetime, it may be Hygd, widow of Hygelac, bemoans him: and twelve children of the athelings ride round the bale, and bemoan Beowulf and praise him: and thus ends the poem. THE STORY OF BEOWULF I. AND FIRST OF THE KINDRED OF HROTHGAR. What! we of the Spear-Danes of yore days, so was it That we learn'd of the fair fame of kings of the folks And the athelings a-faring in framing of valour. Oft then Scyld the Sheaf-son from the hosts of the scathers, From kindreds a many the mead-settles tore; It was then the earl fear'd them, sithence was he first Found bare and all-lacking; so solace he bided, Wax'd under the welkin in worship to thrive, Until it was so that the round-about sitters All over the whale-road must hearken his will 10 And yield him the tribute. A good king was that, By whom then thereafter a son was begotten, A youngling in garth, whom the great God sent thither To foster the folk; and their crime-need he felt The load that lay on them while lordless they lived For a long while and long. He therefore, the Life-lord, The Wielder of glory, world's worship he gave him: Brim Beowulf waxed, and wide the weal upsprang Of the offspring of Scyld in the parts of the Scede-lands. Such wise shall a youngling with wealth be a-working 20 With goodly fee-gifts toward the friends of his father, That after in eld-days shall ever bide with him, Fair fellows well-willing when wendeth the war-tide, Their lief lord a-serving. By praise-deeds it shall be That in each and all kindreds a man shall have thriving. Then went his ways Scyld when the shapen while was, All hardy to wend him to the lord and his warding: Out then did they bear him to the side of the sea-flood, The dear fellows of him, as he himself pray'd them While yet his word wielded the friend of the Scyldings, 30 The dear lord of the land; a long while had he own'd it. With stem all be-ringed at the hythe stood the ship, All icy and out-fain, the Atheling's ferry. There then did they lay him, the lord well beloved, The gold-rings' bestower, within the ship's barm, The mighty by mast. Much there was the treasure, From far ways forsooth had the fret-work been led: Never heard I of keel that was comelier dighted With weapons of war, and with weed of the battle, With bills and with byrnies. There lay in his barm 40 Much wealth of the treasure that with him should be, And he into the flood's might afar to depart. No lesser a whit were the wealth-goods they dight him Of the goods of the folk, than did they who aforetime, When was the beginning, first sent him away Alone o'er the billows, and he but a youngling. Moreover they set him up there a sign golden High up overhead, and let the holm bear him, Gave all to the Spearman. Sad mind they had in them, And mourning their mood was. Now never knew men, 50 For sooth how to say it, rede-masters in hall, Or heroes 'neath heaven, to whose hands came the lading. II. CONCERNING HROTHGAR, AND HOW HE BUILT THE HOUSE CALLED HART. ALSO GRENDEL IS TOLD OF. In the burgs then was biding Beowulf the Scylding, Dear King of the people, for long was he dwelling Far-famed of folks (his father turn'd elsewhere, From his stead the Chief wended) till awoke to him after Healfdene the high, and long while he held it, Ancient and war-eager, o'er the glad Scyldings: Of his body four bairns are forth to him rimed; Into the world woke the leader of war-hosts 60 Heorogar; eke Hrothgar, and Halga the good; Heard I that Elan queen was she of Ongentheow, That Scylding of battle, the bed-mate behalsed. Then was unto Hrothgar the war-speed given, Such worship of war that his kin and well-willers Well hearken'd his will till the younglings were waxen, A kin-host a many. Then into his mind ran That he would be building for him now a hall-house, That men should be making a mead-hall more mighty Than the children of ages had ever heard tell of: 70 And there within eke should he be out-dealing To young and to old all things God had given, Save the share of the folk and the life-days of men. Then heard I that widely the work was a-banning To kindreds a many the Middle-garth over To fret o'er that folk-stead. So befell to him timely Right soon among men that made was it yarely The most of hall-houses, and Hart its name shap'd he, Who wielded his word full widely around. His behest he belied not; it was he dealt the rings, 80 The wealth at the high-tide. Then up rose the hall-house, High up and horn-gabled. Hot surges it bided Of fire-flame the loathly, nor long was it thenceforth Ere sorely the edge-hate 'twixt Son and Wife's Father After the slaughter-strife there should awaken. Then the ghost heavy-strong bore with it hardly E'en for a while of time, bider in darkness, That there on each day of days heard he the mirth-tide Loud in the hall-house. There was the harp's voice, And clear song of shaper. Said he who could it 90 To tell the first fashion of men from aforetime; Quoth how the Almighty One made the Earth's fashion, The fair field and bright midst the bow of the Waters, And with victory beglory'd set Sun and Moon, Bright beams to enlighten the biders on land: And how he adorned all parts of the earth With limbs and with leaves; and life withal shaped For the kindred of each thing that quick on earth wendeth. So liv'd on all happy the host of the kinsmen In game and in glee, until one wight began, 100 A fiend out of hell-pit, the framing of evil, And Grendel forsooth the grim guest was hight, The mighty mark-strider, the holder of moorland, The fen and the fastness. The stead of the fifel That wight all unhappy a while of time warded, Sithence that the Shaper him had for-written. On the kindred of Cain the Lord living ever Awreaked the murder of the slaying of Abel. In that feud he rejoic'd not, but afar him He banish'd, The Maker, from mankind for the crime he had wrought. 110 But offspring uncouth thence were they awoken Eotens and elf-wights, and ogres of ocean, And therewith the Giants, who won war against God A long while; but He gave them their wages therefor. III. HOW GRENDEL FELL UPON HART AND WASTED IT. Now went he a-spying, when come was the night-tide, The house on high builded, and how there the Ring-Danes Their beer-drinking over had boune them to bed; And therein he found them, the atheling fellows, Asleep after feasting. Then sorrow they knew not Nor the woe of mankind: but the wight of wealth's waning, 120 The grim and the greedy, soon yare was he gotten, All furious and fierce, and he raught up from resting A thirty of thanes, and thence aback got him Right fain of his gettings, and homeward to fare, Fulfilled of slaughter his stead to go look on. Thereafter at dawning, when day was yet early, The war-craft of Grendel to men grew unhidden, And after his meal was the weeping uphoven, Mickle voice of the morning-tide: there the Prince mighty, The Atheling exceeding good, unblithe he sat, 130 Tholing the heavy woe; thane-sorrow dreed he Since the slot of the loathly wight there they had look'd on, The ghost all accursed. O'er grisly the strife was, So loathly and longsome. No longer the frist was But after the wearing of one night; then fram'd he Murder-bales more yet, and nowise he mourned The feud and the crime; over fast therein was he. Then easy to find was the man who would elsewhere Seek out for himself a rest was more roomsome, Beds end-long the bowers, when beacon'd to him was, 140 And soothly out told by manifest token, The hate of the hell-thane. He held himself sithence Further and faster who from the fiend gat him. In such wise he rul'd it and wrought against right, But one against all, until idle was standing The best of hall-houses; and mickle the while was, Twelve winter-tides' wearing; and trouble he tholed, That friend of the Scyldings, of woes every one And wide-spreading sorrows: for sithence it fell That unto men's children unbidden 'twas known 150 Full sadly in singing, that Grendel won war 'Gainst Hrothgar a while of time, hate-envy waging, And crime-guilts and feud for seasons no few, And strife without stinting. For the sake of no kindness Unto any of men of the main-host of Dane-folk Would he thrust off the life-bale, or by fee-gild allay it, Nor was there a wise man that needed to ween The bright boot to have at the hand of the slayer. The monster the fell one afflicted them sorely, That death-shadow darksome the doughty and youthful 160 Enfettered, ensnared; night by night was he faring The moorlands the misty. But never know men Of spell-workers of Hell to and fro where they wander. So crime-guilts a many the foeman of mankind, The fell alone-farer, fram'd oft and full often, Cruel hard shames and wrongful, and Hart he abode in, The treasure-stain'd hall, in the dark of the night-tide; But never the gift-stool therein might he greet, The treasure before the Creator he trow'd not. Mickle wrack was it soothly for the friend of the Scyldings, 170 Yea heart and mood breaking. Now sat there a many Of the mighty in rune, and won them the rede Of what thing for the strong-soul'd were best of all things Which yet they might frame 'gainst the fear and the horror. And whiles they behight them at the shrines of the heathen To worship the idols; and pray'd they in words, That he, the ghost-slayer, would frame for them helping 'Gainst the folk-threats and evil So far'd they their wont, The hope of the heathen; nor hell they remember'd In mood and in mind. And the Maker they knew not, 180 The Doomer of deeds: nor of God the Lord wist they, Nor the Helm of the Heavens knew aught how to hery, The Wielder of Glory. Woe worth unto that man Who through hatred the baneful his soul shall shove into The fire's embrace; nought of fostering weens he, Nor of changing one whit. But well is he soothly That after the death-day shall seek to the Lord, In the breast of the Father all peace ever craving. IV. NOW COMES BEOWULF ECGTHEOW'S SON TO THE LAND OF THE DANES, AND THE WALL-WARDEN SPEAKETH WITH HIM. So care that was time-long the kinsman of Healfdene Still seeth'd without ceasing, nor might the wise warrior 190 Wend otherwhere woe, for o'er strong was the strife All loathly so longsome late laid on the people, Need-wrack and grim nithing, of night-bales the greatest. Now that from his home heard the Hygelac's thane, Good midst of the Geat-folk; of Grendel's deeds heard he. But he was of mankind of might and main mightiest In the day that we tell of, the day of this life, All noble, strong-waxen. He bade a wave-wearer Right good to be gear'd him, and quoth he that the war-king Over the swan-road he would be seeking, 200 The folk-lord far-famed, since lack of men had he. Forsooth of that faring the carles wiser-fashion'd Laid little blame on him, though lief to them was he; The heart-hardy whetted they, heeded the omen. There had the good one, e'en he of the Geat-folk, Champions out-chosen of them that he keenest Might find for his needs; and he then the fifteenth, Sought to the sound-wood. A swain thereon show'd him, A sea-crafty man, all the make of the land-marks. Wore then a while, on the waves was the floater, 210 The boat under the berg, and yare then the warriors Strode up on the stem; the streams were a-winding The sea 'gainst the sands. Upbore the swains then Up into the bark's barm the bright-fretted weapons, The war-array stately; then out the lads shov'd her, The folk on the welcome way shov'd out the wood-bound. Then by the wind driven out o'er the wave-holm Far'd the foamy-neck'd floater most like to a fowl, Till when was the same tide of the second day's wearing The wound-about-stemm'd one had waded her way, 220 So that then they that sail'd her had sight of the land, Bleak shine of the sea-cliffs, bergs steep up above, Sea-nesses wide reaching; the sound was won over, The sea-way was ended: then up ashore swiftly The band of the Weder-folk up on earth wended; They bound up the sea-wood, their sarks on them rattled, Their weed of the battle, and God there they thanked For that easy the wave-ways were waxen unto them. But now from the wall saw the Scylding-folks' warder, E'en he whom the holm-cliffs should ever be holding, 230 Men bear o'er the gangway the bright shields a-shining, Folk-host gear all ready. Then mind-longing wore him, And stirr'd up his mood to wot who were the men-folk. So shoreward down far'd he his fair steed a-riding, Hrothgar's Thane, and full strongly then set he a-quaking The stark wood in his hands, and in council-speech speer'd he: What men be ye then of them that have war-gear, With byrnies bewarded, who the keel high up-builded Over the Lake-street thus have come leading. Hither o'er holm-ways hieing in ring-stem? 240 End-sitter was I, a-holding the sea-ward, That the land of the Dane-folk none of the loathly Faring with ship-horde ever might scathe it. None yet have been seeking more openly hither Of shield-havers than ye, and ye of the leave-word Of the framers of war naught at all wotting, Or the manners of kinsmen. But no man of earls greater Saw I ever on earth than one of you yonder, The warrior in war-gear: no hall-man, so ween I, Is that weapon-beworthy'd, but his visage belie him, 250 The sight seen once only. Now I must be wotting The spring of your kindred ere further ye cast ye, And let loose your false spies in the Dane-land a-faring Yet further afield. So now, ye far-dwellers, Ye wenders o'er sea-flood, this word do ye hearken Of my one-folded thought: and haste is the handiest To do me to wit of whence is your coming. V. HERE BEOWULF MAKES ANSWER TO THE LAND-WARDEN, WHO SHOWETH HIM THE WAY TO THE KING'S ABODE. He then that was chiefest in thus wise he answer'd, The war-fellows' leader unlock'd he the word-hoard: We be a people of the Weder-Geats' man-kin 260 And of Hygelac be we the hearth-fellows soothly. My father before me of folks was well-famed Van-leader and atheling, Ecgtheow he hight. Many winters abode he, and on the way wended An old man from the garths, and him well remembers Every wise man well nigh wide yond o'er the earth. Through our lief mood and friendly the lord that is thine, Even Healfdene's son, are we now come a-seeking, Thy warder of folk. Learn us well with thy leading, For we have to the mighty an errand full mickle, 270 To the lord of the Dane-folk: naught dark shall it be, That ween I full surely. If it be so thou wottest, As soothly for our parts we now have heard say, That one midst of the Scyldings, who of scathers I wot not, A deed-hater secret, in the dark of the night-tide Setteth forth through the terror the malice untold of, The shame-wrong and slaughter. I therefore to Hrothgar Through my mind fashion'd roomsome the rede may now learn him, How he, old-wise and good, may get the fiend under, If once more from him awayward may turn 280 The business of bales, and the boot come again, And the weltering of care wax cooler once more; Or for ever sithence time of stress he shall thole, The need and the wronging, the while yet there abideth On the high stead aloft the best of all houses. Then spake out the warden on steed there a-sitting, The servant all un-fear'd: It shall be of either That the shield-warrior sharp the sundering wotteth, Of words and of works, if he think thereof well. I hear it thus said that this host here is friendly 290 To the lord of the Scyldings; forth fare ye then, bearing Your weed and your weapons, of the way will I wise you; Likewise mine own kinsmen I will now be bidding Against every foeman your floater before us, Your craft but new-tarred, the keel on the sand, With honour to hold, until back shall be bearing Over the lake-streams this one, the lief man, The wood of the wounden-neck back unto Wedermark. Unto such shall be granted amongst the good-doers To win the way out all whole from the war-race. 300 Then boun they to faring, the bark biding quiet; Hung upon hawser the wide-fathom'd ship Fast at her anchor. Forth shone the boar-shapes Over the check-guards golden adorned, Fair-shifting, fire-hard; ward held the farrow. Snorted the war-moody, hasten'd the warriors And trod down together until the hall timbered, Stately and gold-bestain'd, gat they to look on, That was the all-mightiest unto earth's dwellers Of halls 'neath the heavens, wherein bode the mighty; 310 Glisten'd the gleam thereof o'er lands a many. Unto them then the war-deer the court of the proud one Full clearly betaught it, that they therewithal Might wend their ways thither. Then he of the warriors Round wended his steed, and spake a word backward: Time now for my faring; but the Father All-wielder May He with all helping henceforward so hold you All whole in your wayfaring. Will I to sea-side Against the wroth folk to hold warding ever. VI. BEOWULF AND THE GEATS COME INTO HART. Stone-diverse the street was, straight uplong the path led 320 The warriors together. There shone the war-byrny The hard and the hand-lock'd; the ring-iron sheer Sang over their war-gear, when they to the hall first In their gear the all-fearful had gat them to ganging. So then the sea-weary their wide shields set down, Their war-rounds the mighty, against the hall's wall. Then bow'd they to bench, and rang there the byrnies, The war-weed of warriors, and up-stood the spears, The war-gear of the sea-folk all gather'd together. The ash-holt grey-headed; that host of the iron 330 With weapons was worshipful. There then a proud chief Of those lads of the battle speer'd after their line: Whence ferry ye then the shields golden-faced, The grey sarks therewith, and the helms all bevisor'd, And a heap of the war-shafts? Now am I of Hrothgar The man and the messenger: ne'er saw I of aliens So many of men more might-like of mood. I ween that for pride-sake, no wise for wrack-wending But for high might of mind, ye to Hrothgar have sought. Unto him then the heart-hardy answer'd and spake, 340 The proud earl of the Weders the word gave aback, The hardy neath helm: Now of Hygelac are we The board-fellows; Beowulf e'en is my name, And word will I say unto Healfdene's son, To the mighty, the folk-lord, what errand is mine, Yea unto thy lord, if to us he will grant it That him, who so good is, anon we may greet. Spake Wulfgar the word, a lord of the Wendels, And the mood of his heart of a many was kenned, His war and his wisdom: I therefore the Danes' friend 350 Will lightly be asking, of the lord of the Scyldings, The dealer of rings, since the boon thou art bidding, The mighty folk-lord, concerning thine errand, And swiftly the answer shall do thee to wit Which the good one to give thee aback may deem meetest. Then turn'd he in haste to where Hrothgar was sitting Right old and all hoary mid the host of his earl-folk: Went the valour-stark; stood he the shoulders before Of the Dane-lord: well could he the doughty ones' custom. So Wulfgar spake forth to his lord the well-friendly: 360 Hither are ferry'd now, come from afar off O'er the field of the ocean, a folk of the Geats; These men of the battle e'en Beowulf name they Their elder and chiefest, and to thee are they bidding That they, O dear lord, with thee may be dealing In word against word. Now win them no naysay Of thy speech again-given, O Hrothgar the glad-man: For they in their war-gear, methinketh, be worthy Of good deeming of earls; and forsooth naught but doughty Is he who hath led o'er the warriors hither. 370 VII. BEOWULF SPEAKETH WITH HROTHGAR, AND TELLETH HOW HE WILL MEET GRENDEL. Word then gave out Hrothgar the helm of the Scyldings: I knew him in sooth when he was but a youngling, And his father, the old man, was Ecgtheow hight; Unto whom at his home gave Hrethel the Geat-lord His one only daughter; and now hath his offspring All hardy come hither a lief lord to seek him. For that word they spake then, the sea-faring men, E'en they who the gift-seat for the Geat-folk had ferry'd, Brought thither for thanks, that of thirty of menfolk The craft of might hath he within his own handgrip, 380 That war-strong of men. Now him holy God For kind help hath sent off here even to us, We men of the West Danes, as now I have weening, 'Gainst the terror of Grendel. So I to that good one For his mighty mood-daring shall the dear treasure bid. Haste now and be speedy, and bid them in straightway, The kindred-band gather'd together, to see us, And in words say thou eke that they be well comen To the folk of the Danes. To the door of the hall then Went Wulfgar, and words withinward he flitted: 390 He bade me to say you, my lord of fair battle, The elder of East-Danes, that he your blood knoweth, And that unto him are ye the sea-surges over, Ye lads hardy-hearted, well come to land hither; And now may ye wend you all in war-raiment Under the battle-mask Hrothgar to see. But here let your battle-boards yet be abiding, With your war-weed and slaughter-shafts, issue of words. Then rose up the rich one, much warriors around him, Chosen heap of the thanes, but there some abided 400 The war-gear to hold, as the wight one was bidding. Swift went they together, as the warrior there led them, Under Hart's roof: went the stout-hearted, The hardy neath helm, till he stood by the high-seat. Then Beowulf spake out, on him shone the byrny, His war-net besown by the wiles of the smith: Hail to thee, Hrothgar! I am of Hygelac Kinsman and folk-thane; fair deeds have I many Begun in my youth-tide, and this matter of Grendel On the turf of mine own land undarkly I knew. 410 'Tis the seafarers' say that standeth this hall, The best house forsooth, for each one of warriors All idle and useless, after the even-light Under the heaven-loft hidden becometh. Then lightly they learn'd me, my people, this lore, E'en the best that there be of the wise of the churls, O Hrothgar the kingly, that thee should I seek to, Whereas of the might of my craft were they cunning; For they saw me when came I from out of my wargear, Blood-stain'd from the foe whenas five had I bounden, 420 Quell'd the kin of the eotens, and in the wave slain The nicors by night-tide: strait need then I bore, Wreak'd the grief of the Weders, the woe they had gotten; I ground down the wrathful; and now against Grendel I here with the dread one alone shall be dooming, In Thing with the giant. I now then with thee, O lord of the bright Danes, will fall to my bidding, O berg of Scyldings, and bid thee one boon, Which, O refuge of warriors, gainsay me not now, Since, O free friend of folks, from afar have I come, 430 That I alone, I and my band of the earls, This hard heap of men, may cleanse Hart of ill. This eke have I heard say, that he, the fell monster, In his wan-heed recks nothing of weapons of war; Forgo I this therefore (if so be that Hygelac Will still be my man-lord, and he blithe of mood) To bear the sword with me, or bear the broad shield, Yellow-round to the battle; but with naught save the hand-grip With the foe shall I grapple, and grope for the life The loathly with loathly. There he shall believe 440 In the doom of the Lord whom death then shall take. Now ween I that he, if he may wield matters, E'en there in the war-hall the folk of the Geats Shall eat up unafear'd, as oft he hath done it With the might of the Hrethmen: no need for thee therefore My head to be hiding; for me will he have With gore all bestain'd, if the death of men get me; He will bear off my bloody corpse minded to taste it; Unmournfully then will the Lone-goer eat it, Will blood-mark the moor-ways; for the meat of my body 450 Naught needest thou henceforth in any wise grieve thee. But send thou to Hygelac, if the war have me, The best of all war-shrouds that now my breast wardeth, The goodliest of railings, the good gift of Hrethel, The hand-work of Weland. Weird wends as she willeth. VIII. HROTHGAR ANSWERETH BEOWULF AND BIDDETH HIM SIT TO THE FEAST. Spake out then Hrothgar the helm of the Scyldings: Thou Beowulf, friend mine, for battle that wardeth And for help that is kindly hast sought to us hither. Fought down thy father the most of all feuds; To Heatholaf was he forsooth for a hand-bane 460 Amidst of the Wylfings. The folk of the Weders Him for the war-dread that while might not hold. So thence did he seek to the folk of the South-Danes O'er the waves' wallow, to the Scyldings be-worshipped. Then first was I wielding the weal of the Dane-folk, That time was I holding in youth-tide the gem-rich Hoard-burg of the heroes. Dead then was Heorogar, Mine elder of brethren; unliving was he, The Healfdene's bairn that was better than I. That feud then thereafter with fee did I settle; 470 I sent to the Wylfing folk over the waters' back Treasures of old time; he swore the oaths to me. Sorrow is in my mind that needs must I say it To any of grooms, of Grendel what hath he Of shaming in Hart, and he with his hate-wiles Of sudden harms framed; the host of my hall-floor, The war-heap, is waned; Weird swept them away Into horror of Grendel. It is God now that may lightly The scather the doltish from deeds thrust aside. Full oft have they boasted with beer well bedrunken, 480 My men of the battle all over the ale-stoup, That they in the beer-hall would yet be abiding The onset of Grendel with the terror of edges. But then was this mead-hall in the tide of the morning, This warrior-hall, gore-stain'd when day at last gleamed, All the boards of the benches with blood besteam'd over, The hall laid with sword-gore: of lieges less had I Of dear and of doughty, for them death had gotten. Now sit thou to feast and unbind thy mood freely, Thy war-fame unto men as the mind of thee whetteth. 490 Then was for the Geat-folk and them all together There in the beer-hall a bench bedight roomsome, There the stout-hearted hied them to sitting Proud in their might: a thane minded the service, Who in hand upbare an ale-stoup adorned, Skinked the sheer mead; whiles sang the shaper Clear out in Hart-hall; joy was of warriors, Men doughty no little of Danes and of Weders. IX. UNFERTH CONTENDETH IN WORDS WITH BEOWULF. Spake out then Unferth that bairn was of Ecglaf, And he sat at the feet of the lord of the Scyldings, 500 He unbound the battle-rune; was Beowulf's faring, Of him the proud mere-farer, mickle unliking, Whereas he begrudg'd it of any man other That he glories more mighty the middle-garth over Should hold under heaven than he himself held: Art thou that Beowulf who won strife with Breca On the wide sea contending in swimming, When ye two for pride's sake search'd out the floods And for a dolt's cry into deep water Thrust both your life-days? No man the twain of you, 510 Lief or loth were he, might lay wyte to stay you Your sorrowful journey, when on the sea row'd ye; Then when the ocean-stream ye with your arms deck'd, Meted the mere-streets, there your hands brandish'd! O'er the Spearman ye glided; the sea with waves welter'd, The surge of the winter. Ye twain in the waves' might For a seven nights swink'd. He outdid thee in swimming, And the more was his might; but him in the morn-tide To the Heatho-Remes' land the holm bore ashore. And thence away sought he to his dear land and lovely, 520 The lief to his people sought the land of the Brondings, The fair burg peace-warding, where he the folk owned, The burg and the gold rings. What to theeward he boasted, Beanstan's son, for thee soothly he brought it about. Now ween I for thee things worser than erewhile, Though thou in the war-race wert everywhere doughty, In the grim war, if thou herein Grendel darest Night-long for a while of time nigh to abide. Then Beowulf spake out, the Ecgtheow's bairn: What! thou no few of things, O Unferth my friend, 530 And thou drunken with beer, about Breca hast spoken, Saidest out of his journey; so the sooth now I tell: To wit, that the more might ever I owned, Hard wearing on wave more than any man else. We twain then, we quoth it, while yet we were younglings, And we boasted between us, the twain of us being yet In our youth-days, that we out onto the Spearman Our lives would adventure; and e'en so we wrought It. We had a sword naked, when on the sound row'd we, Hard in hand, as we twain against the whale-fishes 540 Had mind to be warding us. No whit from me In the waves of the sea-flood afar might he float The hastier in holm, nor would I from him hie me. Then we two together, we were in the sea For a five nights, till us twain the flood drave asunder, The weltering of waves. Then the coldest of weathers In the dusking of night and the wind from the northward Battle-grim turn'd against us, rough grown were the billows. Of the mere-fishes then was the mood all up-stirred; There me 'gainst the loathly the body-sark mine, 550 The hard and the hand-lock'd, was framing me help, My battle-rail braided, it lay on my breast Gear'd graithly with gold. But me to the ground tugg'd A foe and fiend-scather; fast he had me In hold That grim one in grip: yet to me was it given. That the wretch there, the monster, with point might I reach, With my bill of the battle, and the war-race off bore The mighty mere-beast through the hand that was mine. X. BEOWULF MAKES AN END OF HIS TALE OF THE SWIMMING. WEALHTHEOW, HROTHGAR'S QUEEN, GREETS HIM; AND HROTHGAR DELIVERS TO HIM THE WARDING OF THE HALL. Thus oft and oft over the doers of evil They threatened me hard; thane-service I did them 560 With the dear sword of mine, as forsooth it was meet, That nowise of their fill did they win them the joy The evil fordoers in swallowing me down, Sitting round at the feast nigh the ground of the sea. Yea rather, a morning-tide, mangled by sword-edge Along the waves' leaving up there did they lie Lull'd asleep with the sword, so that never sithence About the deep floods for the farers o'er ocean The way have they letted. Came the light from the eastward, The bright beacon of God, and grew the seas calm, 570 So that the sea-nesses now might I look on, The windy walls. Thuswise Weird oft will be saving The earl that is unfey, when his valour availeth. Whatever, it happ'd me that I with the sword slew Nicors nine. Never heard I of fighting a night-tide 'Neath the vault of the heavens was harder than that, Nor yet on the sea-streams of woefuller wight. Whatever, forth won I with life from the foes' clutch All of wayfaring weary. But me the sea upbore, The flood downlong the tide with the weltering of waters, 580 All onto the Finnland. No whit of thee ever Mid such strife of the battle-gear have I heard say, Such terrors of bills. Nor never yet Breca In the play of the battle, nor both you, nor either, So dearly the deeds have framed forsooth With the bright flashing swords; though of this naught I boast me. But thou of thy brethren the banesman becamest, Yea thine head-kin forsooth, for which in hell shalt thou Dree weird of damnation, though doughty thy wit be; For unto thee say I forsooth, son of Ecglaf, 590 That so many deeds never Grendel had done, That monster the loathly, against thine own lord, The shaming in Hart-hall, if suchwise thy mind were, And thy soul e'en as battle-fierce, such as thou sayest. But he, he hath fram'd it that the feud he may heed not, The fearful edge-onset that is of thy folk, Nor sore need be fearful of the Victory-Scyldings. The need-pledges taketh he, no man he spareth Of the folk of the Danes, driveth war as he lusteth, Slayeth and feasteth unweening of strife 600 With them of the Spear-Danes. But I, I shall show it, The Geats' wightness and might ere the time weareth old, Shall bide him in war-tide. Then let him go who may go High-hearted to mead, sithence when the morn-light O'er the children of men of the second day hence, The sun clad in heaven's air, shines from the southward. Then merry of heart was the meter of treasures, The hoary-man'd war-renown'd, help now he trow'd in; The lord of the Bright-Danes on Beowulf hearken'd, The folk-shepherd knew him, his fast-ready mind. 610 There was laughter of heroes, and high the din rang And winsome the words were. Went Wealhtheow forth, The Queen she of Hrothgar, of courtesies mindful, The gold-array'd greeted the grooms in the hall, The free and frank woman the beaker there wended, And first to the East-Dane-folk's fatherland's warder, And bade him be blithe at the drinking of beer, To his people beloved, and lustily took he The feast and the hall-cup, that victory-fam'd King. Then round about went she, the Dame of the Helmings, 620 And to doughty and youngsome, each deal of the folk there, Gave cups of the treasure, till now it betid That to Beowulf duly the Queen the ring-dighted, Of mind high uplifted, the mead-beaker bare. Then she greeted the Geat-lord, and gave God the thank, She, the wisefast In words, that the will had wax'd in her In one man of the earls to have trusting and troth For comfort from crimes. But the cup then he took, The slaughter-fierce warrior, from Wealhtheow the Queen. And then rim'd he the word, making ready for war, 630 And Beowulf spake forth, the Ecgtheow's bairn: E'en that in mind had I when up on holm strode I, And in sea-boat sat down with a band of my men, That for once and for all the will of your people Would I set me to work, or on slaughter-field cringe Fast in grip of the fiend; yea and now shall I frame The valour of earl-folk, or else be abiding The day of mine end, here down in the mead-hall. To the wife those his words well liking they were, The big word of the Geat; and the gold-adorn'd wended, 640 The frank and free Queen to sit by her lord. And thereafter within the high hall was as erst The proud word outspoken and bliss on the people, Was the sound of the victory-folk, till on a sudden The Healfdene's son would now be a-seeking His rest of the even: wotted he for the Evil Within the high hall was the Hild-play bedight, Sithence that the sun-light no more should they see, When night should be darkening, and down over all The shapes of the shadow-helms should be a-striding 650 Wan under the welkin. Uprose then all war-folk; Then greeted the glad-minded one man the other, Hrothgar to Beowulf, bidding him hail, And the wine-hall to wield, and withal quoth the word: Never to any man erst have I given, Since the hand and the shield's round aloft might I heave, This high hall of the Dane-folk, save now unto thee. Have now and hold the best of all houses, Mind thee of fame, show the might of thy valour! Wake the wroth one: no lack shall there be to thy willing 660 If that wight work thou win and life therewithal. XI. NOW IS BEOWULF LEFT IN THE HALL ALONE WITH HIS MEN. Then wended him Hrothgar with the band of his warriors, The high-ward of the Scyldings from out of the hall, For then would the war-lord go seek unto Wealhtheow The Queen for a bed-mate. The glory of king-folk Against Grendel had set, as men have heard say, A hall-ward who held him a service apart In the house of the Dane-lord, for eoten-ward held he. Forsooth he, the Geat-lord, full gladly he trowed In the might of his mood and the grace of the Maker. 670 Therewith he did off him his byrny of iron And the helm from his head, and his dighted sword gave, The best of all irons, to the thane that abode him, And bade him to hold that harness of battle. Bespake then the good one, a big word he gave out, Beowulf the Geat, ere on the bed strode he: Nowise in war I deem me more lowly In the works of the battle than Grendel, I ween; So not with the sword shall I lull him to slumber, Or take his life thuswise, though to me were it easy; 680 Of that good wise he wots not, to get the stroke on me, To hew on my shield, for as stark as he shall be In the works of the foeman. So we twain a night-tide Shall forgo the sword, if he dare yet to seek The war without weapons. Sithence the wise God, The Lord that is holy, on which hand soever The glory may doom as due to him seemeth. Bowed down then the war-deer, the cheek-bolster took The face of the earl; and about him a many Of sea-warriors bold to their hall-slumber bow'd them; 690 No one of them thought that thence away should he Seek ever again to his home the beloved, His folk or his free burg, where erst he was fed; For of men had they learn'd that o'er mickle a many In that wine-hall aforetime the fell death had gotten Of the folk of the Danes; but the Lord to them gave it, To the folk of the Weders, the web of war-speeding, Help fair and good comfort, e'en so that their foeman Through the craft of one man all they overcame, By the self-might of one. So is manifest truth 700 That God the Almighty the kindred of men Hath wielded wide ever. Now by wan night there came, There strode in the shade-goer; slept there the shooters, They who that horn-house should be a-holding, All men but one man: to men was that known, That them indeed might not, since will'd not the Maker, The scather unceasing drag off 'neath the shadow; But he ever watching in wrath 'gainst the wroth one Mood-swollen abided the battle-mote ever. XII. GRENDEL COMETH INTO HART: OF THE STRIFE BETWIXT HIM AND BEOWULF. Came then from the moor-land, all under the mist-bents, 710 Grendel a-going there, bearing God's anger. The scather the ill one was minded of mankind To have one in his toils from the high hall aloft. 'Neath the welkin he waded, to the place whence the wine-house, The gold-hall of men, most yarely he wist With gold-plates fair coloured; nor was it the first time That he unto Hrothgar's high home had betook him. Never he in his life-days, either erst or thereafter, Of warriors more hardy or hall-thanes had found. Came then to the house the wight on his ways, 720 Of all joys bereft; and soon sprang the door open, With fire-bands made fast, when with hand he had touch'd it; Brake the bale-heedy, he with wrath bollen, The mouth of the house there, and early thereafter On the shiny-fleck'd floor thereof trod forth the fiend; On went he then mood-wroth, and out from his eyes stood Likest to fire-flame light full unfair. In the high house beheld he a many of warriors, A host of men sib all sleeping together, Of man-warriors a heap; then laugh'd out his mood; 730 In mind deem'd he to sunder, or ever came day, The monster, the fell one, from each of the men there The life from the body; for befell him a boding Of fulfilment of feeding: but weird now it was not That he any more of mankind thenceforward Should eat, that night over. Huge evil beheld then The Hygelac's kinsman, and how the foul scather All with his fear-grips would fare there before him; How never the monster was minded to tarry, For speedily gat he, and at the first stour, 740 A warrior a-sleeping, and unaware slit him, Bit his bone-coffer, drank blood a-streaming, Great gobbets swallow'd in; thenceforth soon had he Of the unliving one every whit eaten To hands and feet even: then forth strode he nigher, And took hold with his hand upon him the highhearted. The warrior a-resting; reach'd out to himwards The fiend with his hand, gat fast on him rathely With thought of all evil, and besat him his arm. Then swiftly was finding the herdsman of fouldeeds 750 That forsooth he had met not in Middle-garth ever, In the parts of the earth, in any man else A hand-grip more mighty; then wax'd he of mood Heart-fearful, but none the more outward might he; Hence-eager his heart was to the darkness to hie him, And the devil-dray seek: not there was his service E'en such as he found in his life-days before. Then to heart laid the good one, the Hygelac's kinsman, His speech of the even-tide; uplong he stood And fast with him grappled, till bursted his fingers. 760 The eoten was out-fain, but on strode the earl. The mighty fiend minded was, whereso he might, To wind him about more widely away thence, And flee fenwards; he found then the might of his fingers In the grip of the fierce one; sorry faring was that Which he, the harm-scather, had taken to Hart. The warrior-hall dinn'd now; unto all Danes there waxed, To the castle-abiders, to each of the keen ones, To all earls, as an ale-dearth. Now angry were both Of the fierce mighty warriors, far rang out the hall-house; 770 Then mickle the wonder it was that the wine-hall Withstood the two war-deer, nor welter'd to earth The fair earthly dwelling; but all fast was it builded Within and without with the banding of iron By crafty thought smithy'd. But there from the sill bow'd Fell many a mead-bench, by hearsay of mine, With gold well adorned, where strove they the wrothful. Hereof never ween'd they, the wise of the Scyldings, That ever with might should any of men The excellent, bone-dight, break into pieces, 780 Or unlock with cunning, save the light fire's embracing In smoke should it swallow. So uprose the roar New and enough; now fell on the North-Danes Ill fear and the terror, on each and on all men, Of them who from wall-top hearken'd the weeping, Even God's foeman singing the fear-lay, The triumphless song, and the wound-bewailing Of the thrall of the Hell; for there now fast held him He who of men of main was the mightiest In that day which is told of, the day of this life. 790 XIII. BEOWULF HATH THE VICTORY: GRENDEL IS HURT DEADLY AND LEAVETH HAND AND ARM IN THE HALL. Naught would the earls' help for anything thenceforth That murder-comer yet quick let loose of, Nor his life-days forsooth to any of folk Told he for useful. Out then drew full many Of Beowult's earls the heir-loom of old days, For their lord and their master's fair life would hey ward, That mighty of princes, if so might they do it. For this did they know not when they the strife dreed, Those hardy-minded men of the battle, And on every half there thought to be hewing, 800 And search out his soul, that the ceaseless scather Not any on earth of the choice of all irons, Not one of the war-bills, would greet home for ever. For he had forsworn him from victory-weapons, And each one of edges. But his sundering of soul In the days that we tell of, the day of this life, Should be weary and woeful, the ghost wending elsewhere To the wielding of fiends to wend him afar. Then found he out this, he who mickle erst made Out of mirth of his mood unto children of men 810 And had fram'd many crimes, he the foeman of God, That the body of him would not bide to avail him, But the hardy of mood, even Hygelac's kinsman, Had him fast by the hand: now was each to the other All loathly while living: his body-sore bided The monster: was manifest now on his shoulder The unceasing wound, sprang the sinews asunder, The bone-lockers bursted. To Beowulf now Was the battle-fame given; should Grendel thenceforth Flee life-sick awayward and under the fen-bents 820 Seek his unmerry stead: now wist he more surely That ended his life was, and gone over for ever, His day-tale told out. But was for all Dane-folk After that slaughter-race all their will done. Then had he cleans'd for them, he the far-comer, Wise and stout-hearted, the high hall of Hrothgar, And say'd it from war. So the night-work he joy'd in And his doughty deed done. Yea, but he for the East-Danes That lord of the Geat-folk his boast's end had gotten, Withal their woes bygone all had he booted, 830 And the sorrow hate-fashion'd that afore they had dreed, And the hard need and bitter that erst they must bear, The sorrow unlittle. Sithence was clear token When the deer of the battle laid down there the hand The arm and the shoulder, and all there together Of the grip of that Grendel 'neath the great roof upbuilded. XIV. THE DANES REJOICE; THEY GO TO LOOK ON THE SLOT OF GRENDEL, AND COME BACK TO HART, AND ON THE WAY MAKE MERRY WITH RACING AND THE TELLING OF TALES. There was then on the morning, as I have heard tell it, Round the gift-hall a many of men of the warriors: Were faring folk-leaders from far and from near O'er the wide-away roads the wonder to look on, 840 The track of the loathly: his life-sundering nowise Was deem'd for a sorrow to any of men there Who gaz'd on the track of the gloryless wight; How he all a-weary of mood thence awayward, Brought to naught in the battle, to the mere of the nicors, Now fey and forth-fleeing, his life-steps had flitted. There all in the blood was the sea-brim a-welling, The dread swing of the waves was washing all mingled With hot blood; with the gore of the sword was it welling; The death-doom'd had dyed it, sithence he unmerry 850 In his fen-hold had laid down the last of his life, His soul of the heathen, and hell gat hold on him. Thence back again far'd they those fellows of old, With many a young one, from their wayfaring merry, Full proud from the mere-side on mares there a-riding The warriors on white steeds. There then was of Beowulf Set forth the might mighty; oft quoth it a many That nor northward nor southward beside the twin sea-floods, Over all the huge earth's face now never another, Never under the heaven's breadth, was there a better, 860 Nor of wielders of war-shields a worthier of kingship; But neither their friendly lord blam'd they one whit, Hrothgar the glad, for good of kings was he. There whiles the warriors far-famed let leap Their fair fallow horses and fare into flyting Where unto them the earth-ways for fair-fashion'd seemed, Through their choiceness well kenned; and whiles a king's thane, A warrior vaunt-laden, of lays grown bemindful, E'en he who all many of tales of the old days A multitude minded, found other words also 870 Sooth-bounden, and boldly the man thus began E'en Beowulf's wayfare well wisely to stir, With good speed to set forth the spells well areded And to shift about words. And well of all told he That he of Sigemund erst had heard say, Of the deeds of his might; and many things uncouth: Of the strife of the Wælsing and his wide wayfarings, Of those that men's children not well yet they wist, The feud and the crimes, save Fitela with him; Somewhat of such things yet would he say, 880 The eme to the nephew; e'en as they aye were In all strife soever fellows full needful; And full many had they of the kin of the eotens Laid low with the sword. And to Sigemund upsprang After his death-day fair doom unlittle Sithence that the war-hard the Worm there had quelled, The herd of the hoard; he under the hoar stone, The bairn of the Atheling, all alone dar'd it, That wight deed of deeds; with him Fitela was not. But howe'er, his hap was that the sword so through-waded 890 The Worm the all-wondrous, that in the wall stood The iron dear-wrought: and the drake died the murder. There had the warrior so won by wightness, That he of the ring-hoard the use might be having All at his own will. The sea-boat he loaded, And into the ship's barm bore the bright fretwork Wæls' son. In the hotness the Worm was to-molten. Now he of all wanderers was widely the greatest Through the peoples of man-kind, the warder of warriors, By mighty deeds; erst then and early he throve. 900 Now sithence the warfare of Heremod waned, His might and his valour, amidst of the eotens To the wielding of foemen straight was he betrayed, And speedily sent forth: by the surges of sorrow O'er-long was he lam'd, became he to his lieges, To all of the athelings, a life-care thenceforward. Withal oft bemoaned in times that were older The ways of that stout heart many a carle of the wisest. Who trow'd in him boldly for booting of bales, And had look'd that the king's bairn should ever be thriving, 910 His father's own lordship should take, hold the folk, The hoard and the ward-burg, and realm of the heroes, The own land of the Scyldings. To all men was Beowulf, The Hygelac's kinsman to the kindred of menfolk, More fair unto friends; but on Heremod crime fell. So whiles the men flyting the fallow street there With their mares were they meting. There then was the morn-light Thrust forth and hasten'd; went many a warrior All hardy of heart to the high hall aloft The rare wonder to see; and the King's self withal 920 From the bride-bower wended, the warder of ring-hoards, All glorious he trod and a mickle troop had he, He for choice ways beknown; and his Queen therewithal Meted the mead-path with a meyny of maidens. XV. KING HROTHGAR AND HIS THANES LOOK ON THE ARM OF GRENDEL. CONVERSE BETWIXT HROTHGAR AND BEOWULF CONCERNING THE BATTLE. Out then spake Hrothgar; for he to the hall went, By the staple a-standing the steep roof he saw Shining fair with the gold, and the hand there of Grendel: For this sight that I see to the All-wielder thanks Befall now forthwith, for foul evil I bided, All griefs from this Grendel; but God, glory's Herder, 930 Wonder on wonder ever can work. Unyore was it then when I for myself Might ween never more, wide all through my life-days, Of the booting of woes; when all blood-besprinkled The best of all houses stood sword-gory here; Wide then had the woe thrust off each of the wise Of them that were looking that never life-long That land-work of the folk they might ward from the loathly, From ill wights and devils. But now hath a warrior Through the might of the Lord a deed made thereunto 940 Which we, and all we together, in nowise By wisdom might work. What! well might be saying That maid whosoever this son brought to birth According to man's kind, if yet she be living, That the Maker of old time to her was all-gracious In the bearing of bairns. O Beowulf, I now Thee best of all men as a son unto me Will love in my heart, and hold thou henceforward Our kinship new-made now; nor to thee shall be lacking As to longings of world-goods whereof I have wielding; 950 Full oft I for lesser things guerdon have given, The worship of hoards, to a warrior was weaker, A worser in strife. Now thyself for thyself By deeds hast thou fram'd it that liveth thy fair fame For ever and ever. So may the All-wielder With good pay thee ever, as erst he hath done it. Then Beowulf spake out, the Ecgtheow's bairn: That work of much might with mickle of love We framed with fighting, and frowardly ventur'd The might of the uncouth; now I would that rather 960 Thou mightest have look'd on the very man there, The foe in his fret-gear all worn unto falling. There him in all haste with hard griping did I On the slaughter-bed deem it to bind him indeed, That he for my hand-grip should have to be lying All busy for life: but his body fled off. Him then, I might not (since would not the Maker) From his wayfaring sunder, nor naught so well sought I The life-foe; o'er-mickle of might was he yet, The foeman afoot: but his hand has he left us, 970 A life-ward, a-warding the ways of his wending, His arm and his shoulder therewith. Yet in nowise That wretch of the grooms any solace hath got him, Nor longer will live the loathly deed-doer, Beswinked with sins; for the sore hath him now In the grip of need grievous, in strait hold togather'd With bonds that be baleful: there shall he abide, That wight dyed with all evil-deeds, the doom mickle, For what wise to him the bright Maker will write it. Then a silenter man was the son there of Ecglaf 980 In the speech of the boasting of works of the battle, After when every atheling by craft of the earl Over the high roof had look'd on the hand there, Yea, the fiend's fingers before his own eyen, Each one of the nail-steads most like unto steel, Hand-spur of the heathen one; yea, the own claw Uncouth of the war-wight. But each one there quoth it, That no iron of the best, of the hardy of folk, Would touch him at all, which e'er of the monster The battle-hand bloody might bear away thence. 990 XVI. HROTHGAR GIVETH GIFTS TO BEOWULF. Then was speedily bidden that Hart be withinward By hand of man well adorn'd; was there a many Of warriors and wives, who straightway that wine-house The guest-house, bedight them: there gold-shotten shone The webs over the walls, many wonders to look on For men every one who on such things will stare. Was that building the bright all broken about All withinward, though fast in the bands of the iron; Asunder the hinges rent, only the roof there Was saved all sound, when the monster of evil 1000 The guilty of crime-deeds had gat him to flight Never hoping for life. Nay, lightly now may not That matter be fled from, frame it whoso may frame it. But by strife man shall win of the bearers of souls, Of the children of men, compelled by need, The abiders on earth, the place made all ready, The stead where his body laid fast on his death-bed Shall sleep after feast. Now time and place was it When unto the hall went that Healfdene's son, And the King himself therein the feast should be sharing; 1010 Never heard I of men-folk in fellowship more About their wealth-giver so well themselves bearing. Then bow'd unto bench there the abounders in riches And were fain of their fill. Full fairly there took A many of mead-cups the kin of those men, The sturdy of heart in the hall high aloft, Hrothgar and Hrothulf. Hart there withinward Of friends was fulfilled; naught there that was guilesome The folk of the Scyldings for yet awhile framed. Gave then to Beowulf Healfdene's bairn 1020 A golden war-ensign, the victory's guerdon, A staff-banner fair-dight, a helm and a byrny: The great jewel-sword a many men saw them Bear forth to the hero. Then Beowulf took The cup on the floor, and nowise of that fee-gift Before the shaft-shooters the shame need he have. Never heard I how friendlier four of the treasures, All gear'd with the gold about, many men erewhile On the ale-bench have given to others of men. Round the roof of the helm, the burg of the head, 1030 A wale wound with wires held ward from without-ward, So that the file-leavings might not over fiercely, Were they never so shower-hard, scathe the shield-bold, When he 'gainst the angry in anger should get him. Therewith bade the earls' burg that eight of the horses With cheek-plates adorned be led down the floor In under the fences; on one thereof stood A saddle all craft-bedeck'd, seemly with treasure. That same was the war-seat of the high King full surely Whenas that the sword-play that Healfdene's son 1040 Would work; never failed in front of the war The wide-kenn'd one's war-might, whereas fell the slain. So to Beowulf thereon of either of both The Ingwines' high warder gave wielding to have, Both the war-steeds and weapons, and bade him well brook them. Thuswise and so manly the mighty of princes, Hoard-warden of heroes, the battle-race paid With mares and with gems, so as no man shall blame them, E'en he who will say sooth aright as it is. XVII. THEY FEAST IN HART. THE GLEEMAN SINGS OF FINN AND HENGEST. Then the lord of the earl-folk to every and each one 1050 Of them who with Beowulf the sea-ways had worn Then and there on the mead-bench did handsel them treasure, An heir-loom to wit; for him also he bade it That a were-gild be paid, whom Grendel aforetime By wickedness quell'd, as far more of them would he, Save from them God all-witting the weird away wended, And that man's mood withal. But the Maker all wielded Of the kindred of mankind, as yet now he doeth. Therefore through-witting will be the best everywhere And the forethought of mind. Many things must abide 1060 Of lief and of loth, he who here a long while In these days of the strife with the world shall be dealing. There song was and sound all gather'd together Of that Healfdene's warrior and wielder of battle, The wood of glee greeted, the lay wreaked often, Whenas the hall-game the minstrel of Hrothgar All down by the mead-bench tale must be making: By Finn's sons aforetime, when the fear gat them, The hero of Half-Danes, Hnaef of the Scyldings, On the slaughter-field Frisian needs must he fall. 1070 Forsooth never Hildeburh needed to hery The troth of the Eotens; she all unsinning Was lorne of her lief ones in that play of the linden, Her bairns and her brethren, by fate there they fell Spear-wounded. That was the all-woeful of women. Not unduly without cause the daughter of Hoc Mourn'd the Maker's own shaping, sithence came the morn When she under the heavens that tide came to see, Murder-bale of her kinsmen, where most had she erewhile? Of world's bliss. The war-tide took all men away 1080 Of Finn's thanes that were, save only a few; E'en so that he might not on the field of the meeting Hold Hengest a war-tide, or fight any whit, Nor yet snatch away thence by war the woe-leavings From the thane of the King; but terms now they bade him That for them other stead all for all should make room, A hall and high settle, whereof the half-wielding They with the Eotens' bairns henceforth might hold, And with fee-gifts moreover the son of Folkwalda Each day of the days the Danes should beworthy; 1090 The war-heap of Hengest with rings should he honour Even so greatly with treasure of treasures, Of gold all beplated, as he the kin Frisian Down in the beer-hall duly should dight. Troth then they struck there each of the two halves, A peace-troth full fast. There Finn unto Hengest Strongly, unstrifeful, with oath-swearing swore, That he the woe-leaving by the doom of the wise ones Should hold in ail honour, that never man henceforth With word or with work the troth should be breaking, 1100 Nor through craft of the guileful should undo it ever, Though their ring-giver's bane they must follow in rank All lordless, e'en so need is it to be: But if any of Frisians by over-bold speaking The murderful hatred should call unto mind, Then naught but the edge of the sword should avenge it. Then done was the oath there, and gold of the golden Heav'd up from the hoard. Of the bold Here-Scyldings All yare on the bale was the best battle-warrior; On the death-howe beholden was easily there 1110 The sark stain'd with war-sweat, the all-golden swine, The iron-hard boar; there was many an atheling With wounds all outworn; some on slaughter-field welter'd. But Hildeburh therewith on Hnæf's bale she bade them The own son of herself to set fast in the flame, His bone-vats to burn up and lay on the bale there: On his shoulder all woeful the woman lamented, Sang songs of bewailing, as the warrior strode upward, Wound up to the welkin that most of death-fires, Before the howe howled; there molten the heads were, 1120 The wound-gates burst open, there blood was out-springing From foe-bites of the body; the flame swallow'd all, The greediest of ghosts, of them that war gat him Of either of folks; shaken off was their life-breath. XVIII. THE ENDING OF THE TALE OF FINN. Departed the warriors their wicks to visit All forlorn of their friends now, Friesland to look on, Their homes and their high burg. Hengest a while yet Through the slaughter-dyed winter bode dwelling with Finn And all without strife: he remember'd his homeland, Though never he might o'er the mere be a-driving 1130 The high prow be-ringed: with storm the holm welter'd, Won war 'gainst the winds; winter locked the waves With bondage of ice, till again came another Of years into the garth, as yet it is ever, And the days which the season to watch never cease, The glory-bright weather; then gone was the winter, And fair was the earth's barm. Now hastened the exile. The guest from the garths; he on getting of vengeance Of harms thought more greatly than of the sea's highway, If he but a wrath-mote might yet be a-wending 1140 Where the bairns of the Eotens might he still remember. The ways of the world forwent he in nowise Then, whenas Hunlafing the light of the battle, The best of all bills, did into his breast, Whereof mid the Eotens were the edges well knowen. Withal to the bold-hearted Finn befell after Sword-bales the deadly at his very own dwelling, When the grim grip of war Guthlaf and Oslaf After the sea-fare lamented with sorrow And wyted him deal of their woes; nor then might he 1150 In his breast hold his wavering heart. Was the hall dight With the lives of slain foemen, and slain eke was Finn The King 'midst of his court-men; and there the Queen, taken, The shooters of the Scyldings ferry'd down to the sea-ships, And the house-wares and chattels the earth-king had had, E'en such as at Finn's home there might they find, Of collars and cunning gems. They on the sea-path The all-lordly wife to the Danes straightly wended, Led her home to their people. So sung was the lay, The song of the gleeman; then again arose game, 1160 The bench-voice wax'd brighter, gave forth the birlers Wine of the wonder-vats. Then came forth Wealhtheow Under gold ring a-going to where sat the two good ones, The uncle and nephew, yet of kindred unsunder'd, Each true to the other. Eke Unferth the spokesman Sat at feet of the Scyldings' lord; each of his heart trow'd That of mickle mood was he, though he to his kinsmen Were un-upright in edge-play. Spake the dame of the Scyldings: Now take thou this cup, my lord of the kingly, Bestower of treasures! Be thou in thy joyance, 1170 Thou gold-friend of men! and speak to these Geat-folk In mild words, as duly behoveth to do; Be glad toward the Geat-folk, and mindful of gifts; From anigh and from far peace hast thou as now. To me one hath said it, that thou for a son wouldst This warrior be holding. Lo! Hart now is cleansed, The ring-hall bright-beaming. Have joy while thou mayest In many a meed, and unto thy kinsmen Leave folk and dominion, when forth thou must fare To look on the Maker's own making. I know now 1180 My Hrothulf the gladsome, that he this young man Will hold in all honour if thou now before him, O friend of the Scyldings, shall fare from the world; I ween that good-will yet this man will be yielding To our offspring that after us be, if he mind him Of all that which we two, for good-will and for worship, Unto him erst a child yet have framed of kindness. Then along by the bench did she turn, where her boys were, Hrethric and Hrothmund, and the bairns of high warriors, The young ones together; and there sat the good one, 1190 Beowulf the Geat, betwixt the two brethren. XIX. MORE GIFTS ARE GIVEN TO BEOWULF. THE BRISING COLLAR TOLD OF. Borne to him then the cup was, and therewith friendly bidding In words was put forth; and gold about wounden All blithely they bade him bear; arm-gearings twain, Rail and rings, the most greatest of fashion of neck-rings Of them that on earth I have ever heard tell of: Not one under heaven wrought better was heard of Midst the hoard-gems of heroes, since bore away Hama To the bright burg and brave the neck-gear of the Brisings, The gem and the gem-chest: from the foeman's guile fled he 1200 Of Eormenric then, and chose rede everlasting. That ring Hygelac had, e'en he of the Geat-folk, The grandson of Swerting, the last time of all times When he under the war-sign his treasure defended, The slaughter-prey warded. Him weird bore away Sithence he for pride-sake the war-woe abided, The feud with the Frisians; the fretwork he flitted, The gem-stones much worthy, all over the waves' cup. The King the full mighty cring'd under the shield; Into grasp of the Franks the King's life was gotten 1210 With the gear of the breast and the ring altogether; It was worser war-wolves then reft gear from the slain After the war-shearing; there the Geats' war-folk Held the house of the dead men. The Hall took the voices; Spake out then Wealhtheow; before the host said she: Brook thou this roundel, lief Beowulf, henceforth, Dear youth, with all hail, and this rail be thou using, These gems of folk-treasures, and thrive thou well ever; Thy might then make manifest! Be to these lads here Kind of lore, and for that will I look to thy guerdon. 1220 Thou hast won by thy faring, that far and near henceforth, Through wide time to come, men will give thee the worship, As widely as ever the sea winds about The windy land-walls. Be the while thou art living An atheling wealthy, and well do I will thee Of good of the treasures; be thou to my son In deed ever friendly, and uphold thy joyance! Lo! each of the earls here to the other is trusty, And mild of his mood and to man-lord full faithful, Kind friends all the thanes are, the folk ever yare. 1230 Ye well drunk of folk-grooms, now do ye my biddings. To her settle then far'd she; was the feast of the choicest, The men drank the wine nothing wotting of weird, The grim shaping of old, e'en as forth it had gone To a many of earls; sithence came the even, And Hrothgar departed to his chamber on high, The rich to his rest; and aright the house warded Earls untold of number, as oft did they erewhile. The bench-boards they bar'd them, and there they spread over With beds and with bolsters. Of the beer-skinkers one 1240 Who fain was and fey bow'd adown to his floor-rest. At their heads then they rested their rounds of the battle, Their board-woods bright-shining. There on the bench was, Over the atheling, easy to look on The battle-steep war-helm, the byrny be-ringed, The wood of the onset, all-glorious. Their wont was That oft and oft were they all yare for the war-tide, Both at home and in hosting, were it one were it either, And for every such tide as their liege lord unto The need were befallen: right good was that folk. 1250 XX. GRENDEL'S DAM BREAKS INTO HART AND BEARS OFF AESCHERE. So sank they to slumber; but one paid full sorely For his rest of the even, as to them fell full often Sithence that the gold-hall Grendel had guarded, And won deed of unright, until that the end came And death after sinning: but clear was it shown now, Wide wotted of men, that e'en yet was a wreaker Living after the loathly, a long while of time After the battle-care, Grendel's own mother; The woman, the monster-wife, minded her woe, She who needs must in horror of waters be wonning, 1260 The streams all a-cold, sithence Cain was become For an edge-bane forsooth to his very own brother, The own son of his father. Forth bann'd then he fared, All marked by murder, from man's joy to flee, And dwelt in the waste-land. Thence woke there a many Ghosts shapen of old time, of whom one was Grendel, The fierce wolf, the hateful, who found him at Hart A man there a-watching, abiding the war-tide; Where to him the fell ogre to hand-grips befell; Howe'er he him minded of the strength of his might, 1270 The great gift set fast in him given of God, And trowed in grace by the All-wielder given, His fostering, his staying; so the fiend he o'ercame And bow'd down the Hell's ghost, that all humble he wended Fordone of all mirth death's house to go look on, That fiend of all mankind. But yet was his mother, The greedy, the glum-moody, fain to be going A sorrowful journey her son's death to wreak. So came she to Hart whereas now the Ring-Danes Were sleeping adown the hall; soon there befell 1280 Change of days to the earl-folk, when in she came thrusting, Grendel's mother: and soothly was minish'd the terror By even so much as the craft-work of maidens, The war-terror of wife, is beside the man weapon'd, When the sword all hard bounden, by hammers to-beaten, The sword all sweat-stain'd, through the swine o'er the war-helm With edges full doughty down rightly sheareth. But therewith in the hall was tugg'd out the hard edge, The sword o'er the settles, and wide shields a many Heaved fast in the hand: no one the helm heeded, 1290 Nor the byrny wide-wrought, when the wild fear fell on them. In haste was she then, and out would she thenceforth For the saving her life, whenas she should be found there. But one of the athelings she speedily handled And caught up full fast, and fenward so fared. But he was unto Hrothgar the liefest of heroes Of the sort of the fellows; betwixt the two sea-floods A mighty shield-warrior, whom she at rest brake up, A war-wight well famed. There Beowulf was not; Another house soothly had erewhile been dighted 1300 After gift of that treasure to that great one of Geats. Uprose cry then in Hart, all 'mid gore had she taken The hand, the well-known, and now care wrought anew In the wicks was arisen. Naught well was the bargain That on both halves they needs must be buying that tide With the life-days of friends. Then the lord king, the wise, The hoary of war-folk, was harmed of mood When his elder of thanes and he now unliving, The dearest of all, he knew to be dead. To the bower full swiftly was Beowulf brought now, 1310 The man victory-dower'd; together with day-dawn Went he, one of the earls, that champion beworthy'd, Himself with his fellows, where the wise was abiding To wot if the All-wielder ever will to him After the tale of woe happy change work. Then went down the floor he the war-worthy With the host of his hand, while high dinn'd the hall-wood, Till he there the wise one with words had well greeted, The lord of the Ingwines, and ask'd had the night been. Since sore he was summon'd, a night of sweet easement. 1320 XXI. HROTHGAR LAMENTS THE SLAYING OF AESCHERE, AND TELLS OF GRENDEL'S MOTHER AND HER DEN. Spake out then Hrothgar the helm of the Scyldings: Ask no more after bliss; for new-made now is sorrow For the folk of the Danes; for Aeschere is dead, He who was Yrmenlaf's elder of brethren, My wise man of runes, my bearer of redes, Mine own shoulder-fellow, when we in the war-tide Warded our heads and the host on the host fell, And the boars were a-crashing; e'en such should an earl be, An atheling exceeding good, e'en as was Aeschere. Now in Hart hath befallen for a hand-bane unto him 1330 A slaughter-ghost wandering; naught wot I whither The fell one, the carrion-proud, far'd hath her back-fare, By her fill made all famous. That feud hath she wreaked Wherein yesternight gone by Grendel thou quelledst Through thy hardihood fierce with grips hard enow. For that he over-long the lief people of me Made to wane and undid. In the war then he cringed, Being forfeit of life. But now came another, An ill-scather mighty, her son to awreak; And further hath she now the feud set on foot, 1340 As may well be deemed of many a thane, Who after the wealth-giver weepeth in mind, A hard bale of heart. Now the hand lieth low Which well-nigh for every joy once did avail you. The dwellers in land here, my people indeed, The wise-of-rede hall-folk, have I heard say e'en this: That they have set eyes on two such-like erewhile, Two mickle mark-striders the moorland a-holding, Ghosts come from elsewhere, but of them one there was, As full certainly might they then know it to be, 1350 In the likeness of woman; and the other shap'd loathly All after man's image trod the tracks of the exile, Save that more was he shapen than any man other; And in days gone away now they named him Grendel, The dwellers in fold; they wot not if a father Unto him was born ever in the days of erewhile Of dark ghosts. They dwell in a dim hidden land, The wolf-bents they bide in, on the nesses the windy, The perilous fen-paths where the stream of the fell-side Midst the mists of the nesses wends netherward ever, 1360 The flood under earth. Naught far away hence, But a mile-mark forsooth, there standeth the mere, And over it ever hang groves all berimed, The wood fast by the roots over-helmeth the water. But each night may one a dread wonder there see, A fire in the flood. But none liveth so wise Of the bairns of mankind, that the bottom may know. Although the heath-stepper beswinked by hounds, The hart strong of horns, that holt-wood should seek to Driven fleeing from far, he shall sooner leave life, 1370 Leave life-breath on the bank, or ever will he Therein hide his head. No hallow'd stead is it: Thence the blending of water-waves ever upriseth Wan up to the welkin, whenso the wind stirreth Weather-storms loathly, until the lift darkens And weepeth the heavens. Now along the rede wendeth Of thee again only. Of that earth yet thou know'st not, The fearful of steads, wherein thou mayst find That much-sinning wight; seek then if thou dare, And thee for that feud will I guerdon with fee, 1380 The treasures of old time, as erst did I do, With the gold all-bewounden, if away thence thou get thee. XXII. THEY FOLLOW GRENDEL'S DAM TO HER LAIR. Spake out then Beowulf the Ecgtheow's bairn: O wise of men, mourn not; for to each man 'tis better That his friend he awreak than weep overmuch. Lo! each of us soothly abideth the ending Of the life of the world. Then let him work who work may High deeds ere the death: to the doughty of war-lads When he is unliving shall it best be hereafter. Rise up, warder of kingdom! and swiftly now wend we 1390 The Grendel Kinswoman's late goings to look on; And this I behote thee, that to holm shall she flee not, Nor into earth's fathom, nor into the fell-holt, Nor the grounds of the ocean, go whereas she will go. For this one of days patience dree thou a while then Of each one of thy woes, as I ween it of thee. Then leapt up the old man, and lightly gave God thank, That mighty of Lords, for the word which the man spake. And for Hrothgar straightway then was bitted a horse, A wave-maned steed: and the wise of the princes 1400 Went stately his ways; and stepp'd out the man-troop, The linden-board bearers. Now lightly the tracks were All through the woodland ways wide to be seen there, Her goings o'er ground; she had gotten her forthright Over the mirk-moor: bore she of kindred thanes The best that there was, all bare of his soul, Of them that with Hrothgar heeded the home. Overwent then that bairn of the athelings Steep bents of the stones, and stridings full narrow, Strait paths nothing pass'd over, ways all uncouth, 1410 Sheer nesses to wit, many houses of nicors. He one of the few was going before Of the wise of the men the meadow to look on, Until suddenly there the trees of the mountains Over the hoar-stone found he a-leaning, A wood without gladness: the water stood under Dreary and troubled. Unto all the Danes was it, To the friends of the Scyldings, most grievous in mood To many of thanes such a thing to be tholing, Sore evil to each one of earls, for of Aeschere 1420 The head did they find e'en there on the holm-cliff; The flood with gore welled (the folk looking on it), With hot blood. But whiles then the horn fell to singing A song of war eager. There sat down the band; They saw down the water a many of worm-kind, Sea-drakes seldom seen a-kenning the sound; Likewise on the ness-bents nicors a-lying, Who oft on the undern-tide wont are to hold them A course full of sorrow all over the sail-road. Now the worms and the wild-deer away did they speed 1430 Bitter and wrath-swollen all as they heard it, The war-horn a-wailing: but one the Geats' warden With his bow of the shafts from his life-days there sunder'd, From his strife of the waves; so that stood in his life-parts The hard arrow of war; and he in the holm was The slower in swimming as death away swept him. So swiftly in sea-waves with boar-spears forsooth Sharp-hook'd and hard-press'd was he thereupon, Set on with fierce battle, and on to the ness tugg'd, The wondrous wave-bearer; and men were beholding 1440 The grisly guest, Beowulf therewith he gear'd him With weed of the earls: nowise of life reck'd he: Needs must his war-byrny, braided by hands, Wide, many-colour'd by cunning, the sound seek, E'en that which his bone-coffer knew how to ward, So that the war-grip his heart ne'er a while, The foe-snatch of the wrathful his life ne'er should scathe; Therewith the white war-helm warded his head, E'en that which should mingle with ground of the mere, And seek the sound-welter, with treasure beworthy'd, 1450 All girt with the lordly chains, as in days gone by The weapon-smith wrought it most wondrously done, Beset with the swine-shapes, so that sithence The brand or the battle-blades never might bite it. Nor forsooth was that littlest of all of his mainstays, Which to him in his need lent the spokesman of Hrothgar, E'en the battle-sword hafted that had to name Hrunting, That in fore days was one of the treasures of old, The edges of iron with the poison twigs o'er-stain'd, With battle-sweat harden'd; in the brunt never fail'd he 1460 Any one of the warriors whose hand wound about him, Who in grisly wayfarings durst ever to wend him To the folk-stead of foemen. Not the first of times was it That battle-work doughty it had to be doing. Forsooth naught remember'd that son there of Ecglaf, The crafty in mighty deeds, what ere he quoth All drunken with wine, when the weapon he lent To a doughtier sword-wolf: himself naught he durst it Under war of the waves there his life to adventure And warrior-ship work. So forwent he the glory, 1470 The fair fame of valour. Naught far'd so the other Syth he to the war-tide had gear'd him to wend. XXIII. BEOWULF REACHETH THE MERE-BOTTOM IN A DAY'S WHILE, AND CONTENDS WITH GRENDEL'S DAM. Out then spake Beowulf, Ecgtheow's bairn: Forsooth be thou mindful, O great son of Healfdene, O praise of the princes, now way-fain am I, O gold-friend of men, what we twain spake aforetime: If to me for thy need it might so befall That I cease from my life-days, thou shouldest be ever To me, forth away wended, in the stead of a father. Do thou then bear in hand these thanes of my kindred, 1480 My hand-fellows, if so be battle shall have me; Those same treasures withal, which thou gavest me erst, O Hrothgar the lief, unto Hygelac send thou; By that gold then shall wot the lord of the Geat-folk, Shall Hrethel's son see, when he stares on the treasure, That I in fair man-deeds a good one have found me, A ring-giver; while I might, joy made I thereof. And let thou then Unferth the ancient loom have, The wave-sword adorned, that man kenned widely, The blade of hard edges; for I now with Hrunting 1490 Will work me the glory, or else shall death get me. So after these words the Weder-Geats' chieftain With might of heart hasten'd; nor for answer then would he Aught tarry; the sea-welter straightway took hold on The warrior of men: wore the while of a daytide Or ever the ground-plain might he set eyes on. Soon did she find, she who the flood-ring Sword-ravening had held for an hundred of seasons, Greedy and grim, that there one man of grooms The abode of the alien-wights sought from above; 1500 Then toward him she grasp'd and gat hold on the warrior With fell clutch, but no sooner she scathed withinward The hale body; rings from without-ward it warded, That she could in no wise the war-skin clutch through, The fast locked limb-sark, with fingers all loathly. So bare then that sea-wolf when she came unto bottom The king of the rings to the court-hall adown In such wise that he might not, though hard-moody was he, Be wielding of weapons. But a many of wonders In sea-swimming swink'd him, and many a sea-deer 1510 With his war-tusks was breaking his sark of the battle; The fell wights him follow'd. 'Twas then the earl found it That in foe-hall there was he, I wot not of which, Where never the water might scathe him a whit, Nor because of the roof-hall might reach to him there The fear-grip of the flood. Now fire-light he saw, The bleak beam forsooth all brightly a-shining. Then the good one, he saw the wolf of the ground, The mere-wife the mighty, and main onset made he With his battle-bill; never his hand withheld sword-swing 1520 So that there on her head sang the ring-sword forsooth The song of war greedy. But then found the guest That the beam of the battle would bite not therewith, Or scathe life at all, but there failed the edge The king in his need. It had ere thol'd a many Of meetings of hand; oft it sheared the helm, The host-rail of the fey one; and then was the first time For that treasure dear lov'd that its might lay a-low. But therewithal steadfast, naught sluggish of valour, All mindful of high deeds was Hygelac's kinsman. 1530 Cast then the wounden blade bound with the gem-stones The warrior all angry, that it lay on the earth there, Stiff-wrought and steel-edged. In strength now he trusted, The hard hand-grip of might and main; so shall a man do When he in the war-tide yet looketh to winning The praise that is longsome, nor aught for life careth. Then fast by the shoulder, of the feud nothing recking, The lord of the War-Geats clutch'd Grendel's mother, Cast down the battle-hard, bollen with anger, That foe of the life, till she bow'd to the floor; 1540 But swiftly to him gave she back the hand-guerdon With hand-graspings grim, and griped against him; Then mood-weary stumbled the strongest of warriors, The foot-kemp, until that adown there he fell. Then she sat on the hall-guest and tugg'd out her sax, The broad and brown-edged, to wreak her her son, Her offspring her own. But lay yet on his shoulder The breast-net well braided, the berg of his life, That 'gainst point and 'gainst edge the entrance withstood. Gone amiss then forsooth had been Ecgtheow's son 1550 Underneath the wide ground there, the kemp of the Geats, Save to him his war-byrny had fram'd him a help, The hard host-net; and save that the Lord God the Holy Had wielded the war-gain, the Lord the All-wise; Save that the skies' Ruler had rightwisely doom'd it All easily. Sithence he stood up again. XXIV. BEOWULF SLAYETH GRENDEL'S DAM, SMITETH OFF GRENDEL'S HEAD, AND COMETH BACK WITH HIS THANES TO HART. Midst the war-gear he saw then a bill victory-wealthy, An old sword of eotens full doughty of edges, The worship of warriors. That was choice of all weapons, Save that more was it made than any man other 1560 In the battle-play ever might bear it afield, So goodly, all glorious, the work of the giants. Then the girdled hilt seiz'd he, the Wolf of the Scyldings, The rough and the sword-grim, and drew forth the ring-sword, Naught weening of life, and wrathful he smote then So that there on her halse the hard edge begripped, And brake through the bone-rings: the bill all through-waded Her flesh-sheathing fey; cring'd she down on the floor; The sword was war-sweaty, the man in his work joy'd. The bright beam shone forth, the light stood withinward, 1570 E'en as down from the heavens' clear high aloft shineth The sky's candle. He all along the house scanned; Then turn'd by the wall along, heav'd up his weapon Hard by the hilts the Hygelac's thane there, Ireful one-reded; naught worthless the edge was Unto the warrior; but rathely now would he To Grendel make payment of many war-onsets, Of them that he wrought on the folk of the West Danes Oftener by mickle than one time alone, Whenas he the hearthfellows of Hrothgar the King 1580 Slew in their slumber and fretted them sleeping, Men fifteen to wit of the folk of the Danes, And e'en such another deal ferry'd off outward, Loathly prey. Now he paid him his guerdon therefor, The fierce champion; so well, that abed there he saw Where Grendel war-weary was lying adown Forlorn of his life, as him ere had scathed The battle at Hart; sprang wide the body, Sithence after death he suffer'd the stroke, The hard swing of sword. Then he smote the head off him. 1590 Now soon were they seeing, those sage of the carles, E'en they who with Hrothgar gaz'd down on the holm, That the surge of the billows was blended about, The sea stain'd with blood. Therewith the hoar-blended, The old men, of the good one gat talking together That they of the Atheling ween'd never eft-soon That he, glad in his war-gain, should wend him a-seeking The mighty king, since unto many it seemed That him the mere-she-wolf had sunder'd and broken. Came then nones of the day, and the ness there they gave up, 1600 The Scyldings the brisk; and then busk'd him home thence-ward The gold-friend of men. But the guests, there they sat All sick of their mood, and star'd on the mere; They wist not, they ween'd not if him their own friend-lord Himself they should see. Now that sword began Because of the war-sweat into icicles war-made, The war-bill, to wane: that was one of the wonders That it melted away most like unto ice When the bond of the frost the Father lets loosen, Unwindeth the wave-ropes, e'en he that hath wielding 1610 Of times and of seasons, who is the sooth Shaper. In those wicks there he took not, the Weder-Geats' champion, Of treasure-wealth more, though he saw there a many, Than the off-smitten head and the sword-hilts together With treasure made shifting; for the sword-blade was molten, The sword broider'd was burn'd up, so hot was that blood, So poisonous the alien ghost there that had died. Now soon was a-swimming he who erst in the strife bode The war-onset of wrath ones; he div'd up through the water; And now were the wave-welters cleansed full well, 1620 Yea the dwellings full wide, where the ghost of elsewhither Let go of his life-days and the waning of living. Came then unto land the helm of the ship-lads Swimming stout-hearted, glad of his sea-spoil, The burden so mighty of that which he bore there. Yode then against him and gave thanks to God That fair heap of thanes, and were fain of their lord, For that hale and sound now they might see him with eyen; Then was from the bold one the helm and the byrny All speedily loosen'd. The lake now was laid, 1630 The water 'neath welkin with war-gore bestained. Forth then they far'd them alongst of the foot-tracks, Men fain of heart all, as they meted the earth-way, The street the well known; then those king-bold of men Away from the holm-cliff the head there they bore Uneasily ever to each one that bore it, The full stout-heart of men: it was four of them needs must On the stake of the slaughter with strong toil there ferry Unto the gold-hall the head of that Grendel; Until forthright in haste came into that hall, 1640 Fierce, keen in the hosting, a fourteen of men Of the Geat-folk a-ganging; and with them their lord, The moody amidst of the throng, trod the mead-plains; Came then in a-wending the foreman of thanes, The man keen of his deeds all beworshipp'd of doom, The hero, the battle-deer, Hrothgar to greet. Then was by the fell borne in onto the floor Grendel's head, whereas men were a-drinking in hall, Aweful before the earls, yea and the woman. The sight wondrous to see the warriors there look'd on. 1650 XXV. CONVERSE OF HROTHGAR WITH BEOWULF. Spake out then Beowulf, Ecgtheow's bairn: What! we the sea-spoils here to thee, son of Healfdene, High lord of the Scyldings, with lust have brought hither For a token of glory, e'en these thou beholdest. Now I all unsoftly with life I escaped, In war under the water dar'd I the work Full hard to be worked, and well-nigh there was The sundering of strife, save that me God had shielded. So it is that in battle naught might I with Hrunting One whit do the work, though the weapon be doughty; 1660 But to me then he granted, the Wielder of men, That on wall I beheld there all beauteous hanging An ancient sword, might-endow'd (often he leadeth right The friendless of men); so forth drew I that weapon. In that onset I slew there, as hap then appaid me, The herd of the house; then that bill of the host, The broider'd sword, burn'd up, and that blood sprang forth The hottest of battle-sweats; but the hilts thereof thenceforth From the foemen I ferry'd. I wreaked the foul deeds, The death-quelling of Danes, e'en as duly behoved. 1670 Now this I behote thee, that here in Hart mayst thou Sleep sorrowless henceforth with the host of thy men And the thanes every one that are of thy people Of doughty and young; that for them need thou dread not, O high lord of Scyldings, on that behalf soothly Life-bale for the earls as erst thou hast done. Then was the hilt golden to the ancient of warriors, The hoary of host-leaders, into hand given, The old work of giants; it turn'd to the owning, After fall of the Devils, of the lord of the Danes, 1680 That work of the wonder-smith, syth gave up the world The fierce-hearted groom, the foeman of God, The murder-beguilted, and there eke his mother; Unto the wielding of world-kings it turned, The best that there be betwixt of the sea-floods Of them that in Scaney dealt out the scat. Now spake out Hrothgar, as he look'd on the hilts there, The old heir-loom whereon was writ the beginning Of the strife of the old time, whenas the flood slew, The ocean a-gushing, that kin of the giants 1690 As fiercely they fared. That was a folk alien To the Lord everlasting; so to them a last guerdon Through the welling of waters the Wielder did give. So was on the sword-guards all of the sheer gold By dint of the rune-staves rightly bemarked, Set down and said for whom first was that sword wrought, And the choice of all irons erst had been done, Wreath-hilted and worm-adorn'd. Then spake the wise one, Healfdene's son, and all were gone silent: Lo that may he say, who the right and the soothfast 1700 Amid the folk frameth, and far back all remembers, The old country's warden, that as for this earl here Born better was he. Uprear'd is the fame-blast Through wide ways far yonder, O Beowulf, friend mine, Of thee o'er all peoples. Thou hold'st all with patience, Thy might with mood-wisdom; I shall make thee my love good, As we twain at first spake it. For a comfort thou shalt be Granted long while and long unto thy people, For a help unto heroes. Naught such became Heremod To Ecgwela's offspring, the honourful Scyldings; 1710 For their welfare naught wax'd he, but for felling in slaughter, For the quelling of death to the folk of the Danes. Mood-swollen he brake there his board-fellows soothly, His shoulder-friends, until he sunder'd him lonely, That mighty of princes, from the mirth of all men-folk. Though him God the mighty in the joyance of might, In main strength, exalted high over all-men, And framed him forth, yet fast in his heart grew A breast-hoard blood-fierce; none of fair rings he gave To the Danes as due doom would. Unmerry he dured 1720 So that yet of that strife the trouble he suffer'd. A folk-bale so longsome. By such do thou learn thee, Get thee hold of man-valour: this tale for thy teaching Old in winters I tell thee. 'Tis wonder to say it, How the high God almighty to the kindred of mankind Through his mind the wide-fashion'd deals wisdom about, Home and earlship; he owneth the wielding of all. At whiles unto love he letteth to turn The mood-thought of a man that Is mighty of kindred, And in his land giveth him joyance of earth, 1730 And to have and to hold the high ward-burg of men, And sets so 'neath his wielding the deals of the world, Dominion wide reaching, that he himself may not In all his unwisdom of the ending bethink him. He wonneth well-faring, nothing him wasteth Sickness nor eld, nor the foe-sorrow to him Dark in mind waxeth, nor strife any where, The edge-hate, appeareth; but all the world for him Wends as he willeth, and the worse naught he wotteth. XXVI. MORE CONVERSE OF HROTHGAR AND BEOWULF: THE GEATS MAKE THEM READY FOR DEPARTURE. Until that within him a deal of o'erthink-ing 1740 Waxeth and groweth while sleepeth the warder, The soul's herdsman; that slumber too fast is forsooth, Fast bounden by troubles, the banesman all nigh, E'en he that from arrow-bow evilly shooteth. Then he in his heart under helm is besmitten With a bitter shaft; not a whit then may he ward him From the wry wonder-biddings of the ghost the all-wicked. Too little he deems that which long he hath hold. Wrath-greedy he covets; nor e'en for boast-sake gives The rings fair beplated; and the forth-coming doom 1750 Forgetteth, forheedeth, for that God gave him erewhile, The Wielder of glory, a deal of the worship. At the ending-stave then it after befalleth That the shell of his body sinks fleeting away, And falleth all fey; and another one fetcheth, E'en one that undolefully dealeth the treasure, The earl's gains of aforetime, and fear never heedeth. From the bale-envy ward thee, lief Beowulf, therefore, Thou best of all men, and choose thee the better, The redes everlasting; to o'erthinkirig turn not, 1760 O mighty of champions! for now thy might breatheth For a short while of time; but eft-soon it shall be That sickness or edges from thy strength thee shall sunder, Or the hold of the fire, or the welling of floods, Or the grip of the sword-blade, or flight of the spear, Or eld the all-evil: or the beaming of eyen Shall fail and shall dim: then shall it be forthright That thee, lordly man, the death over-masters. E'en so I the Ring-Danes for an hundred of seasons Did wield under the welkin and lock'd them by war 1770 From many a kindred the Middle-Garth over With ash-spears and edges, in such wise that not ever Under the sky's run of my foemen I reckoned. What! to me in my land came a shifting of that, Came grief after game, sithence Grendel befell, My foeman of old, mine ingoer soothly. I from that onfall bore ever unceasing Mickle mood-care; herefor be thanks to the Maker, To the Lord everlasting, that in life I abided, Yea, that I on that head all sword-gory there, 1780 Now the old strife is over, with eyen should stare. Go fare thou to settle, the feast-joyance dree thou, O war-worshipp'd! unto us twain yet there will be Mickle treasure in common when come is the morning. Glad of mood then the Geat was, and speedy he gat him To go see the settle, as the sage one commanded. Then was after as erst, that they of the might-fame, The floor-sitters, fairly the feasting bedight them All newly. The helm of the night loured over Dark over the host-men. Uprose all the doughty, 1790 For he, the hoar-blended, would wend to his bed, That old man of the Scyldings. The Geat without measure, The mighty shield-warrior, now willed him rest. And soon now the hall-thane him of way-faring weary, From far away come, forth show'd him the road, E'en he who for courtesy cared for all things Of the needs of the thane, e'en such as on that day The farers o'er ocean would fainly have had. Rested then the wide-hearted; high up the house tower'd Wide-gaping all gold-dight; within slept the guest; 1800 Until the black raven, the blithe-hearted, boded The heavens' joy: then was come thither a-hastening The bright sun o'er the plains, and hastened the scathers, The athelings once more aback to their people All fain to be faring; and far away thence Would the comer high-hearted go visit his keel. Bade then the hard one Hrunting to bear, The Ecglaf's son bade to take him his sword, The iron well-lov'd; gave him thanks for the lending, Quoth he that the war-friend for worthy he told, 1810 Full of craft in the war; nor with word he aught The edge of the sword. Hah! the high-hearted warrior. So whenas all way-forward, yare in their war-gear, Were the warriors, the dear one then went to the Danes, To the high seat went the Atheling, whereas was the other; The battle-bold warrior gave greeting to Hrothgar. XXVII. BEOWULF BIDS HROTHGAR FAREWELL: THE GEATS FARE TO SHIP. Out then spake Beowulf, Ecgtheow's bairn: As now we sea-farers have will to be saying, We from afar come, that now are we fainest Of seeking to Hygelac. Here well erst were we 1820 Serv'd as our wills would, and well thine avail was. If I on the earth then, be it e'en but a little, Of the love of thy mood may yet more be an-earning, O lord of the men-folk, than heretofore might I, Of the works of the battle yare then soon shall I be. If I should be learning, I over the flood's run, That the sitters about thee beset thee with dread, Even thee hating as otherwhile did they; Then thousands to theeward of thanes shall I bring For the helping of heroes. Of Hygelac wot I, 1830 The lord of the Geat-folk, though he be but a youngling, That shepherd of folk, that me will he further By words and by works, that well may I ward thee, And unto thine helping the spear-holt may bear, A main-staying mighty, whenas men thou art needing. And if therewith Hrethric in the courts of the Geat-house, The King's bairn, take hosting, then may he a many Of friends find him soothly: far countries shall be Better sought to by him who for himself is doughty. Out then spake Hrothgar in answer to himward: 1840 Thy word-saying soothly the Lord of all wisdom Hath sent into thy mind; never heard I more sagely In a life that so young was a man word be laying; Strong of might and main art thou and sage of thy mood, Wise the words of thy framing. Tell I this for a weening, If it so come to pass that the spear yet shall take, Or the battle all sword-grim, the son of that Hrethel, Or sickness or iron thine Alderman have, Thy shepherd of folk, and thou fast to life hold thee, Then no better than thee may the Sea-Geats be having 1850 To choose for themselves, no one of the kings, Hoard-warden of heroes, if then thou wilt hold Thy kinsman's own kingdom. Me liketh thy mood-heart, The longer the better, O Beowulf the lief; In such wise hast thou fared, that unto the folks now, The folk of the Geats and the Gar-Danes withal, In common shall peace be, and strife rest appeased And the hatreds the doleful which erst they have dreed; Shall become, whiles I wield it, this wide realm of ours, Treasures common to either folk: many a one other 1860 With good things shall greet o'er the bath of the gannet; And the ring'd bark withal over sea shall be bringing The gifts and love-tokens. The twain folks I know Toward foeman toward friend fast-fashion'd together, In every way blameless as in the old wise. Then the refuge of warriors, he gave him withal, Gave Healfdene's son of treasures yet twelve; And he bade him with those gifts to go his own people To seek in all soundness, and swiftly come back. Then kissed the king, he of noble kin gotten, 1870 The lord of the Scyldings, that best of the thanes, By the halse then he took him; from him fell the tears From the blended of hoar hair. Of both things was there hoping To the old, the old wise one; yet most of the other, To wit, that they sithence each each might be seeing, The high-heart in council. To him so lief was he That he his breast-welling might nowise forbear, But there in his bosom, bound fast in his heart-bonds, After that dear man a longing dim-hidden Burn'd against blood-tie. So Beowulf thenceforth, 1880 The gold-proud of warriors, trod the mould grassy, Exulting in gold-store. The sea-ganger bided Its owning-lord whereas at anchor it rode. Then was there in going the gift of King Hrothgar Oft highly accounted; yea, that was a king In every wise blameless, till eld took from him eftsoon The joyance of might, as it oft scathes a many. XXVIII. BEOWULF COMES BACK TO HIS LAND. OF THE TALE OF THRYTHO. Came a many to flood then all mighty of mood, Of the bachelors were they, and ring-nets they bore, The limb-sarks belocked. The land-warden noted 1890 The earls' aback-faring, as erst he beheld them; Then nowise with harm from the nose of the cliff The guests there he greeted, but rode unto themward, And quoth that full welcome to the folk of the Weders The bright-coated warriors were wending to ship. Then was on the sand there the bark the wide-sided With war-weed beladen, the ring-stemm'd as she lay there With mares and with treasure; uptower'd the mast High over Hrothgar's wealth of the hoards. He then to the boat-warden handsel'd a gold-bounden 1900 Sword, so that sithence was he on mead-bench Worthy'd the more for that very same wealth, The heirloom. Sithence in the ship he departed To stir the deep water; the Dane-land he left. Then was by the mast there one of the sea-rails, A sail, with rope made fast; thunder'd the sound-wood. Not there the wave-floater did the wind o'er the billows Waft off from its ways; the sea-wender fared, Floated the foamy-neck'd forth o'er the waves, The bounden-stemm'd over the streams of the sea; 1910 Till the cliffs of the Geats there they gat them to wit, The nesses well kenned. Throng'd up the keel then Driven hard by the lift, and stood on the land. Then speedy at holm was the hythe-warden yare, E'en he who a long while after the lief men Eager at stream's side far off had looked. To the sand thereon bound he the wide-fathom'd ship With anchor-bands fast, lest from them the waves' might The wood that was winsome should drive thence awayward. Thereon bade he upbear the athelings' treasures, 1920 The fretwork and wrought gold. Not far from them thenceforth To seek to the giver of treasures it was, E'en Hygelac, Hrethel's son, where at home wonneth Himself and his fellows hard by the sea-wall. Brave was the builded house, bold king the lord was, High were the walls, Hygd very young, Wise and well-thriven, though few of winters Under the burg-locks had she abided, The daughter of Hæreth; naught was she dastard; Nowise niggard of gifts to the folk of the Geats, 1930 Of wealth of the treasures. But wrath Thrytho bore, The folk-queen the fierce, wrought the crime-deed full fearful. No one there durst it, the bold one, to dare, Of the comrades beloved, save only her lord, That on her by day with eyen he stare, But if to him death-bonds predestin'd he count on, Hand-wreathed; thereafter all rathely it was After the hand-grip the sword-blade appointed, That the cunning-wrought sword should show forth the deed, Make known the murder-bale. Naught is such queenlike 1940 For a woman to handle, though peerless she be, That a weaver of peace the life should waylay, For a shame that was lying, of a lief man of men; But the kinsman of Hemming, he hinder'd it surely. Yet the drinkers of ale otherwise said they; That folk-bales, which were lesser, she framed forsooth, Lesser enmity-malice, since thence erst she was Given gold-deck'd to the young one of champions, She the dear of her lineage, since Offa's floor Over the fallow flood by the lore of her father 1950 She sought in her wayfaring. Well was she sithence There on the man-throne mighty with good; Her shaping of life well brooked she living; High love she held toward the lord of the heroes; Of all kindred of men by the hearsay of me The best of all was he the twain seas beside, Of the measureless kindred; thereof Offa was For gifts and for war, the spear-keen of men, Full widely beworthy'd, with wisdom he held The land of his heritage. Thence awoke Eomær 1960 For a help unto heroes, the kinsman of Hemming, The grandson of Garmund, the crafty in war-strife. XXIX. BEOWULF TELLS HYGELAC OF HROTHGAR: ALSO OF FREAWARU HIS DAUGHTER. Went his ways then the hard one, and he with his hand-shoal, Himself over the sand the sea-plain a-treading, The warths wide away; shone the world's candle, The sun slop'd from the southward; so dreed they their journey, And went their ways stoutly unto where the earls' refuge, The banesman of Ongentheow all in his burgs there, The young king of war, the good, as they heard it. Was dealing the rings. Aright unto Hygelac 1970 Was Beowulf's speeding made knowen full swiftly, That there into the house-place that hedge of the warriors, His mate of the linden-board, living was come, Hale from the battle-play home to him houseward. Then rathe was beroomed, as the rich one was bidding, For the guests a-foot going the floor all withinward. Then sat in the face of him he from the fight sav'd, Kinsman by kinsman, whenas his man-lord In fair-sounding speech had greeted the faithful With mightyful words. With mead-skinking turned 1980 Through the high house adown the daughter of Hæreth: The people she loved: the wine-bucket bare she To the hands of the men. But now fell to Hygelac His very house-fellow in that hall the high To question full fairly, for wit-lust to-brake him, Of what like were the journeys the Sea-Geats had wended: How befell you the sea-lode, O Beowulf lief, When thou on a sudden bethoughtst thee afar Over the salt water the strife to be seeking, The battle in Hart? or for Hrothgar forsooth 1990 The wide-kenned woe some whit didst thou mend, For that mighty of lords? I therefore the mood-care In woe-wellings seethed; trow'd not in the wending Of thee the lief man. A long while did I pray thee That thou the death-guest there should greet not a whit; Wouldst let those same South-Danes their own selves to settle The war-tide with Grendel. Now to God say I thank That thee, and thee sound, now may I see. Out then spake Beowulf, Ecgtheow's bairn: All undark it is, O Hygelac lord, 2000 That meeting the mighty, to a many of men; Of what like was the meeting of Grendel and me On that field of the deed, where he many a deal For the Victory-Scyldings of sorrow had framed, And misery for ever; but all that I awreaked, So that needeth not boast any kinsman of Grendel Any one upon earth of that uproar of dawn-dusk, Nay not who lives longest of that kindred the loathly Encompass'd of fenland. Thither first did I come Unto that ring-hall Hrothgar to greet; 2010 Soon unto me the great Healfdene's son, So soon as my heart he was wotting forsooth. Right against his own son a settle there showed. All that throng was in joy, nor life-long saw I ever Under vault of the heavens amidst any hall-sitters More mirth of the mead. There the mighty Queen whiles, Peace-sib of the folk, went all over the floor, To the young sons bade heart up; oft she there the ring-wreath Gave unto a man ere to settle she wended. At whiles fore the doughty the daughter of Hrothgar 2020 To the earls at the end the ale-bucket bore; E'en she whom Freawaru the floor-sitters thereat Heard I to name; where she the nail'd treasure Gave to the warriors. She was behight then Youngling and gold-dight to the glad son of Froda. This hath seemed fair to the friend of the Scyldings, The herd of the realm, and good rede he accounts it, That he with that wife of death-feuds a deal And of strifes should allay. Oft unseldom eachwhere After a lord's fall e'en but for a little 2030 Bows down the bane-spear, though doughty the bride be. XXX. BEOWULF FOREBODES ILL FROM THE WEDDING OF FREAWARU: HE TELLS OF GRENDEL AND HIS DAM. Ill-liking this may be to the lord of the Heathobards, And to each of the thanes of that same people. When he with fair bride on the floor of hall wendeth, That the Dane's noble bairn his doughty should wait on, As on him glisten there the heirlooms of the aged, Hard and with rings bedight, Heathobards' treasure, Whileas the weapons yet they might wield; Till astray did they lead there at the lind-play Their own fellows belov'd and their very own lives. 2040 For then saith at the beer, he who seeth the ring, An ancient ash-warrior who mindeth of all The spear-death of men; grim is he of mind; Sad of mood he beginneth to tell the young champion. Through the thought of his heart his mind there to try, The war-bale to waken, and sayeth this word: Mayest thou, friend mine, wot of the war-sword, That which thy father bore in the fight Under the war-mask e'en on the last time, That the dear iron, whereas the Danes slew him, 2050 Wielded the death-field, since Withergyld lay, After fall of the heroes, the keen-hearted Scyldings? Now here of those banesmen the son, whoseso he be, All merry in fretwork forth on floor fareth; Of the murder he boasteth, and that jewel he beareth, E'en that which of right thou shouldest arede. Thus he mindeth and maketh word every of times, With sore words he telleth, until the time cometh That the thane of the fair bride for the deeds of his father After bite of the bill sleepeth all blood-stain'd, 2060 All forfeit of life; but thenceforth the other Escapeth alive; the land well he kenneth; Then will be broken on both sides forsooth The oath-swearing of earls, whenas unto Ingeld Well up the death-hatreds, and the wife-loves of him Because of the care-wellings cooler become. Therefore the Heathobards' faith I account not, Their deal of the folk-peace, unguileful to Danes, Their fast-bounden friendship. Henceforth must I speak on Again about Grendel, that thou get well to know it, 2070 O treasure-out-dealer, how sithence betided The hand-race of heroes: sithence heaven's gem All over the grounds glided, came the wroth guest, The dire night-angry one us to go look on, Whereas we all sound were warding the hall. There then for Handshoe was battle abiding, Life-bale to the fey; he first lay alow, The war-champion girded; unto him became Grendel, To the great thane of kindreds, a banesman of mouth, Of the man well-beloved the body he swallow'd; 2080 Nor the sooner therefor out empty-handed The bloody-tooth'd banesman, of bales all bemindful, Out from that gold-hall yet would he get him; But he, mighty of main, made trial of me, And gripp'd ready-handed. His glove hung aloft, Wondrous and wide, in wily bands fast, With cunning wiles was it begeared forsooth, With crafts of the devils and fells of the dragons; He me withinwards there, me the unsinning, The doer of big deeds would do me to be 2090 As one of the many; but naught so it might be, Sithence in mine anger upright I stood. 'Tis over-long telling how I to the folkscather For each one of evils out paid the hand-gild. There I, O my lord king, them thy leal people Worthy'd with works: but away he gat loosed Out thence for a little while, brooked yet life-joys; But his right hand held ward of his track howsoever, High upon Hart-hall, and thence away humble He sad of his mood to the mere-ground fell downward. 2100 Me for that slaughter-race the friend of the Scyldings With gold that beplated was mickle deal paid, With a many of treasures, sithence came the morning, And we to the feast-tide had sat us adown; Song was and glee there; the elder of Scyldings, Asking of many things, told of things o'erpast; Whiles hath the battle-deer there the harp's joy, The wood of mirth greeted; whiles the lay said he Soothfast and sorrowful; whiles a spell seldom told Told he by right, the king roomy-hearted; 2110 Whiles began afterward he by eld bounden, The aged hoar warrior, of his youth to bewail him, Its might of the battle; his breast well'd within him, When he, wont in winters, of many now minded. So we there withinward the livelong day's wearing Took pleasure amongst us, till came upon men Another of nights; then eftsoons again Was yare for the harm-wreak the mother of Grendel: All sorry she wended, for her son death had taken, The war-hate of the Weders: that monster of women 2120 Awreaked her bairn, and quelled a warrior In manner all mighty. Then was there from Aeschere, The wise man of old, life waning away; Nor him might they even when come was the morning, That death-weary wight, the folk of the Danes Burn up with the brand, nor lade on the bale The man well-belov'd, for his body she bare off In her fathom the fiendly all under the fell-stream. That was unto Hrothgar of sorrows the heaviest Of them which the folk-chieftain long had befallen. 2130 Then me did the lord king, and e'en by thy life, Mood-heavy beseech me that I in the holm-throng Should do after earlship, my life to adventure, And frame me main-greatness, and meed he behight me. Then I of the welling flood, which is well kenned, The grim and the grisly ground-herder did find. There to us for a while was the blending of hands; The holm welled with gore, and the head I becarved In that hall of the ground from the Mother of Grendel With the all-eked edges; unsoftly out thence 2140 My life forth I ferry'd, for not yet was I fey. But the earls' burg to me was giving thereafter Much sort of the treasures, e'en Healfdene's son. XXXI. BEOWULF GIVES HROTHGAR'S GIFTS TO HYGELAC, AND BY HIM IS REWARDED. OF THE DEATH OF HYGELAC AND OF HEARDRED HIS SON, AND HOW BEOWULF IS KING OF THE GEATS: THE WORM IS FIRST TOLD OF. So therewith the folk-king far'd, living full seemly; By those wages forsooth ne'er a whit had I lost, By the meed of my main, but to me treasure gave he, The Healfdene's son, to the doom of myself; Which to thee, king of bold ones, will I be a-bringing, And gladly will give thee; for of thee is all gotten Of favours along, and but little have I 2150 Of head-kinsmen forsooth, saving, Hygelac, thee. Then he bade them bear in the boar-shape, the head-sign, The battle-steep war-helm, the byrny all hoary, The sword stately-good, and spell after he said: This raiment of war Hrothgar gave to my hand, The wise of the kings, and therewithal bade me, That I first of all of his favour should flit thee; He quoth that first had it King Heorogar of old, The king of the Scyldings, a long while of time; But no sooner would he give it unto his son, 2160 Heoroward the well-whet, though kind to him were he, This weed of the breast. Do thou brook it full well. On these fretworks, so heard I, four horses therewith, All alike, close followed after the track, Steeds apple-fallow. Fair grace he gave him Of horses and treasures. E'en thus shall do kinsman, And nowise a wile-net shall weave for another With craft of the darkness, or do unto death His very hand-fellow. But now unto Hygelac The bold in the battle was his nephew full faithful, 2170 And either to other of good deeds was mindful. I heard that the neck-ring to Hygd did he give, E'en the wonder-gem well-wrought, that Wealh-theow gave him, The king's daughter; gave he three steeds therewithal Slender, and saddle-bright; sithence to her was, After the ring-gift, the breast well beworthy'd. Thus boldly he bore him, the Ecgtheow's bairn, The groom kenned in battle, in good deeds a-doing; After due doom he did, and ne'er slew he the drunken Hearth-fellows of him: naught rough was his heart; 2180 But of all men of mankind with the greatest of might The gift fully and fast set, which had God to him given, That war-deer did hold. Long was he contemned, While the bairns of the Geats naught told him for good, Nor him on the mead-bench worthy of mickle The lord of the war-hosts would be a-making. Weened they strongly that he were but slack then, An atheling unkeen; then came about change To the fame-happy man for every foul harm. Bade then the earls' burg in to be bringing, 2190 The king battle-famed, the leaving of Hrethel, All geared with gold; was not 'mid the Geats then A treasure-gem better of them of the sword-kind, That which then on Beowulf's harm there he laid; And gave to him there seven thousand in gift, A built house and king-stool; to both them together Was in that folkship land that was kindly, Father-right, home; to the other one rather A wide realm, to him who was there the better. But thereafter it went so in days later worn 2200 Through the din of the battle, sithence Hygelac lay low And unto Heardred swords of the battle Under the war-board were for a bane; When fell on him midst of this victory-folk The hard battle-wolves, the Scyldings of war, And by war overwhelmed the nephew of Hereric; That sithence unto Beowulf turned the broad realm All into his hand. Well then did he hold it For a fifty of winters; then was he an old king, An old fatherland's warder; until one began 2210 Through the dark of the night-tide, a drake, to hold sway. In a howe high aloft watched over an hoard, A stone-burg full steep; thereunder a path sty'd Unknown unto men, and therewithin wended Who of men do I know not; for his lust there took he, From the hoard of the heathen his hand took away A hall-bowl gem-flecked, nowise back did he give it Though the herd of the hoard him sleeping beguil'd he With thief-craft; and this then found out the king, The best of folk-heroes, that wrath-bollen was he. 2220 XXXII. HOW THE WORM CAME TO THE HOWE, AND HOW HE WAS ROBBED OF A CUP; AND HOW HE FELL ON THE FOLK. Not at all with self-wielding the craft of the worm-hoards He sought of his own will, who sore himself harmed; But for threat of oppression a thrall, of I wot not Which bairn of mankind, from blows wrathful fled, House-needy forsooth, and hied him therein, A man by guilt troubled. Then soon it betided That therein to the guest there stood grisly terror; However the wretched, of every hope waning * * * * * The ill-shapen wight, whenas the fear gat him, The treasure-vat saw; of such there was a many 2230 Up in that earth-house of treasures of old, As them in the yore-days, though what man I know not, The huge leavings and loom of a kindred of high ones, Well thinking of thoughts there had hidden away. Dear treasures. But all them had death borne away In the times of erewhile; and the one at the last Of the doughty of that folk that there longest lived, There waxed he friend-sad, yet ween'd he to tarry, That he for a little those treasures the longsome Might brook for himself. But a burg now all ready 2240 Wonn'd on the plain nigh the waves of the water, New by a ness, by narrow-crafts fasten'd; Within there then bare of the treasures of earls That herd of the rings a deal hard to carry, Of gold fair beplated, and few words he quoth: Hold thou, O earth, now, since heroes may hold not, The owning of earls. What! it erst within thee Good men did get to them; now war-death hath gotten, Life-bale the fearful, each man and every Of my folk; e'en of them who forwent the life: 2250 The hall-joy had they seen. No man to wear sword I own, none to brighten the beaker beplated, The dear drink-vat; the doughty have sought to else-whither. Now shall the hard war-helm bedight with the gold Be bereft of its plating; its polishers sleep, They that the battle-mask erewhile should burnish: Likewise the war-byrny, which abode in the battle O'er break of the war-boards the bite of the irons, Crumbles after the warrior; nor may the ring'd byrny After the war-leader fare wide afield 2260 On behalf of the heroes: nor joy of the harp is, No game of the glee-wood; no goodly hawk now Through the hall swingeth; no more the swift horse Beateth the burg-stead. Now hath bale-quelling A many of life-kin forth away sent. Suchwise sad-moody moaned in sorrow One after all, unblithely bemoaning By day and by night, till the welling of death Touch'd at his heart. The old twilight-scather Found the hoard's joyance standing all open, 2270 E'en he that, burning, seeketh to burgs, The evil drake, naked, that flieth a night-tide, With fire encompass'd; of him the earth-dwellers Are strongly adrad; wont is he to seek to The hoard in the earth, where he the gold heathen Winter-old wardeth; nor a whit him it betters. So then the folk-scather for three hundred winters Held in the earth a one of hoard-houses All-eked of craft, until him there anger'd A man in his mood, who bare to his man-lord 2280 A beaker beplated, and bade him peace-warding Of his lord: then was lightly the hoard searched over, And the ring-hoard off borne; and the boon it was granted To that wretched-wrought man. There then the lord saw That work of men foregone the first time of times. Then awaken'd the Worm, and anew the strife was; Along the stone stank he, the stout-hearted found The foot-track of the foe; he had stept forth o'er-far With dark craft, over-nigh to the head of the drake. So may the man unfey full easily outlive 2290 The woe and the wrack-journey, he whom the Wielder's Own grace is holding. Now sought the hoard-warden Eager over the ground; for the groom he would find Who unto him sleeping had wrought out the sore: Hot and rough-moody oft he turn'd round the howe All on the outward; but never was any man On the waste; but however in war he rejoiced, In battle-work. Whiles he turn'd back to his howe And sought to his treasure-vat; soon he found this, That one of the grooms had proven the gold, 2300 The high treasures; then the hoard-warden abided, But hardly forsooth, until come was the even, And all anger-bollen was then the burg-warden, And full much would the loath one with the fire-flame pay back For his drink-vat the dear. Then day was departed E'en at will to the Worm, and within wall no longer Would he bide, but awayward with burning he fared, All dight with the fire: it was fearful beginning To the folk in the land, and all swiftly it fell 2310 On their giver of treasure full grievously ended. XXXIII. THE WORM BURNS BEOWULF'S HOUSE, AND BEOWULF GETS READY TO GO AGAINST HIM. BEOWULF'S EARLY DEEDS IN BATTLE WITH THE HETWARE TOLD OF. Began then the guest to spew forth of gleeds, The bright dwellings to burn; stood the beam of the burning For a mischief to menfolk; now nothing that quick was The loathly lift-flier would leave there forsooth; The war of the Worm was wide to be seen there, The narrowing foe's hatred anigh and afar, How he, the fight-scather, the folk of the Geats Hated and harm'd; shot he back to the hoard, His dark lordly hall, ere yet was the day's while; The land-dwellers had he in the light low encompass'd 2320 With bale and with brand; in his burg yet he trusted, His war-might and his wall: but his weening bewray'd him. Then Beowulf was done to wit of the terror Full swiftly forsooth, that the house of himself, Best of buildings, was molten in wellings of fire, The gift-stool of the Geats. To the good one was that A grief unto heart; of mind-sorrows the greatest. Weened the wise one, that Him, e'en the Wielder, The Lord everlasting, against the old rights He had bitterly anger'd; the breast boil'd within him 2330 With dark thoughts, that to him were naught duly wonted. Now had the fire-drake the own fastness of folk, The water-land outward, that ward of the earth, With gleeds to ground wasted; so therefore the war-king, The lord of the Weder-folk, learned him vengeance. Then he bade be work'd for him, that fence of the warriors, And that all of iron, the lord of the earls, A war-board all glorious, for wissed he yarely That the holt-wood hereto might help him no whit, The linden 'gainst fire-flame. Of fleeting days now 2340 The Atheling exceeding good end should abide, The end of the world's life, and the Worm with him also, Though long he had holden the weal of the hoard. Forsooth scorned then the lord of the rings That he that wide-flier with war-band should seek, With a wide host; he fear'd not that war for himself, Nor for himself the Worm's war accounted one whit, His might and his valour, for that he erst a many Strait-daring of battles had bided, and liv'd, Clashings huge of the battle, sithence he of Hrothgar, 2350 He, the man victory-happy, had cleansed the hall, And in war-tide had gripped the kindred of Grendel, The loathly of kindreds; nor was that the least Of hand-meetings, wherein erst was Hygelac slain, Sithence the Geats' king in the onrush of battle, The lord-friend of the folks, down away in the Frieslands, The offspring of Hrethel, died, drunken of sword-drinks, All beaten of bill. Thence Beowulf came forth By his own craft forsooth, dreed the work of the swimming; He had on his arm, he all alone, thirty 2360 Of war-gears, when he to the holm went adown. Then nowise the Hetware needed to joy them Over the foot-war, wherein forth against him They bore the war-linden: few went back again From that wolf of the battle to wend to their homes. O'erswam then the waters' round Ecgtheow's son, Came all wretched and byrd-alone back to his people, Whereas offer'd him Hygd then the kingdom and hoard, The rings and the king-stool: trowed naught in the child, That he 'gainst folks outland the fatherland-seats 2370 Might can how to hold, now was Hygelac dead: Yet no sooner therefor might the poor folk prevail To gain from the Atheling in any of ways That he unto Heardred would be for a lord, Or eke that that kingdom henceforward should choose; Yet him midst of the folk with friend-lore he held, All kindly with honour till older he waxed And wielded the Weder-Geats. To him men-waifs thereafter Sought from over the sea, the sons they of Ohthere, For they erst had withstood the helm of the Scylfings, 2380 E'en him that was best of the kings of the sea, Of them that in Swede-realm dealt out the treasure, The mighty of princes. Unto him 'twas a life-mark; To him without food there was fated the life-wound, That Hygelac's son, by the swinging of swords; And him back departed Ongentheow's bairn, To go seek to his house, sithence Heardred lay dead, And let Beowulf hold the high seat of the king And wield there the Geats. Yea, good was that king. XXXIV. BEOWULF GOES AGAINST THE WORM. HE TELLS OF HEREBEALD AND HÆTHCYN. Of that fall of the folk-king he minded the payment 2390 In days that came after: unto Eadgils he was A friend to him wretched; with folk he upheld him Over the wide sea, that same son of Ohthere, With warriors and weapons. Sithence had he wreaking With cold journeys of care: from the king took he life. Now each one of hates thus had he outlived, And of perilous slaughters, that Ecgtheow's son, All works that be doughty, until that one day When he with the Worm should wend him to deal. So twelvesome he set forth all swollen with anger, 2400 The lord of the Geats, the drake to go look on. Aright had he learnt then whence risen the feud was, The bale-hate against men-folk: to his barm then had come The treasure-vat famous by the hand of the finder; He was in that troop of men the thirteenth Who the first of that battle had set upon foot, The thrall, the sad-minded; in shame must he thenceforth Wise the way to the plain; and against his will went he Thereunto, where the earth-hall the one there he wist, The howe under earth anigh the holm's welling, 2410 The wave-strife: there was it now full all within With gems and with wires; the monster, the warden, The yare war-wolf, he held him therein the hoard golden, The old under the earth: it was no easy cheaping To go and to gain for any of grooms. Sat then on the ness there the strife-hardy king While farewell he bade to his fellows of hearth, The gold-friend of the Geats; sad was gotten his soul, Wavering, death-minded; weird nigh beyond measure, Which him old of years gotten now needs must be greeting, 2420 Must seek his soul's hoard and asunder must deal His life from his body: no long while now was The life of the Atheling in flesh all bewounden. Now spake out Beowulf, Ecgtheow's bairn: Many a one in my youth of war-onsets I outliv'd, And the whiles of the battle: all that I remember. Seven winters had I when the wielder of treasures, The lord-friend of folk, from my father me took, Held me and had me Hrethel the king, Gave me treasure and feast, and remember'd the friendship. 2430 For life thence I was not to him a whit loather, A berne in his burgs than his bairns were, or each one, Herebeald, or Hæthcyn, or Hygelac mine. For the eldest there was in unseemly wise By the mere deed of kinsman a murder-bed strawen, Whenas him did Hæthcyn from out of his horn-bow, His lord and his friend, with shaft lay alow: His mark he miss'd shooting, and shot down his kinsman, One brother another with shaft all bebloody'd; That was fight feeless by fearful crime sinned, 2440 Soul-weary to heart, yet natheless then had The atheling from life all unwreak'd to be ceasing. So sad-like it is for a carle that is aged To be biding the while that his boy shall be riding Yet young on the gallows; then a lay should he utter, A sorrowful song whenas hangeth his son A gain unto ravens, and naught good of avail May he, old and exceeding old, anywise frame. Ever will he be minded on every each morning Of his son's faring otherwhere; nothing he heedeth 2450 Of abiding another withinward his burgs, An heritage-warder, then whenas the one By the very death's need hath found out the ill. Sorrow-careful he seeth within his son's bower The waste wine-hall, the resting-place now of the winds, All bereft of the revel; the riders are sleeping, The heroes in grave, and no voice of the harp is, No game in the garths such as erewhile was gotten. XXXV. BEOWULF TELLS OF PAST FEUDS, AND BIDS FAREWELL TO HIS FELLOWS: HE FALLS ON THE WORM, AND THE BATTLE OF THEM BEGINS. Then to sleeping-stead wendeth he, singeth he sorrow, The one for the other; o'er-roomy all seem'd him 2460 The meads and the wick-stead. So the helm of the Weders For Herebeald's sake the sorrow of heart All welling yet bore, and in nowise might he On the banesman of that life the feud be a-booting; Nor ever the sooner that warrior might hate With deeds loathly, though he to him nothing was lief. He then with the sorrow wherewith that sore beset him Man's joy-tide gave up, and chose him God's light. To his offspring he left, e'en as wealthy man doeth, His land and his folk-burgs when he from life wended. 2470 Then sin was and striving of Swedes and of Geats, Over the wide water war-tide in common, The hard horde-hate to wit sithence Hrethel perish'd; And to them ever were the Ongentheow's sons Doughty and host-whetting, nowise then would friendship Hold over the waters; but round about Hreosnaburgh The fierce fray of foeman was oftentimes fram'd. Kin of friends that mine were, there they awreaked The feud and the evil deed, e'en as was famed; Although he, the other, with his own life he bought it, 2480 A cheaping full hard: unto Hæthcyn it was, To the lord of the Geat-folk, a life-fateful war. Learned I that the morrow one brother the other With the bills' edges wreaked the death on the banesman, Whereas Ongentheow is a-seeking of Eofor: Glode the war-helm asunder, the aged of Scylfings Fell, sword-bleak; e'en so remember'd the hand Feud enough; nor e'en then did the life-stroke withhold. I to him for the treasure which erewhile he gave me Repaid it in warring, as was to me granted, 2490 With my light-gleaming sword. To me gave he land, The hearth and the home-bliss: unto him was no need That unto the Gifthas or unto the Spear-Danes Or into the Swede-realm he needs must go seeking A worse wolf of war for a worth to be cheaping; For in the host ever would I be before him Alone in the fore-front, and so life-long shall I Be a-framing of strife, whileas tholeth the sword, Which early and late hath bestead me full often, Sithence was I by doughtiness unto Day-raven 2500 The hand-bane erst waxen, to the champion of Hug-folk; He nowise the fretwork to the king of the Frisians, The breast-worship to wit, might bring any more, But cringed in battle that herd of the banner, The Atheling in might: the edge naught was his bane, But for him did the war-grip the heart-wellings of him Break, the house of the bones. Now shall the bill's edge, The hand and hard sword, about the hoard battle. So word uttered Beowulf, spake out the boast word For the last while as now: Many wars dared I 2510 In the days of my youth, and now will I yet, The old warder of folk, seek to the feud, Full gloriously frame, if the scather of foul-deed From the hall of the earth me out shall be seeking. Greeted he then each one of the grooms, The keen wearers of helms, for the last while of whiles, His own fellows the dear: No sword would I fare with, No weapon against the Worm, wist I but how 'Gainst the monster of evil in otherwise might I Uphold me my boast, as erst did I with Grendel; 2520 But there fire of the war-tide full hot do I ween me, And the breath, and the venom; I shall bear on me therefore Both the board and the byrny; nor the burg's warden shall I Overflee for a foot's-breadth, but unto us twain It shall be at the wall as to us twain Weird willeth, The Maker of each man. Of mood am I eager; So that 'gainst that war-flier from boast I withhold me. Abide ye upon burg with your byrnies bewarded, Ye men in your battle-gear, which may the better After the slaughter-race save us from wounding 2530 Of the twain of us. Naught is it yours to take over, Nor the measure of any man save alone me, That he on the monster should mete out his might, Or work out the earlship: but I with my main might Shall gain me the gold, or else gets me the battle, The perilous life-bale, e'en me your own lord. Arose then by war-round the warrior renowned Hard under helm, and the sword-sark he bare Under the stone-cliffs: in the strength then he trowed Of one man alone; no dastard's way such is. 2540 Then he saw by the wall (e'en he, who so many, The good of man-bounties, of battles had out-liv'd, Of crashes of battle whenas hosts were blended) A stone-bow a-standing, and from out thence a stream Breaking forth from the burg; was that burn's outwelling All hot with the war-fire; and none nigh to the hoard then Might ever unburning any while bide, Live out through the deep for the flame of the drake. Out then from his breast, for as bollen as was he, Let the Weder-Geats' chief the words be out faring; 2550 The stout-hearted storm'd and the stave of him enter'd Battle-bright sounding in under the hoar stone. Then uproused was hate, and the hoard-warden wotted The speech of man's word, and no more while there was Friendship to fetch. Then forth came there first The breath of the evil beast out from the stone, The hot sweat of battle, and dinn'd then the earth. The warrior beneath the burg swung up his war-round Against that grisly guest, the lord of the Geats; Then the heart of the ring-bow'd grew eager therewith 2560 To seek to the strife. His sword ere had he drawn, That good lord of the battle, the leaving of old, The undull of edges: there was unto either Of the bale-minded ones the fear of the other. All steadfast of mind stood against his steep shield The lord of the friends, when the Worm was a-bowing Together all swiftly, in war-gear he bided; Then boune was the burning one, bow'd in his going, To the fate of him faring. The shield was well warding The life and the lyke of the mighty lord king 2570 For a lesser of whiles than his will would have had it, If he at that frist on the first of the day Was to wield him, as weird for him never will'd it, The high-day of battle. His hand he up braided, The lord of the Geats, and the grisly-fleck'd smote he With the leaving of Ing, in such wise that the edge fail'd, The brown blade on the bone, and less mightily bit Than the king of the nation had need in that stour, With troubles beset. But then the burg-warden After the war-swing all wood of his mood 2580 Cast forth the slaughter-flame, sprung thereon widely The battle-gleams: nowise of victory he boasted, The gold-friend of the Geats; his war-bill had falter'd, All naked in war, in such wise as it should not, The iron exceeding good. Naught was it easy For him there, the mighty-great offspring of Ecgtheow, That he now that earth-plain should give up for ever; But against his will needs must he dwell in the wick Of the otherwhere country; as ever must each man Let go of his loan-days. Not long was it thenceforth 2590 Ere the fell ones of fight fell together again. The hoard-warden up-hearten'd him, welled his breast With breathing anew. Then narrow need bore he, Encompass'd with fire, who erst the folk wielded; Nowise in a heap his hand-fellows there, The bairns of the athelings, stood all about him In valour of battle; but they to holt bow'd them; Their dear life they warded; but in one of them welled His soul with all sorrow. So sib-ship may never Turn aside any whit to the one that well thinketh. 2600 XXXVI. WIGLAF SON OF WEOHSTAN GOES TO THE HELP OF BEOWULF: NÆGLING, BEOWULF'S SWORD, IS BROKEN ON THE WORM. Wiglaf so hight he, the son of Weohstan, Lief linden-warrior, and lord of Scylfings, The kinsman of Aelfhere: and he saw his man-lord Under his host-mask tholing the heat; He had mind of the honour that to him gave he erewhile. The wick-stead the wealthy of them, the Wægmundings, And the folk-rights each one which his father had owned. Then he might not withhold him, his hand gripp'd the round, Yellow linden; he tugg'd out withal the old sword, That was known among men for the heirloom of Eanmund, 2610 Ohthere's son, unto whom in the strife did become, To the exile unfriended, Weohstan for the bane With the sword-edge, and unto his kinsmen bare off The helm the brown-brindled, the byrny beringed, And the old eoten-sword that erst Onela gave him; Were they his kinsman's weed of the war, Host-fight-gear all ready. Of the feud nothing spake he. Though he of his brother the bairn had o'er-thrown. But the host-gear befretted he held many seasons, The bill and the byrny, until his own boy might 2620 Do him the earlship as did his ere-father. Amidst of the Geats then he gave him the war-weed Of all kinds unnumber'd, whenas he from life wended Old on the forth-way. Then was the first time For that champion the young that he the war-race With his high lord the famed e'er he should frame: Naught melted his mood, naught the loom of his kinsman Weaken'd in war-tide; that found out the Worm When they two together had gotten to come. Now spake out Wiglaf many words rightwise, 2630 And said to his fellows: all sad was his soul: I remember that while when we gat us the mead, And whenas we behight to the high lord of us In the beer-hall, e'en he who gave us these rings, That we for the war-gear one while would pay, If unto him thislike need e'er should befall, For these helms and hard swords. So he chose us from host To this faring of war by his very own will, Of glories he minded us, and gave me these gems here, Whereas us of gar-warriors he counted for good, 2640 And bold bearers of helms. Though our lord e'en for us This work of all might was of mind all alone Himself to be framing, the herd of the folk, Whereas most of all men he hath mightiness framed. Of deeds of all daring, yet now is the day come Whereon to our man-lord behoveth the main Of good battle-warriors; so thereunto wend we, And help we the host-chief, whiles that the heat be, The gleed-terror grim. Now of me wotteth God That to me is much liefer that that, my lyke-body, 2650 With my giver of gold the gleed should engrip. Unmeet it methinketh that we shields should bear Back unto our own home, unless we may erst The foe fell adown and the life-days defend Of the king of the Weders. Well wot I hereof That his old deserts naught such were, that he only Of all doughty of Geats the grief should be bearing. Sink at strife. Unto us shall one sword be, one helm, One byrny and shield, to both of us common. Through the slaughter-reek waded he then, bare his war-helm 2660 To the finding his lord, and few words he quoth: O Beowulf the dear, now do thee all well, As thou in thy youthful life quothest of yore, That naught wouldst thou let, while still thou wert living, Thy glory fade out. Now shalt thou of deeds famed, The atheling of single heart, with all thy main deal For the warding thy life, and to stay thee I will. Then after these words all wroth came the Worm, The dire guest foesome, that second of whiles With fire-wellings flecked, his foes to go look on, 2670 The loath men. With flame was lightly then burnt up The board to the boss, and might not the byrny To the warrior the young frame any help yet. But so the young man under shield of his kinsman Went onward with valour, whenas his own was All undone with gleeds; then again the war-king Remember'd his glories, and smote with mainmight With his battle-bill, so that it stood in the head Need-driven by war-hate. Then asunder burst Nægling, Waxed weak in the war-tide, e'en Beowulf's sword, 2680 The old and grey-marked; to him was not given That to him any whit might the edges of irons Be helpful in battle; over-strong was the hand Which every of swords, by the hearsay of me, With its swing over-wrought, when he bare unto strife A wondrous hard weapon; naught it was to him better. Then was the folk-scather for the third of times yet, The fierce fire-drake, all mindful of feud; He rac'd on that strong one, when was room to him given, Hot and battle-grim; he all the halse of him gripped 2690 With bitter-keen bones; all bebloody'd he waxed With the gore of his soul. Well'd in waves then the war-sweat. XXXVII. THEY TWO SLAY THE WORM. BEOWULF IS WOUNDED DEADLY: HE BIDDETH WIGLAF BEAR OUT THE TREASURE. Then heard I that at need of the high king of folk The upright earl made well manifest might, His craft and his keenness as kind was to him; The head there he heeded not (but the hand burned Of that man of high mood when he helped his kinsman), Whereas he now the hate-guest smote yet a deal nether, That warrior in war-gear, whereby the sword dived, The plated, of fair hue, and thereby fell the flame 2700 To minish thereafter, and once more the king's self Wielded his wit, and his slaying-sax drew out, The bitter and battle-sharp, borne on his byrny; Asunder the Weder's helm smote the Worm midmost; They felled the fiend, and force drave the life out, And they twain together had gotten him ending, Those athelings sib. E'en such should a man be, A thane good at need. Now that to the king was The last victory-while, by the deeds of himself, Of his work of the world. Sithence fell the wound, 2710 That the earth-drake to him had wrought but erewhile. To swell and to sweal; and this soon he found out, That down in the breast of him bale-evil welled, The venom withinward; then the Atheling wended, So that he by the wall, bethinking him wisdom. Sat on seat there and saw on the works of the giants, How that the stone-bows fast stood on pillars, The earth-house everlasting upheld withinward. Then with his hand him the sword-gory, That great king his thane, the good beyond measure, 2720 His friend-lord with water washed full well, The sated of battle, and unspanned his war-helm. Forth then spake Beowulf, and over his wound said, His wound piteous deadly; wist he full well, That now of his day-whiles all had he dreed, Of the joy of the earth; all was shaken asunder The tale of his days; death without measure nigh: Unto my son now should I be giving My gear of the battle, if to me it were granted Any ward of the heritage after my days 2730 To my body belonging. This folk have I holden Fifty winters; forsooth was never a folk-king Of the sitters around, no one of them soothly, Who me with the war-friends durst wend him to greet And bear down with the terror. In home have I abided The shapings of whiles, and held mine own well. No wily hates sought I; for myself swore not many Of oaths in unright. For all this may I, Sick with the life-wounds, soothly have joy. Therefore naught need wyte me the Wielder of men 2740 With kin murder-bale, when breaketh asunder My life from my lyke. And now lightly go thou To look on the hoard under the hoar stone, Wiglaf mine lief, now that lieth the Worm And sleepeth sore wounded, beshorn of his treasure; And be hasty that I now the wealth of old time, The gold-having may look on, and yarely behold The bright cunning gems, that the softlier may I After the treasure-weal let go away My life, and the folk-ship that long I have held. 2750 XXXVIII. BEOWULF BEHOLDETH THE TREASURE AND PASSETH AWAY. Then heard I that swiftly the son of that Weohstan After this word-say his lord the sore wounded, Battle-sick, there obeyed, and bare forth his ring-net, His battle-sark woven, in under the burg-roof; Saw then victory-glad as by the seat went he, The kindred-thane moody, sun-jewels a many, Much glistering gold lying down on the ground, Many wonders on wall, and the den of the Worm, The old twilight-flier; there were flagons a-standing, The vats of men bygone, of brighteners bereft, 2760 And maim'd of adornment; was many an helm Rusty and old, and of arm-rings a many Full cunningly twined. All lightly may treasure, The gold in the ground, every one of mankind Befool with o'erweening, hide it who will. Likewise he saw standing a sign there all-golden High over the hoard, the most of hand-wonders, With limb-craft belocked, whence light a ray gleamed. Whereby the den's ground-plain gat he to look on, The fair works scan throughly. Not of the Worm there 2770 Was aught to be seen now, but the edge had undone him. Heard I then that in howe of the hoard was bereaving, The old work of the giants, but one man alone, Into his barm laded beakers and dishes At his very own doom; and the sign eke he took, The brightest of beacons. But the bill of the old lord (The edge was of iron) erewhile it scathed Him who of that treasure hand-bearer was A long while, and fared a-bearing the flame-dread Before the hoard hot, and welling of fierceness 2780 In the midnights, until that by murder he died. In haste was the messenger, eager of back-fare, Further'd with fretted gems. Him longing fordid To wot whether the bold man he quick there shall meet In that mead-stead, e'en he the king of the Weders, All sick of his might, whereas he erst Itft him. He fetching the treasure then found the king mighty, His own lord, yet there, and him ever all gory At end of his life; and he yet once again Fell the water to warp o'er him, till the word's point 2790 Brake through the breast-hoard, and Beowulf spake out. The aged, in grief as he gaz'd on the gold: Now I for these fretworks to the Lord of all thanking, To the King of all glory, in words am yet saying, To the Lord ever living, for that which I look on; Whereas such I might for the people of mine, Ere ever my death-day, get me to own. Now that for the treasure-hoard here have I sold My life and laid down the same, frame still then ever The folk-need, for here never longer I may be. 2800 So bid ye the war-mighty work me a howe Bright after the bale-fire at the sea's nose, Which for a remembrance to the people of me Aloft shall uplift him at Whale-ness for ever, That it the sea-goers sithence may hote Beowulf's Howe, e'en they that the high-ships Over the flood-mists drive from afar. Did off from his halse then a ring was all golden, The king the great-hearted, and gave to his thane, To the spear-warrior young his war-helm gold-brindled, 2810 The ring and the byrny, and bade him well brook them: Thou art the end-leaving of all of our kindred, The Wægmundings; Weird now hath swept all away Of my kinsmen, and unto the doom of the Maker The earls in their might; now after them shall I. That was to the aged lord youngest of words Of his breast-thoughts, ere ever he chose him the bale, The hot battle-wellings; from his heart now departed His soul, to seek out the doom of the soothfast. XXXIX. WIGLAF CASTETH SHAME ON THOSE FLEERS. But gone was it then with the unaged man 2820 Full hard that there he beheld on the earth The liefest of friends at the ending of life, Of bearing most piteous. And likewise lay his bane The Earth-drake, the loathly fear, reft of his life, By bale laid undone: the ring-hoards no longer The Worm, the crook-bowed, ever might wield; For soothly the edges of the irons him bare off, The hard battle-sharded leavings of hammers, So that the wide-flier stilled with wounding Fell onto earth anigh to his hoard-hall, 2830 Nor along the lift ever more playing he turned At middle-nights, proud of the owning of treasure, Show'd the face of him forth, but to earth there he fell Because of the host-leader's work of the hand. This forsooth on the land hath thriven to few, Of men might and main bearing, by hearsay of mine, Though in each of all deeds full daring he were, That against venom-scather's fell breathing he set on, Or the hall of his rings with hand be a-stirring, If so be that he waking the warder had found 2840 Abiding in burg. By Beowulf was His deal of the king-treasure paid for by death; There either had they fared on to the end Of this loaned life. Long it was not until Those laggards of battle the holt were a-leaving, Unwarlike troth-liars, the ten there together, Who durst not e'en now with darts to be playing E'en in their man-lord's most mickle need. But shamefully now their shields were they bearing, Their weed of the battle, there where lay the aged; 2850 They gazed on Wiglaf where weary'd he sat, The foot-champion, hard by his very lord's shoulder, And wak'd him with water: but no whit it sped him; Never might he on earth howsoe'er well he will'd it In that leader of spears hold the life any more, Nor the will of the Wielder change ever a whit; But still should God's doom of deeds rule the rede For each man of men, as yet ever it doth. Then from out of the youngling an answer full grim Easy got was for him who had lost heart erewhile, 2860 And word gave out Wiglaf, Weohstan's son The sorrowful-soul'd man: on those unlief he saw: Lo that may he say who sooth would be saying, That the man-lord who dealt you the gift of those dear things, The gear of the war-host wherein there ye stand, Whereas he on the ale-bench full oft was a-giving Unto the hall-sitters war-helm and byrny, The king to his thanes, e'en such as he choicest Anywhere, far or near, ever might find: That he utterly wrongsome those weeds of the war 2870 Had cast away, then when the war overtook him. Surely never the folk-king of his fellows in battle Had need to be boastful; howsoever God gave him, The Victory-wielder, that he himself wreaked him Alone with the edge, when to him need of might was. Unto him of life-warding but little might I Give there in the war-tide; and yet I began Above measure of my might my kinsman to help; Ever worse was the Worm then when I with sword Smote the life-foe, and ever the fire less strongly 2880 Welled out from his wit. Of warders o'er little Throng'd about the king when him the battle befell. Now shall taking of treasures and giving of swords And all joy of your country-home fail from your kindred, All hope wane away; of the land-right moreover May each of the men of that kinsman's burg ever Roam lacking; sithence that the athelings eft-soons From afar shall have heard of your faring in flight, Your gloryless deed. Yea, death shall be better For each of the earls than a life ever ill-fam'd. 2890 XL. WIGLAF SENDETH TIDING TO THE HOST: THE WORDS OF THE MESSENGER. Then he bade them that war-work give out at the barriers Up over the sea-cliff, whereas then the earl-host The morning-long day sat sad of their mood, The bearers of war-boards, in weening of both things, Either the end-day, or else the back-coming Of the lief man. Forsooth he little was silent Of the new-fallen tidings who over the ness rode, But soothly he said over all there a-sitting: Now is the will-giver of the folk of the Weders, The lord of the Geats, fast laid in the death-bed, 2900 In the slaughter-rest wonneth he by the Worm's doings. And beside him yet lieth his very life-winner All sick with the sax-wounds; with sword might he never On the monster, the fell one, in any of manners Work wounding at all. There yet sitteth Wiglaf, Weohstan's own boy, over Beowulf king, One earl over the other, over him the unliving; With heart-honours holdeth he head-ward withal Over lief, over loath. But to folk is a weening Of war-tide as now, so soon as unhidden 2910 To Franks and to Frisians the fall of the king Is become over widely. Once was the strife shapen Hard 'gainst the Hugs, sithence Hygelac came Faring with float-host to Frisian land, Whereas him the Hetware vanquish'd in war, With might gat the gain, with o'er-mickle main; The warrior bebyrny'd he needs must bow down: He fell in the host, and no fretted war-gear Gave that lord to the doughty, but to us was aye sithence The mercy ungranted that was of the Merwing. 2920 Nor do I from the Swede folk of peace or good faith Ween ever a whit. For widely 'twas wotted That Ongentheow erst had undone the life Of Hæthcyn the Hrethel's son hard by the Raven-wood, Then when in their pride the Scylfings of war Erst gat them to seek to the folk of the Geats. Unto him soon the old one, the father of Ohthere, The ancient and fearful gave back the hand-stroke, Brake up the sea-wise one, rescued his bride. The aged his spouse erst, bereft of the gold, 2930 Mother of Onela, yea and of Ohthere; And follow'd up thereon his foemen the deadly, Until they betook them and sorrowfully therewith Unto the Raven-holt, reft of their lord. With huge host then beset he the leaving of swords All weary with wounds, and woe he behight them, That lot of the wretched, the livelong night through; Quoth he that the morrow's morn with the swords' edges He would do them to death, hang some on the gallows For a game unto fowl. But again befell comfort 2940 To the sorry of mood with the morrow-day early; Whereas they of Hygelac's war-horn and trumpet The voice wotted, whenas the good king his ways came Faring on in the track of his folk's doughty men. XLI. MORE WORDS OF THE MESSENGER. HOW HE FEARS THE SWEDES WHEN THEY WOT OF BEOWULF DEAD. Was the track of the war-sweat of Swedes and of Geats, The men's slaughter-race, right wide to be seen, How those folks amongst them were waking the feud. Departed that good one, and went with his fellows, Old and exceeding sad, fastness to seek; The earl Ongentheow upward returned; 2950 Of Hygelac's battle-might oft had he heard, The war-craft of the proud one; in withstanding he trow'd not, That he to the sea-folk in fight might debate, Or against the sea-farers defend him his hoard, His bairns and his bride. He bow'd him aback thence, The old under the earth-wall. Then was the chase bidden To the Swede-folk, and Hygelac's sign was upreared, And the plain of the peace forth on o'er-pass'd they, After the Hrethlings onto the hedge throng'd. There then was Ongentheow by the swords' edges, 2960 The blent-hair'd, the hoary one, driven to biding, So that the folk-king fain must he take Sole doom of Eofor. Him in his wrath then Wulf the Wonreding reach'd with his weapon, So that from the stroke sprang the war-sweat in streams Forth from under his hair; yet naught fearsome was he, The aged, the Scylfing, but paid aback rathely With chaffer that worse was that war-crash of slaughter, Sithence the folk-king turned him thither; And nowise might the brisk one that son was of Wonred 2970 Unto the old carle give back the hand-slaying, For that he on Wulf's head the helm erst had sheared, So that all with the blood stained needs must he bow, And fell on the field; but not yet was he fey, But he warp'd himself up, though the wound had touch'd nigh. But thereon the hard Hygelac's thane there, Whenas down lay his brother, let the broad blade, The old sword of eotens, that helm giant-fashion'd Break over the board-wall, and down the king bowed, The herd of the folk unto fair life was smitten. 2980 There were many about there who bound up his kinsman, Upraised him swiftly when room there was made them, That the slaughter-stead there at the stour they might wield, That while when was reaving one warrior the other: From Ongentheow took he the iron-wrought byrny, The hard-hilted sword, with his helm all together: The hoary one's harness to Hygelac bare he; The fret war-gear then took he, and fairly behight him Before the folk due gifts, and even so did it; Gild he gave for that war-race, the lord of the Geats, 2990 The own son of Hrethel, when home was he come, To Eofor and Wulf gave he over-much treasure, To them either he gave an hundred of thousands, Land and lock'd rings. Of the gift none needed to wyte him Of mid earth, since the glory they gained by battle. Then to Eofor he gave his one only daughter, An home-worship soothly, for pledge of his good will. That is the feud and the foeship full soothly, The dead-hate of men, e'en as I have a weening, Wherefor the Swede people against us shall seek, 3000 Sithence they have learned that lieth our lord All lifeless; e'en he that erewhile hath held Against all the haters the hoard and the realm; Who after the heroes' fall held the fierce Scylfings, Framed the folk-rede, and further thereto Did earlship-deeds. Now is haste best of all That we now the folk-king should fare to be seeing, And then that we bring him who gave us the rings On his way to the bale: nor shall somewhat alone With the moody be molten; but manifold hoard is, 3010 Gold untold of by tale that grimly is cheapened, And now at the last by this one's own life Are rings bought, and all these the brand now shall fret, The flame thatch them over: no earl shall bear off One gem in remembrance; nor any fair maiden Shall have on her halse a ring-honour thereof, But in grief of mood henceforth, bereaved of gold, Shall oft, and not once alone, alien earth tread, Now that the host-learn'd hath laid aside laughter, The game and the glee-joy. Therefore shall the spear, 3020 Full many a morn-cold, of hands be bewounden, Uphoven in hand; and no swough of the harp Shall waken the warriors; but the wan raven rather Fain over the fey many tales shall tell forth, And say to the erne how it sped him at eating, While he with the wolf was a-spoiling the slain. So was the keen-whetted a-saying this while Spells of speech loathly; he lied not much Of weirds or of words. Then uprose all the war-band, And unblithe they wended under the Ernes-ness, 3030 All welling of tears, the wonder to look on. Found they then on the sand, now lacking of soul, Holding his bed, him that gave them the rings In time erewhile gone by. But then was the end-day Gone for the good one; since the king of the battle, The lord of the Weders, in wonder-death died. But erst there they saw a more seldom-seen sight, The Worm on the lea-land over against him Down lying there loathly; there was the fire-drake, The grim of the terrors, with gleeds all beswealed. 3040 He was of fifty feet of his measure Long of his lying. Lift-joyance held he In the whiles of the night, but down again wended To visit his den. Now fast was he in death, He had of the earth-dens the last end enjoyed. There by him now stood the beakers and bowls, There lay the dishes and dearly-wrought swords, Rusty, through-eaten they, as in earth's bosom A thousand of winters there they had wonned. For that heritage there was, all craftily eked, 3050 Gold of the yore men, in wizardry wounden; So that that ring-hall might none reach thereto, Not any of mankind but if God his own self, Sooth king of victories, gave unto whom he would (He is holder of men) to open that hoard, E'en to whichso of mankind should seem to him meet. XLII. THEY GO TO LOOK ON THE FIELD OF DEED. Then it was to be seen that throve not the way To him that unrightly had hidden within there The fair gear 'neath the wall. The warder erst slew Some few of folk, and the feud then became 3060 Wrothfully wreaked. A wonder whenas A valour-strong earl may reach on the ending Of the fashion of life, when he longer in nowise One man with his kinsmen may dwell in the mead-hall! So to Beowulf was it when the burg's ward he sought. For the hate of the weapons: he himself knew not Wherethrough forsooth his world's sundering should be. So until Doomsday they cursed it deeply, Those princes the dread, who erst there had done it, That that man should be of sins never sackless, 3070 A-hoppled in shrines, in hell-bonds fast set, With plague-spots be punish'd, who that plain should plunder. But naught gold-greedy was he, more gladly had he The grace of the Owner erst gotten to see. Now spake out Wiglaf, that son was of Weohstan: Oft shall many an earl for the will but of one Dree the wrack, as to us even now is befallen: Nowise might we learn the lief lord of us, The herd of the realm, any of rede, That he should not go greet that warder of gold, 3080 But let him live yet, whereas long he was lying, And wonne in his wicks until the world's ending; But he held to high weird and the hoard hath been seen, Grimly gotten: o'er hard forsooth was that giving, That the king of the folk e'en thither enticed. Lo! I was therein, and I look'd it all over, The gear of the house, when for me room was gotten, But I lightly in nowise had leave for the passage In under the earth-wall; in haste I gat hold Forsooth with my hands of a mickle main burden 3090 Of hoard-treasures, and hither then out did I bear them, Out unto my king, and then quick was he yet, Wise, and wit-holding: a many things spake he, That aged in grief-care, and bade me to greet you, And prayed ye would do e'en after your friend's deeds Aloft in the bale-stead a howe builded high, Most mickle and mighty, as he amongst men was The worthfullest warrior wide over the world, While he the burg-weal erewhile might brook. Then so let us hasten this second of whiles 3100 To see and to seek the throng of things strange, The wonder 'neath wall; I shall wise you the way, So that ye from a-near may look on enough Of rings and broad gold; and be the bier swiftly All yare thereunto, whenas out we shall fare. Then let us so ferry the lord that was ours, The lief man of men, to where long shall he In the All-Wielder's keeping full patiently wait. Bade then to bid the bairn of that Weohstan, The deer of the battle, to a many of warriors, 3110 The house-owning wights, that the wood of the bale They should ferry from far, e'en the folk-owning men, Toward the good one. And now shall the gleed fret away, The wan flame a-waxing, the strong one of warriors, Him who oft-times abided the shower of iron When the storm of the shafts driven on by the strings Shook over the shield-wall, and the shaft held its service, And eager with feather-gear follow'd the barb. Now then the wise one, that son was of Weohstan, Forth from the throng then call'd of the king's thanes 3120 A seven together, the best to be gotten, And himself went the eighth in under the foe-roof; One man of the battlers in hand there he bare A gleam of the fire, of the first went he inward. It was nowise allotted who that hoard should despoil, Sithence without warden some deal that there was The men now beheld in the hall there a-wonning, Lying there fleeting; little mourn'd any, That they in all haste outward should ferry The dear treasures. But forthwith the drake did they shove, 3130 The Worm, o'er the cliff-wall, and let the wave take him, The flood fathom about the fretted works' herd. There then was wounden gold on the wain laden Untold of each kind, and the Atheling borne, The hoary of warriors, out on to Whale-ness. XLIII. OF THE BURIAL OF BEOWULF. For him then they geared, the folk of the Geats, A pile on the earth all unweaklike that was, With war-helms behung, and with boards of the battle, And bright byrnies, e'en after the boon that he bade. Laid down then amidmost their king mighty-famous 3140 The warriors lamenting, the lief lord of them. Began on the burg of bale-fires the biggest The warriors to waken: the wood-reek went up Swart over the smoky glow, sound of the flame Bewound with the weeping (the wind-blending stilled), Until it at last the bone-house had broken Hot at the heart. All unglad of mind With mood-care they mourned their own liege lord's quelling. Likewise a sad lay the wife of aforetime For Beowulf the king, with her hair all upbounden, 3150 Sang sorrow-careful; said oft and over That harm-days for herself in hard wise she dreaded, The slaughter-falls many, much fear of the warrior, The shaming and bondage. Heaven swallow'd the reek. Wrought there and fashion'd the folk of the Weders A howe on the lithe, that high was and broad. Unto the wave-farers wide to be seen: Then it they betimber'd in time of ten days, The battle-strong's beacon; the brands' very-leavings They bewrought with a wall in the worthiest of ways, 3160 That men of all wisdom might find how to work. Into burg then they did the rings and bright sun-gems, And all such adornments as in the hoard there The war-minded men had taken e'en now; The earls' treasures let they the earth to be holding, Gold in the grit, wherein yet it liveth, As useless to men-folk as ever it erst was. Then round the howe rode the deer of the battle, The bairns of the athelings, twelve were they in all. Their care would they mourn, and bemoan them their king, 3170 The word-lay would they utter and over the man speak: They accounted his earlship and mighty deeds done, And doughtily deem'd them; as due as it is That each one his friend-lord with words should belaud, And love in his heart, whenas forth shall he Away from the body be fleeting at last. In such wise they grieved, the folk of the Geats, For the fall of their lord, e'en they his hearth-fellows; Quoth they that he was a world-king forsooth, The mildest of all men, unto men kindest, 3180 To his folk the most gentlest, most yearning of fame. PERSONS AND PLACES (_Numbers refer to Pages_) [Transcriber's Note: In this and the following section, page numbers in parentheses are accompanied by a line reference in brackets.] BEANSTAN, father of Breca (31 [524]). Beowulf the Dane (not Beowulf the Geat, the hero of the poem) was the grandfather of Hrothgar (2, 4 [18, 53]). Beowulf the Geat. _See_ the Argument. Breca (30 [506]), who contended with Beowulf in swimming, was a chief of the Brondings (31 [521]). Brisings' neck-gear (70 [1199]). "This necklace is the Brisinga-men, the costly necklace of Freyja, which she won from the dwarfs and which was stolen from her by Loki, as is told in the Edda" (Kemble). In our poem, it is said that Hama carried off this necklace when he fled from Eormenric, king of the Ostrogoths. DAYRAVEN (143 [2500]), a brave warrior of the Hugs, and probably the slayer of Hygelac, whom, in that case, Beowulf avenged. EADGILS, Eanmund (136, 137 [2379, 2391]), "sons of Ohthere," and nephews of the Swedish King Onela, by whom they were banished from their native land for rebellion. They took refuge at the court of the Geat King Heardred, and Onela, "Ongentheow's bairn," enraged at their finding an asylum with his hereditary foes, invaded Geatland, and slew Heardred. At a later time Beowulf, when king of the Geats, balanced the feud by supporting Eadgils in an invasion of Sweden, in which King Onela was slain. Eanmund (149 [2610]), while in exile at the court of the Geats, was slain by Weohstan, father of Wiglaf, and stripped of the armour given him by his uncle, the Swedish King Onela. Weohstan "spake not about the feud, although he had slain Onela's brother's son," probably because he was not proud of having slain an "exile unfriended" in a private quarrel. Ecglaf, father of Unferth, Hrothgar's spokesman (29 [499]). Ecgtheow (22 [373]), father of Beowulf the Geat, by the only daughter of Hrethel, king of the Geats. Having slain Heatholaf, a warrior of the Wylfings, Ecgtheow sought protection at the court of the Danish King Hrothgar, who accepted his fealty and settled the feud by a money-payment (27 [463]). Hence the heartiness of Beowulf's welcome at Hrothgar's hands. Ecgwela. The Scyldings or Danes are once called "Ecgwela's offspring" (99 [1710]). He may have been the founder of the older dynasty of Danish kings which ended with Heremod. Eofor (142, 167-9 [2485, 2963-2996]), a Geat warrior, brother of Wulf. He came to the aid of his brother in his single combat with the Swedish King Ongentheow, and slew the king, being rewarded by Hygelac with the hand of his only daughter. Eotens (61, 62, 66 [1072, 1088, 1141]) are the people of Finn, king of Friesland. In other passages, it is merely a name for a race of monsters. FINN (61-7 [1068-1156]). The somewhat obscure Finn episode in _Beowulf_ appears to be part of a Finn epic, of which only the merest fragment, called the _Fight at Finnsburg_, is extant. The following conjectured outline of the whole story is based on this fragment and on the Beowulf episode; Finn, king of the Frisians, had carried off Hildeburh, daughter of Hoc, probably with her consent. Her father, Hoc, seems to have pursued the fugitives, and to have been slain in the fight which ensued on his overtaking them. After the lapse of some twenty years Hoc's sons, Hnæf and Hengest, are old enough to undertake the duty of avenging their father's death. They make an inroad into Finn's country, and a battle takes place in which many warriors, among them Hnæf and a son of Finn, are killed. Peace is then solemnly concluded, and the slain warriors are burnt. As the year is too far advanced for Hengest to return home, he and those of his men who survive remain for the winter in the Frisian country with Finn. But Hengest's thoughts dwell constantly on the death of his brother Hnæf, and he would gladly welcome any excuse to break the peace which had been sworn by both parties. His ill-concealed desire for revenge is noticed by the Frisians, who anticipate it by themselves attacking Hengest and his men whilst they are sleeping in the hall. This is the night attack described in the _Fight at Finnsburg_. It would seem that after a brave and desperate resistance Hengest himself falls in this fight at the hands of the son of Hunlaf (66 [1143]), but two of his retainers, Guthlaf and Oslaf, succeed in cutting their way through their enemies and in escaping to their own land. They return with fresh troops, attack and slay Finn, and carry his queen Hildeburh back to the Daneland. Folkwalda (62 [1089]), father of Finn. Franks (70, 165 [1210, 2911]). Hygelac, king of the Geats, was defeated and slain early in the sixth century, in his historical invasion of the Netherlands, by a combined army of Frisians, Franks, and Hugs. Freawaru (116 [2022]), daughter of Hrothgar and Wealhtheow. Beowulf tells Hygelac that her father has betrothed her to Ingeld, prince of the Heathobards, in the hope of settling the feud between the two peoples. But he prophesies that the hope will prove vain: for an old Heathobard warrior, seeing a Danish chieftain accompany Freawaru to their court laden with Heathobard spoils, will incite the son of the former owner of the plundered treasure to revenge, until blood is shed, and the feud is renewed. That this was what afterwards befell, we learn from the Old English poem _Widsith_. _See also_ ll. 83-5. Friesland (65 [1126]), the land of the North Frisians. Frieslands (135 [2356]), Frisian land (165 [2914]), the home of the West Frisians. Frisians. Two tribes are to be distinguished: 1. The North Frisians (61, 63 [1070, 1093]), the people of Finn. 2. The West Frisians (143, 165 [2502, 2911]), who combined with the Franks and Hugs and defeated Hygelac, between 512 and 520 A.D. Froda (117 [2025]), father of Ingeld. _See_ Freawaru. GUTHLAF and Oslaf (66 [1148]). _See_ Finn. HÆRETH (112, 114 [1929, 1981]), father of Hygd, wife of Hygelac. Hæthcyn (139, 142, 165 [2433, 2481, 2924]), second son of Hrethel, king of the Geats, and thus elder brother of Hygelac. He accidentally killed his elder brother Herebeald with a bow-shot, to the inconsolable grief of Hrethel. He succeeded to the throne at his father's death, but fell in battle at Ravenwood (165 [2924]) by the hand of the Swedish King Ongentheow. Half-Danes (61 [1069]), the tribe to which Hnæf belongs. _See_ Finn. Hama (69 [1198]). _See_ Brisings. Healfdene (4 [57]), king of the Danes, son of Beowulf the Scylding, and father of Hrothgar, "Healfdene's son" (16 [268]). Heardred (126, 136-7 [2202, 2374-2387]), son of Hygelac and Hygd. While still under age he succeeds his father as king of the Geats, Beowulf, who has refused the throne himself, being his counsellor and protector. He is slain by "Ongentheow's bairn" (137 [2386]), Onela, king of the Swedes. Heathobards, Lombards, the tribe of Ingeld, the betrothed of Freawaru, Hrothgar's daughter (117 [2032]). Heatholaf (27 [460]). _See_ Ecgtheow. Helmings. "The Dame of the Helmings" (36 [620]) is Hrothgar's queen, Wealhtheow. Hemming. "The Kinsman of Hemming" is a name for Offa (112 [1944]) and for his son Eomær (113 [1961]). Hengest (62-5 [1083-1127]). _See_ Finn. Heorogar (5 [61]), elder brother of Hrothgar (27 [467]), did not leave his armour to his son Heoroward (124 [2158]); but Hrothgar gives it to Beowulf, and Beowulf gives it to Hygelac. Herebeald (139, 141 [2433, 2462]), eldest son of the Geat King Hrethel, was accidentally shot dead with an arrow by his brother Hæthcyn. Heremod (53, 99 [915, 1709]) is twice spoken of as a bad and cruel Danish king. In the end he is betrayed into the hands of his foes. Hereric may have been brother of Hygd, Hygelac's queen, for their son Heardred is spoken of as "the nephew of Hereric" (126 [2206]). Here-Scyldings (64 [1108]), Army-Scyldings, a name of the Danes. Hetware (135, 165 [2362, 2915]), the Hattuarii of the _Historia Francorum_ of Gregory of Tours and of the _Gesta Regum Francorum_, were the tribe against which Hygelac was raiding when he was defeated and slain by an army of Frisians, Franks, and Hugs. Hildeburh (61, 64 [1071, 1114]). _See_ Finn. Hnæf (61, 64 [1069, 1114]). _See_ Finn. Hoc (62 [1076]). _See_ Finn. Hrethel, a former king of the Geats; son of Swerting (70 [1202]), father of Hygelac and grandfather of Beowulf (22 [374]), to whom he left his coat of mail (26 [454]). He died of grief at the loss of his eldest son Herebeald (139-42) [2429-2473], who was accidentally slain by his brother Hæthcyn. [Transcriber's Note: Page 70 [l. 1202] text reads "Hygelac ... grandson of Swerting." Hrethel is not named.] Hrethlings (167 [2959]), the people of Hrethel, the Geats. Hrethmen (26 [445]), Triumph-men, the Danes. Hrethric (69, 106 [1189, 1836]), elder son of Hrothgar and Wealhtheow. Hrothgar. _See_ the Argument. Hrothulf (59, 68 [1017, 1181]), probably the son of Hrothgar's younger brother Halga (5 [61]). He lives at the Danish court. Wealhtheow hopes that, if he survives Hrothgar, he will be good to their children in return for their kindness to him. It would seem that this hope was not to be fulfilled ("yet of kindred unsunder'd," 67 [1164]). Hygd, daughter of Hæreth, wife of Hygelac, the king of the Geats, and mother of Heardred. She may well be "the wife of aforetime" (177 [3149]). Hygelac, third son of Hrethel (139 [2433]) and uncle to Beowulf, is the reigning king of the Geats during the greater part of the action of the poem. When his brother Hæthcyn was defeated and slain by Ongentheow at Ravenwood (165 [2923]), Hygelac quickly went in pursuit and put Ongentheow to flight; but although, as leader of the attack, he is called "the banesman of Ongentheow" (114 [1986]), the actual slayer was Eofor (142, 167 [2485, 2963]), whom Hygelac rewarded with the hand of his only daughter (169 [2996]). Hygelac came by his death between 512 and 520 A.D., in his historical invasion of the Netherlands, which is referred to in the poem four times (70, 135, 143, 165 [1207, 2356, 2502, 2911]). ING (147 [2576]). _See_ Ingwines. Ingeld (119 [2064]). _See_ Freawaru. Ingwines (60, 77 [1044, 1319]), "friends of Ing," the Danes. Ing, according to the Old English _Rune-Poem_, "was first seen by men amid the East Danes"; he has been identified with Frea. MERWING, The (165 [2920]), the Merovingian king of the Franks. OFFA (113 [1949]). _See_ Thrytho. Ohthere (136-7, 165 [2379-2393, 2927]), son of the Swedish King Ongentheow, and father of Eanmund and Eadgils (_q.v._). Onela, "Ongentheow's bairn" (137 [2386]) and elder brother of Ohthere, is king of Sweden ("the helm of the Scylfings," 136 [2380]) at the time of the rebellion of Eanmund and Eadgils. He invades the land of the Geats, which has harboured the rebels, slays Heardred, son of Hygelac, and then retreats before Beowulf. At a later time Beowulf avenges the death of Heardred by supporting Eadgils, "son of Ohthere" (137 [2393]), in an invasion of Sweden, in which Onela is slain. _See also_ Eadgils; and compare the slaying of Ali by Athils on the ice of Lake Wener in the Icelandic "Heimskringla." Ongentheow, father of Onela and Ohthere, was a former king of the Swedes. The earlier strife between the Swedes and the Geats, in which he is the chief figure, is fully related by the messenger (164 [2891]) who brings the tidings of Beowulf's death. In retaliation for the marauding invasions of Onela and Ohthere (142 [2474]), Hæthcyn invaded Sweden, and took Ongentheow's queen prisoner. Ongentheow in return invaded the land of her captor, whom he slew, and rescued his wife (165 [2923]); but in his hour of triumph he was attacked in his turn by Hygelac near Ravenwood, and fell by the hand of Eofor (168 [2960]). SCANEY (97 [1686]), Scede-lands (2 [19]), the most southern portion of the Scandinavian peninsula, belonging to the Danes; used in our poem for the whole Danish kingdom. Scyld (1 [4]), son of Sheaf, was the mythical founder of the royal Danish dynasty of Scyldings. Scyldings, descendants of Scyld, properly the name of the reigning Danish dynasty, is commonly extended to include the Danish people (3 [30]). Scylfing: "the Scylfing" (167 [2967]), "the aged of Scylfings" (142 [2486]), is Ongentheow. Scylfings (136 [2380]), the name of the reigning Swedish dynasty, was extended to the Swedish people in the same way as "Scyldings" to the Danes. Beowulf's kinsman Wiglaf is called "lord of Scylfings" (149 [2601]), and in another passage the name is apparently applied to the Geats (170 [3004]); this seems to point to a common ancestry of Swedes and Geats, or it may be that Beowulf's father Ecgtheow was a "Scylfing." THRYTHO (112 [1931]), wife of the Angle King Offa and mother of Eomær, is mentioned in contrast to Hygd, just as Heremod is a foil to Beowulf. She is at first the type of a cruel, unwomanly queen. But by her marriage with Offa, who seems to be her second husband, she is subdued and changed until her fame even adds glory to his. UNFERTH, son of Ecglaf, is the spokesman of Hrothgar, at whose feet he sits. He is of a jealous disposition, and is twice spoken of as the murderer of his own brothers (34, 67 [587, 1165]). Taunting Beowulf with defeat in his swimming-match with Breca, he is silenced by the hero's reply, and more effectually still by the issue of the struggle with Grendel (57 [980]). Afterwards, however, he lends his sword Hrunting for Beowulf's encounter with Grendel's mother (85, 104 [1465, 1808]). WÆGMUNDINGS (149, 160 [2605, 2803]), the family to which both Beowulf and Wiglaf belong. Their fathers, Ecgtheow and Weohstan, may have been sons of Wægmund. Wedermark (17 [298]), the land of the Weder-Geats, _i.e._ the Geats. Weders, Weder-Geats (13, 86, 122 [225, 1492, 2120]), Geats. Weland (26 [455]), the Völund of the Edda, the famous smith of Teutonic legend, was the maker of Beowulf's coat of mail. See the figured casket in the British Museum; and compare "Wayland Smith's Cave" near the White Horse, in Berkshire. Weohstan was the father of Beowulf's kinsman and faithful henchman Wiglaf, and the slayer of Eanmund (149 [2601]). Wonred, father of "Wulf the Wonreding" (167 [2964]), and of Eofor. Wulf (167 [2964]). _See_ Eofor. Wulfgar, "a lord of the Wendels" (20 [348]), is an official of Hrothgar's court, where he is the first to greet Beowulf and his Geats, and introduces them to Hrothgar. Wythergyld (118 [2051]) is a warrior of the Heathobards. THE MEANING OF SOME WORDS NOT COMMONLY USED NOW (_Numbers refer to Pages_) [Transcriber's Note: In this and the previous section, page numbers in parentheses are accompanied by a line reference in brackets.] _A-banning, the work was_ (5) [74], orders for the work were given. _Arede_ (119) [2056], possess. _Atheling_, prince, noble, noble warrior. _Barm_, lap, bosom. _Behalsed_ (5 [63]), embraced by the neck. _Berne_, man, warrior, hero. _Bestead_ (143 [2499]), served. _Beswealed_, scorched, burnt. _Beswinked_, sweated. _Birlers_, cup-bearers. _Board_, shield. _Bode_, announce. _Bollen_, swollen, angry. _Boot_ (9 [158]), compensation. _Boun_ (18 [301]), made ready. _Braided_ (147 [2574]), drew, lifted. _Brim_, sea. _Brook_, use, enjoy. _Burg_, fortified place, stronghold, mount, barrow; protection; protector; family (163 [2886]). _Byrny_, coat of mail. _Devil-dray_, nest of devils. Cf. _squirrel's-dray_, common in Berks; used by Cowper. _Dreary_, bloody. _Dree_, do, accomplish, suffer, enjoy, spend (155 [2725]). _Ealdor_, chief, lord. _Eme_, uncle. _Eoten_, giant, monster, enemy. _Fathom_, embrace. _Feeless_, not to be atoned for with money. _Ferry_, bring, carry. _Fifel_, monster. _Flyting_, contending, scolding. _Fold_, the earth. _Forheed_, disregard. _Forwritten_, proscribed. _Frist_, space of time, delay. _Gar_, spear. _Graithly_, readily, well. _Halse_, neck. _Hand-shoal_, band of warriors. _Hery_, praise. _Hild-play_, battle. _Holm_, ocean, sea. _Holm-throng_, eddy of the sea. _Holt_, wood. _Hote_, call. _Howe_, mound, burial-mound. _Hythe_, ferry, haven. _Kemp_, champion, fighter. _Lithe_, slope. _Loom_, heirloom. _Low_ (133 [2320]), flame. _Lyke_, body. _Moody_, brave, proud. _Nicors_, sea-monsters. _Nithing_ (12 [193]), spite, malice. _O'erthinking_, overweening, arrogance. _Rail, railings_, coat, armour. _Rimed_, counted, reckoned. _Sea-lode_, sea-voyage. _Sin_, malice, hatred, hostility. _Skinked_, poured out. _Slot_, track. _Staple_, threshold. _Stone-bow_, arch of stone. _Sty_, stride, ascend, descend. _Sweal_, burn. _Through-witting_, understanding. _Undern_, from 9 o'clock till 12 o'clock; "at undren and at middai," O.E. Miscellany. _Warths_, shores, still in use at Wick St. Lawrence, in Somerset. _Wick_, dwelling. _Wick-stead_, dwelling-place. _Wise_, direct, show. _Wit-lust_, curiosity. _Worth_, shall be. _Wreak_, utter. _Wyte_, blame, charge with. _Yare_, ready. _Yode_, went. * * * * * Errors and Inconsistencies List of Names Dayraven, Ravenwood _both names hyphenated in body text_ Freawaru _text reads "Ereawaru"_ Hrethel ... at the loss of his eldest son Herebeald (139-42) _text reads "-41"_ Wythergyld _name spelled "Withergyld" in body text_ Glossary _Arede_ (119) [2056], possess. _text reads "(118)"_ 
50742	----	THE STORY OF BEOWULF TRANSLATED FROM ANGLO-SAXON INTO MODERN ENGLISH PROSE BY ERNEST J. B. KIRTLAN B.A. (London), B.D. (St. Andrews) Author of a Translation of 'Sir Gawain and the Green Knight' DECORATED AND DESIGNED BY FREDERIC LAWRENCE With Introduction, Notes and Appendices NEW YORK THOMAS Y. CROWELL COMPANY PUBLISHERS To THE MEMORY OF MY FATHER NOTE AS TO USE OF APPENDIX I have relegated to the Appendix all notes of any considerable length. The reader is advised to consult the Appendices wherever directed in the footnotes. He will then have a much clearer conception of the principal characters and events of the poem. INTRODUCTION 'Beowulf' may rightly be pronounced the great national epic of the Anglo-Saxon race. Not that it exalts the race so much as that it presents the spirit of the Anglo-Saxon peoples, the ideals and aims, the manners and customs, of our ancestors, and that it does so in setting before us a great national hero. Beowulf himself was not an Anglo-Saxon. He was a Geat-Dane; but he belonged to that confraternity of nations that composed the Teutonic people. He lived in an heroic age, when the songs of the wandering singers were of the great deeds of outstanding men. The absolute epic of the English people has yet to be written. To some extent Arthur, though a British King--that is to say, though he was King of the Celtic British people, who were subsequently driven into the West, into Cornwall and Wales and Strathclyde, by our Saxon ancestors--became nationalized by our Anglo-Norman ancestors as a typical King of the English people. He has become the epic King of the English in the poetry of Tennyson. It is always a mystery to the writer that no competent singer among us has ever laid hands upon our own Saxon hero, King Alfred. It is sometimes said that there is nothing new under the sun, that there is nothing left for the modern singer to sing about, and that the realm of possible musical production is fast vanishing out of view. Certainly this is not true of poetry. Both Alfred and Arthur are waiting for the sympathetic voice that will tell forth to the world the immortal splendour of their personalities. And just as the Anglo-Normans idealized Arthur as a hero-king of the English nation, though he really fought against the English, so the Saxon singer of Beowulf has idealized this Geatish chieftain, and in some way set him forth as the idealized chieftain of the Teutonic race. Beowulf is an Anglo-Saxon poem.--It consists of 3182 lines. It is written in the alliterative verse of our ancestors in the Anglo-Saxon tongue, which, though the mother-tongue of the English, is yet more difficult to read for the Englishman than Latin or Greek. One wonders whether any genuine Anglo-Saxon epic existed, and has been destroyed in the passing of the centuries. The curious feature about this poem is that it concerns a man who was not an Anglo-Saxon. Our poem is written in the West Saxon dialect. The original poem was probably in Northumbrian, and was translated into West Saxon during the period of literary efflorescence in the West Saxon Court. We do not know whether it was a translation or whether it was original, though the latter is, I believe, the prevailing opinion. Arnold has put forth what may be called the missionary theory of its origin. He believes that both the choice of subject and the grade of culture may be connected with the missionary efforts of the English Church of those days to extend Christianity in Friesland and further east. 'It does not seem improbable that it was in the interest of the spread of Christianity that the composer of Beowulf--perhaps a missioner, perhaps a layman attached to the mission--was attracted to the Scandinavian lands; that he resided there long enough to become thoroughly steeped in the folk-lore and local traditions; that he found the grand figure of Beowulf the Geat predominant in them; and that, weaving into an organic whole those which he found suitable to his own purpose, he composed an epic which, on his return home, must soon have become known to all the lovers of English song.' [1] Dr. Sarrazin thought this unknown poet might have been the famous Cynewulf. Arnold, chiefly on stylistic grounds, differs from this opinion. This is Arnold's opinion: 'Sagas, either in the Danish dialect or that of the Geats--more probably the latter--were current in the Scandinavian countries in the seventh century. Among these sagas, that of Beowulf the Geat must have had a prominent place; others celebrated Hygelac his uncle, Hnaef the Viking, the wars of the Danes and the Heathobards, of the Danes and the Swedes. About the end of the century missionaries from England are known to have been busy in Friesland and Denmark, endeavouring to convert the natives to Christianity. Some one of these, whose mind had a turn for literature and dwelt with joy upon the traditions of the past, collected or learnt by heart a number of these sagas, and, taking that of Beowulf as a basis, and weaving some others into his work, composed an epic poem to which, although it contains the record of those adventures, the heroic scale of the figure who accomplishes them all imparts a real unifying epic interest.' Whatever may be the truth as to its origin, there it lies in the British Museum in its unique MS. as a testimony to all ages of the genius of the Anglo-Saxon race. Now it will be quite naturally asked, What do we learn from Beowulf of the genius and spirit of that race from which we are sprung? The one outstanding fact, as it appears to the writer, is the co-operative principle. And this principle stands in almost violent opposition to the ruling principle of the modern world, in which society is divided into a number of mutually opposite sections or classes, whose interests clash with fatal results to individual and corporate well-being. In this poem we see the whole community, from the King to the churl, bound by one common interest. King and chieftain and thane and churl freely intermingle and converse. They eat and drink and sleep under one common roof, or at least in one common enclosure. Tempora mutantur! but the idea of social interaction and mutual interdependence never found more vivid or real expression than in the pictures presented in Beowulf of Hart, the Great Hall of Hrothgar, and in the Court and township of Hygelac, King of the Geats. In the Hall of Hart Hrothgar and his Queen and his courtiers sit at the high table on the dais, and the lower orders at the long table down the hall. The spears and shields adorn the walls. After the evening meal, the singer, or scop, as he is called, to the accompaniment of the harp, tells forth the deeds of some ancient feud, such as that of Finn and the Danes or the Fight at Finnsburgh, or the feud of the Danes and the Heathobards, in which Freawaru, Hrothgar's daughter, and Ingeld figure so tragically. Then the benches are removed, and the rude beds are spread out on the floor of the Great Hall and they seek 'evening rest.' The whole is a picture of fraternal and paternal government. If Grendel, the Fen-monster, carries away one of their number, then there is weeping and lamentation. The King and the Queen and the nobility and the commonalty are all concerned in the tragedy. The loss of one is the loss of all. When Aeschere is slain by Grendel's mother Hrothgar thus bewails his loss: 'Seek no more after joy; sorrow is renewed for the Danish folk. Aeschere is dead, he who was my wise counsellor and my adviser and my comrade in arms, when in time of war we defended ourselves; ... but now the hand lieth low which bestowed every kind of joy upon you.' And in the end of the poem it is said of Beowulf that he was 'most gentle to his folk.' The King was king only 'for his folk.' The interest of his folk, their physical and moral well-being, was his chief solicitude. 2. But not only was this so within any one nation or tribe, but there was a sense of comradeship and mutual responsibility among those of various tribes and nations. When Beowulf the Geat hears in Gautland of the raids of Grendel upon Hart, he commands his folk to make ready a boat that he may fare across the sea to the help of Hrothgar, because 'he was lacking in warriors.' Beowulf's whole mission in Hart was the discharge of a solemn obligation of help from the strong to the weak. He announces to Hrothgar that he is come 'to cleanse Hart of ill,' and this he feels he must do. 'Woe is me if I preach not the gospel!' cried St. Paul. 'Woe is me if I help not the weak and cleanse not the demon-infested palace of my kinsman!' cried Beowulf. 'Weird goes as he willeth'; that is, Fate must be submitted to. And Fate hath willed that he should help the weak and 'cleanse the ill.' 3. Then there is the tremendous sense of loyalty on the part of the folk to their king or chieftain. The idea of the 'Comitatus' bound the folk to their leaders. Nothing more disgraceful could be conceived than the desertion of the leader. Terrible were the reproaches hurled at the trembling cowards who had hurried away into the woods, to save their own skins, whilst their King Beowulf wrestled with the dragon, the enemy of the people. 'Yea, death is better for any earl than a life of reproach.' Loyalty, a passionate loyalty to the King, was the greatest of virtues, and disloyalty and cowardice the greatest of vices. Society was an organic whole, bound together by the bands of loyalty and devotion to the common good. 4. There is, too, the fatalistic note heard all through the poem. Beowulf feels himself hard pressed by Fate. The Anglo-Saxon called Fate by the name 'Weird,' which has survived in modern English in the sense of something strange and mysterious. Weird was the God, or Goddess of Fate. Again and again in the poem we hear the solemn, minor, dirge-like refrain, 'Weird hath willed it'; 'Goeth Weird as she willeth' (chapter VI. p. 44). There is this perpetual overshadowing and almost crushing sense of some inscrutable and irresistible power that wieldeth all things and disposeth all things, which is, I believe, a pre-eminent characteristic of the Anglo-Saxon race, and accounts for the dare-devil courage of her sons upon the battle-field or on the high seas. We find it, too, in its morally less attractive form in the recrudescent pessimism of modern literature. Thomas Hardy is the lineal descendant in literature of the author of Beowulf when he says: 'Thus the President of the Immortals had finished his sport with poor Tess.' [2] 5. And closely allied to this sense of Destiny is the sombre view of life that is characteristic of the Teutonic peoples. There is none of that passionate joy in beauty and in love that we find in the Celtic literature. Life is a serious thing in Beowulf and with us of the Anglo-Saxon race. The scenery of Beowulf is massive and threatening and mist-encircled. Angry seas are boiling and surging and breaking at the foot of lofty and precipitous cliffs. Above the edge of the cliffs stretch mysterious and gloomy moorlands, and treacherous bogs and dense forests inhabited by malignant and powerful spirits, the foes of humanity. In a land like this there is no time for love-making. Eating, drinking, sleeping, fighting there make up the business of life. It is to the Celtic inflow that we owe the addition of love in our modern literature. The composer of Beowulf could not have conceived the Arthur Saga or the Tristram love-legend. These things belong to a later age, when Celtic and Teutonic elements were fused in the Anglo-Norman race. But we still find in our literature the sombre hues. And, after all, it is in the forest of sorrow and pain that we discover the most beautiful flowers and the subtlest perfumes. I desire to express my indebtedness to A. J. Wyatt and William Morris for their translations; to A. J. Wyatt for his edition of the poem in the original; to Thomas Arnold for his terse and most informing work on Beowulf; to the authors of articles in the Encyclopaedia Britannica and in Chambers's Encyclopaedia and The Cambridge History of English Literature. Ernest J. B. Kirtlan. Brighton, November, 1913. THE STORY OF BEOWULF I The Prelude Now we have heard, by inquiry, of the glory of the kings of the people, they of the Spear-Danes, how the Athelings were doing deeds of courage. [3] Full often Scyld, the son of Scef, with troops of warriors, withheld the drinking-stools from many a tribe. This earl caused terror when at first he was found in a miserable case. Afterwards he gave help when he grew up under the welkin, and worshipfully he flourished until all his neighbours over the sea gave him obedience, and yielded him tribute. He was a good king. In after-time there was born to him a son in the Court, whom God sent thither as a saviour of the people. He saw the dire distress that they formerly suffered when for a long while they were without a prince. Then it was that the Lord of Life, the Wielder of glory, gave to him glory. Famous was Beowulf. [4] Far and wide spread his fame. Heir was he of Scyld in the land of the Danes. Thus should a young man be doing good deeds, with rich gifts to the friends of his father, so that in later days, when war shall come upon them, boon companions may stand at his side, helping their liege lord. For in all nations, by praiseworthy deeds, shall a man be thriving. At the fated hour Scyld passed away, very vigorous in spirit, to the keeping of his Lord. Then his pleasant companions carried him down to the ocean flood, as he himself had bidden them, whilst the friend of the Scyldings was wielding words, he who as the dear Lord of the Land had ruled it a long time. And there, in the haven, stood the ship, with rings at the prow, icy, and eager for the journey, the ferry of the Atheling. Then they laid down their dear Lord the giver of rings, the famous man, on the bosom of the ship, close to the mast, where were heaps of treasures, armour trappings that had been brought from far ways. Never heard I of a comelier ship, decked out with battle-weapons and weeds of war, with swords and byrnies. In his bosom they laid many a treasure when he was going on a far journey, into the power of the sea. Nor did they provide for him less of booty and of national treasures than they had done, who at the first had sent him forth, all alone o'er the waves, when he was but a child. Then moreover they set a golden standard high o'er his head, and let the sea take him, and gave all to the man of the sea. Full sad were their minds, and all sorrowing were they. No man can say soothly, no, not any hall-ruler, nor hero under heaven, who took in that lading. [5] II The Story I Moreover the Danish Beowulf, [6] the dear King of his people, was a long time renowned amongst the folk in the cities (his father, the Prince, had gone a-faring elsewhere from this world). Then was there born to him a son, the high Healfdene; and while he lived he was ruling the happy Danish people, and war-fierce and ancient was he. Four children were born to him: Heorogar the leader of troops, and Hrothgar, and Halga the good. And I heard say that Queen Elan (wife of Ongentheow) was his daughter, and she became the beloved comrade of the Swede. Then to Hrothgar was granted good speed in warfare and honour in fighting, so that his loyal subjects eagerly obeyed him, until the youths grew doughty, a very great band of warriors. Then it burned in his mind that he would bid men be building a palace, a greater mead-hall than the children of men ever had heard of, and that he would therein distribute to young and to old, as God gave him power, all the wealth that he had save the share of the folk and the lives of men. Then I heard far and wide how he gave commandment to many a people throughout all the world, this work to be doing, and to deck out the folkstead. In due time it happened that soon among men, this greatest of halls was now all ready. And Hart he called it, whose word had great wielding. He broke not his promise, but gave to them rings and treasures at the banquet. The hall towered on high, and the gables were wide between the horns, [7] and awaited the surging of the loathsome flames. Not long time should pass ere hatred was awakened after the battle-slaughter, twixt father-in-law and son-in-law. [8] Then it was that the powerful sprite who abode in darkness, scarce could brook for a while that daily he heard loud joy in the hall. There was sound of harping, and the clear song of the bard. He who knew it was telling of the beginning of mankind, and he said that the Almighty created the world, and the bright fields surrounded by water. And, exulting, He set the sun and the moon as lamps to shine upon the earth-dwellers, and adorned the world with branches and leaves. And life He was giving to every kind of living creature. So noble men lived in joy, and were all blessed till one began to do evil, a devil from hell; and this grim spirit was called Grendel. And he was a march-stepper, who ruled on the moorlands, the fens, and the stronghold. For a while he kept guard, this unhappy creature, over the land of the race of monsters, since the Creator had proscribed him. On the race of Cain the Eternal Lord brought death as vengeance, when he slew Abel. Nor did he find joy in the feud, but God for the crime drove him far thence. Thus it was that evil things came to their birth, giants and elves and monsters of the deep, likewise those giants who for a long while were striving with God Himself. And well He requited them. II Then he went visiting the high house after nightfall, to see how the Ring-Danes were holding it. And he found there a band of Athelings asleep after feasting. And they knew not sorrow or the misery of men. The grim and greedy wight of destruction, all fierce and furious, was soon ready for his task, and laid hold of thirty thanes, all as they lay sleeping. And away he wended, faring homeward and exulting in the booty, to revisit his dwellings filled full of slaughter. At the dawn of day the war-craft of Grendel was seen by men. Then after his feeding they set up a weeping, great noise in the morning. The glorious Lord, the very good Atheling, sat all unblithely, and suffered great pain, and endured sorrow for his thanes, when they saw the track of the loathly one, the cursed sprite. That struggle was too strong, loathsome and long. And after but one night (no longer time was it) he did them more murder-bale, and recked not a whit the feud and the crime. Too quick was he therein. Then he who had sought elsewhere more at large a resting-place, a bed after bower, was easily found when he was shown and told most truly, by the token so clear, the hate of the hell-thane. He went away farther and faster, he who would escape the fiend. So he ruled and strove against right, he alone against all of them, until the best of houses stood quite idle. And a great while it was--the friend of the Danes suffered distress and sorrows that were great the time of twelve winters. Then was it made known to the children of men by a sorrowful singing that Grendel was striving this while against Hrothgar, and waged hateful enmity of crime and feud for many a year with lasting strife, and would hold no truce against any man of the main host of Danes, nor put away the life-bale, or settle feud with a fee, nor did any man need to hope for brighter bettering at the hand of the banesman. The terrible monster, a dark death-shadow, was pursuing the youth and the warriors, and he fettered and ensnared them, and ever was holding night after night the misty moorlands. And, men know not ever whither workers of hell-runes wander to and fro. Thus the foe of mankind, the terrible and lonesome traveller, often he did them even greater despite. And he took up his dwelling in the treasure-decked Hall of Hart in the dark night, nor could he come near the throne the treasure of God, nor did he know His love. [9] And great was the evil to the friend of the Danes, and breakings of heart. Many a strong one sat in council, and much they discussed what was best for stout-hearted men to do against the fearful terror. And sometimes they went vowing at their heathen shrines and offered sacrifices, and with many words pleaded that the devil himself would give them his help against this menace to the nation. For such was their custom, the hope of the heathen. And ever of Hell they thought in their hearts; the Creator they knew not, the Judge of all deeds, nor knew they the Lord God, nor could they worship the Protector of the heavens, the Wielder of glory. Woe be to that man who shall shove down a soul through hurtful malice into the bosom of the fire, and who hopes for no help nor for any change--well shall it be with that one who after his death day shall seek the Lord and desire protection in the embrace of the Father. III So Beowulf, son of Healfdene, ever was brooding over this time-care, nor could the brave hero avert woe. That conflict was too strong, loathsome and long, that terrible and dire distress, the greatest of night-bales which came to the people. Then the thane of Hygelac, [10] the good man of the Geats, [11] heard from home of the deeds of Grendel. And on the day of this life he was the strongest of main of all men in the world; noble was he and powerful. He bade a fair ship be made, and said that he would be seeking the War-King, the famous prince, over the swan path, and that he needed men. And the proud churls little blamed him for that journey, though dear he was to them. They urged on the valiant man and marked the omen. The good man of the Geats had chosen champions of those who were keenest, and sought out the ship. And one, a sea-crafty man, pointed to the land-marks. Time passed by; the ship was on the waves, the boat under the cliff, and the warriors all readily went up to the stern. And the currents were swirling, with sea and sand. And men were carrying on to the naked deck bright ornaments and splendid war-armour. Then they shove forth the ship that was well bound together; and it set forth over the waves, driven by the wind, this foamy-necked ship, likest to a bird; until about the same time on the next day, the ship with its twisted stern had gone so far that the sailing men could see the land, the shining sea-cliffs, the steep mountains, and the wide sea-nesses. Then they crossed the remaining portion of the sea. [12] The Geats went up quickly on to the shore, and anchored the ship. War-shirts and war-weeds were rattling. And they gave God thanks for their easy crossing of the waves. Then the ward of the Swedes, who kept guard over the sea-cliffs, saw them carry down the gangways the bright shields and armour, all ready. And full curious thought tortured him as to who these men were. He, the thane of Hrothgar, rode down to the beach on his charger, and powerfully brandished the spear in his hand and took counsel with them. 'Who are ye armour-bearers, protected by byrnies, who come here thus bringing the high vessel over the sea, and the ringed ship over the ocean? I am he that sits at the end of the land and keep sea-guard, so that no one more loathsome may scathe with ship-army the land of the Danes. Never have shield-bearers begun to come here more openly, yet ye seem not to know the password of warriors, the compact of kinsmen. Nor ever have I seen a greater earl upon earth, than one of your band, a warrior in armour. And except his face belie him, he that is thus weapon-bedecked is no hall-man; but a peerless one to see. Now must I know your lineage before you go farther with your false spies in the land of the Danes. Now O ye far-dwellers and sea-farers, hear my onefold thought--haste is best in making known whence ye are come.' IV Then the eldest gave answer, and unlocked his treasure of words, the wise one of the troop: 'We are of the race of the Geats and hearth-comrades of Hygelac. My father was well known to the folk, a noble prince was he called Ecgtheow. And he bided many winters, ere as an old man he set out on his journeys away from the dwelling places. And wellnigh every councillor throughout all the world remembered him well. We through bold thinking have come to seek thy lord, the son of Healfdene, the protector of the people. Vouchsafe to us good guidance. We have a great business with the lord of the Danes, who is far famed. Nor of this shall aught be secret as I am hoping. Well thou knowest if 'tis true as we heard say, that among the Danes some secret evil-doer, I know not what scather, by terror doth work unheard-of hostility, humiliation, and death. I may give counsel through greatness of mind to Hrothgar as to how he, the wise and good, may overcome the fiend, if ever should cease for him the baleful business and bettering come after and his troubles wax cooler, or for ever he shall suffer time of stress and miserable throes, while the best of all houses shall remain on the high stead.' Then the watchman, the fearless warrior, as he sat on his horse, quickly made answer: 'The shield-warrior who is wide awake, shall know how to tell the difference between words and works, if he well bethink him. I can see that this band of warriors will be very welcome to the Lord of the Danes. Go ye forth, therefore, bear weapons and armour, as I will direct you. And I will command my thanes to hold against every foe, your ship in honour, new tarred as it is, and dry on the sands, until it shall carry the dearly loved man, that ship with the twisted prow, to the land of the Geats. To each of the well-doers shall it be given to escape scot-free out of the battle rush.' Then they went forth carrying their weapons. And there the ship rested, fastened by a rope, the wide-bosomed vessel secured by its anchor. The Boar [13] held life ward, bright and battle-hard and adorned with gold, over the neck-guard of the handsome Beowulf. There was snorting of the war-like-minded, whilst men were hastening, as they marched on together till they caught sight of the splendid place decked out in gold. And it was the most famous of palaces, under the heavens, of the earth-dwellers, where the ruler was biding. Its glory shone over many lands. Then the dear one in battle showed them the bright house where were the brave ones, that they might straightway make their way towards it. Then one of the warriors turned his horse round, and spake this word: 'Time it is for me to go. May the Almighty Father hold you in favour, and keep you in safety in all your journeyings. I will go to the sea-coast to keep my watch against the fierce troops.' V The way was paved with many coloured stones, and by it they knew the path they should take. The coat of mail shone brightly, which was firmly hand-locked. The bright iron ring sang in the armour as they came on their way in their warlike trappings at the first to the great hall. Then the sea-weary men set down their broad shields, their shields that were wondrous hard 'gainst the wall of the great house, and bowed towards the bench. And byrnies were rattling, the war-weapons of men. And the spears were standing in a row together, the weapons of the sea-men and the spear grey above. And the troop of armed men was made glorious with weapons. Then the proud chieftain asked the warriors of their kindred: 'From whence are ye bringing such gold-plated shields, grey sarks and helmets with visors, and such a heap of spears? I am the servant and messenger of Hrothgar. Never saw I so many men prouder. I trow it was for pride and not at all for banishment, but for greatness of mind that Hrothgar ye are seeking.' Then answered the brave man, the chief of the Geats, and spake these words, hard under helmet: 'We are the comrades at table of Hygelac. Beowulf is my name. I will say fully this my errand to the son of Healfdene the famous chieftain, unto thy lord and master, if he will grant us that we may salute him who is so good.' Then spake Wulfgar (he was Prince of the Wendels [14]). His courage was known to all, his valour and wisdom. 'I will make known to the Prince of the Danes, the Lord of the Scyldings [15] the giver of rings the famous chieftain as thou art pleading, about thy journey, and will make known to thee quickly the answer which he the good man thinks fit to give me.' Quickly he turned then to where Hrothgar was sitting, old and very grey with his troop of earls. The brave man then went and stood before the shoulders of the Lord of the Danes. Well he knew the custom of the doughty ones. Wulfgar then spoke to his lord and friend: 'Here are come faring from a far country over the wide sea, a people of the Geats, and the eldest the warriors call Beowulf. And they are asking that they may exchange words with thee, my lord. O gladman Hrothgar, do not refuse to be talking with them. For worthy they seem all in their war-weeds, in the judgement of earls. At least he is a daring Prince who hither hath led this band of warriors.' VI Then spake Hrothgar the protector of the Danes: 'Well I knew him when he was a child, and his old father was called Ecgtheow. And to him did Hrethel of the Geats give his only daughter, and his son is bravely come here and hath sought out a gracious friend.' Then said the sea-farers who had brought the goodly gifts of the Geats there for thanks, that he the battle-brave had in his hand-grip the main craft of thirty men. 'And the holy God hath sent him for favour to us West Danes, and of this I have hope, 'gainst the terror of Grendel. I shall offer the goodman gifts for his daring. Now make thou haste and command the band of warrior kinsmen into the presence. Bid them welcome to the people of the Danes.' Then went Wulfgar even to the hall-door, and spake these words: 'My liege lord, the Prince of the East Danes, commands me to say that he knows your lineage. And ye who are bold of purpose are welcome hither over the sea-waves. Now may ye go in your war-weeds, under your visored helmets to see Hrothgar. Let your swords stay behind here, the wood and the slaughter-shafts and the issue of words.' Then the Prince rose up, and about him was many a warrior, a glorious band of thanes. And some bided there and held the battle-garments as the brave man commanded. And they hastened together under the roof of Hrothgar as the man directed them. The stout-hearted man went forward, hard under helmet till he stood by the dais. Then Beowulf spake (and the byrny shone on him, the coat of mail, sewn by the cunning of the smith): 'O Hrothgar, all hail! I am the kinsman and comrade of Hygelac. [16] Many marvels I have set on foot in the days of my youth. The affair of Grendel was made known to me in my native land. Sea-farers told how this best of all palaces stood idle and useless to warriors, after evening light came down under the brightness of heaven. Then my people persuaded me, the best and the proudest of all my earls, O my lord Hrothgar, that I should seek thee, for they well knew my main strength. For they themselves saw how I came forth bloodstained from the power of the fiend, when I bound the five, and destroyed the giant's kin, and slew 'mongst the waves, sea-monsters by night, and suffered such dire distress, and wreaked vengeance for the strife of the Geats (for woe they were suffering), and I destroyed the fierce one. And now all alone I shall settle the affair of Grendel the deadly monster, the cruel giant. And one boon will I be asking, O Prince of the Bright Danes, thou lord of the Scyldings, Protector of warriors and friend of the folk, that thou wilt not refuse, since so far I am come, that I and my troop of earls, this crowd of brave men, may alone cleanse out Hart. I have heard say also that the monster because of his rashness recks not of weapons. And, if Hygelac the blithe-minded will be my liege lord, I will forgo to carry to the battle a sword, or broad shield all yellow; but I will engage by my hand-grip with the enemy, and strive for life, foe with foe. And he whom Death taketh shall believe in the doom of the Lord. And I doubt not he will fearlessly consume the people of the Geats, if he may prevail in the war-hall as he has often done with the strong men of the Danes. And thou shalt not need to hide my head if Death take me, for he will seize me all bloodstained, and will bury the slaughter all bloody, and will think to taste and devour me alone and without any sorrow, and will stain the glens in the moorland. And thou needest not to sorrow longer over the food of my body. And if battle take me, send to Hygelac this best of coats of mail, the noblest of garments. It is the heirloom of Hrethel the work of Weland [17]; and let Weird go as it will.' VII Hrothgar gave answer, the protector of the Danes: 'O my friend Beowulf, now thou hast sought us, for defence and for favour. Thy father fought in the greatest of feuds. He was banesman to Heatholaf amongst the Wylfings, when for battle-terror the King of the Geats could not hold him. Thence he sought the folk of the South Danes over the welter of waves. Then first was I ruling the Danish folk, and in my youthful days possessed the costly jewels, the treasure city of heroes. Then Heregar was dead, my elder brother not living was he, the child of Healfdene. He was a better man than I was. Then a payment of money settled the matter. I sent to the Wylfings ancient presents over the sea-ridges. And he swore to me oaths. And it is to me great sorrow in my heart to tell any man what Grendel hath done in Hart through his malice, of humiliation and sudden horror. My hall-troop has grown less, the crowd of my thanes; Weird [18] has swept them towards the terror of Grendel. But easily may the good God restrain the deeds of the foolish scather. And drunken with beer the warriors full often boasted o'er the ale-cup that they would bide in the beer-hall the battle of Grendel with the terror of swords. Then was the mead-hall all bloodstained in the morning when dawn came shining, and all the benches were wet with gore, the hall with sword-blood. And so much the less did I rule o'er dear doughty ones whom death had taken. Now sit down to the banquet and unbind thy thoughts, thy hopes to the thanes, as thy mind inspires thee.' Then was there room made in the beer-hall for the Geats all together. And there they went and sat down, the strong-hearted men, proud of their strength. And a thane waited on them, who bore in his hands the ale-cup bedecked, and he poured out the sparkling mead, while the clear-voiced bard kept singing in Hart. There was joy to the heroes, and a very great gathering of Danes and of Geats. VIII Spake then Unferth, the son of Eglaf, who sat at the feet of the Lord of the Danes and opened a quarrel. (For the journey of Beowulf, of the brave sea-farer, was vexation to him, for he could not brook that ever any other man than he himself should obtain greater fame in all the earth.) 'What!' said he, 'art thou that Beowulf who didst contend with Breca, and strovest for the mastery in swimming o'er wide seas, when ye two for pride were searching the waves and for foolish boasting risked your lives in the deep waters? No man could dissuade you from that sorrowful journey, neither friend nor foe, when ye two swam in the sea, when ye two enfolded the waves with your arms and measured the sea-ways and brandished your arms as you glided o'er the ocean. The sea boiled with waves the wintry whelming. And for seven nights long ye were toiling in the stress of seas. But he o'erpowered thee in swimming, for greater strength had he. Then at the morning tide the sea bore him up to the land of the Heathoremes. Thence he was seeking the friend of his people his own dear country, the land of the Brondings, the fair city of refuge, where he had his own folk, and a city and rings. The son of Beanstan soothly fulfilled his boasting against thee. So do I deem it a worse matter, though thou art everywhere doughty in the rush of battle and grim warfare, if thou shalt be daring to bide near Grendel a night-long space.' Then Beowulf spake, the son of Ecgtheow: 'What! my friend Unferth, drunken with beer, many things thou art saying about that Breca and talkest of his journey. But soothly I tell thee that I had the greater strength in that swimming, and endurance in the waves. We two agreed when we were youngsters, and boasted (for we were both still in the days of our youth) that we in the ocean would be risking our lives. And so in deed we did. We had a naked sword hard in our hands when we were swimming. We two were thinking to guard us 'gainst whale fishes. Nor over the sea-waves might he be floating a whit far from me, more quickly on the waters. Then we together were in the sea for the space of five nights until the flood, the boiling waters drove us asunder. And the coldest of weather, and the darkening night, and a wind from the north battle-grim turned against us, and rough were the waves. And the mind of the mere-fishes was stirred when my shirt of mail that was hand-locked gave to me help against the foe. The decorated battle-robe lay on my breast all adorned with gold, and the doomèd and dire foe drew to the bottom, and fast he had me grim in his grip. Still to me was granted that I reached to the monster with the point of my sword. And the mighty sea-deer carried off the battle-rush through my hand.' IX 'So then evil-doers did often oppress me. And I served them with my dear sword as was most fitting. Not at all of the feasting had they any joy. Evil destroyers sat round the banquet at the bottom of the sea, that they might seize me. But in the morning, wounded by my sword, they lay up on the foreshore, put to sleep by my weapon so that they hindered no more the faring of the sea-goers. Light came from the eastward, the bright beacon of God. The waves grew less that I could catch sight of the sea-nesses, the windy walls. Weird often saveth the earl that is undoomed when his courage is doughty. Nevertheless it happened that I slew with my sword nine of the sea-monsters. Nor have I heard under vault of heaven of a harder night-struggle, nor of a more wretched man on the sea-streams. Still I escaped from the grasp of the foes, with my life, and weary of the journey. When the sea bore me up, on the flood tide, on the welling of waves, to the land of the Finns. Nor have I heard concerning thee of any such striving or terror of swords. Breca never yet, nor either of you two, did such a deed with shining sword in any battle-gaming (not that I will boast of this too much), yet wast thou the slayer of thy brother, thy chief kinsman. And for this in hell shalt thou suffer a curse, though thy wit be doughty. And soothly I tell thee, O son of Eglaf, that Grendel that hateful monster never had done such terrors to thy life and humiliation in Hart if thy mind and thy soul were as battle-fierce as thou thyself dost say. But he has found that he needed not to fear the feud the terrible sword-thrust of your people the Danes. He taketh forced toll, and spareth none of the Danish people, but joyfully wageth war, putteth them to sleep and feedeth on them, and expecteth no fight from the Danes. But I shall ere long offer him in war the strength and the courage of the Geats. Let him go who can to the mead all proudly when morning light shall shine from the south, another day over the children of men.' Then in the hall the giver of rings was grey-haired and battle-brave. The Prince of the Danes was hopeful of help. The guardian of the folk fixed on Beowulf his firm-purposed thought. There was laughter 'mong heroes, din resounded, and words were winsome. Wealtheow went forth, the Queen of Hrothgar, mindful of kinship and decked out in gold, she greeted Beowulf in the hall. And then the lovely wife first proffered the goblet to the Lord of the East Danes, and bade him be blithe at the beer-drinking, he who was dear to all his people. And gladly he took the banquet and hall-cup, he the victorious King. The lady of the Helmings [19] went round about every one of the youthful warriors, and proffered the costly cup, until the time came that the ring-adorned Queen, most excellent in spirit, bore the mead-cup then to Beowulf. She, the wise in words, greeted the Geats and gave thanks to God that she had her desire that she might trust in any earl for help against such crimes. He gladly received it, he the battle-fierce warrior, from the hand of Wealtheow, and then began singing, inspired by a warlike spirit. Beowulf spake, the son of Ecgtheow: 'I had intended at once to work out the will of this your people when I set forth over the sea and sat in my sea-boat with the troop of my people, or that I would fall in the slaughter fast in the fiend's grip. I shall yet acquit myself as befitteth an earl, or in the mead-hall await my last day.' And well the lady liked the words, the boasting of the Geat. And that lovely queen went all decked out in gold to sit by her lord. Then mighty words were spoken in the hall as before, by the people in joyance and the noise of the victors, until the son of Healfdene [20] straightway would be seeking his evening rest. And he knew that a battle was doomed in the high hall to the monster when no longer they could see the light of the sun, or darkening night came stalking over all the shapes of shadows. The troop of warriors rose up, the Lord greeted the other, Hrothgar greeted Beowulf, and wished him good health and the warding of that wine-hall, and he spake the word: 'Since the time that I could lift my hand or my shield, never have I given the mighty hall of the Danes into the care of any, except now to thee. Have now and hold thou this best of houses, be thou mindful of honour, and show thyself courageous, and wakeful 'gainst foes. Nor shalt thou lack joy if thou escapest from that brave work with life.' X Then Hrothgar departed with his troop of heroes, he the Prince of the Scyldings; out of Hall went he, for the battle-chieftain would be seeking out Wealtheow his Queen, that they might go to rest. The glory of kings had appointed a hall-ward, as men say, against Grendel. A thane was in waiting on the Prince of the Danes, and his watch was keeping against the giant. The Lord of the Geats readily trusted the proud strength, the favour of God. Then doffed he the iron coat of mail and his helmet from his head, and gave his sword bedecked, the choicest of weapons, to a thane that was serving, and bade him to hold ready his armour. Then the good man spoke some words of boasting: 'I reck not myself meaner in war-powers and works of battle than Grendel doth himself. For I will not with sword put him to sleep and be taking his life away, though well I might do it. He knows not of good things, that he may strike me, or hew my shield, though brave he may be in hostile working--but we two by right will forbear the sword if he dare be seeking warfare without weapon, and then God all-knowing, the holy Lord, shall adjudge the glory on whichever side He may think meet.' Then the bold in fight got him to rest, and the pillow received the head of the earl, and many a keen sea-warrior lay down on his bed in the hall about him. None of them thought that he thence would ever seek another dear home, folk or free city where he was a child; for they had heard that fell death had taken, ere this too many, in that wine-hall, of the people of the Danes. But the Lord gave weavings of war-speed to the people of the Geats, both comfort and help. So that they all overcame their enemies through the craft of one man and by his might only. And truly it is said that God Almighty doth wield for ever the race of men. Then came in the wan night the shadow-goer gliding. Warriors were sleeping when they should have been keeping guard over that palace; all save one only. It was well known to men that their constant foe could not draw them into shadowy places when the Creator was unwilling. But he, ever wakeful, in angry mood, and fiercely indignant against the foe, was waiting the issue. XI Then came Grendel, stalking from the moors among the misty hill-slopes, and he bore God's anger. And the wicked scather of human kind fully intended to ensnare a certain one in the high hall. So he wended his way under the welkin to where he knew that the best of wine-halls, the gold-hall of man, was adorned with gold plating. Nor was that the first time that he sought out the home of Hrothgar. Nor ever in former or later days did he find a harder welcome from hall-thanes. Then the creature bereft of all joy came to the great hall, and the door, strongly bound with fire-bands, soon sprang open at his touch. And the evil-minded one in his fury burst open the door of the palace. And soon after this the enemy, angry in mind, was treading o'er the doomèd floor. And a fearsome light streamed forth from his eyes likest to a flame. And he could see many a warrior in that palace, a troop of peace-lovers asleep together, a company of kinsmen, and he laughed aloud. Then the terrible monster fully intended to cut off from life every one of them there, when he was expecting abundance of meat. But that fate was not yet, that he should lay hold of any more of human kind after that night. Then did Beowulf, kinsman of Hygelac, see the dire distress, how the wicked scather would fare with sudden grip. Nor did the monster think to delay, but at the first he quickly laid hold of a sleeping warrior, and tore him to pieces all unawares, and bit at the flesh and drank the streaming blood, and devoured huge pieces of flesh. And soon he had eaten up both feet and hands of the man he had killed. Then he stepped up to the great-hearted warrior [21] where he lay on the bed, and took him in his hands. He reached out his hand against the enemy, and quickly received him with hostile intent, and sat upon his arm. The Keeper of crimes soon was finding that he never had met in all the quarters of the earth amongst other men a greater hand-grip. And in mind and heart he was fearful, and eager to be gone and to flee away into darkness to seek the troop of devils. But that was not his fate, as it had been in days of yore. Then the good kinsman of Hygelac remembered the evening talk, and stood upright and laid hold upon him. His fingers burst. The giant was going forth, but the earl stepped after. The famous one intended to escape more widely, howsoever he might, and to flee on his way thence to the sloping hollows of the fens. That journey was sorrowful, which the harmful scather took to Hart. The lordly hall resounded. And great terror there was to all the Danes, the castle-dwellers, to each of the brave. And both the mighty guardians were fiercely angry. The hall resounded. Then was it great wonder that the wine-hall withstood the bold fighters, and that it fell not to the earth, that fair earth-dwelling. But very firm it was standing, cunningly shaped by craft of the smith, within and without. Then on the floor was many a mead-bench, as I have heard tell, decked out with gold, where the fierce ones were striving. Nor did the wise Danes formerly suppose that any man could break down a hall so noble and decorated with antlers, or cunningly destroy it, unless the bosom of flame swallowed it up in smoke. The roaring went up now enough. And an awful terror came to the North Danes, to each one of those who heard weeping from the ramparts, the enemy of God singing a fierce song, a song that was empty of victory, and the captive of hell lamenting his sorrow. For he that was strongest of men in strength held him fast on the day of his life. XII The Prince of earls would not at all let go alive the murderous comer, nor did he count his life as of use to any of the peoples. And many an earl of Beowulf's brandished the old heirloom, and were wishful to defend the life of their far-famed liege-lord, if they might do so. And they knew not, when they entered the battle, they the hard-thinking ones, the battle-men, and they thought to hew on all sides seeking out his spirit, that not any choice iron over the earth nor any battle weapon could be greeting the foe, but that he had forsworn all victorious weapons and swords. And miserable should be his passing on the day of this life, and the hostile sprite should journey far into the power of devils. Then he found out that, he who did crimes long before this with mirthful mind to human kind, he who was a foe to God, that his body would not last out; but the proud kinsman of Hygelac had him in his hands. And each was loathsome to the other while he lived. The terrible monster, sore with wounds was waiting. The gaping wound was seen on his shoulder. His sinews sprang open; and the bone-lockers burst. And great victory was given to Beowulf. Thence would Grendel, mortally wounded, flee under the fen-slopes to seek out a joyless dwelling. The more surely he knew he had reached the end of his life, the number of his days. Joy befell all the Danes after the slaughter-rush. So he had cleansed the hall of Hrothgar--he who had come from far, the proud and stout-hearted one, and saved them from strife. He rejoiced in the night-work and in the glorious deeds. His boast he had fulfilled, this leader of the Geats, which he made to the East Danes, and likewise made good all the distresses and the sorrows which they suffered of yore from the foe, and which through dire need they had to endure, of distresses not a few. And when the battle-brave man laid down the hand, the arm and shoulder under the wide roof, that was the manifest token. XIII Then in the morning, as I have heard say, was many a battle-warrior round about the gift-hall. Came the folk-leaders from far and from near along the wide ways to look at the marvel. Nor did his passing seem a thing to grieve over to any of the warriors of those who were scanning the track of the glory-less wight, how weary in mind he had dragged along his life-steps, on the way thence doomed and put to flight, and overcome in the fight at the lake of the sea-monsters. There was the sea boiling with blood, the awful surge of waves all mingled with hot gore. The death-doomèd one dyed the lake when void of joys he laid down his life in the fen for refuge. And hell received him. Thence after departed the old companions, likewise many a young one from the joyous journeys, proud from the lake to ride on mares, the youths on their horses. And there was the glory of Beowulf proclaimed. And many a one was saying that no man was a better man, no, none in the whole wide world under arch of the sky, of all the shield-bearers, neither south nor north, by the two seas. Nor a whit did they blame in the least their friend and lord, the glad Hrothgar; for he was a good king. Meanwhile the famed in battle let the fallow mares leap and go faring forth to the contest, wherever the earth-ways seemed fair unto them and well known for their choiceness: and the thane of the king, he who was laden with many a vaunt, and was mindful of songs, and remembered a host of very many old sagas, he found other words, but bound by the truth. And a man began wisely to sing the journey of Beowulf, and to tell skilful tales with speeding that was good, and to interchange words. He told all that ever he had heard concerning Sigmund, [22] with his deeds of courage, and much that is unknown, the strife of Waelsing; and the wide journeys which the children of men knew not at all, the feud and the crimes, when Fitela was not with him, when he would be saying any of such things, the uncle to the nephew, for always they were comrades in need at all the strivings. They had laid low very many of the giant's race by means of the sword. And after his death-day a no little fame sprang up for Sigmund when he, the hard in battle, killed the worm, the guardian of the hoard. He alone the child of the Atheling, hazarded a fearful deed, under the grey stone. Nor was Fitela with him. Still it happened to him that his sword pierced through the wondrous worm, and it stood in the wall, that doughty iron, and the dragon was dead. And so this monster had gained strength in that going so that he might enjoy the hoard of rings by his own doom. He loaded the sea-boat and bore the bright treasures on to the ship's bosom, he the son of Waels. The worm melted hot. He was of wanderers the most widely famous in deeds of courage, amongst men, the protector of warriors. He formerly throve thus. Then the warfare of Heremod [23] was waning, his strength and his courage, and he was betrayed among the giants into the hands of the foes, and sent quickly away. And too long did whelming sorrow vex his soul. He was a source of care to his people, to all the nobles, and many a proud churl often was lamenting in former times the way of life of the stout-hearted, they who trusted him for the bettering of bales, that the child of their lord should always be prospering, and succeed to his father's kingdom, and hold the folk, the hoard and city of refuge, the kingdom of heroes, the country of the Danes. But Beowulf Hygelac's kinsman was fairer to all men; but crime assailed Heremod. [24] Sometimes they passed along the fallow streets contending on mares. Then came the light of morning and hastened forth. And many a stiff-minded messenger went to the high hall to see the rare wonder. Likewise the King himself, the ward of the hoard of rings, came treading all glorious and with a great suite, forth from the bridal bower, and choice was his bearing, and his Queen with him passed along the way to the Mead-hall with a troop of maidens. XIV Hrothgar spake. He went to the hall and stood on the threshold and saw the steep roof all decked out with gold and the hand of Grendel. 'Let thanks be given quickly to God for this sight,' said he. 'Often I waited for the loathsome one, for the snares of Grendel. May God always work wonder after wonder, He the Guardian of glory. It was not long ago that I expected not a bettering of any woes for ever, when, doomed to blood, this best of all houses stood all stained with gore. Now has this Hero done a deed, through the power of the Lord, which none of us formerly could ever perform with all our wisdom. Lo! any woman who gave birth to such a son among human kind, may say, if she yet live, that the Creator was gracious unto her in bearing of children. Now, O Beowulf, I will love thee in heart as my son. Hold well to this new peace. Nor shall there be any lack of joys to thee in the world, over which I have power. Full oft I for less have meted out rewards and worshipful gifts to a meaner warrior, one weaker in strife. Thou hast framed for thyself mighty deeds, so that thy doom liveth always and for ever. May the All-wielder ever yield thee good as He now doth.' Beowulf spake, the son of Ecgtheow: 'We framed to fight that brave work with much favour, and hazarded a deed of daring and the might of the unknown. I quickly gave you to see the monster himself the enemy in his fretted armour ready to fall. I thought to twist him quickly with hard grip on a bed of slaughter so that he should lie in the throes of death, because of my hand-grip, unless he should escape with his body. But I could not cut off his going when the Creator willed it not. I cleft him not readily, that deadly fiend. He was too strong on his feet. Nevertheless he left behind his hand as a life protection to show the track, his arm and his shoulders. But not by any means thus did that wretched creature get any help, nor by that did the evil-doer, brought low by sin, live any longer. But sorrow hath him in its fatal grip closely encompassed with baleful bands. There shall a man covered with sins be biding a mickle doom as the shining Creator will prescribe.' Then was the man silent, the son of Ecglaf, in his boasting speech about deeds of battle, when the Athelings looked at the hand high up on the roof, by the craft of the earl, and the fingers of the foe, there before each one. And each of the places of the nails was likest to steel, the claw of the heathen, the uncanny claw of the battle warrior. Every one was saying that no very good iron, of any of the brave ones, would touch him at all, that would bear away thence the bloody battle-hand of the monster. XV Then was it bidden that Hart should be decked by their hands on the inside. And many there were of the men and wives who adorned that wine-hall the guest-chamber. And the tapestries shone along the walls brocaded with gold; many a wonderful sight for every man who stareth upon them. And that bright dwelling was greatly marred, though within it was fast bound with iron yet the door-hinges had sprung apart. The roof alone escaped all safe and sound when the monster turned to flight despairing of life and doomed for his crimes. Nor will it be easy to escape from that fate, whosoever may try to, but he shall get by strife the ready place of the children of men of the soul-bearers, who dwell upon earth, by a fate that cannot be escaped where his body shall sleep after the banquet fast in the tomb. Then was the time for Healfdene's son to go into the hall, when the King himself would partake of the banquet. Nor have I ever heard tell that any people in greater numbers bore themselves better about their treasure-giver. And the wealthy ones sat down on the bench and rejoiced in their feeding. And full courteously their kinsmen took many a mead-cup, they the stout-hearted Hrothgar and Hrothulf in the high hall. And within was Hart filled with friends. And by no means were the Danes the while framing treacheries. Then the son of Healfdene gave to Beowulf the golden banner, the decorated staff banner as a reward for his conquest, and the helm and the byrny. And many a one saw the youth bear in front the bejewelled sword. Beowulf took the cup in the hall. Nor did he need to be ashamed of the fee-gift in the presence of warriors. Nor have I heard tell of many men giving to others on any ale-bench, four gifts gold-decked, in friendlier fashion. The outside rim wound with wires gave protection to the head on the outer side around the crown of the helmet. So that many an heirloom [25] could not hurt fiercely the helmet that was hardened by being plunged in cold water when the shield-warrior should attack the angry one. The Protector of earls commanded eight horses to be brought in under the barriers, with bridles gold plated. And a varicoloured saddle was fixed upon one of them, decked out with treasures, and this was the battle-seat of the high King when the son of Healfdene would be doing the sword-play. Never in the van did it fail the warrior so widely kenned when the helmets were falling. Then the Prince of the Danes gave to Beowulf the wielding of them both, of horses and weapons; and bade him well enjoy them. And thus in manly fashion the famous chieftain, the treasure-guardian of heroes, rewarded the battle onslaught with horses and treasures so as no man can blame them, whoever will be saying rightly the truth. XVI Then the Lord of earls as he sat on the mead-bench gave glorious gifts to each one of those who had fared with Beowulf over the ocean-ways, and heirlooms they were; and he bade them atone for that one with gold whom formerly Grendel had wickedly killed as he would have done more of them unless Almighty God and the spirit of Beowulf had withstood Weird. The Creator ruleth all of human kind, as still He is doing. And good understanding is always the best thing, and forethought of mind. And he who long enjoys here the world in these strife-days, shall be biding both pleasant and loathsome fate. Then was there clamour and singing together in the presence of the battle-prince of Healfdene, and the harp was sounded and a song often sung, when Hrothgar's scop would tell forth the hall-mirth as he sat on the mead-bench. 'When Fear was befalling the heirs of Finn, [26] the hero of the Half-Danes, and Hnaef of the Danes must fall in the slaughter of the Frisian People. Not in the least did Hildeburh need to be praising the troth of the Jutes. For sinlessly was she deprived of her dear ones in the play of swords of children and brothers. By fate they fell, wounded by arrows. And she was a sad woman. Nor without reason did the daughter of Hoc [27] mourn their doom. When morning light came, and she could see under the sky the murder of her kinsmen where she before in the world had the greatest of joy. For warfare took away all the thanes of Finn except a mere remnant, so that he could not in the place where they met fight any warfare at all with Hengest, nor seize from the Prince's thane the woful leavings by fighting. But they offered him terms, so that they all made other room for them on the floor, and gave them halls and a high seat that they might have half the power with the children of the Jutes; and the son of Folcwalda [28] honoured the Danes every day with fee-givings, and bestowed rings on the troop of Hengest, yea, even great treasures plated with gold, so that he would be making the kin of the Frisians bold in the beer-hall. Then they swore on both sides a treaty of peace. Finn swore with Hengest and all without strife that he held in honour the woful remnant by the doom of the wise men, and that no man there by word or work should break the treaty, or ever annul it through treacherous cunning, though they followed the slayers of their Ring-giver, all bereft of their lord as was needful for them. But if any one of the Frisians by daring speech should bring to mind the murderous hate between them, then should the edge of the sword avenge it. Then sworn was that oath, and massive gold was lifted up from the hoard. Then was Hnaef, the best of the warriors, of the bold Danes, ready on the funeral pyre. And the blood-stained shirt of mail was easily seen, the golden boar, in the midst of the flame, the iron-hard boar, [29] and many an Atheling destroyed by wounds. Some fell on the field of death. Then Hildeburh commanded her very own son to be thrust in the flames of the pyre of Hnaef, his body to be burned and be put in the fire. And great was the moaning of the mother for her son, and dirge-like lamenting as the warrior ascended. And the greatest of slaughter-fires wound its way upwards towards the welkin and roared before the cavern. Heads were melting, wounds burst asunder. Then blood sprang forth from the wounds of the body. Flame swallowed all, that most cruel of ghosts, of both of those folk whom battle destroyed. Their life was shaken out. XVII 'Then the warriors went forth to visit the dwellings which were bereft of friends, and to look upon the land of the Frisians, the homesteads and the high town. And Hengest was still dwelling with Finn, that slaughter-stained winter, all bravely without strife. And he thought on the homeland, though he could not be sailing his ringed ship over the waters. The sea boiled with storm and waged war with the wind. And winter locked up the ice-bound waves till yet another year came in the court, as still it doth, which ever guards the seasons, and the glory-bright weather. Then winter was scattered, and fair was the bosom of the earth. [30] And the wanderer strove to go, the guest from the court. And much more he thought of vengeance for the feud than of the sea-voyage, as to how he could bring about an angry encounter, for he bore in mind the children of the Jutes. And so he escaped not the lot of mortals when Hunlafing did on his arm the best of swords, the flashing light of the battle, whose edge was well known to the Jutes. And dire sword-bale after befel the fierce-minded Finn, even in his very own home, when Guthlaf and Oslaf lamented the grim grip of war and the sorrow after sea-journeys, and were charging him with his share in the woes. Nor could he hold back in his own breast his fluttering soul. Then again was the hall adorned with the bodies of foemen, and Finn was also slain, the King with his troop, and the Queen was taken. And the warriors of the Danes carried to the ships all the belongings of the earth-king, such as they could find in the homestead of Finn, of ornaments and jewels. They bore away also the noble wife Hildeburh down to the sea away to the Danes, and led her to her people.' So a song was sung, a lay of the gleemen, and much mirth there was and great noise from the benches. And cup-bearers offered wine from wondrous vessels. Then came forth Queen Wealtheow in her golden circlet, where the two good men were sitting, the uncle and his nephew. And still were they in peace together, and each true to the other. Likewise Unferth the Spokesman sat there at the foot of the Lord of the Danes. And each of them trusted Unferth's good heart and that he had a great soul, though he was not loyal to his kinsmen at the sword-play. Then spake the Queen of the Danes: 'Take this cup, O my liege lord, thou giver of rings. Be thou right joyful, thou gold-friend to men; do thou speak mild words to the Geats, as a man should be doing. Be glad of thy Geats and mindful of gifts. Now thou hast peace both near and far. There is one who told me that thou wouldst have the battle-hero for thy son. Now Hart is all cleansed, the bright hall of rings. Enjoy whilst thou mayest many rewards, and leave to thy kinsmen both folk and a kingdom when thou shalt go forth to look on eternity. I know my glad Hrothulf [31] will hold in honour this youth if thou, O Hrothgar the friend of the Danes, dost leave the world earlier than he. I ween that he will yield good to our children if he remembers all that has passed--how we two worshipfully showed kindness to him in former days when he was but a child.' Then she turned to the bench where were her sons Hrothric and Hrothmund and the children of heroes, the youths all together. There sat the good man Beowulf of the Geats, by the two brothers. XVIII And the cup was borne to them, and a friendly invitation given to them in words, and twisted gold was graciously proffered him, two arm-ornaments, armour and rings, and the greatest of neck-rings of which I heard tell anywhere on earth. Ne'er heard I of better hoard jewels of heroes under the sky, since Hama carried away the Brosinga-men [32] to the bright city, ornaments and treasure vessel. It was he who fled from the cunning plots of Eormanric [33] and chose eternal gain. Hygelac of the Geats next had the ring, he who was the grandson of Swerting, when under the standard he protected the treasure and defended the plunder. And Weird carried him off when he, because of pride suffered woes, the feud with the Frisians. Then carried he the jewels, the precious stones over the sea, he who was the ruling prince, and he fell under shield; and the life of the king and the coat of mail and ring together came into possession of the Franks. And worse warriors plundered the slaughter after the war. And the corpses of the Geats held the field of death. The hall resounded with noise when Wealtheow spake these words in the midst of the court: 'Enjoy this ring, dearest Beowulf, and use this coat of mail, these national treasures, and good luck befall thee! Declare thyself a good craftsman, and be to these boys gentle in teaching, and I will be mindful of thy guerdon for that thou hast so acted that men will esteem thee far and near for ever and ever, even as widely as the sea doth encompass the windy earth-walls. Be a noble Atheling as long as thou livest. I give thee many treasures. Be thou kindly in deed to my sons, joyful as thou art. For here is each earl true to his fellow, and mild of mood, and faithful to his liege-lord. Thanes are gentle, the people all ready. O ye warriors who have drunk deep, do as I tell you.' She went to the seat where was a choice banquet, and the men drank wine. They knew not Weird, the Fate that was grim, as it had befallen many an earl. Then evening came on, and Hrothgar betook him to his own quarters, the Prince to his resting-place, and a great number of earls kept guard o'er the palace as often they had done in former days. They laid bare the bench-board and spread it over with beds and bolsters. And one of the beer-servants eager and fated went to his bed on the floor. And they set at his head war-shields, that were bright. And over the Atheling, there on the bench was easily seen the towering helmet and the ringed byrny, the glorious spear. It was their wont to be ready for war both at home and in battle, at whatever time their lord had need of them. The season was propitious. XIX Then they sank down to sleep. And sorely some of them paid for their evening repose, as full often it had happened to them since Grendel came to the gold-hall and did evil, until an end was made of him, death after sins. It was easily seen and widely known to men that an avenger survived the loathsome one, for a long time after the war-sorrow. A woman, the mother of Grendel, a terrible wife, bore in mind her woes. She who was fated to dwell in the awful lake in the cold streams since Cain became a sword-slayer to his only brother, his father's son. He then went forth marked for the murder, and fled from human joys and dwelt in the waste. And thence he awoke many a fatal demon. And Grendel was one of them, the hateful fierce wolf, who found the man wide awake awaiting the battle. And there was the monster at grips with him, yet he remembered the main strength the wide and ample gift which God gave to him, and trusted in the favour of the Almighty for himself, for comfort and help by which he vanquished the enemy and overcame the hell-sprite. Then he departed abject, bereft of joy, to visit the death-place, he the enemy of mankind. But his mother, greedy and sad in mind would be making a sorrowful journey that she might avenge the death of her son. She came then to Hart, where the Ring-Danes were asleep in that great hall. Then soon there came misfortune to the earls when the mother of Grendel entered the chamber. Yet less was the terror, even by so much as the craft of maidens, the war-terror of a wife, [34] is less than that of men beweaponed--when the sword hard bound and forged by the hammer, and stained with blood, cuts the boar on the helmet of the foe with its edge. Then in the hall, the hard edge was drawn, the sword over the seats, and many a broad shield, heaved up fast by the hand. And no one heeded the helmet nor the broad shield when terror seized upon them. She was in great haste, she would go thence her life to be saving when she was discovered. Quickly she had seized one of the Athelings fast in her grip when forth she was fleeing away to the fen-land. He was to Hrothgar the dearest of heroes, in the number of his comrades by the two seas, a powerful shield-warrior, whom she killed as he slumbered, a youth of renown. Beowulf was not there. To another the place was assigned after the treasure-gift had been bestowed on the famous Geat. Then a great tumult was made in Hart, and with bloodshed she had seized the well-known hand of Grendel her son. And care was renewed in all the dwellings. Nor was that a good exchange that they on both sides should be buying with the lives of their friends. Then was the wise King, the hoar battle-warrior, rough in his mood when he came to know that the dearest of his chief thanes was dead and bereft of life. And Beowulf quickly was fetched into the bower, he, the man all victorious. And at the dawning went one of the earls, a noble champion, he and his comrades, where the proud man was waiting, to see whether the All-wielder will ever be causing a change after woe-spells. And the battle-worthy man went along the floor with his band of followers (the hall wood [35] was resounding) so that he greeted the wise man with words, the Lord of the Danes, and asked him if he had had a quiet night in spite of the pressing call. XX Hrothgar spake, he the Lord of the Danes: 'Ask not after our luck, for sorrow is renewed to the folk of the Danes. Aeschere is dead, the elder brother of Yrmenlaf; he was my councillor and my rune-teller, [36] my shoulder-companion when we in the battle protected our heads; when troops were clashing and helmets were crashing. He was what an earl ought to be, a very good Atheling. Such a man was Aeschere. And a wandering slaughter-guest was his hand-slayer, in Hart. I know not whither that dire woman exulting in carrion, and by her feeding made famous, went on her journeys. She was wreaking vengeance for the feud of thy making when thou killedst Grendel but yesternight, in a violent way, with hard grips, because all too long he was lessening and destroying my people. He fell in the struggle, gave his life as a forfeit; and now comes another, a mighty man-scather, to avenge her son, and the feud hath renewed as may seem a heavy heart-woe to many a thane who weeps in his mind over the treasure-giver. Now lieth low the hand which availed you well, for every kind of pleasure. I heard land-dwellers, and hall-counsellors, and my people, say that they saw two such monstrous March-steppers, [37] alien-sprites, holding the moorland. And one of them was in the likeness of a woman as far as they could tell; the other, shapen wretchedly, trod the path of exiles in the form of a man, except that he was greater than any other man, he whom in former days the earth-dwellers called by name Grendel. They knew not his father, whether any secret sprite was formerly born of him. They kept guard over the hidden land, and the wolf-slopes, the windy nesses, the terrible fen-path where the mountain streams rush down under mists of the nesses, the floods under the earth. And it is not farther hence than the space of a mile where standeth the lake, over which are hanging the frosted trees, their wood fast by the roots, and shadowing the water. And there every night one may see dread wonders, fire on the flood. And there liveth not a wise man of the children of men who knoweth well the ground. Nevertheless the heath-stepper, the strong-horned hart, when pressed by the hounds seeketh that woodland, when put to flight from afar, ere on the hillside, hiding his head he gives up his life. [38] 'Nor is that a canny place. For thence the surge of waters riseth up wan to the welkin when stirred by the winds, the loathsome weather, until the heaven darkens and skies weep. Now is good counsel depending on thee alone. Thou knowest not the land, the terrible places where thou couldest find the sinful man; seek it if thou darest. I will reward thee for the feud with old world treasures so I did before, with twisted gold, if thou comest thence, on thy way.' XXI Beowulf spake, the son of Ecgtheow: 'Sorrow not, O wise man. It is better for each one to avenge his friend, when he is much mourning. Each one of us must wait for the end of his world-life. Let him work who may, ere the doom of death come; that is afterwards best for the noble dead. Arise, O ward of the kingdom. Let us go forth quickly to trace out the going of Grendel's kinswoman. I bid thee do it. For neither in the bosom of the earth, nor in forests of the mountains, nor by the ways of the sea, go where she will, shall she escape into safety. Do thou this day be patient in every kind of trouble as I also hope to be.' The old man leapt up and gave thanks to God, the mighty Lord, for the words of Beowulf. Then was bridled a horse for Hrothgar, a steed with twisted hair, and as a wise prince he went forth in splendid array. The troop of shield-warriors marched along. And the traces were widely seen in the forest-ways, the goings of Grendel's mother over the ground. Forwards she had gone over the mirky moorlands, and had borne in her grasp, bereft of his soul, the best of the thanes who were wont to keep watch over Hrothgar's homestead. Then Beowulf, the Atheling's child, stepped o'er the steep and stony slopes and the narrow pathways, and the straitened single tracks, an unknown way, by the steep nesses, and by many a sea-monster's cavern. And one of the wise men went on before to seek out the path, until all at once he found some mountain trees, overhanging the grey stones, a forest all joyless. And underneath was a water all bloodstained and troubled. And a grievous thing it was for all the Danes to endure, for the friends of the Scyldings, [39] and for many a thane, and distressful to all the earls, when they came upon the head of Aeschere on the cliffs above the sea. The flood boiled with blood and with hot gore (the folk looked upon it). And at times the horn sounded a battle-song ready prepared. All the troop sat down. And many kinds of serpents they saw in the water, and wonderful dragons searching the sea, and on the cliff-slopes, monsters of the ocean were lying at full length, who at the morning tide often make a woful journey on the sail-path; and snakes and wild beasts they could see also. And these living things fell down on the path all bitter and angry when they perceived the noise, and the blast of the war-horn. And the Prince of the Geats killed one of them with his bow and arrows and ended his wave-strife, and he was in the sea, slower at swimming as death swept him away. And on the waves by fierce battle hard pressed, and with boar-spears savagely barbed, the wondrous sea-monster was assailed in the struggle and drawn up on the headland. And men were looking at the awful stranger. And Beowulf put on him his armour, that was fitting for an earl, and by no means did he lament over his life, for the hand-woven coat of mail, which was ample and of many colours, was destined to explore the deeps, and knew well how to defend his body, so that neither battle-grip nor the hostile grasp of the treacherous one might scathe breast or life; and the white helmet thereof warded his head, that which was destined to search out the bottom of the sea and the welter of waters, and which was adorned with treasures and encircled with noble chains, wondrously decked and set round with boar-images, as in days of yore a weapon-smith had made it for him, so that no brand nor battle-sword could bite him. And by no means was that the least of aids in battle that the Spokesman of Hrothgar [40] lent him at need, even the hilted sword which was called Hrunting. And it was one of the ancient treasures. Its edge was of iron, and poison-tipped, and hardened in battle-sweat. And never did it fail in the fight any man who brandished it in his hands, or who dared to go on fearful journeys, to the field of battle. And that was not the first time that it was to do deeds of courage. And Unferth did not think, he the kinsman of Ecglaf, crafty of strength, of what he formerly had said [41] when drunken with wine, he had lent that weapon to a braver sword-warrior. He himself durst not risk his life in the stress of the waters and do a glorious deed. And thereby he lost his doom of famous deeds. But thus was it not with that other, for he had got himself ready for the battle. XXII Beowulf spake, the son of Ecgtheow: 'O kinsman of Healfdene, [42] thou far-famed and proud prince, thou gold-friend of men, now that eager I am for this forth-faring, bethink thee now of what we two were speaking together, that if I should lose my life through helping thee in thy need, thou wouldst be always to me in the place of a father after my death. Be thou a guardian to my kinsmen, my thanes, and my hand comrades, if battle should take me. And dear Hrothgar, send thou the gifts, which thou didst give me, to Hygelac. And the Lord of the Geats, the son of Hrethel, when he looks on the treasure and perceives the gold, will see that I found a giver of rings, one good and open-handed, and that while I could, I enjoyed the treasures. And do thou let Unferth, the man who is far-famed, have the old heirloom, the curiously wrought sword with its wave-like device, with its hard edge. I work out my fate with Hrunting, or death shall seize me.' After these words the Lord of the Weder-Geats courageously hastened, and by no means would he wait for an answer. The whelming sea received the battle-hero. And it was a day's while before he could see the bottom of the sea. And very soon the fierce and eager one who had ruled the expanse of the floods for a hundred years, she, the grim and greedy, saw that a man was searching out from above the dwelling of strange monsters. Then she made a grab at him, and closed on the warrior with dire embrace. But not at first did she scathe his body, safe and sound. The ring surrounded it on the outside, so that she could not pierce the coat of mail or the interlaced war-shirt with loathsome finger. Then the sea-wolf, when she came to the bottom of the sea, bore the Ring-Prince towards her house so that he might not, though he was so strong in soul, wield any weapon; and many a wonder oppressed him in the depths, many a sea-beast broke his war-shirt with his battle-tusks, and monsters pursued him. Then the earl saw that he was in he knew not what hall of strife, where no water scathed him a whit, nor could the sudden grip of the flood touch him because of the roof-hall. He saw, too, a firelight, a bright pale flame shining. Then the good man caught sight of the she-wolf, that monstrous wife, down in the depths of the sea. And he made a mighty rush with his sword. Nor did his hand fail to swing it so that the ringed mail on her head sang a greedy death-song. Then Beowulf the stranger discovered that the battle-blade would not bite or scathe her life, but the edge failed the lord in his need. It had suffered many hand-blows, and the helmet, the battle-dress of the doomed one, it had often cut in two. That was the first time that his dear sword-treasure failed him. Then he became resolute, and not by any means did he fail in courage, that kinsman of Hygelac, mindful of glory. And this angry warrior threw away the stout sword, bound round with jewels with its wavy decorations, and with its edge of steel, so that it lay prone on the ground; and henceforth he trusted in his strength and the hand-grasp of might. So should a man be doing when he thinketh to be gaining long-lasting praise in fighting, and careth not for his life. Then the Lord of the Geats seized by the shoulder the mother of Grendel (nor at all did he mourn over that feud), and he, the hard in battle, threw down his deadly foe, when he was angry, so that she lay prone on the floor. But she very quickly, with grimmest of grips, requited him a hand-reward, and made a clutch at him. And the weary in soul, that strongest of fighters, he the foot-warrior stumbled and fell. Then she sat on that hall-guest, and drew forth her axe, broad and brown-edged, and would fain be avenging the death of her child, of her only son. But on his shoulder was the coat of mail all woven, which saved his life and prevented the entrance of the point and the edge of the sword. And the son of Ecgtheow, the Prince of Geats, would have surely gone a journey under the wide earth unless that warlike coat of mail had given him help, that hard war-net, and unless the Holy God He the cunning Lord, and the Ruler in the heavens, had wielded the victory, and easily decided the issue aright; then he straightway stood up. XXIII Then among the weapons he caught sight of a sword, rich in victories, an old weapon of the giants, and doughty of edge, the glory of warriors. It was the choicest of weapons, and it was greater than any other man could carry to the battle-playing, and all glorious and good, a work of the giants. And he seized it by the belted hilt, he the warrior of the Danes, rough and battle-grim, and he brandished the ring-sword; and despairing of life, he angrily struck so that hardly he grasped at her neck and broke the bone-rings. And the point pierced through the doomed flesh-covering. And she fell on the floor. The sword was all bloody, and the man rejoiced in his work. Shone forth the bright flame and a light stood within, even as shineth the candle [43] from the bright heavens. And then he looked on the hall, and turned to the wall. And the thane of Hygelac, angry and resolute, heaved hard the weapon, taking it by the hilt. And the edge was not worthless to the battle-warrior, for he would be quickly requiting Grendel many a war-rush which he had done upon the West Danes, many times oftener than once when in sleeping he smote the hearth-comrade of Hrothgar, and fed on them sleeping, of the Danish folk, some fifteen men, and bore forth yet another one, that loathly prey. And well he requited him, this furious champion, when he saw the war-weary Grendel lying in death, all void of his life as formerly in Hart the battle had scathed him. His body sprang apart when after his death he suffered a stroke, a hard battle-swing; and then he struck off his head. Right soon the proud warriors, they who with Hrothgar, looked forth on the sea, could easily see, that the surging water was all stained with blood and the grey-haired ancients spoke together about the good man, that they deemed not the Atheling would ever again come seeking the famous Prince Hrothgar glorying in victory, for it seemed unto many that the sea-wolf had destroyed him. Then came noonday. The valiant Danes left the headland, and the gold-friend of men [44] went homeward thence. And the strangers of the Geats, sick in mind, sat and stared at the water. They knew and expected not that they would see again their liege-lord himself. Then the sword began to grow less, after the battle-sweat, into icicles of steel. And a wonder it was that it all began to melt likest to ice, when Our Father doth loosen the band of frost and unwinds the icicles, He who hath power over the seasons, He is the true God. Nor in these dwellings did the Lord of the Geats take any other treasure, though much he saw there, except the head and the hilt, decked out with jewels. The sword had melted, and the decorated weapon was burnt up. The blood was too hot, and so poisonous the alien sprite who died in that conflict. Soon Beowulf was swimming, he who formerly awaited the onset of the hostile ones in the striving, and he dived upwards through the water. And the weltering surge and the spacious lands were all cleansed when the alien sprite gave up his life and this fleeting existence. He the stout-hearted came swimming to shore, he the Prince of the sea-men enjoying the sea-spoils, the great burden of that which he had with him. They advanced towards him and gave thanks to God, that glorious crowd of thanes, and rejoiced in their lord that they could see him once more. Then was loosed quickly from that valiant man both helmet and shield. The sea became turbid, the water under welkin, all stained with blood. And rejoicing in spirit the brave men went forth with foot-tracks and passed over the earth, the well-known pathways. And a hard task it was for each one of those proud men to bear that head away from the sea-cliff. Four of them with difficulty on a pole were bearing the head of Grendel to the gold-hall, until suddenly, valiant and battle-brave, they came to the palace, fourteen of the Geats marching along with their liege-lord who trod the field where the mead-hall stood. Then this Prince of the thanes, this man so bold of deed and honoured by Fate, this battle-dear warrior went into the hall to greet King Hrothgar. Then over the floor where warriors were drinking they bore Grendel's head, a terror to the earls and also to the Queen. And men were looking at the splendid sight of the treasures. XXIV Beowulf spake, the son of Ecgtheow: 'Lo, son of Healfdene, lord of the Danes, we have brought thee this booty of the sea all joyfully, this which thou seest as a token of glory. And I hardly escaped with my life, and hazarded an arduous task of war under water. And nearly was the battle ended for me, but that God shielded me. Nor could I in that conflict do aught with Hrunting, though the weapon was doughty. But the Ruler of men granted me to see hanging on the wall a beauteous sword mighty and ancient (often He guides those who are bereft of their comrades), and I drew the weapon. And I struck in that striving the guardian of the house when I saw my chance. Then that battle-sword that was all decked out, burned up so that blood gushed forth, the hottest of battle-sweat. But I bore off that hilt thence from the enemy, and wrought vengeance for the crimes, the deaths of the Danes, as it was fitting. And here I bid thee to take thy rest all sorrowless in Hart, with the troop of thy men and each of the thanes of thy people, the youth and the doughty ones. O Lord of the Danes, no longer need'st thou fear for them, because of earls' life-bale as before thou didst.' Then was the golden hilt, the work of the giants, given into the hand of the old warrior, the hoary battle-chief. This work of the wonder-smiths went into the possession of the Lord of the Danes after the destruction of devils; and when the man of the fierce heart, the adversary of God guilty of murder, forsook this world, it passed to the best of world-kings by the two seas, of these who in Sceden Isle dealt out treasures. Hrothgar spake and looked upon the hilt, the old heirloom on which was written the beginning of the ancient feud since the flood, the all-embracing ocean slew the giant race, when they bore themselves presumptuously. They were a folk strangers to the eternal God, to whom the ruler gave their deserts through whelming of waters. Thus was there truly marked on the sword guards of shining gold, by means of rune-staves, set down and stated by whom that sword was wrought at the first, that choicest of weapons, with its twisted hilt, adorned with a dragon. Then spake the wise man the son of Healfdene, and all kept silence: 'He who doeth truth and right among the folk, and he who can recall the far-off days, he the old protector of his country may say that this earl was well born. Thy fair fame is spread throughout the wide ways, among all peoples, O my friend Beowulf. Thou dost hold all with patience, and might, with the proud of mind. I will perform the compact as we two agreed. Thou shalt be a lasting aid to thy people, a help to the heroes. Not so was Heremod [45] to the sons of Egwela, the honour-full Danish folk. [46] For he did not become a joy to them, but slaughter and death to the Danish people. But in a fury he killed the table-companions his boon comrades; until he alone, the famous chieftain, turned away from human joys. And though the mighty God greatly exalted him by the joys of strength over all people and rendered him help, yet a fierce hoard of hate grew up in his soul; no rings did he give to the Danes, as the custom was; and joyless he waited, so that he suffered troublesome striving and to his people a long time was baleful. Do thou be learning by that example and seek out manly virtues. I who am old in winters sing thee this song. And a wonder is it to say how the mighty God giveth wisdom to mankind through wideness of mind, lands, and earlship. He hath power over all. Sometimes he letteth the thought of man of famous kith and kin be turning to love, and giveth him earth-joys in his own country, so that he holdeth the city of refuge among men, and giveth him to rule over parts of the world, and very wide kingdoms, so that he himself foolishly never thinketh of his end. He dwelleth in weal; and neither disease nor old age doth deceive him a whit, nor doth hostile sorrow darken his mind, nor anywhere do strife or sword-hate show themselves; but all the world doth go as he willeth. XXV 'He knoweth no evil until his share of pride wasteth and groweth, while sleepeth the guardian, the ward of his soul. And the sleep is too deep, bound up in afflictions, and the banesman draweth near who shooteth cruelly his arrows from the bow. Then in his soul under helmet is he stricken with bitter shaft. Nor can he save himself from the crooked behests of the cursed ghost. And little doth he think of that which long he hath ruled. And the enemy doth covet, nor at all doth he give in boast the plated rings, and he then forgetteth and despiseth his fate his share of honour which God before gave him, He the Wielder of wonder. And in the end it doth happen that the body sinks fleeting and doomed to death falleth. And another succeeds thereto who joyfully distributeth gifts, the old treasure of the earl, and careth not for terrors. Guard thee against malicious hate, O my dear Beowulf, thou noblest of men, and choose for thyself that better part, eternal wisdom. Have no care for pride, O glorious champion. Now is the fame of thy strength proclaimed for a while. Soon will it be that disease or sword-edge or grasp of fire or whelming of floods or grip of sword or flight of arrow or dire old age will sever thee from strength, or the lustre of thine eyes will fail or grow dim. Then forthwith will happen that death will o'erpower thee, O thou noble man. Thus have I for fifty years held sway over the Ring-Danes under the welkin and made safe by war many a tribe throughout the world with spears and swords, so that I recked not any man my foeman under the sweep of heaven. Lo! then there came to me change in my homeland, sorrow after gaming, when Grendel, that ancient foe became my invader. And ever I bore much sorrow of mind through that feud. And may God be thanked, the eternal lord, that I lingered in life, till I looked with mine eyes on that head stained with sword-blood after the old strife. Go now to thy seat and enjoy the feasting, thou who art glorious in war. And when morning cometh there shall be a host of treasures in common between us.' And the Geat was glad of mind, and soon he went up to the high seat as the proud chief had bidden him. Then renewed was fair chanting as before 'mongst these brave ones who sat on the floor. And the helmet of night grew dark over men. And the noble warriors arose. The venerable king wished to go to his bed, the old prince of the Danes. And the Geat, the shield-warrior, desired greatly to go to his rest. And straightway a hall-thane guided the far-comer, weary of his journey, he who so carefully attended to all his needs such as that day the ocean-goers would fain be having. And the great-hearted one rested himself. The House towered on high that was spacious and gold-decked. The guest slept within until the black raven heralded the joy of heaven. Then came the sun, hastening and shining over the earth. Warriors were hurrying and Athelings were eager to go to their people. The bold-hearted comer would visit the ship far away. He the hardy one bade the son of Ecglaf carry forth Hrunting, and commanded him to take his sword, that lovely piece of steel. And he gave thanks for the lending, and said he reckoned him a good war-comrade and crafty in fighting. Not at all did he blame the edge of the sword. He was a proud man. When ready for the journey were all the warriors, then Beowulf the Atheling, of good worth to the Danes, went up to the dais where was Hrothgar the faithful and bold, and greeted him there. XXVI Beowulf spake, the son of Ecgtheow: 'Now we the sea-farers, that have come from afar, desire to say that we are hastening back to Hygelac. And here have we been nobly waited on, and well thou hast treated us. And if I then on earth can gain a whit further greater heart-love from thee, O Lord of men, than I have gained already, in doing war-deeds, thereto I'm right ready. And if I shall hear o'er the sheet of waters that terrors are oppressing those who sit round thee, as erewhile thine enemies were doing upon thee, I will bring here a thousand thanes, heroes to help thee. And I know that Hygelac, the Lord of the Geats, the guardian of my folk, though young in years, will help me by word and works to bring to thee honour and bear spear to thine aid, the help of strength, if thou hast need of men. And if Hrethric [47] the Prince's child should ever take service in the court of the Geat, he may find there many a friend. It is better for him who is doughty himself to be seeking far countries.' Hrothgar spake and gave him answer: 'The all-knowing Lord doth send thee words into thy mind. Never heard I a man speak more wisely, so young in years, thou art strong of main and proud of soul, and of words a wise sayer. I reckon that if it cometh to pass that an arrow or fierce battle should take away the children of Hrethel or disease or sword destroy thy sovereign, the protector of the folk, and thou art still living, that the Sea-Geats will not have to choose any better king, if thou wilt hold the kingdom of the kinsmen. Thou hast brought about peace to the folk of the Geats and the Spear-Danes, and a ceasing of the strife and of the enmity which formerly they suffered. And whilst I am ruling the wide kingdom, treasures shall be in common between us. And many a man shall greet another with gifts over the sea. [48] And the ring-necked ship shall bear over the ocean both offerings and love-tokens. I know the two peoples to be steadfast towards friend and foe, and blameless in all things in the old wise.' Then in that hall the prince of the earls, the son of Healfdene, gave him twelve treasures, and bade him be seeking his own people in safety and with the offerings, and quickly to come back again. Then the King, the Prince of the Danes, he of good lineage, kissed the best of thanes, and embraced his neck. And tears were falling down the face of the old man. And the old and wise man had hope of both things, but most of all of the other that they might see each the other, those thoughtful men in council. For Beowulf was so dear to him that he could not restrain the whelming in his bosom, but a secret longing fast in the bonds of his soul was burning in his breast against his blood. [49] So Beowulf the warrior, proud of his golden gifts, went forth o'er the grassy plain rejoicing in treasure. And the sea-goer was awaiting her lord where she lay at anchor. And as he was going he often thought on the gift of Hrothgar. He was a king, blameless in every way, until old age, that scather of many, bereft him of the joys of strength. XXVII So many a proud young warrior came to the seaside. And they were carrying the ring-net, the interlaced coats of mail. And the ward of the shore noticed the going of the earls, as he did their coming. [50] Nor with evil intent did he hail the guests from the edge of the cliff, but rode up to them, and said that welcome and bright-coated warriors went to the ship to the people of the Geats. Then on the sand was the spacious craft laden with battle-weeds, the ringed prow with horses and treasures, and the mast towered high over Hrothgar's gifts. And he gave to the captain a sword bound with gold, so that by the mead-bench he was by that the worthier because of the treasure and the heirloom. Then he went on board, the deep water to be troubling, and finally left the land of the Danes. And by the mast was one of the ocean-garments, a sail fast by a rope. The sea-wood thundered. Nor did the wind hinder the journey of that ship. The ocean-goer bounded forth, the foamy-necked one, over the waves, the bound prow over the ocean streams, till they could see the cliffs of the Geats' land, the well-known headlands. Then the keel thronged up the shore, driven by the wind, and stood fast in the sand. And the harbour-master was soon on the seashore, who of yore eagerly had seen from afar the going forth of the dear men. And he made fast the wide-bosomed ship, by the anchor chains, so that the less the force of the waves could tear away that winsome ship. He commanded the treasure of the nobles to be borne up the beach, the fretted armour and the plated gold. And not far thence it was for them to be seeking the giver of treasure, Hygelac, Hrethel's son, for at home he dwelleth, he and his companions near to the sea-wall. And splendid was that building, and the Prince was a bold King, and the halls were high, and Hygd his wife was very young and wise and mature in her figure, though the daughter of Hæreth had bided in that city but a very few years. But she was not mean nor niggardly of gifts and of treasures to the people of the Geats. But Thrytho [51] was fierce, for she had committed a terrible crime, that bold Queen of the folk. There was none that durst risk that dire thing of the dear companions, save only her lord, that he should stare on her with his eyes by day; but if he did he might expect that death-bands were destined for himself, for after the hand-grip a weapon was quickly prepared, that the sword that was curiously inlaid should bring to light and make known the death-bale. Nor is it a queenly custom for a woman to perform, though she might be peerless, that she should assail the life of a peace-wearer, of her dear lord, after a pretended insult. At least King Offa, the kinsman of Hemming, checked her in that. But otherwise said the ale-drinkers, namely that she did less of bale to her people and of hostile acts, since the time when she was first given all decked with gold to the young champion, [52] to her dear lord, since she sought the Hall of Offa over the fallow flood by the guidance of her father, where on the throne whilst she lived she well did enjoy her fate, that woman famous for good works. And she kept great love for the prince of heroes, and of all mankind he was, as I have learned by asking, the greatest by two seas. For Offa was a spear-keen man in gifts and in warfare, and widely was he honoured. And he ruled his people wisely. And to him and Thrytho Eomær was born to the help of heroes, he the kinsman of Hemming, the nephew of Garmund, was crafty in battle. XXVIII Then the hardy one himself, with his troop set forth to tread the seashore, going along the sands, the wide sea-beaches. The candle of the world shone, the sun that was shining from the South. And joyfully they journeyed, and with courage they marched along, to where they heard by inquiring, that the good Prince of earls, the banesman of Ongentheow [53] the young war-king, was giving out rings within the city. And quickly was made known to Hygelac the coming of Beowulf, that he the Prince of warriors, the comrade in arms, was returning alive and hale from the battle-play, was coming to the palace. And straightway was there room made for the foot-guests on the floor of the hall by command of the King. And he that had escaped scot-free from the contest sat with the King, kinsman with kinsman, and the lord with courteous speech saluted the brave man with high-swelling words. And the daughter of Hæreth [54] poured forth from the mead-cups throughout that great hall, for she loved well the people, and carried round the drinking-stoups to each of the warriors. And Hygelac began to question his comrade as curiosity prompted him as to the journey of the Sea-Geats. 'How went it with thee, dear Beowulf, in thy faring, when thou didst bethink thee suddenly to be seeking a contest o'er the salt waters, in battle at Hart? And thou didst requite the widely known woe which Hrothgar was suffering, that famous lord. And I brooded o'er that mind-care with sorrow-whelmings, for I trusted not in the journey of the dear man. And for a long time I bade thee not a whit to be greeting the murderous stranger, but to let the South Danes themselves wage war against Grendel. And I now give God thanks that I see thee safe and sound.' Beowulf answered, the son of Ecgtheow: 'O Lord Hygelac, it is well known to many a man, our famous meeting, and the battle we fought, Grendel and I, on the wide plain, when he was working great sorrow to the Danes and misery for ever. All that I avenged, so that no kinsman of Grendel anywhere on earth needed to boast of that uproar by twilight, no not he of that kindred who liveth the longest, encircled by the fen. And first, to greet Hrothgar, I went to the Ring-hall. And straightway the famous kinsman of Healfdene, when he knew my intention, gave me a place with his own son; and the troop was all joyful. Nor ever have I seen greater joy amongst any hall-dwellers under the arch of heaven. Sometimes the famous Queen, [55] the peace-bringer of the folk, walked over the whole floor and encouraged the young sons. And often she gave to the man a twisted ring ere she went to the high seat. And sometimes for the noble band the daughter of Hrothgar carried the ale-cups to the earls at the end of the high table. And I heard those who sat in that hall calling her Freawaru as she gave the studded treasure to the heroes. And she, young and gold-decked, is betrothed to the glad son of Froda. [56] The friend of the Danes and the guardian of the kingdom has brought this to pass, and taken that counsel, so as to set at rest by that betrothal many a slaughter-feud and ancient strife. And often it happens that a little while after the fall of a people, the deadly spear seldom lieth at rest though the bride be doughty. And this may displease the lord of the Heathobards and all of his thanes of the people, when he with his bride walketh over the floor, that his doughty warriors should attend on a noble scion of the Danes, and the heirloom of the ancients should glisten on him, all hard, and the ring-sword, the treasure of the Heathobards, whilst they might be wielding weapons. [57] XXIX [58] 'Till the day on which they risked their own and their comrades' lives in the battle. Then said an old spear-warrior who remembered all that had happened, the death of men by spears (his mind was grim), and he began with sorrowful mind to seek out the thought of the young champion by broodings of the heart, and to awaken the war-bales, and this is what he said: "Canst thou recognize, my friend, the dire sword which thy father carried to the battle, under the visored helm, on that last journey, when the Danes slew him and had the battle-field in their power, when Withergyld [59] lay dead after the fall of the heroes? Now here the son of I know not which of the slayers, all boasting of treasures, goeth into the hall and boasteth of murder and carrieth the gift which thou shouldst rightly possess." Then he exhorteth and bringeth to mind each of the occasions with sorrowful words, until the time cometh that the thane of the bride dieth all stained with blood for the deeds of his father by the piercing of the sword, having forfeited his life. But the other thence escapeth alive, for he knows the land well. Then the oath-swearing of earls is broken on both sides when deadly enmities surge up against Ingeld, and his love for his wife grows cooler after whelming care. And for this reason I reckon not sincere the friendliness of the Heathobards towards the Danes or the troop-peace between them, the plighted troth. 'Now I speak out again about Grendel, for that thou knowest full well, O giver of treasure, how went that hand-to-hand fight of the heroes. When the jewel of heaven glided over the world, then the angry sprite, the terrible and evening-fierce foe, came to visit us where we were dwelling in the hall all safe and sound. There was battle impending to Hondscio, the life-bale to the doomed one. And he first fell, the champion begirt. For Grendel was to the famous thane a banesman by biting, and devoured whole the dear man. Nor would he, the bloody-toothed slayer, mindful of bales, go out empty-handed any sooner again, forth from the gold-hall; but he proved my strength of main, and ready-handed he grasped at me. An ample and wondrous glove hung fast by cunning bands. And it was cunningly fashioned by the craft of devils, and with skins of the dragon. And the fierce doer of deeds was wishful to put me therein, one among many. But he could not do so, for I angrily stood upright. And too long would it be to tell how I requited all evil to that scather of the people, where I, O my liege-lord, honoured thy people by means of good deeds. He escaped on the way, and for a little while he enjoyed life-pleasures. But his right hand showed his tracks in Hart, and he sank to the bottom of the sea, all abject and sad of heart. And the lord of the Danes rewarded me for that battle-rush with many a piece of plated gold, and with ample treasure, when morning came and we had set ourselves down to the feasting. And there was singing and rejoicing. And the wise man of the Danes, who had learned many things, told us of olden days. And the bold in battle sometimes touched the harp-strings, the wood that was full of music, and sometimes he gave forth a song that was true and sad--and sometimes, large-hearted, the King related a wondrous spell well and truly. [60] And sometimes the old man encumbered by years, some ancient warrior, lamented his lost youth and strength in battle. His heart was tumultuous when he, of many winters, recalled all the number of them. So we rejoiced the livelong day until another night came down upon men. Then was the mother of Grendel quickly ready for vengeance, and came on a woful journey, for Death had carried off her son, that war-hate of the Geats. And the uncanny wife avenged her child. And Aeschere, that wise and ancient councillor, departed this life. Nor when morning came might the Danish people burn him with brand, that death-weary man, nor lay the beloved man on the funeral pyre. For she bore away the body in her fiendish grip under the mountain-streams. And that was to Hrothgar the bitterest of griefs which for long had befallen the Prince of the people. Then the Prince, sad in mood, by thy life entreated me that I should do a deed, worthy of an earl, midst welter of waters, and risk my life and achieve glory. And he promised me rewards. I then discovered the grim and terrible guardian of the whelming waters, at the sea's bottom, so widely talked of. There was a hand-to-hand engagement between us for a while, and the sea boiled with gore; I cut off the head of Grendel's mother in the hall at the bottom of the sea, with powerful sword. And I scarce saved my life in that conflict. But not yet was my doomsday. And afterwards the Prince of earls gave me many gifts, he the son of Healfdene. XXXI 'So in good customs lived the King of the people. Nor had I lost the rewards, the meed of strength, for the son of Healfdene bestowed upon me treasures according to my choice, which I will bring to thee, O my warrior-King, and graciously will I proffer them. Again all favour depends on thee, for few chief kinsmen have I save thee, O Hygelac.' He commanded them to bring in the boar, the head-sign, the battle-steep helmet, the hoary byrny, the splendid war-sword, and then he chanted this song: 'It was Hrothgar, that proud prince, who bestowed upon me all this battle-gear. And a certain word he uttered to me, that I should first give thee his kindly greeting. [61] He said that Hrothgar the King of the Danes possessed it a long while. Nor formerly would he be giving the breast-weeds to his son the brave Heoroward, though dear he was to him. Do thou enjoy all well.' Then I heard that four horses, of reddish yellow hue, followed the armour. And thus he did him honour with horses and gifts. So should a kinsman do. By no means should they weave cunning nets for each other, or with secret craft devise death to a comrade. His nephew was very gracious to Hygelac, the brave in strife, and each was striving to bestow favours on the other. And I heard that he gave to Hygd the neck-ring so curiously and wondrously wrought, which Wealtheow a daughter of royal birth had given him, and three horses also slender and saddle-bright. And her breast was adorned with the ring she had received. And Beowulf, son of Ecgtheow, so famous in warfare and in good deeds, bore himself boldly and fulfilled his fate, nor did he slay the drunken hearth-comrades. He was not sad-minded, but he, the battle-dear one, by the greatest of craft known to man held fast the lasting and generous gift which God gave him. For long had he been despised, so that the warriors of the Geats looked not upon him as a good man, nor did the lord of troops esteem him as of much worth on the mead-bench. Besides, they thought him slack and by no means a warlike Atheling. Then came a change from all his distresses to this glorious man. Then the Prince of Earls, the battle-brave King, commanded that the heirloom of Hrethel all decked out in gold should be brought in. For of swords there was no more glorious treasure among the Geats. And he laid it on the bosom of Beowulf, and gave him seven thousand men and a building and a throne. And both of them held the land, the earth, the rights in the land as an hereditary possession; but the other who was the better man had more especially a wide kingdom. And in after-days it happened that there were battle-crashings, and Hygelac lay dead, [62] and swords under shields became a death-bane to Heardred, [63] when the brave battle-wolves, the Swedes, sought him out among the victorious ones and assailed with strife the nephew of Hereric, and it was then that the broad kingdom came into the possession of Beowulf. And he held sway therein fifty winters (and a wise King was he, that old guardian of his country) until on dark nights a dragon began to make raids, he that watched over the hoard in the lofty cavern, the steep rocky cave. And the path thereto lay under the cliffs unknown to men. And what man it was who went therein I know not, but he took from the heathen hoard a hall-bowl decked with treasure. Nor did he give it back again, though he had beguiled the guardian of the hoard when he was sleeping, by the craft of a thief. And Beowulf found out that the dragon was angry. [64] XXXII And it was by no means of his own accord or self-will that he sought out the craft of the hoard of the dragon who inflicted such evil upon himself, but rather because being compelled by miseries, the slave fled the hateful blows of heroes, he that was shelterless and the man troubled by guilt penetrated therein. And soon it came to pass that an awful terror arose upon the guest. [65]... And in the earth-house were all kinds of ancient treasures, such as I know not what man of great thoughts had hidden there in days of old, the immense heirlooms of some noble race, costly treasures. And in former times death had taken them all away, and he alone of the warriors of the people who longest lingered there, full lonely and sad for loss of friends was he, and he hoped for a tarrying, that he but for a little while might enjoy the ancient treasures. And this hill was quite near to the ocean-waves, and to the sea-nesses, and no one could come near thereto. And he the guardian of rings carried inside the cave the heavy treasures of plated gold, and uttered some few words: 'Do thou, O earth, hold fast the treasures of earls which heroes may not hold. What! From thee in days of yore good men obtained it. Deadly warfare and terrible life-bale carried away all the men of my people of those who gave up life. They had seen hall-joy. And they saw the joys of heaven. I have not any one who can carry a sword or polish the gold-plated cup, the dear drinking-flagon. The doughty ones have hastened elsewhere. The hard helmet dight with gold shall be deprived of gold plate. The polishers sleep the sleep of death who should make ready the battle grim, likewise the coat of mail which endured in the battle was shattered over shields by the bite of the iron spears and perishes after the death of the warrior. Nor can the ringed byrny go far and wide on behalf of heroes, after the passing of the war-chief. 'No joy of harping is there, nor mirth of stringed instruments, nor does the goodly hawk swing through the hall, nor doth the swift horse paw in the courtyard. And death-bale hath sent away many generations of men.' Thus then, sad at heart he lamented his sorrowful plight, one for many, and unblithely he wept both day and night until the whelming waters of death touched his heart. And the ancient twilight scather found the joyous treasure standing open and unprotected, he it was who flaming seeks the cliff-sides, he, the naked and hateful dragon who flieth by night wrapt about with fire. And the dwellers upon earth greatly fear him. And he should be seeking the hoard upon earth where old in winters he guardeth the heathen gold. Nor aught is he the better thereby. And thus the scather of the people, the mighty monster, had in his power the hall of the hoard three hundred years upon the earth until a man in anger kindled his fury. For he carried off to his liege-lord the plated drinking-flagon and offered his master a treaty of peace. Thus was the hoard discovered, the hoard of rings plundered. And a boon was granted to the miserable man. And the Lord saw for the first time this ancient work of men. Then awoke the dragon, and the strife was renewed. He sniffed at the stone, and the stout-hearted saw the foot-mark of his foe. He had stepped too far forth with cunning craft near the head of the dragon. So may any one who is undoomed easily escape woes and exile who rejoices in the favour of the Wielder of the world. The guardian of the hoard, along the ground, was eagerly seeking, and the man would be finding who had deprived him of his treasure while he was sleeping. Hotly and fiercely he went around all on the outside of the barrow--but no man was there in the waste. Still he gloried in the strife and the battle working. Sometimes he returned to the cavern and sought the treasure vessels. And soon he found that one of the men had searched out the gold, the high heap of treasures. The guardian of the hoard was sorrowfully waiting until evening should come. And very furious was the keeper of that barrow, and the loathsome one would fain be requiting the robbery of that dear drinking-stoup with fire and flame. Then, as the dragon wished, day was departing. Not any longer would he wait within walls, but went forth girt with baleful fire. And terrible was this beginning to the people in that country, and sorrowful would be the ending to their Lord, the giver of treasure. XXXIII Then the Fiend began to belch forth fire, and to burn up the glorious palace. And the flames thereof were a horror to men. Nor would the loathly air-flier leave aught living thereabouts. And this warfare of the dragon was seen far and wide by men, this striving of the foe who caused dire distress, and how the war-scather hated and harmed the people of the Geats. And he hurried back to his hoard and the dark cave-hall of which he was lord, ere it was day-dawn. He had encircled the dwellers in that land with fire and brand. He trusted in his cavern, and in battle and his cliff-wall. But his hope deceived him. Then was the terror made known to Beowulf, quickly and soothly, namely that his very homestead, that best of houses, that throne of the Geats, was dissolving in the whelming fire. And full rueful was it to the good man, and the very greatest of sorrows. And the wise man was thinking that he had bitterly angered the Wielder of all things, the eternal God, in the matter of some ancient customs. [66] And within his breast gloomy brooding was welling, as was by no means his wont. The fiery dragon had destroyed by flame the stronghold of the people, both the sea-board and neighbouring land. And therefore the King of the Weder-Geats devised revenge upon him. Now Beowulf the Prince of earls and protector of warriors commanded them to fashion him a glorious war-shield all made of iron. For he well knew that a wooden shield would be unavailing against flames. For he, the age-long noble Atheling, must await the end of days that were fleeting of this world-life, he and the dragon together, though long he had held sway over the hoard of treasure. And the Prince of rings scorned to employ a troop against the wide-flying monster in the great warfare. Nor did he dread the striving, nor did he think much of this battle with the dragon, of his might and courage, for that formerly in close conflict had he escaped many a time from the crashings of battle since he, the victorious sword-man, cleansed the great hall in Hart, of Hrothgar his kinsman, and had grappled in the contest with the mother of Grendel, of the loathly kin. Nor was that the least hand-to-hand fight, when Hygelac was slain there in the Frisian land when the King of the Geats, the friendly lord of the folk, the son of Hrethel, died in the battle-rush beaten down by the sword, drunk with blood-drinking. Then fled Beowulf by his very own craft and swam through the seas. [67] And he had on his arm alone thirty battle-trappings when he went down to the sea. Nor did the Hetware need to be boasting, of that battle on foot, they who bore their linden shields against him. And few of them ever reached their homes safe from that wolf of the battle. But Beowulf, son of Ecgtheow, swam o'er the expanse of waters, miserable and solitary, back to his people, where Hygd proffered him treasures and a kingdom, rings and dominion. She did not think that her son Heardred would know how to hold their native seats against strangers, now that Hygelac was dead. Nor could the wretched people prevail upon the Atheling (Beowulf) in any wise to show himself lord of Heardred or to be choosing the kingship. Nevertheless he gave friendly counsel to the folk with grace and honour until that he (Heardred) was older and held sway over the Weder-Geats. Then those exiles the sons of Ohthere sought him over the seas; they had rebelled against the Lord of the Swedes, the best of the sea-kings, that famous chieftain of those who bestowed rings in Sweden. And that was life's limit to him. For the son of Hygelac, famishing there, was allotted a deadly wound by the swing of a sword. And the son of Ongentheow went away thence to visit his homestead when Heardred lay dead, and left Beowulf to sit on the throne and to rule the Goths. And he was a good King. [68] XXXIV He was minded in after-days to be requiting the fall of the prince. He was a friend to the wretched Eadgils, and helped Eadgils the son of Ohthere with an army with warriors and with weapons, over the wide seas. And then he wrought vengeance with cold and painful journeyings and deprived the king (Onela) of life. [69] Thus the son of Ecgtheow had escaped all the malice and the hurtful contests and the courageous encounters, until the day on which he was to wage war with the dragon. And so it came to pass that the Lord of the Geats went forth with twelve others and inflamed with fury, to spy out the dragon. For he had heard tell of the malice and hatred he had shown to men, whence arose that feud. And by the hand of the informer, [70] famous treasure came into their possession; he was the thirteenth man in the troop who set on foot the beginning of the conflict. And the sorrowful captive must show the way thither. He against his will went to the earth-hall, for he alone knew the barrow under the ground near to the sea-surge, where it was seething, the cavern that was full of ornaments and filagree. And the uncanny guardian thereof, the panting war-wolf, held possession of the treasures, and an ancient was he under the earth. And it was no easy bargain to be gaining for any living man. So the battle-hardened King sat down on the cliff, and took leave of his hearth-comrades, he the gold-friend of the Geats. And his heart was sad, wavering, and ready for death, and Weird came very near to him who would be greeting the venerable warrior and be seeking his soul-treasure, to divide asunder his life from his body. And not long after that was the soul of the Atheling imprisoned in the flesh. Beowulf spake, the son of Ecgtheow: 'Many a war-rush I escaped from in my youth, in times of conflict. And well I call it all to mind. I was seven years old when the Lord of Treasures, the friendly lord of the folk, took me away from my father--and King Hrethel had me in thrall, and gave me treasure and feasted me and kept the peace. Nor was I a whit less dear a child to him than any of his own kin, Herebald and Hæthcyn or my own dear Hygelac. And for the eldest was a murder-bed most unhappily made up by the deeds of a kinsman, [71] when Hæthcyn his lordly friend brought him low with an arrow from out of his horn-bow, and missing the mark he shot through his brother with a bloody javelin. And that was a fight not to be atoned for by gifts of money; and a crime it was, and wearying to the soul in his breast. Nevertheless the Atheling must unavenged be losing his life. For so is it a sorrowful thing for a venerable man to see his son riding the gallows-tree when he singeth a dirge a sorrowful song, as his son hangeth, a joy to the ravens. And he, very old, may not give him any help. And every morning at the feasting he is reminded of his son's journey else-whither. And he careth not to await another heir within the cities, when he alone through the fatality of death hath found out the deeds. 'Heartbroken he looks on the bower of his son, on the wasted wine-hall, become the hiding-place for the winds and bereft of the revels. The riders are sleeping, the heroes in the tomb. Nor is any sound of harping, or games in the courts as erewhile there were. XXXV 'Then he goeth to the sleeping-place and chanteth a sorrow-song, the one for the other. And all too spacious seemed to him the fields and the dwelling-house. So the Prince of the Geats bore welling heart-sorrow after Herebald's death, nor a whit could he requite the feud on the murderer, nor visit his hate on that warrior with loathly deeds, though by no means was he dear to him. He then forsook the joys of life because of that sorrow-wound which befell him, and chose the light of God, and left to his sons land and towns when he departed this life as a rich man doth. Then was there strife and struggle between the Swedes and the Geats, and over the wide seas there was warfare between them, a hardy battle-striving when Hrethel met with his death. And the children of Ongentheow were brave and battle-fierce, and would not keep the peace on the high seas, but round about Hreosnaborg they often worked terrible and dire distress. And my kinsmen wrought vengeance for that feud and crime as all men know, though the other bought his life with a hard bargain. And war was threatening Hæthcyn the lord of the Geats. Then I heard tell that on the morrow one brother the other avenged on the slayer with the edge of the sword, whereas Ongentheow [72] seeketh out Eofor. The war-helmet was shattered, and the Ancient of the Swedes fell prone, all sword-pale. And well enough the hand kept in mind the feud and withheld not the deadly blow. And I yielded him back in the warfare the treasures he gave me with the flashing sword, as was granted to me. And he gave me land and a dwelling and a pleasant country. And he had no need to seek among the Gifthas or the Spear-Danes or in Sweden a worse war-wolf, or to buy one that was worthy. 'And I would always be before him in the troop, alone in the front of the battle, and so for ever will I be striving, whilst this sword endureth, that earlier and later has often stood me in good stead, since the days when for doughtiness I was a hand-slayer to Day Raven the champion of the Hugs. Nor was he fated to bring ornaments or breast-trappings to the Frisian King, but he the guardian of the standard, he the Atheling, fell on the battle-field, all too quickly. Nor was the sword-edge his bane, but the battle-grip broke the whelmings of his heart and the bones of his body. Now shall my sword-edge, my hand and hard weapon, be fighting for the hoard.' Beowulf moreover now for the last time spake these boastful words: 'In many a war I risked my life in the days of my youth, yet still will I seek a feud, I the old guardian of the people will work a glorious deed if the wicked scather cometh out from his earth-palace to seek me.' Then he saluted for the last time each of the warriors, the brave wearers of helmets, the dear companions. 'I would not carry a sword or weapon against the dragon if I knew how else I might maintain my boast against the monster, as I formerly did against Grendel. But in this conflict I expect the hot battle-fire, both breath and poison. Therefore I have both shield and byrny. I will not flee from the warder of the barrow a foot's-space, but it shall be with me at the wall of the barrow as Weird shall direct, who created all men. I am strong in soul so that I will refrain from boasting against the war-flier. Await ye on the barrow guarded by byrnies, O ye warriors in armour, and see which of us two will better survive his wounds after the battle-rush. This is no journey for you nor fitting for any man save only for me, that he should share a conflict with the monster and do deeds worthy of an earl. I will gain possession of the gold by my courage, or battle and deadly evil shall take away your lord.' Then the strong warrior, hard under helm, arose beside his shield and carried his shirt of mail under the rocky cliffs and trusted in the strength of himself alone. Nor was that a coward's journey. Then Beowulf, possessed of manly virtues, who had escaped in many a conflict and crashing of battle when men encountered on foot, saw standing by the wall of the barrow an arch of rock, and a stream broke out thence from the barrow, and the whelming of that river was hot with battle-fires. Nor could he survive any while near to the hoard unburnt because of the flame of the dragon. Then in a fury the Prince of the Weder-Geats let a torrent of words escape from his breast and the stout-hearted one stormed. And his war-clear voice resounded under the hoar cliffs. And hatred was stirred, for the guardian of the hoard recognized well the voice of Beowulf. And that was no time to be seeking friendship. And the breath of the monster, the hot battle-sweat, came forth from the rock at the first and the earth resounded. The warrior, the Lord of the Geats, raised his shield under the barrow against the terrible sprite. Now the heart of the dragon was stirred up to seek the conflict. The good war-king had formerly drawn his sword, the ancient heirloom, not slow of edge. And each of them who intended evil was a terror the one to the other. And the stern-minded one, he the Prince of friendly rulers, stood by his steep shield, and he and the dragon fell quickly together. Beowulf waited warily all in his war-gear. Then the flaming monster bent as he charged, hastening to his doom. The shield well protected life and body of the famous warrior for a lesser while than he had willed it if he was to be wielding victory in that contest on the first day; but Weird had not so fated it. And the Lord of the Geats uplifted his hand, and struck at the horribly bright one heavy with heirlooms, so that the edge stained with blood gave way on the bone and bit in less strongly than its master had need of when pressed by the business. Then after the battle-swing the guardian of the barrow was rough-minded and cast forth slaughter-fire. Battle-flames flashed far and wide. And the son of the Geats could not boast of victory in the conflict. The sword had failed him, naked in the battle, as was unfitting for so well tempered a steel. And it was not easy for the famous son of Ecgtheow to give up possession of the bottom of the sea, and that he should against his will dwell in some place far otherwhere, as must each man let go these fleeting days sooner or later. And not long after this Beowulf and the monster met together again. The guardian of the hoard took good heart, and smoke was fuming in his breast. And fierce were his sufferings as the flames embraced him, he who before had ruled over the folk. Nor at all in a troop did his hand-comrades stand round him, that warrior of Athelings, showing courage in the battle, but they fled into a wood their lives to be saving. And the mind of one of them was surging with sorrows, for to him whose thoughts are pure, friendship cannot ever change. XXXVI Wiglaf was he called, he who was the son of Weohstan, the beloved shield-warrior, the Prince of the Danes and the kinsman of Aelfhere. He saw his lord suffering burning pain under his visor. Then he called to mind the favour that he (Beowulf) had bestowed upon him in days of yore, the costly dwelling of the Waegmundings [73] and all the folk-rights which his father had possessed. Then he could not restrain himself, but gripped the shield with his hand, the yellow wood, and drew forth the old sword which was known among men as the heirloom of Eanmund, the son of Ohthere, and in the striving Weohstan was banesman by the edge of the sword to that friendless exile and bore away to his kinsman the brown-hued helmet, the ringed byrny, and the old giant's sword that Onela [74] had given him, the war-weeds of his comrade, and the well-wrought armour for fighting. Nor did he speak of the feud, though he slew his brother's son. And he held possession of the treasures many years, both the sword and the byrny, until such time as his son should hold the earlship as his father had done. And he gave to the Geats a countless number of each kind of war-weeds, when he in old age passed away from this life, on the outward journey. That was the first time for the young champion that he went into the war-rush with his noble lord. Nor did his mind melt within him, nor did the heirloom of his kinsman at the war-tide. And the dragon discovered it when they two came together. Wiglaf spake many fitting words, and said to his comrades (for his mind was sad within him): 'I remember the time when we partook of the mead, and promised our liege-lord in the beer-hall, he who gave to us rings, that we would yield to him war-trappings both helmets and a hand-sword, if such need befell him. And he chose us for this warfare, and for this journey, of his own free will, and reminded us of glory; and to me he gave these gifts when he counted us good spear-warriors and brave helmet-bearers, although our lord, this guardian of the people had it in his mind all alone to do this brave work for us, for he most of all men could do glorious things and desperate deeds of war. And now is the day come that our lord hath need of our prowess and of goodly warriors. Let us then go to the help of our battle-lord while it lasts, the grim terror of fire. God knows well of me that I would much rather that the flame should embrace my body together with that of my lord the giver of gold. Nor does it seem to me to be fitting that we should carry shields back to the homestead except we have first laid low the foe and protected the life of the Prince of the Weders. [75] And well I know that his old deserts were not that he alone of the youth of the Geats should suffer grief and sink in the fighting. So both sword and helmet, byrny and shield shall be common to both of us together.' Then he waded through the slaughter-reek, and bore the war-helmet to the help of his lord, and uttered a few words: 'Beloved Beowulf, do thou be doing all things, as thou of yore in the days of thy youth wast saying that thou wouldst not allow thy glory to be dimmed whilst thou wast living. Now shalt thou, the brave in deeds and the resolute noble, save thy life with all thy might. I am come to help thee.' After these words came the angry dragon, the terrible and hostile sprite yet once again, and decked in his various hues of whelmings of fire, against his enemies, the men that he hated. And the wood of the shield was burnt up with the waves of flame, and his byrny could not help the young spear-warrior; yet did the youth bravely advance under the shield of his kinsman when his own had been destroyed by the flames. Then again the war-king bethought him of glory, and struck a mighty blow with his battle-sword so that it fixed itself in his head, forced in by violence. And Naegling, Beowulf's sword old and grey, broke in pieces, and failed in the contest. It was not given to him that sharp edges of swords should help him in battle. His hand was too strong, so that it overtaxed every sword, as I have been told, by the force of its swing, whenever he carried into battle a wondrous hand-weapon. And he was nowise the better for a sword. Then for the third time, the scather of the people, the terrible Fire-dragon, was mindful of feuds, and he rushed on the brave man when he saw that he had room, all hot and battle-grim, and surrounded his neck with bitter bones. And he was all be-bloodied over with life-blood, and the sweat welled up in waves. XXXVII Then I heard tell that the Earl of the King of the People showed in his time of need unfailing courage in helping him with craft and keenness, as was fitting for him to do. He paid no heed to the head of the dragon (but the brave man's hand was being burnt when he helped his kinsman), but that warrior in arms struck at the hostile sprite somewhat lower in his body so that his shining and gold-plated sword sank into his body, and the fire proceeding therefrom began to abate. Then the good King Beowulf got possession of his wits again, and drew his bitter and battle-sharp short sword that he bore on his shield. And the King of the Geats cut asunder the dragon in the midst of his body. And the fiend fell prone; courage had driven out his life, and they two together had killed him, noble comrades in arms. And thus should a man who is a thane always be helping his lord at his need. And that was the very last victory achieved by that Prince during his life-work. Then the wound which the Earth-dragon had formerly dealt him began to burn and to swell. And he soon discovered that the baleful venom was seething in his breast, the internal poison. Then the young noble looked on the giant's work as he sat on a seat musing by the cliff wall, how arches of rock, firmly on columns held the eternal earth-house within. Then the most noble thane refreshed his blood-stained and famous Lord, his dear and friendly Prince with water, with his own hands, and loosened the helmet for the battle-sated warrior. And Beowulf spake, over his deathly pitiful wound, for well he knew that he had enjoyed the day's while of his earthly joy: and the number of his days was all departed and death was coming very near. 'Now,' said Beowulf, 'I would have given battle-weeds to my son if any heir had been given to me of my body. I held sway over these peoples fifty years. And there was no folk-king of those who sat round about who dared to greet me with swords, or oppress with terror. At home have I bided my appointed time, and well I held my own [76], nor did I seek out cunning feuds, nor did I swear many unrighteous oaths. And I, sick of my life-wounds, can have joy of all this. For the Wielder of men cannot reproach me with murder of kinsmen when my life shall pass forth from my body. Now do thou, beloved Wiglaf, go quickly and look on the hoard under the hoar stone, now that the dragon lieth prone and asleep sorely wounded and bereft of his treasure. And do thou make good speed that I may look upon the ancient gold treasures and yarely be feasting mine eyes upon the bright and cunning jewels, so that thereby after gazing on that wealth of treasure I may the more easily give up my life and my lordship over the people, whom I have ruled so long.' XXXVIII Then straightway I heard tell how the son of Weohstan, after these words had been spoken, obeyed the behest of his lord, who was sick of his wounds, and carried the ring-net and the coat of mail adorned, under the roof of the barrow. And as Wiglaf, exulting in victory, came by the seat, he saw many gems shining and shaped like the sun [77] and gleaming gold all lying on the ground, and wondrous decorations on the wall, and he saw too the den of the dragon, the ancient twilight-flier, and flagons standing there and vessels of men of days long gone by, no longer polished but shorn of adornment. And there also was many a helmet, ancient and rusty, and many arm-rings cunningly twisted. The possession of treasure and of gold on the earth may easily make proud all of mankind, let him hide it who will. Likewise he saw the all-gilded banner lying high over the hoard, that greatest of wondrous handiwork and all woven by the skill of human hands. And therefrom went forth a ray of light, so that he could see the floor of the cave, and look carefully at the jewels. And there was no sign of the dragon, for the sword-edge had carried him off. Then I heard tell how in that barrow one at his own doom [78] plundered the hoard, that old work of giants, and bore away on his arms both cups and dishes. And the banner also he took, that brightest of beacons. Beowulf's sword, with its iron edge, had formerly injured him who had been the protector of these treasures for a long time, and had waged fierce flame-terror, because of the hoard fiercely welling in the midnight hour until he was killed. The messenger [79] was in haste, and eager for the return journey, and laden with jewels, and curiosity tormented him as to whether he would find the bold-minded Prince of the Geats alive on the battle-field, and bereft of strength where before he had left him. Then he with the treasures found the glorious lord, his own dear master, at the last gasp, and all stained with blood. And he began to throw water upon him, until the power of speech brake through his mind, and Beowulf spake, and with sorrow he looked upon the hoard. 'I would utter words of thanks to the Lord and wondrous King, to the eternal God, for the treasures which now I am looking upon that I have managed to obtain them for my dear people before my death-day. Now that I have in exchange for this hoard of treasure sold my life in my old age, and laid it down, do thou still be helping the people in their need, for I may no longer be lingering here. Do thou bid the famous warriors erect a burial-mound, after the burning of the funeral pyre, at the edge of the sea, which shall tower aloft on Whale's Ness, as a memorial for my people, and so the sea-farers shall call it the Hill of Beowulf, even those who drive the high ships from afar through the mists of the flood.' Then he the bold Prince doffed from his neck the golden ring. And he gave it to his thane, to the young spear-warrior, the gold-adorned helmet, the ring, and the byrny, and bade him enjoy it well. 'Thou, O Wiglaf,' he said, 'art the last heir of our race, of that of the Waegmundings. Weird has swept away all my kinsmen to their fated doom, all the earls in their strength, and I shall follow after them.' Now that was the very last word of the old warrior's breast thoughts, ere he chose the funeral pyre the hot wave-whelmings. And his soul went forth from his breast to be seeking the doom of the truth-fast ones. XXXIX Then had it sorrowfully come to pass for the young warrior that he saw his most beloved in a miserable plight on the earth at his life's end. Likewise the terrible dragon, his slayer, lay there bereft of life and pressed sore by ruin. And the coiled dragon could no longer wield the hoard of rings, but the iron edges of the sword, well tempered and battle-gashed; the hammer's leavings [80], had carried him off, so that the wide-flier, stilled because of his wounds, fell to the earth near to the hoard-hall. And no more in playful wise at the midnight hour, did he drift through the air; this dragon, proud in his gainings of treasure, showed not his face, but was fallen to the earth because of the handiwork of the battle-warrior. And as I have heard, it would have profited but few of the mighty men, even though they were doughty in deeds of all kinds, though they should rush forth against the flaming breath of the poisonous scather, even to the very disturbing of the Ring-Hall with their hands, if they should have found the guardian thereof awake, and dwelling in the cliff-cave. Then Beowulf's share of lordly treasure was paid for by his death. And both he and the dragon had come to an end of their fleeting days. And not long after that, the laggards in battle, those cowardly treaty-breakers, ten of them together, came back from the woodlands, they who erewhile had dreaded the play of javelins when their lord had sore need of their help. But they were filled with shame, and carried their shields, and battle-weeds, to where the old prince was lying. And they looked on Wiglaf; he the foot-warrior sat aweary near to the shoulders of his lord, and sought to rouse him by sprinkling water upon him, but he succeeded not at all. Nor could he, though he wished it ever so much, keep life in the chieftain or avert a whit the will of the Wielder of all things. Every man's fate was decided by the act of God, as is still the case. Then was a grim answer easily given by the young man to these who erewhile had lost their courage. Wiglaf spake, he the son of Weohstan, the sad-hearted. 'He who will speak truth may say that the lord and master who gave you gifts, and warlike trappings, in which ye are now standing, when he very often gave on the ale-bench to them who sat in the hall, both helmet and byrny, the Prince to his thanes, as he could find any of you most noble far or near, that he wholly wrongly bestowed upon you war-trappings when war befell him. The King of the folk needed not indeed to boast of his army comrades, yet God, the Wielder of Victory, granted to him that alone he avenged himself with the edge of the sword when he had need of strength. And but a little life-protection could I give him in the battle, yet I sought to help him beyond my strength. The dragon was by so much the weaker when I struck with my sword that deadly foe. And less fiercely the fire surged forth from his head. Too few were the defenders thronged around their lord when his fated hour came. And now shall the receiving of treasure, and the gift of swords, and all joy of home and hope cease for ever to men of your kin. And every man of you of the tribe must wander empty of land-rights, since noble men will learn far and wide of your flight and inglorious deed. Death would be better for earls than a life of reproach.' XL Then he bade them announce that battle-work at the entrenchment up over the sea-cliff where that troop of earls sat sorrowful in soul through the morning-long day, holding their shields and in expectation of the end of the day and the return of the dear man. And he who rode to and fro o'er the headland was little sparing of fresh tidings, but said to all who were sitting there, 'Now is the joy-giver of the people of the Geats fast on his death-bed, and by the deed of the dragon he inhabits the place of rest gained by a violent death. And by his side lieth the enemy of his life, sick of his dagger-wounds. Nor could he inflict with the sword any wound on that monster. Wiglaf sits over Beowulf, he the son of Weohstan, the earl over the other one who is dead, and reverently keeps ward over the loathèd and the belovèd. But there is an expectation of a time of war to the people, since to Franks and Frisians the fall of the King has become widely known. The hard strife was shapen against the Hugs, when Hygelac came with a fleet into the Frisian lands [81] where the Hetware overcame him in battle, and by their great strength and courage brought it to pass that the shield-warrior should stoop. He fell in the troop. Nor did the Prince give jewelled armour to the doughty ones. The mercy of the Merewing [82] was not always shown to us. Nor do I expect aught of peace or good faith from the Swedish People. But it was well known that Ongentheow [83] bereft Hæthcyn the son of Hrethel [84] of life over against Ravenswood, when because of pride the warlike Swedes first sought out the people of the Geats. Soon Ongentheow the wise father of Ohthere, the ancient and terrible, gave him (Hæthcyn) a return blow, destroyed the sea-kings, and rescued his bride (Queen Elan) he the old man rescued his wife bereft of gold, the mother of Onela and of Ohthere, and then followed up the deadly foe until with difficulty they retreated all lord-less to Ravenswood. And he attacked the remnant [85] with a great army, weary though he was with his wounds. And the live-long night he vowed woe upon the wretched troop, and said that on the morrow he would by the edge of the sword slay some and hang them up on the gallows-tree for a sport of the birds. But help came to the sorrowful in soul at the dawn of day, when they heard the horn of Hygelac and the blast of his trumpet when the good man came on the track faring with the doughty warriors of the people. XLI 'And the blood-track of both Swedes and Geats, the slaughter-rush of warriors, was widely seen how the folk stirred up the feud amongst them. The good man, wise and very sad, went away with his comrades to seek out a stronghold. Earl Ongentheow turned away to higher ground, for he the war-crafty one had heard of the prowess of Hygelac the proud. He had no trust in his power to resist, or that he would be able to refuse the demands of the seamen, the ocean-farers, or defend the treasure he had taken, the children and the bride. [86] Thence afterwards, being old, he sought refuge under the earth-wall. Then was chase given to the people of the Swedes and the banner of Hygelac borne aloft; and they swept o'er the field of peace when the sons of Hrethel thronged to the entrenchment. And there too, was Ongentheow, he the grey-haired King of the People driven to bay at the edge of the sword, and forced to submit to the sole doom of Eofor. And angrily did Wulf, son of Wanred, smite him with weapon, so that from that swinging blow blood-sweat gushed forth in streams under the hair of his head. Yet the old Swede was not terrified thereby, but quickly gave back a terrible blow by a worse exchange when the King of the people turned thither. Nor could Wulf the bold son of Wanred give back a blow to the old churl, for Ongentheow had formerly cut his helmet in two, so that he, stained with blood, fell prone perforce to the ground. But not yet was he doomed, but he raised himself up, though the wound touched him close. And the hardy thane of Hygelac (Eofor) when his brother lay prostrate, caused the broad sword, the old giant's sword, to crash through the wall of shields upon the gigantic helmet. Then stooped the King, the shepherd of the people, mortally wounded. And there were many who bound up his kinsman and quickly upraised him when room had been made so that they might possess the battle-field, while one warrior was plundering another. One took the iron shield of Ongentheow, and his hard-hilted sword, and his helmet, and carried the trappings of the old man to Hygelac. And he received the treasures, and fairly he promised reward for the people, and he did as he promised. The lord of the Geats (Hygelac) son of Hrethel, rewarded with very costly gifts the battle onset of Eofor and Wulf when he got back to his palace, and bestowed upon each of them a hundred thousand, of land and locked rings. Nor could any man in the world reproach him for that reward, since they had gained glory by fighting; and he gave to Eofor his only daughter, she who graced his homestead, to wed as a favour. And this is the feud and the enmity and hostile strife of men, which I expect the Swedish people will seek to awaken against us when they shall hear we have lost our Prince, he who in days of yore held treasure and kingdom against our foes after the fall of heroes, and held in check the fierce Swede, and did what was good for the people and deeds worthy of an earl. Now is it best for us to hasten to look upon our King and bring him who gave to us rings to the funeral pyre. Nor shall a part only of the treasure be melted with the proud man, but there is a hoard of wealth, an immense mass of gold, bought at a grim cost, for now at the very end of his life he bought for us rings. And the brands shall devour all the treasures and the flames of the funeral fire, they shall enfold them, nor shall an earl carry away any treasure as a memorial, nor shall any maid all beauteous wear on her neck ring adornments, but shall go sad of soul and bereft of gold, and often not once only tread an alien land now that the battle-wise man (Beowulf) has laid aside laughter, the games and the joys of song. And many a morning cold shall the spear in the hand-grip be heaved up on high, nor shall there be the sound of harping to awaken the warriors, but the war-raven, eager over the doomed ones, shall say many things to the eagle how it fared with him in eating the carrion while he, with the wolf, plundered the slaughtered.' Thus then was the brave warrior reciting loathly spells. And he lied not at all in weird or word. Then the troop rose up together, and all unblithely went under Eagles' Ness, to look on the wonder, and tears were welling. Then they found him on the sand in his last resting-place, and bereft of soul, who had given them rings in days gone by, and then had the last day drawn to its close, for the good man Beowulf, the warrior King, the Lord of the Weder-Goths, had died a wondrous death. But before this they had seen a more marvellous sight, the dragon on the sea-plain, the loathsome one lying right opposite. And there was the fire-dragon grimly terrible, and scorched with fire. And he was fifty feet in length as he lay there stretched out. He had had joy in the air awhile by night, but afterwards he went down to visit his den. But now he was the prisoner of death, and had enjoyed his last of earth-cares. And by him stood drinking-cups and flagons, and dishes were lying there and a costly sword, all rusty and eaten through as though they had rested a thousand winters in the bosom of the earth. And those heirlooms were fashioned so strongly, the gold of former races of men, and all wound round with spells, so that no man could come near that Ring-hall, unless God only, Himself the true King of victories, gave power to open up the hoard to whom He would (for He is the Protector of men) even to that man as it seemed good to Him. XLII Then was it quite clear to them that the affair had not prospered with the monster, who had hidden ornaments within the cave under the cliff. The guardian thereof had slain some few in former days. Then had the feud been wrathfully avenged. And it is a mystery anywhere when a valiant earl reaches the end of his destiny, when a man may no longer with his kinsman dwell in the mead-hall. And thus was it with Beowulf when he sought out the guardian of the cavern and his cunning crafts. And he himself knew not how his departure from this world would come about. And thus famous chieftains uttered deep curses until the day of doom, because they had allowed it to come to pass that the monster should be guilty of such crimes, and, accursed and fast with hell-bands, as he was, and tormented with plagues that he should plunder the plain. He (Beowulf) was not greedy of gold, and had more readily in former days seen the favour of God. Wiglaf spake, the son of Weohstan: 'Often shall many an earl of his own only will suffer misery, as is our fate. Nor could we teach the dear lord and shepherd of the kingdom any wisdom so that he would fail to be meeting the keeper of the gold treasures (the dragon) or to let him stay where he had been long time dwelling in his cavern until the world's end. But he held to his high destiny. Now the hoard is seen by us, grimly got hold of, and at too great a cost was it yielded to the King of the people whom he enticed to that conflict. I was within the cavern, and looked upon all the hoard, the decoration of the palace, when by no means pleasantly, room was made for me, and a faring was granted to me in under the sea-cliff. And in much haste I took a very great burden of hoard-treasures in my hand, and bore it forth hither to my King. He was still alive, wise and witting well. And he the ancient uttered many words in sadness, and bade me greet you, and commanded that ye should build after death of your friend a high grave-mound in the place of the funeral pyre, a great and famous monument, for he himself was the most worshipful of men throughout the earth, while he was enjoying the wealth of his city. Let us now go and see and seek yet once again the heap of treasures, the wonder under the cliff. I will direct you, so that ye may look at close quarters upon the rings and the wealth of gold. Let the bier be quickly made ready when we come forth again, and then let us carry the dear man our lord when he shall enjoy the protection of the Ruler of all things.' Then the son of Weohstan, the battle-dear warrior, ordered that commandment should be given to many a hero and householder that they should bring the wood for the funeral pyre from far, they the folk-leaders, to where the good man lay dead. 'Now the war-flame shall wax and the fire shall eat up the strong chief among warriors, him who often endured the iron shower, when the storm of arrows, strongly impelled, shot over the shield-wall, and the shaft did good service, and all eager with its feather, fear followed and aided the barb.' Then the proud son of Weohstan summoned from the troop the thanes of the King, seven of them together, and the very best of them, and he the eighth went under the hostile roof. And one of the warriors carried in his hand a torch which went on in front. And no wise was it allotted who should plunder that hoard, since they saw some part unguarded remaining in the Hall, and lying there fleeting. And little did any man mourn when full heartily they carried forth the costly treasures. Then they shoved the dragon the worm over the cliff-wall, and let the wave take him and the flood embrace that guardian of the treasures. Then the twisted golden ornaments were loaded on a wagon, an immense number of them. And the noble Atheling, the hoar battle-warrior, was carried to Whales' Ness. XLIII Then the People of the Geats got ready the mighty funeral pyre, and hung it round with helmets and battle-shields, and bright byrnies as he had asked. And in the midst they lay the famous Prince, and they lamented the Hero, their dear lord. Then the warriors began to stir up the greatest of bale-fires on the cliff-side. And the reek of the wood-smoke went up swart, over the flame, which was resounding, and its roar mingled with weeping (and the tumult of winds was still), until it had broken the body, all hot into the heart. And unhappy in their thinkings, and with minds full of care, they proclaim the death of their lord, likewise a sorrowful song the Bride.... [87] And heaven swallowed up the smoke. Then on the cliff-slopes the people of the Geats erected a mound, very high and very broad, that it might be beholden from afar by the wave-farers; and they set up the beacon of the mighty in battle in ten days. And the leavings of the funeral fire they surrounded with a wall, so that very proud men might find it to be most worthy of reverence. And they did on the barrow rings and necklaces, and all such adornments as formerly warlike men had taken of the hoard. And they allowed the earth to hold the treasure of earls, the gold on the ground, where it still is to be found as useless to men as it always was. [88] Then the battle-dear men rode round about the mound, the children of the Athelings, twelve of them there were in all, and would be uttering their sorrows and lamenting their King, and reciting a dirge, and speaking of their champion. And they talked of his earlship and of his brave works, and deemed them doughty, as is fitting that a man should praise his lord in words and cherish him in his heart when he shall have gone forth from the fleeting body. So the People of the Geats lamented over the fall of their lord, his hearth-companions, and said that he was a world-king, and the mildest, the gentlest of men, and most tender to his people, and most eager for their praise. APPENDICES I GENERAL NOTE ON THE POEM This is the greatest poem that has come down to us from our Teutonic ancestors. Our only knowledge of it is through the unique MS. in the British Museum. It has already been translated at least eight times as follows: 1. Kemble, 1837. 2. Thorpe and Arnold (with the O.E. Poem accompanying it). 3. Lumsden, 1881 (in ballad form). 4. Garnett, 1883. 5. Earle, 1892. 6. William Morris and A. J. Wyatt, 1895. This is in poetic form, but abounds in archaisms and difficult inversions, and is sometimes not easy to read or indeed to understand. 7. Wentworth Huyshe, 1907. 8. A translation in 1912. Author unknown. Many of the persons and events of Beowulf are also known to us through various Scandinavian and French works as follows: SCANDINAVIAN RECORDS. 1. Saxo's Danish History. 2. Hrólf's Saga Kraka. 3. Ynglinga Saga (and Ynglinga tál). 4. Skiöldunga Saga. As instances of identical persons and events: 1. Skiöldr, ancestor of Skiöldungar, corresponds to Scyld the ancestor of Scyldungas. 2. The Danish King Halfdan corresponds to Healfdene. 3. His sons Hroarr and Helgi correspond to Hrothgar and Halga. 4. Hrölf Kraki corresponds to Hrothwulf, nephew of Hrothgar. 5. Frothi corresponds to Froda, and his son Ingialdi to Ingeld. 6. Otarr corresponds to Ohthere, and his son Athils to Eadgils. With the exception of the Ynglinga tál all these records are quite late, hence they do not afford any evidence for the dates of events mentioned in Beowulf. Further Scandinavian correspondences are seen in Böthvarr Biarki, the chief of Hrölf Kraki's knights. He is supposed to correspond to Beowulf. He came to Leire, the Danish royal residence, and killed a demon in animal form. Saxo says it was a bear. This demon attacked the King's yard at Yule-tide, but Biarki and Beowulf differ as to their future, for Biarki stayed with Hrölf Kraki to the end and died with him. In the Grettis Saga the hero kills two demons, male and female. It is true that the scene is laid in Iceland, but minor details of scenery, the character of the demons, and other similarities make it impossible to believe the two stories to be different in origin. They both sprang out of a folk-tale associated after ten centuries with Grettis, and in England and Denmark with an historical prince of the Geats. FRENCH RECORDS 1. Historia Francorum and Gesta Regum Francorum (discovered by Outzen and Leo). In A.D. 520 a raid was made on the territory of the Chatuarii. Their king Theodberht, son of Theodric I, defeated Chocilaicus, who was killed. This Chocilaicus is identified with the Hygelac of our poem, and the raid with Hygelac's raid on the Hetware (= Chatuarii), the Franks, and the Frisians. This helps us to estimate the date for Beowulf as having been born somewhere about the end of the fifth century. 2. Historia Francorum, by Gregory of Tours. The author speaks of the raider as the King of the Danes. 3. Liber Monstrorum. In this work the raider is Rex Getarum, King of the Geats, who may correspond with the Geats of our poem. The Geats were the people of Gautland in Southern Sweden. See Appendix XI. ORIGIN OF THE ANGLO-SAXON POEM It was probably written in Northumbrian or Midland, but was preserved in a West Saxon translation. There would seem to be some justifiable doubt as to the unity of the poem. Though on the whole pagan and primitive in tone, it has a considerable admixture of Christian elements, e.g. on pp. 29 and 30 and pp. 109-112, though the latter passage may be a late interpolation. Generally speaking, the poetry and sentiments are Christian in tone, but the customs are pagan. The author of the article in The Cambridge History of English Literature, vol. i., to whom I owe much, says: 'I cannot believe that any Christian poet could have composed the account of Beowulf's funeral.' One passage is very reminiscent of Eph. vi. 16, viz. Chapter XXV. p. 111; whilst page 25 (lower half) may be compared with Cædmon's Hymn. There are also references to Cain and Abel and to the Deluge. Of Chapters I.-XXXI. the percentage of Christian elements is four, whilst of the remaining Chapters (XXXII. ad fin.) the percentage is ten, due chiefly to four long passages. Note especially that the words in Chapter II., 'And sometimes they went vowing at their heathen shrines and offered sacrifices,' et seq., are quite inconsistent with the Christian sentiment attributed to Hrothgar later in the poem. 'It is generally thought,' says the writer in The Cambridge History of English Literature, 'that several originally separate lays have been combined into one poem, and, while there is no proof of this, it is quite possible and not unlikely.' There are in the poem four distinct lays: 1. Beowulf's Fight with Grendel. 2. Beowulf's Fight with Grendel's mother. 3. Beowulf's Return to the land of the Geats. 4. Beowulf's Fight with the Dragon. Competent critics say that probably 1 and 2 ought to be taken together, while Beowulf's reception by Hygelac (see 3 above) is probably a separate lay. Some scholars have gone much further in the work of disintegration, even attributing one half of the poem to interpolators, whilst others suggest two parallel versions. Summing up, the writer in The Cambridge History of English Literature says: 'I am disposed to think that a large portion of the poem existed in epic form before the change of faith, and that the appearance of Christian elements in the poem is due to revision. The Christianity of Beowulf is of a singularly indefinite and individual type, which contrasts somewhat strongly with what is found in later Old English poetry. This revision must have been made at a very early date.' The poem was built up between A.D. 512, the date of the famous raid of Hygelac (Chocilaicus) against the Hetware (Chatuarii), and 752, when the French Merovingian dynasty fell; for, says Arnold, 'The poem contains not a word which by any human ingenuity could be tortured into a reference to any event subsequent to the fall of the Merovingians' (A.D. 752). II THE PRELUDE The Prelude would seem to be an attempt to link up the hero of the poem with the mythological progenitors of the Teutonic nations. Thomas Arnold says: 'That Sceaf, Scyld, and Beaw were among the legendary ancestors of the West Saxon line of kings no one disputes. But this does not mean much, for the poem itself shows that the same three were also among the legendary ancestors of the Danish kings.' Ethelward, who wrote early in the tenth century, gives the ancestry of Ethelwulf, the father of Alfred. Ethelward says: 'The seventeenth ancestor from Cerdic was Beo, the eighteenth Scyld, the nineteenth Scef.' Ethelward also says: 'Scef himself, with one light vessel, arrived in the island of the ocean which is called Scani, dressed in armour, and he was a very young boy, and the inhabitants of that land knew nothing about him; however, he was received by them, and kept with care and affection as though he were of their own kin, and afterwards they chose him to be king, from whose stock the King Athulf [Ethelwulf] derives his line.' It may be noted that neither Scyld nor Scef is mentioned in the A.S. Chronicle (A.D. 855). William of Malmesbury, in his Gesta Regum, says that Scef was so called from the sheaf of wheat that lay at his head, that he was asleep when he arrived, and that when he grew up he became a king in the town then called Slaswic, now Haithebi (Rolls Ed., 1. 121). Müllenhoff says: 'If we look closely into the saga, the ship and the sheaf clearly point to navigation and agriculture, the arms and jewels to kingly rule--all four gifts, therefore, to the main elements and foundations of the oldest state of culture among the Germans [Teutons?] of the sea-board; and if the bearer of these symbols became the first king of the country, the meaning can only be this, that from his appearance the beginning of the oldest state of culture dates, and that generally before him no orderly way of leading a human life had existed.' Scyld (meaning Shield) refers to the fact that the king was the protector of the people in war, and is therefore symbolical, like Scef. The ship and the sheaf, the arms and the jewels and the shield--these are the symbols of that primitive civilization--the sheaf, the symbol of agriculture and food, the ship of commerce, the arms of warfare, the jewels of reward of bravery, and the shield of the protection of the people by the king. Arnold mentions the fact that no writer not English mentions the saga of Scef and Scyld, and suggests that this is presumption for the English origin of the legend. I do not, however, think it is conclusive evidence. One is surprised that they are not mentioned in Icelandic literature. Yet somehow the impression on my mind is that these legends were probably brought by our Saxon and Danish ancestors from the Continent, and are taken for granted as well known to the hearers of the song. I think they probably formed part of the legendary genealogy of our common Germanic (Teutonic) ancestors, and happened to find their way into literature only among the English, or have survived only in the English. III 'BROSINGA MENE' 'Brosinga Mene,' p. 82, is the 'Brisinga-mén' mentioned in the Edda, an Icelandic poem. 'This necklace is the Brisinga-mén--the costly necklace of Freja, which she won from the Dwarfs, and which was stolen from her by Loki, as is told in the Edda' (Kemble). Loki was a Scandinavian demi-god. He was beautiful and cunning. He was the principle of strife, the spirit of evil; cp. Job's Satan. Freya was the Scandinavian Goddess of Love. She claimed half of the slain in battle. She was the dispenser of joy and happiness. The German frau is derived from Freya. Hama carried off this necklace when he fled from Eormanric. The origin of this legend, though worked up in the Edda, seems to have been German or Gothic, and 'Brosinga' has reference to the rock-plateau of Breisgau on the Rhine. It is probably a relic of the lost saga of Eormanric (see Appendix IV.), the famous Ostrogothic king referred to in Chapter XVIII. Eormanric is one of the few historical personages of the poem. IV EORMANRIC Gibbon mentions Eormanric in his chapter XXV. of the Decline and Fall, and, in spite of chronological discrepancies, this Eormanric is probably identical with the one mentioned in Beowulf (Chapter XVIII.), in Jornandes (Chapter XXIV.), and in the Edda. In Jornandes the story is as follows. Characters 1. Ermanaric. 2. A Chief of the Roxolani tribe who was a traitor. 3. Sanielh (= Swanhild) wife of the chief. 4. Sarus, } 5. Ammius, } brothers of Sanielh. Ermanaric puts Sanielh to death by causing her to be torn to pieces by wild horses, because of the treachery of her husband, the chief of the Roxolani. Her brothers, Ammius and Sarus, avenge her death by attacking Ermanaric, but they only succeed in wounding him and disabling him for the rest of his life. In the Edda the story is as follows. Characters 1. Gudrun, widow of Sigurd and Atli. 2. Swanhild, daughter of Gudrun by Sigurd. 3. Jonakur, Gudrun's third husband. 4. Sörli, } 5. Hamthir, } sons of Gudrun and Jonakur. 6. Erp, } 7. Jormunrek (Eormanric). 8. Randver, son of Jormunrek. Jormunrek hears of the beauty of Swanhild and sends his son Randver to seek her out for him in marriage. Gudrun consents; on the way Randver is incited by the traitor Bicci to betray Swanhild, and is then accused by him to the king. For this treachery Jormunrek hangs Randver and causes Swanhild to be trampled to death by wild horses. Then the three sons of Gudrun set out to avenge their sister. On the way his two brothers kill Erp, and are consequently unable to kill Jormunrek. They only succeed in maiming him. Saxo Grammaticus, to whom we also owe the story of Hamlet, tells a similar story. Characters 1. Jarmeric, a Danish King. 2. Swawilda (= Swanhild), wife of Jarmeric. 3. Hellespontine brothers, brothers of Swawilda. 4. Bicco, a servant of Jarmeric. Bicco accuses Swawilda to Jarmeric of unfaithfulness. He causes her to be torn to pieces by wild horses. Then her brothers kill Jarmeric with the help of a witch, Gudrun, hewing off his hands and feet. These three stories are evidently based on one common original. V MARRIAGE OF FREAWARU AND INGELD Characters 1. Freawaru, daughter of Hrothgar the Dane. 2. Ingeld, son of Froda, King of the Heathobards. 3. Froda, King of the Heathobards. 4. A Heathobard warrior. 5. Son of the Danish warrior who had killed Froda. The Heathobards were a people in Zealand. There had been an ancient feud between the Danes and the Heathobards in which Froda had been killed by a Danish warrior. Hrothgar hoped to appease the feud by the marriage of his daughter Freawaru to Ingeld. Unluckily, the son of the Danish warrior who had killed Froda accompanied Freawaru to Ingeld's Court. Then an old Heathobard warrior notices this and stirs up strife. The marriage fails in its object, and war breaks out again between the Danes and the Heathobards. Beowulf predicts the course of events in his speech to Hygelac (Chapters XXVIII. and XXIX.). VI FINN The Finn episode (Chapters XVI. and XVII.) is one of those events in Beowulf that would be quite well known to the first hearers of the song, but to us is lacking in that clearness we might desire. Fortunately, Dr. Hickes discovered a fragment entitled, 'The Fight at Finnsburgh,' on the back of a MS. of the Homilies. From Beowulf and from this fragment we are able to piece together an intelligible story. It is probably as follows: Characters 1. Finn, King of the North Frisians and Jutes. 2. Hoc, a Danish chieftain. 3. Hildeburh, daughter of Hoc. 4. Hnaef, son of Hoc. 5. Hengest, son of Hoc. 6. Two sons of Finn and Hildeburh. 7. Hunlafing, a Finnish warrior. 8. Guthlaf and Oslaf, two Danish warriors. Finn abducts Hildeburh, the daughter of Hoc, the Dane. Hoc pursues the two fugitives and is killed in the mêlée. Twenty years pass by--Hnaef and Hengest, sons of Hoc, take up the 'vendetta.' In the fighting Hnaef and a son of Finn and Hildeburh are slain. A peace is patched up. Hengest, son of Hoc, is persuaded to remain as a guest of Finn for the winter, and it is agreed that no reference shall be made by either side to the feud between them. Then the bodies of Hnaef, Hildeburh's brother, and of her son are burnt together on the funeral pyre, 'and great is the mourning of Hildeburh for her son.' But Hengest is ever brooding vengeance. The strife breaks out anew in the spring. Hengest is killed, but two of his warriors, Guthlaf and Oslaf, break through the enemy, return to Finn's country, and slay him and carry off Hildeburh. 'The Fight at Finnsburgh,' which is Homeric in style, is the account of the first invasion of Finn by Hnaef and Hengest, and Wyatt fits it in before the Finn episode on p. 75. Möller places it after the phrase, 'whose edge was well known to the Jutes,' on p. 79. VII HYGELAC Hygelac, son of Hrethel, was king of the Geats, and uncle of Beowulf, his sister's son. He was the reigning king of Beowulf's fellow countrymen the Geats during the greater part of the action of the poem. Beowulf is often called 'Hygelac's kinsman,' and when he went forth to his battle with Grendel's mother (Chapter XXII.), he bade Hrothgar in case of his death send the treasures he had given to him to Hygelac. Hygelac married Hygd, who is presented to us as a good Queen, the daughter of Hæreth. She was 'very young,' 'of noble character,' and 'wise.' She is compared, to her advantage, with Thrytho, who was a shrewish woman. No one dared to look upon her except her husband. However, her second husband, Offa, seems to have 'tamed the shrew' (see p. 120). Hygelac has been identified with Chocilaicus, who was killed in the famous raid on the Chatuarii referred to in the Historia Francorum and the Gesta Regum, who are identified with the Hetware of this poem (see p. 143 and Appendix I.). The famous raid of Hygelac upon the Hetware in which he met his death is referred to five times in the poem, as follows: Chapters XVIII., p. 83; XXXI., p. 134; XXXIII., p. 142; XXXV., p. 151; XL., p. 172. On the death of Hygelac his son Heardred succeeded to the throne (Chapter XXXI., p. 134); and, after a brief interval, he was killed in battle by Onela (see Appendix IX.). Then Beowulf succeeded to the throne of the Geats (Chapter XXXI., p. 134). Hygelac died between a.d. 512 and 520. Beowulf died about 568. He reigned fifty years. VIII H�THCYN AND HEREBALD It would seem doubtful as to whether this was deliberate or accidental. The poet says 'Hæthcyn missed the mark' with his javelin and killed his brother Herebald; but subsequently he speaks as though it had been deliberate murder. IX WARS BETWEEN THE SWEDES AND THE GEATS Characters 1. Swedes 1. Ongentheow, King of the Swedes. 2. Onthere, } 3. Onela, } his two sons. 4. Eadgils, } 5. Eanmund, } two sons of Ohthere. 2. Geats, &c. 6. Hæthcyn, King of Geats. 7. Hygelac, King of Geats. 8. Heardred, King of Geats. 9. Beowulf, King of Geats. 10. Eofor, } 11. Wulf, } two Geat warriors. Ongentheow was a King of the Swedes. The Swedes are also called Scylfings in the poem. The origin of the word 'Scylfing' is doubtful. Ongentheow went to war with Hæthcyn, King of the Geats and brother of Hygelac; and Ongentheow, who was well advanced in years, struck down his foe (Chapter XL., p. 173) at the battle of Ravenswood. This was the first time that the Swedes invaded the Geats. The Geats retreated into the Ravenswood at nightfall, but with the dawn they heard the horn of Hygelac 'as the good prince came marching on the track.' Ongentheow now was alarmed, for Hygelac's prowess in battle was far-famed. He withdrew into some fortification, and was attacked by the Geats. Two brothers, Eofor and Wulf, assailed the veteran warrior. He defended himself with great vigour and killed Wulf; but Eofor came to the help of his brother and dealt Ongentheow his death-blow over the guard of his shield. Ongentheow's two sons were Onela and Ohthere. Ohthere had two sons, Eanmund and Eadgils. These two sons of Ohthere were banished from Sweden for rebellion, and took refuge at the Court of the Geat King Heardred. This greatly enraged their uncle Onela, that they should resort to the Court of their hereditary foes (see above). Onela invaded the land of the Geats (Chapters XXXIII. and XXXIV., pp. 144 sq.) and slew Heardred. Then it was that Beowulf became King of the Geats. Thus two Geatish kings had been slain by the Swedes, viz. Hæthcyn and Heardred. In revenge, later on, Beowulf supported Eadgils in his counter-attack on his own fatherland when Eadgils killed his uncle Onela. This story is confirmed by the Scandinavian accounts in which Athils (= Eadgils) slew Ali (= Onela) on the ice of Lake Wener; cp. the phrase 'cold journeyings' (Chapter XXXIV., p. 145). This is Wyatt's version of the story. X SIGMUND Sigmund (page 65) is the father and uncle of Fitela. He is stated in Beowulf to have killed a serpent who kept guard over a hoard of treasure. In the Icelandic saga known as the Völsunga Saga, Sigmund is represented as the father of Sigurd, and 'it is Sigurd who rifles the treasure of the Niblungs and kills the serpent (Fafnir), its guardian' (Arnold, p. 69), and he carries it away on the back of his horse Grani. Sigmund is represented as the son of a Völsung; that is, as Beowulf has it, 'the heir of Waels.' Waels was afterwards forgotten, however, and Waelsing was regarded as a proper name instead of a patronymic denoting descent from Waels. In a similar way, as Arnold points out, Sigmund is pushed into the background to make room for his son Sigurd (Siegfried). 'And so in the German Nibelungen Lay it is Sigurd (Siegfried) who wins the hoard, but does so by defeating and killing its former possessors Schilbung and Nibelung' (Arnold, p. 70). Attempts have been made to claim a German origin for this saga, but in face of the evidence of Beowulf and the Völsunga Saga and the Edda there is, I think with Arnold, little doubt but that its origin was Scandinavian. Possibly and probably we owe the later elaboration of the saga in the Nibelungen Lay to German influence. For discussion of the whole question see Arnold's Notes on Beowulf, pp. 67-75, Edit. 1898, cap. v. XI TRIBES MENTIONED IN THE POEM 1. Brondings. Breca was a Bronding. After his famous swimming-match with Beowulf (Chapter VIII.), he is said to have sought out his 'pleasant fatherland the land of the Brondings.' Arnold suggests that they were located in Mecklenburg or Pomerania. 2. Danes, also called Bright-Danes, Ring-Danes, Spear-Danes, because of their warlike character; and North Danes, South Danes, &c., because of their wide distribution. They are said to have inhabited the Scede lands and Scedenig and 'between the seas'; that is, they were spread over the Danish Islands, the southern province of Sweden, and the seas between them. 3. Jutes (Eotenas), probably people ruled over by Finn, King of Friesland, and identical with the Frisians. 4. Franks and Frisians. The Franks were ancestors of the modern French. After the conversion of Clovis (A.D. 496), they gradually encroached on the Frisians. 5. Frisians include the Frisians, the Franks, the Hetware, and the Hugs. Friesland was the country between the River Ems and the Zuyder Zee. 6. Geats. They dwelt in the south of Sweden between the Danes and the Swedes. Bugge sought to identify them with the Jutes, and held that Gautland was Juteland. He based this theory on certain phrases: e.g. Chapter XXXIII., where the Swedes (the sons of Ohthere) are said to have visited the Geats 'across the sea,' and again in Chapter XXXV. the Swedes and the Geats are said to have fought 'over wide water'; but, as Arnold points out, these phrases can be interpreted in such a way as not to be incompatible with the theory that they dwelt on the same side of the Cattegat, i.e. on the northern side, and in the extreme south of Sweden. The question as to whether they are identical with the Goths of Roman history is still an open one. Arnold says, 'There is a great weight of evidence tending to identify the Geats with the Goths,' and he quotes evidence from Gibbon (chapter X.). Pytheas of Marseilles, in the fourth century, says that, passing through the Baltic Sea, he met with tribes of Goths, Teutons, and Ests. Tacitus, in chapter XLIII. of Germania, speaks of the Goths as dwelling near the Swedes. Jornandes traces the Goths to Scanzia, an island in the Northern Sea. It is probable, then, that the Goths had a northern and indeed a Scandinavian origin. If so, Beowulf the Geat was probably a Goth. 7. Healfdenes. The tribe to which Hnaef belonged. 8. Heathoremes. The people on whose shores Beowulf was cast up after his swimming-match with Breca. 9. Ingwine. Friends of Ing--another name for the Danes. 10. Scyldingas. Another name for the Danes, as descended from Scyld. 11. Scylfingas. Name for the Swedes. 12. Waegmundings. The tribe to which both Beowulf and Wiglaf belonged. 13. Wylfings. Probably a Gothic tribe. XII Page 135 The text here is much mutilated, and can only be restored by ingenious conjecture. Grein and Bugge and others have reconstructed it. On the whole Bugge's text, which I have followed, seems to me the most reasonable. It is unfortunate that the text should be so imperfect just at this critical point in the linking up of the two great divisions of the story. In the ancient days some remote predecessors of the Geats seem to have heaped up in the neighbourhood a pile of wonderful vessels jewel-bedecked, and treasures of all kinds, of inconceivable value. Then the last of the race carries the treasure to a barrow or cavern in the cliffs near the site, in after-generations, of Beowulf's palace, and delivers a pathetic farewell address (pp. 136 et seq.). The dragon finds the cavern and the treasure and appropriates it for three hundred years. Then one of Beowulf's retainers finds the treasure and takes a golden goblet while the dragon is sleeping, and offers it to his lord as a peace-offering. This brought about Beowulf's feud with the dragon in which he met his death. BOOKS CONSULTED Beowulf, edited with textual footnotes, &c., by A. J. Wyatt, M.A. (Cantab. and London). Pitt Press, Cambridge, 1898. The Tale of Beowulf, sometime King of the Folk of the Weder-Geats. Translated by William Morris, A. J. Wyatt. 1898. Longmans. Zupitza's Transliteration of Beowulf. A photographic reproduction of the manuscript. Early English Text Society. Encyclopaedia Britannica. Chambers's Encyclopaedia. Beowulf, Notes on, by Thomas Arnold, M.A., 1898. Longmans, Green & Co. This contains a good map of the scenes alluded to in the poem. History of Early English Literature, by the Rev. Stopford Brooke. Epic and Romance, W. P. Ker. Ten Brink's English Literature. NOTES [1] See Arnold, p. 115. [2] See conclusion of Tess of the D'Urbervilles. [3] See Appendix II. [4] Not the hero of the poem. [5] Cp. with this the 'Passing of Arthur,' as related by Tennyson. The meaning is clear. Cp. also Appendix. [6] Not the hero of this poem. [7] The gables were decorated with horns of stags and other beasts of the chase. [8] See Appendix V., and chapters XXVIII, and XXIX. [9] Wyatt's translation of 'Ne his myne wisse.' [10] i.e. Beowulf. [11] Geats. The tribe to which Beowulf belonged. They inhabited southern Sweden between the Danes on the south and the Swedes on the north. See Appendix XI. [12] Literally, 'Then was the sea traversed at the end of the ocean.' [13] Frequent references are made to the device of the boar on shield and helmet; cp. p. 77, in description of Hnaef's funeral pyre. [14] The name of a reigning Danish dynasty. [15] For Scyld cp. Appendix II. [16] Hygelac, King of the Geats at the time, and uncle of Beowulf. [17] Weland--'the famous smith of Germanic legend,' says Wyatt--who also refers us to the Franks Casket in the British Museum. [18] Weird was a peculiarly English conception. It means Fate, or Destiny. Then Weird became a god or goddess--cp. 'The Seafarer,' an Old English poem in which we find 'Weird is stronger, the Lord is mightier than any man's thoughts.' [19] i.e. Wealtheow, Hrothgar's Queen, who was of this tribe. [20] Healfdene was the father of Hrothgar, King of the Danes. [21] i.e. Beowulf. [22] Thus we see how sagas or legends came to be woven together into a song. See Appendix X. [23] Heremod was a King of the Danes, and is introduced, says Wyatt, as a stock example of a bad King. [24] Wyatt's translation. [25] Byrny was a coat of mail. Swords were of greater value as they were ancient heirlooms, and had done good service. [26] See Appendix VI. [27] i.e. Hildeburh, wife of Finn. [28] i.e. Finn. [29] The boar then, as ever since, occupied a prominent place in heraldry. [30] See a similar passage in my version of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, Canto II. 1 and 2. [31] Hrothulf, nephew of Hrothgar. [32] See Appendix III. [33] See Appendix IV. [34] Wyatt's translation. [35] That is, 'the harp.' [36] Rune--literally, 'a secret.' [37] Cp. the phrase 'Welsh marches,' i.e. the boundaries or limits of Wales. [38] Cp. description of hunting in Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, Canto III. 2. [39] Scyldings are the Danes. [40] i.e. Unferth. [41] Cp. Chapter VIII. [42] i.e. Hrothgar. [43] i.e. the sun. [44] Hrothgar. [45] Cp. pp. 66-68. [46] 'Honour-full' is Wyatt's translation. [47] Hrethric, one of Hrothgar's sons. [48] Literally, 'the gannet's bath.' The sea is also 'Swan's path,' 'Sail-path,' &c. [49] A difficult phrase. Refers perhaps to old feuds between Danes and Geats. [50] Cp. Chapter III. [51] Thrytho is referred to as a foil to Hygd. Thrytho was as bad a woman as Hygd was good. She was a woman of a wild and passionate disposition. She became the Queen of King Offa, and it seems to have been a case of the 'taming of the shrew.' Offa appears to have been her second husband. See below. [52] i.e. to Offa. [53] i.e. Hygelac; see Appendices VII. and IX. [54] i.e. Hygd, Queen of the Geats, Hygelac's wife. [55] i.e. Wealtheow, Hrothgar's Queen. [56] i.e. Ingeld. See below. [57] Another episode, viz. that of Freawaru and Ingeld. Note also the artificial break of the narrative into chapters. See Appendix V. Hrothgar's hopes by the marriage of his daughter Freawaru to Ingeld of the Heathobards was doomed to disappointment, cp. 'Widsith,' 45-9. [58] Numbers XXIX. and XXX. are lacking in the MS. The divisions here are as in Wyatt's edition. [59] Withergyld--name of a Heathobard warrior. [60] Probably referring to the chanting of some ancient legend by the scop, or gleeman. [61] Wyatt's translation. [62] Hygelac was killed in his historical invasion of the Netherlands, which is five times referred to in the poem. See Appendix VII. [63] See Appendix IX. [64] The MS. here is very imperfect. I have used the emended text of Bugge, which makes good sense. See Appendix XII. [65] Here again the text is imperfect. [66] Possibly a later insertion, 'the ten commandments' (Wyatt). [67] Beowulf saved his life by swimming across the sea, in Hygelac's famous raid. See Appendix VII. [68] See Appendix IX. [69] See Appendix IX. [70] See p. 138. [71] See Appendix VIII. [72] See Appendices VII. and IX. [73] Waegmundings--the family to which both Beowulf and Wiglaf belonged. [74] See Appendix IX. [75] i.e. Beowulf. [76] Wyatt and Morris's translations. [77] Wyatt and Morris translate 'sun jewels.' [78] Wyatt's translation. [79] i.e. Wiglaf. [80] i.e. it had been well hammered into shape. [81] Yet another reference to Hygelac's famous raid. See Appendix VII. [82] Merovingian King of the Franks. [83] See Appendix IX. [84] Hrethel, King of Geats, father of Hygelac and grandfather of Beowulf. [85] Literally, 'the sword-leavings.' [86] See Appendix IX. [87] Text in MS. faulty here. Wyatt and Morris have adopted Bugge's emendation. The sense is that Beowulf's widow with her hair bound up utters forth a dirge over her dead husband. [88] Probably the treasures that remained in the cavern. See previous chapter. 
16328	----	BEOWULF AN ANGLO-SAXON EPIC POEM _TRANSLATED FROM THE HEYNE-SOCIN TEXT_ BY JNO: LESSLIE HALL, Ph. D. (J.H.U.) Professor of English and History in The College of William and Mary D.C. HEATH & CO., PUBLISHERS BOSTON NEW YORK CHICAGO Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1892, by JNO: LESSLIE HALL, in the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. TO My Wife [v] CONTENTS. PAGE Preface vii Bibliography of Translations xi Glossary of Proper Names xiii List of Words and Phrases not in General Use xviii The Life and Death of Scyld (I.) 1 Scyld's Successors } (II.) 3 Hrothgar's Great Mead-Hall Grendel, the Murderer (III.) 5 Beowulf Goes to Hrothgar's Assistance (IV.) 8 The Geats Reach Heorot (V.) 10 Beowulf Introduces Himself at the Palace (VI.) 12 Hrothgar and Beowulf (VII.) 14 Hrothgar and Beowulf (continued) (VIII.) 17 Unferth Taunts Beowulf (IX.) 19 Beowulf Silences Unferth } (X.) 21 Glee is High All Sleep save One (XI.) 24 Grendel and Beowulf (XII.) 26 Grendel is Vanquished (XIII.) 28 Rejoicing of the Danes (XIV.) 30 Hrothgar's Gratitude (XV.) 33 Hrothgar Lavishes Gifts upon his Deliverer (XVI.) 35 Banquet (continued) } (XVII.) 37 The Scop's Song of Finn and Hnæf The Finn Episode (continued) } (XVIII.) 39 The Banquet Continues Beowulf Receives Further Honor (XIX.) 41 The Mother of Grendel (XX.) 44 Hrothgar's Account of the Monsters (XXI.) 46 Beowulf Seeks Grendel's Mother (XXII.) 48 Beowulf's Fight with Grendel's Mother (XXIII.) 51 Beowulf is Double-Conqueror (XXIV.) 53 [vi] Beowulf Brings his Trophies } (XXV.) 57 Hrothgar's Gratitude Hrothgar Moralizes } (XXVI.) 60 Rest after Labor Sorrow at Parting (XXVII.) 62 The Homeward Journey } (XXVIII.) 64 The Two Queens Beowulf and Higelac (XXIX.) 67 Beowulf Narrates his Adventures to Higelac (XXX.) 69 Gift-Giving is Mutual (XXXI.) 73 The Hoard and the Dragon (XXXII.) 75 Brave Though Aged } (XXXIII.) 78 Reminiscences Beowulf Seeks the Dragon } (XXXIV.) 81 Beowulf's Reminiscences Reminiscences (continued) } (XXXV.) 83 Beowulf's Last Battle Wiglaf the Trusty } (XXXVI.) 88 Beowulf is Deserted by Friends and by Sword The Fatal Struggle } (XXXVII.) 91 Beowulf's Last Moments Wiglaf Plunders the Dragon's Den } (XXXVIII.) 93 Beowulf's Death The Dead Foes } (XXXIX.) 95 Wiglaf's Bitter Taunts The Messenger of Death (XL.) 97 The Messenger's Retrospect (XLI.) 99 Wiglaf's Sad Story } (XLII.) 103 The Hoard Carried Off The Burning of Beowulf (XLIII.) 106 Addenda 109 [vii] PREFACE. The present work is a modest effort to reproduce approximately, in modern measures, the venerable epic, Beowulf. _Approximately_, I repeat; for a very close reproduction of Anglo-Saxon verse would, to a large extent, be prose to a modern ear. The Heyne-Socin text and glossary have been closely followed. Occasionally a deviation has been made, but always for what seemed good and sufficient reason. The translator does not aim to be an editor. Once in a while, however, he has added a conjecture of his own to the emendations quoted from the criticisms of other students of the poem. This work is addressed to two classes of readers. From both of these alike the translator begs sympathy and co-operation. The Anglo-Saxon scholar he hopes to please by adhering faithfully to the original. The student of English literature he aims to interest by giving him, in modern garb, the most ancient epic of our race. This is a bold and venturesome undertaking; and yet there must be some students of the Teutonic past willing to follow even a daring guide, if they may read in modern phrases of the sorrows of Hrothgar, of the prowess of Beowulf, and of the feelings that stirred the hearts of our forefathers in their primeval homes. In order to please the larger class of readers, a regular cadence has been used, a measure which, while retaining the essential characteristics of the original, permits the reader to see ahead of him in reading. Perhaps every Anglo-Saxon scholar has his own theory as to how Beowulf should be translated. Some have given us prose versions of what we believe to be a great poem. Is it any reflection on our honored Kemble and Arnold to say that their translations fail to show a layman that Beowulf is justly called our first _epic_? Of those translators who have used verse, several have written from what would seem a mistaken point of view. Is it proper, for instance, that the grave and solemn speeches of Beowulf and Hrothgar be put in ballad measures, tripping lightly and airily along? Or, again, is it fitting that the rough martial music of Anglo-Saxon verse be interpreted to us in the smooth measures of modern blank verse? Do we hear what has been beautifully called "the clanging tread of a warrior in mail"? [viii] Of all English translations of Beowulf, that of Professor Garnett alone gives any adequate idea of the chief characteristics of this great Teutonic epic. The measure used in the present translation is believed to be as near a reproduction of the original as modern English affords. The cadences closely resemble those used by Browning in some of his most striking poems. The four stresses of the Anglo-Saxon verse are retained, and as much thesis and anacrusis is allowed as is consistent with a regular cadence. Alliteration has been used to a large extent; but it was thought that modern ears would hardly tolerate it on every line. End-rhyme has been used occasionally; internal rhyme, sporadically. Both have some warrant in Anglo-Saxon poetry. (For end-rhyme, see 1_53, 1_54; for internal rhyme, 2_21, 6_40.) What Gummere[1] calls the "rime-giver" has been studiously kept; _viz._, the first accented syllable in the second half-verse always carries the alliteration; and the last accented syllable alliterates only sporadically. Alternate alliteration is occasionally used as in the original. (See 7_61, 8_5.) No two accented syllables have been brought together, except occasionally after a cæsural pause. (See 2_19 and 12_1.) Or, scientifically speaking, Sievers's C type has been avoided as not consonant with the plan of translation. Several of his types, however, constantly occur; _e.g._ A and a variant (/ x | / x) (/ x x | / x); B and a variant (x / | x / ) (x x / | x / ); a variant of D (/ x | / x x); E (/ x x | / ). Anacrusis gives further variety to the types used in the translation. The parallelisms of the original have been faithfully preserved. (_E.g._, 1_16 and 1_17: "Lord" and "Wielder of Glory"; 1_30, 1_31, 1_32; 2_12 and 2_13; 2_27 and 2_28; 3_5 and 3_6.) Occasionally, some loss has been sustained; but, on the other hand, a gain has here and there been made. The effort has been made to give a decided flavor of archaism to the translation. All words not in keeping with the spirit of the poem have been avoided. Again, though many archaic words have been used, there are none, it is believed, which are not found in standard modern poetry. [ix] With these preliminary remarks, it will not be amiss to give an outline of the story of the poem. _THE STORY._ _Hrothgar, king of the Danes, or Scyldings, builds a great mead-hall, or palace, in which he hopes to feast his liegemen and to give them presents. The joy of king and retainers is, however, of short duration. Grendel, the monster, is seized with hateful jealousy. He cannot brook the sounds of joyance that reach him down in his fen-dwelling near the hall. Oft and anon he goes to the joyous building, bent on direful mischief. Thane after thane is ruthlessly carried off and devoured, while no one is found strong enough and bold enough to cope with the monster. For twelve years he persecutes Hrothgar and his vassals._ _Over sea, a day's voyage off, Beowulf, of the Geats, nephew of Higelac, king of the Geats, hears of Grendel's doings and of Hrothgar's misery. He resolves to crush the fell monster and relieve the aged king. With fourteen chosen companions, he sets sail for Dane-land. Reaching that country, he soon persuades Hrothgar of his ability to help him. The hours that elapse before night are spent in beer-drinking and conversation. When Hrothgar's bedtime comes he leaves the hall in charge of Beowulf, telling him that never before has he given to another the absolute wardship of his palace. All retire to rest, Beowulf, as it were, sleeping upon his arms._ _Grendel comes, the great march-stepper, bearing God's anger. He seizes and kills one of the sleeping warriors. Then he advances towards Beowulf. A fierce and desperate hand-to-hand struggle ensues. No arms are used, both combatants trusting to strength and hand-grip. Beowulf tears Grendel's shoulder from its socket, and the monster retreats to his den, howling and yelling with agony and fury. The wound is fatal._ _The next morning, at early dawn, warriors in numbers flock to the hall Heorot, to hear the news. Joy is boundless. Glee runs high. Hrothgar and his retainers are lavish of gratitude and of gifts._ _Grendel's mother, however, comes the next night to avenge his death. She is furious and raging. While Beowulf is sleeping in a room somewhat apart [x] from the quarters of the other warriors, she seizes one of Hrothgar's favorite counsellors, and carries him off and devours him. Beowulf is called. Determined to leave Heorot entirely purified, he arms himself, and goes down to look for the female monster. After traveling through the waters many hours, he meets her near the sea-bottom. She drags him to her den. There he sees Grendel lying dead. After a desperate and almost fatal struggle with the woman, he slays her, and swims upward in triumph, taking with him Grendel's head._ _Joy is renewed at Heorot. Congratulations crowd upon the victor. Hrothgar literally pours treasures into the lap of Beowulf; and it is agreed among the vassals of the king that Beowulf will be their next liegelord._ _Beowulf leaves Dane-land. Hrothgar weeps and laments at his departure._ _When the hero arrives in his own land, Higelac treats him as a distinguished guest. He is the hero of the hour._ _Beowulf subsequently becomes king of his own people, the Geats. After he has been ruling for fifty years, his own neighborhood is wofully harried by a fire-spewing dragon. Beowulf determines to kill him. In the ensuing struggle both Beowulf and the dragon are slain. The grief of the Geats is inexpressible. They determine, however, to leave nothing undone to honor the memory of their lord. A great funeral-pyre is built, and his body is burnt. Then a memorial-barrow is made, visible from a great distance, that sailors afar may be constantly reminded of the prowess of the national hero of Geatland._ _The poem closes with a glowing tribute to his bravery, his gentleness, his goodness of heart, and his generosity._ * * * * * It is the devout desire of this translator to hasten the day when the story of Beowulf shall be as familiar to English-speaking peoples as that of the Iliad. Beowulf is our first great epic. It is an epitomized history of the life of the Teutonic races. It brings vividly before us our forefathers of pre-Alfredian eras, in their love of war, of sea, and of adventure. My special thanks are due to Professors Francis A. March and James A. Harrison, for advice, sympathy, and assistance. J.L. HALL. [xi] ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE NOTES. B. = Bugge. C. = Cosijn. Gr. = Grein. Grdvtg. = Grundtvig. H. = Heyne. H. and S. = Harrison and Sharp. H.-So. = Heyne-Socin. K.= Kemble. Kl. = Kluge. M.= Müllenhoff. R. = Rieger. S. = Sievers. Sw. = Sweet. t.B. = ten Brink. Th. = Thorpe. W. = Wülcker. * * * * * BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRANSLATIONS. ~Arnold, Thomas.~--Beowulf. A heroic poem of the eighth century. London, 1876. With English translation. Prose. ~Botkine, L.~--Beowulf. Epopée Anglo-Saxonne. Havre, 1877. First French translation. Passages occasionally omitted. ~Conybeare, J.J.~--Illustrations of Anglo-Saxon Poetry. London, 1826. Full Latin translation, and some passages translated into English blank-verse. ~Ettmuller, L.~--Beowulf, stabreimend übersetzt. Zürich, 1840. ~Garnett, J.M.~--Beowulf: an Anglo-Saxon Poem, and the Fight at Finnsburg. Boston, 1882. An accurate line-for-line translation, using alliteration occasionally, and sometimes assuming a metrical cadence. ~Grein, C.W.M.~--Dichtungen der Angelsachsen, stabreimend übersetzt. 2 Bde. Göttingen, 1857-59. ~Grion, Giusto.~--Beovulf, poema epico anglo-sassone del VII. secolo, tradotto e illustrato. Lucca, 1883. First Italian translation. ~Grundtvig, N.F.S.~--Bjowulfs Drape. Copenhagen, 1820. ~Heyne, M.~--A translation in iambic measures. Paderborn, 1863. ~Kemble, J.M.~--The Anglo-Saxon Poems of Beowulf, the Traveller's Song, and the Battle of Finnsburg. London, 1833. The second edition contains a prose translation of Beowulf. ~Leo, H.~--Ueber Beowulf. Halle, 1839. Translations of extracts. [xii] ~Lumsden, H.W.~--Beowulf, translated into modern rhymes. London, 1881. Ballad measures. Passages occasionally omitted. ~Sandras, G.S.~--De carminibus Cædmoni adjudicatis. Paris, 1859. An extract from Beowulf, with Latin translation. ~Schaldmose, F.~--Beowulf og Scopes Widsith, to Angelsaxiske Digte. Copenhagen, 1847. ~Simrock, K.~--Beowulf. Uebersetzt und erläutert. Stuttgart und Augsburg, 1859. Alliterative measures. ~Thorkelin, G.J.~--De Danorum rebus gestis secul. III. et IV. poema Danicum dialecto Anglosaxonica. Havniæ, 1815. Latin translation. ~Thorpe, B.~--The Anglo-Saxon Poems of Beowulf, the Scôp or Gleeman's Tale, and the Fight at Finnsburg. Oxford, 1855. English translation in short lines, generally containing two stresses. ~Wackerbarth, A.D.~--Beowulf, translated into English verse. London, 1849. ~Wickberg, R.~--Beowulf, en fornengelsk hjeltedikt, öfersatt. Westervik. First Swedish translation. ~von Wolzogen, H.~--Beowulf, in alliterative measures. Leipzig. ~Zinsser, G.~--Der Kampf Beowulfs mit Grendel. Jahresbericht of the Realschule at Forbach, 1881. [xiii] GLOSSARY OF PROPER NAMES. * * * * * [The figures refer to the divisions of the poem in which the respective names occur. The large figures refer to fitts, the small, to lines in the fitts.] * * * * * ~Ælfhere~.--A kinsman of Wiglaf.--36_3. ~Æschere~.--Confidential friend of King Hrothgar. Elder brother of Yrmenlaf. Killed by Grendel.--21_3; 30_89. ~Beanstan~.--Father of Breca.--9_26. ~Beowulf~.--Son of Scyld, the founder of the dynasty of Scyldings. Father of Healfdene, and grandfather of Hrothgar.--1_18; 2_1. ~Beowulf~.--The hero of the poem. Sprung from the stock of Geats, son of Ecgtheow. Brought up by his maternal grandfather Hrethel, and figuring in manhood as a devoted liegeman of his uncle Higelac. A hero from his youth. Has the strength of thirty men. Engages in a swimming-match with Breca. Goes to the help of Hrothgar against the monster Grendel. Vanquishes Grendel and his mother. Afterwards becomes king of the Geats. Late in life attempts to kill a fire-spewing dragon, and is slain. Is buried with great honors. His memorial mound.--6_26; 7_2; 7_9; 9_3; 9_8; 12_28; 12_43; 23_1, etc. ~Breca~.--Beowulf's opponent in the famous swimming-match.--9_8; 9_19; 9_21; 9_22. ~Brondings~.--A people ruled by Breca.--9_23. ~Brosinga mene~.--A famous collar once owned by the Brosings.--19_7. ~Cain~.--Progenitor of Grendel and other monsters.--2_56; 20_11. ~Dæghrefn~.--A warrior of the Hugs, killed by Beowulf.--35_40. ~Danes~.--Subjects of Scyld and his descendants, and hence often called Scyldings. Other names for them are Victory-Scyldings, Honor-Scyldings, Armor-Danes, Bright-Danes, East-Danes, West-Danes, North-Danes, South-Danes, Ingwins, Hrethmen.--1_1; 2_1; 3_2; 5_14; 7_1, etc. ~Ecglaf~.--Father of Unferth, who taunts Beowulf.--9_1. ~Ecgtheow~.--Father of Beowulf, the hero of the poem. A widely-known Wægmunding warrior. Marries Hrethel's daughter. After slaying Heatholaf, a Wylfing, he flees his country.--7_3; 5_6; 8_4. ~Ecgwela~.--A king of the Danes before Scyld.--25_60. [xiv] ~Elan~.--Sister of Hrothgar, and probably wife of Ongentheow, king of the Swedes.--2_10. ~Eagle Cape~.--A promontory in Geat-land, under which took place Beowulf's last encounter.--41_87. ~Eadgils~.--Son of Ohthere and brother of Eanmund.--34_2. ~Eanmund~.--Son of Ohthere and brother of Eadgils. The reference to these brothers is vague, and variously understood. Heyne supposes as follows: Raising a revolt against their father, they are obliged to leave Sweden. They go to the land of the Geats; with what intention, is not known, but probably to conquer and plunder. The Geatish king, Heardred, is slain by one of the brothers, probably Eanmund.--36_10; 31_54 to 31_60; 33_66 to 34_6. ~Eofor~.--A Geatish hero who slays Ongentheow in war, and is rewarded by Hygelac with the hand of his only daughter.--41_18; 41_48. ~Eormenric~.--A Gothic king, from whom Hama took away the famous Brosinga mene.--19_9. ~Eomær~.--Son of Offa and Thrytho, king and queen of the Angles.--28_69. ~Finn~.--King of the North-Frisians and the Jutes. Marries Hildeburg. At his court takes place the horrible slaughter in which the Danish general, Hnæf, fell. Later on, Finn himself is slain by Danish warriors.--17_18; 17_30; 17_44; 18_4; 18_23. ~Fin-land~.--The country to which Beowulf was driven by the currents in his swimming-match.--10_22. ~Fitela~.--Son and nephew of King Sigemund, whose praises are sung in XIV.--14_42; 14_53. ~Folcwalda~.--Father of Finn.--17_38. ~Franks~.--Introduced occasionally in referring to the death of Higelac.--19_19; 40_21; 40_24. ~Frisians~.--A part of them are ruled by Finn. Some of them were engaged in the struggle in which Higelac was slain.--17_20; 17_42; 17_52; 40_21. ~Freaware~.--Daughter of King Hrothgar. Married to Ingeld, a Heathobard prince.--29_60; 30_32. ~Froda~.--King of the Heathobards, and father of Ingeld.--29_62. ~Garmund~.--Father of Offa.--28_71. ~Geats, Geatmen~.--The race to which the hero of the poem belongs. Also called Weder-Geats, or Weders, War-Geats, Sea-Geats. They are ruled by Hrethel, Hæthcyn, Higelac, and Beowulf.--4_7; 7_4; 10_45; 11_8; 27_14; 28_8. ~Gepids~.--Named in connection with the Danes and Swedes.--35_34. ~Grendel~.--A monster of the race of Cain. Dwells in the fens and moors. Is furiously envious when he hears sounds of joy in Hrothgar's palace. Causes the king untold agony for years. Is finally conquered by Beowulf, and dies of his wound. His hand and arm are hung up in Hrothgar's hall Heorot. His head is cut off by Beowulf when he goes down to fight with Grendel's mother.--2_50; 3_1; 3_13; 8_19; 11_17; 12_2; 13_27; 15_3. ~Guthlaf~.--A Dane of Hnæf's party.--18_24. ~Half-Danes~.--Branch of the Danes to which Hnæf belonged.--17_19. [xv] ~Halga~.--Surnamed the Good. Younger brother of Hrothgar.--2_9. ~Hama~.--Takes the Brosinga mene from Eormenric.--19_7. ~Hæreth~.--Father of Higelac's queen, Hygd.--28_39; 29_18. ~Hæthcyn~.--Son of Hrethel and brother of Higelac. Kills his brother Herebeald accidentally. Is slain at Ravenswood, fighting against Ongentheow.--34_43; 35_23; 40_32. ~Helmings~.--The race to which Queen Wealhtheow belonged.--10_63. ~Heming~.--A kinsman of Garmund, perhaps nephew.--28_54; 28_70. ~Hengest~.--A Danish leader. Takes command on the fall of Hnæf.--17_33; 17_41. ~Herebeald~.--Eldest son of Hrethel, the Geatish king, and brother of Higelac. Killed by his younger brother Hæthcyn.--34_43; 34_47. ~Heremod~.--A Danish king of a dynasty before the Scylding line. Was a source of great sorrow to his people.--14_64; 25_59. ~Hereric~.--Referred to as uncle of Heardred, but otherwise unknown.--31_60. ~Hetwars~.--Another name for the Franks.--33_51. ~Healfdene~.--Grandson of Scyld and father of Hrothgar. Ruled the Danes long and well.--2_5; 4_1; 8_14. ~Heardred~.--Son of Higelac and Hygd, king and queen of the Geats. Succeeds his father, with Beowulf as regent. Is slain by the sons of Ohthere.--31_56; 33_63; 33_75. ~Heathobards~.--Race of Lombards, of which Froda is king. After Froda falls in battle with the Danes, Ingeld, his son, marries Hrothgar's daughter, Freaware, in order to heal the feud.--30_1; 30_6. ~Heatholaf~.--A Wylfing warrior slain by Beowulf's father.--8_5. ~Heathoremes~.--The people on whose shores Breca is cast by the waves during his contest with Beowulf.--9_21. ~Heorogar~.--Elder brother of Hrothgar, and surnamed 'Weoroda Ræswa,' Prince of the Troopers.--2_9; 8_12. ~Hereward~.--Son of the above.--31_17. ~Heort~, ~Heorot~.--The great mead-hall which King Hrothgar builds. It is invaded by Grendel for twelve years. Finally cleansed by Beowulf, the Geat. It is called Heort on account of the hart-antlers which decorate it.--2_25; 3_32; 3_52. ~Hildeburg~.--Wife of Finn, daughter of Hoce, and related to Hnæf,--probably his sister.--17_21; 18_34. ~Hnæf~.--Leader of a branch of the Danes called Half-Danes. Killed in the struggle at Finn's castle.--17_19; 17_61. ~Hondscio~.--One of Beowulf's companions. Killed by Grendel just before Beowulf grappled with that monster.--30_43. ~Hoce~.--Father of Hildeburg and probably of Hnæf.--17_26. ~Hrethel~.--King of the Geats, father of Higelac, and grandfather of Beowulf.--7_4; 34_39. ~Hrethla~.--Once used for Hrethel.--7_82. ~Hrethmen~.--Another name for the Danes.--7_73. ~Hrethric~.--Son of Hrothgar.--18_65; 27_19. [xvi] ~Hreosna-beorh~.--A promontory in Geat-land, near which Ohthere's sons made plundering raids.--35_18. ~Hrothgar~.--The Danish king who built the hall Heort, but was long unable to enjoy it on account of Grendel's persecutions. Marries Wealhtheow, a Helming lady. Has two sons and a daughter. Is a typical Teutonic king, lavish of gifts. A devoted liegelord, as his lamentations over slain liegemen prove. Also very appreciative of kindness, as is shown by his loving gratitude to Beowulf.--2_9; 2_12; 4_1; 8_10; 15_1; etc., etc. ~Hrothmund~.--Son of Hrothgar.--18_65. ~Hrothulf~.--Probably a son of Halga, younger brother of Hrothgar. Certainly on terms of close intimacy in Hrothgar's palace.--16_26; 18_57. ~Hrunting~.--Unferth's sword, lent to Beowulf.--22_71; 25_9. ~Hugs~.--A race in alliance with the Franks and Frisians at the time of Higelac's fall.--35_41. ~Hun~.--A Frisian warrior, probably general of the Hetwars. Gives Hengest a beautiful sword.--18_19. ~Hunferth~.--Sometimes used for Unferth. ~Hygelac~, ~Higelac~.--King of the Geats, uncle and liegelord of Beowulf, the hero of the poem.--His second wife is the lovely Hygd, daughter of Hæreth. The son of their union is Heardred. Is slain in a war with the Hugs, Franks, and Frisians combined. Beowulf is regent, and afterwards king of the Geats.--4_6; 5_4; 28_34; 29_9; 29_21; 31_56. ~Hygd~.--Wife of Higelac, and daughter of Hæreth. There are some indications that she married Beowulf after she became a widow.--28_37. ~Ingeld~.--Son of the Heathobard king, Froda. Marries Hrothgar's daughter, Freaware, in order to reconcile the two peoples.--29_62; 30_32. ~Ingwins~.--Another name for the Danes.--16_52; 20_69. ~Jutes~.--Name sometimes applied to Finn's people.--17_22; 17_38; 18_17. ~Lafing~.--Name of a famous sword presented to Hengest by Hun.--18_19. ~Merewing~.--A Frankish king, probably engaged in the war in which Higelac was slain.--40_29. ~Nægling~.--Beowulf's sword.--36_76. ~Offa~.--King of the Angles, and son of Garmund. Marries the terrible Thrytho who is so strongly contrasted with Hygd.--28_59; 28_66. ~Ohthere~.--Son of Ongentheow, king of the Swedes. He is father of Eanmund and Eadgils.--40_35; 40_39. ~Onela~.--Brother of Ohthere.--36_15; 40_39. ~Ongentheow~.--King of Sweden, of the Scylfing dynasty. Married, perhaps, Elan, daughter of Healfdene.--35_26; 41_16. ~Oslaf~.--A Dane of Hnæf's party.--18_24. ~Ravenswood~.--The forest near which Hæthcyn was slain.--40_31; 40_41. ~Scefing~.--Applied (1_4) to Scyld, and meaning 'son of Scef.' [xvii] ~Scyld~.--Founder of the dynasty to which Hrothgar, his father, and grandfather belonged. He dies, and his body is put on a vessel, and set adrift. He goes from Daneland just as he had come to it--in a bark.--1_4; 1_19; 1_27. ~Scyldings~.--The descendants of Scyld. They are also called Honor-Scyldings, Victory-Scyldings, War-Scyldings, etc. (See 'Danes,' above.)--2_1; 7_1; 8_1. ~Scylfings~.--A Swedish royal line to which Wiglaf belonged.--36_2. ~Sigemund~.--Son of Wæls, and uncle and father of Fitela. His struggle with a dragon is related in connection with Beowulf's deeds of prowess.--14_38; 14_47. ~Swerting~.--Grandfather of Higelac, and father of Hrethel.--19_11. ~Swedes~.--People of Sweden, ruled by the Scylfings.--35_13. ~Thrytho~.--Wife of Offa, king of the Angles. Known for her fierce and unwomanly disposition. She is introduced as a contrast to the gentle Hygd, queen of Higelac.--28_42; 28_56. ~Unferth~.--Son of Ecglaf, and seemingly a confidential courtier of Hrothgar. Taunts Beowulf for having taken part in the swimming-match. Lends Beowulf his sword when he goes to look for Grendel's mother. In the MS. sometimes written _Hunferth_. 9_1; 18_41. ~Wæls~.--Father of Sigemund.--14_60. ~Wægmunding~.--A name occasionally applied to Wiglaf and Beowulf, and perhaps derived from a common ancestor, Wægmund.--36_6; 38_61. ~Weders~.--Another name for Geats or Wedergeats. ~Wayland~.--A fabulous smith mentioned in this poem and in other old Teutonic literature.--7_83. ~Wendels~.--The people of Wulfgar, Hrothgar's messenger and retainer. (Perhaps = Vandals.)--6_30. ~Wealhtheow~.--Wife of Hrothgar. Her queenly courtesy is well shown in the poem.--10_55. ~Weohstan~, or ~Wihstan~.--A Wægmunding, and father of Wiglaf.--36_1. ~Whale's Ness~.--A prominent promontory, on which Beowulf's mound was built.--38_52; 42_76. ~Wiglaf~.--Son of Wihstan, and related to Beowulf. He remains faithful to Beowulf in the fatal struggle with the fire-drake. Would rather die than leave his lord in his dire emergency.--36_1; 36_3; 36_28. ~Wonred~.--Father of Wulf and Eofor.--41_20; 41_26. ~Wulf~.--Son of Wonred. Engaged in the battle between Higelac's and Ongentheow's forces, and had a hand-to-hand fight with Ongentheow himself. Ongentheow disables him, and is thereupon slain by Eofor.--41_19; 41_29. ~Wulfgar~.--Lord of the Wendels, and retainer of Hrothgar.--6_18; 6_30. ~Wylfings~.--A people to whom belonged Heatholaf, who was slain by Ecgtheow.--8_6; 8_16. ~Yrmenlaf~.--Younger brother of Æschere, the hero whose death grieved Hrothgar so deeply.--21_4. [xviii] LIST OF WORDS AND PHRASES NOT IN GENERAL USE. ATHELING.--Prince, nobleman. BAIRN.--Son, child. BARROW.--Mound, rounded hill, funeral-mound. BATTLE-SARK.--Armor. BEAKER.--Cup, drinking-vessel. BEGEAR.--Prepare. BIGHT.--Bay, sea. BILL.--Sword. BOSS.--Ornamental projection. BRACTEATE.--A round ornament on a necklace. BRAND.--Sword. BURN.--Stream. BURNIE.--Armor. CARLE.--Man, hero. EARL.--Nobleman, any brave man. EKE.--Also. EMPRISE.--Enterprise, undertaking. ERST.--Formerly. ERST-WORTHY.--Worthy for a long time past. FAIN.--Glad. FERRY.--Bear, carry. FEY.--Fated, doomed. FLOAT.--Vessel, ship. FOIN.--To lunge (Shaks.). GLORY OF KINGS.--God. GREWSOME.--Cruel, fierce. HEFT.--Handle, hilt; used by synecdoche for 'sword.' HELM.--Helmet, protector. HENCHMAN.--Retainer, vassal. HIGHT.--Am (was) named. HOLM.--Ocean, curved surface of the sea. HIMSEEMED.--(It) seemed to him. LIEF.--Dear, valued. MERE.--Sea; in compounds, 'mere-ways,' 'mere-currents,' etc. MICKLE.--Much. NATHLESS.--Nevertheless. NAZE.--Edge (nose). NESS.--Edge. NICKER.--Sea-beast. QUIT, QUITE.--Requite. RATHE.--Quickly. REAVE.--Bereave, deprive. SAIL-ROAD.--Sea. SETTLE.--Seat, bench. SKINKER.--One who pours. SOOTHLY.--Truly. SWINGE.--Stroke, blow. TARGE, TARGET.--Shield. THROUGHLY.--Thoroughly. TOLD.--Counted. UNCANNY.--Ill-featured, grizzly. UNNETHE.--Difficult. WAR-SPEED.--Success in war. WEB.--Tapestry (that which is 'woven'). WEEDED.--Clad (cf. widow's weeds). WEEN.--Suppose, imagine. WEIRD.--Fate, Providence. WHILOM.--At times, formerly, often. WIELDER.--Ruler. Often used of God; also in compounds, as 'Wielder of Glory,' 'Wielder of Worship.' WIGHT.--Creature. WOLD.--Plane, extended surface. WOT.--Knows. YOUNKER.--Youth. [1] BEOWULF. I. THE LIFE AND DEATH OF SCYLD. {The famous race of Spear-Danes.} Lo! the Spear-Danes' glory through splendid achievements The folk-kings' former fame we have heard of, How princes displayed then their prowess-in-battle. {Scyld, their mighty king, in honor of whom they are often called Scyldings. He is the great-grandfather of Hrothgar, so prominent in the poem.} Oft Scyld the Scefing from scathers in numbers 5 From many a people their mead-benches tore. Since first he found him friendless and wretched, The earl had had terror: comfort he got for it, Waxed 'neath the welkin, world-honor gained, Till all his neighbors o'er sea were compelled to 10 Bow to his bidding and bring him their tribute: An excellent atheling! After was borne him {A son is born to him, who receives the name of Beowulf--a name afterwards made so famous by the hero of the poem.} A son and heir, young in his dwelling, Whom God-Father sent to solace the people. He had marked the misery malice had caused them, 15 [1]That reaved of their rulers they wretched had erstwhile[2] Long been afflicted. The Lord, in requital, Wielder of Glory, with world-honor blessed him. Famed was Beowulf, far spread the glory Of Scyld's great son in the lands of the Danemen. [2] {The ideal Teutonic king lavishes gifts on his vassals.} 20 So the carle that is young, by kindnesses rendered The friends of his father, with fees in abundance Must be able to earn that when age approacheth Eager companions aid him requitingly, When war assaults him serve him as liegemen: 25 By praise-worthy actions must honor be got 'Mong all of the races. At the hour that was fated {Scyld dies at the hour appointed by Fate.} Scyld then departed to the All-Father's keeping Warlike to wend him; away then they bare him To the flood of the current, his fond-loving comrades, 30 As himself he had bidden, while the friend of the Scyldings Word-sway wielded, and the well-lovèd land-prince Long did rule them.[3] The ring-stemmèd vessel, Bark of the atheling, lay there at anchor, Icy in glimmer and eager for sailing; {By his own request, his body is laid on a vessel and wafted seaward.} 35 The belovèd leader laid they down there, Giver of rings, on the breast of the vessel, The famed by the mainmast. A many of jewels, Of fretted embossings, from far-lands brought over, Was placed near at hand then; and heard I not ever 40 That a folk ever furnished a float more superbly With weapons of warfare, weeds for the battle, Bills and burnies; on his bosom sparkled Many a jewel that with him must travel On the flush of the flood afar on the current. 45 And favors no fewer they furnished him soothly, Excellent folk-gems, than others had given him {He leaves Daneland on the breast of a bark.} Who when first he was born outward did send him Lone on the main, the merest of infants: And a gold-fashioned standard they stretched under heaven [3] 50 High o'er his head, let the holm-currents bear him, Seaward consigned him: sad was their spirit, Their mood very mournful. Men are not able {No one knows whither the boat drifted.} Soothly to tell us, they in halls who reside,[4] Heroes under heaven, to what haven he hied. [1] For the 'Þæt' of verse 15, Sievers suggests 'Þá' (= which). If this be accepted, the sentence 'He had ... afflicted' will read: _He_ (_i.e._ God) _had perceived the malice-caused sorrow which they, lordless, had formerly long endured_. [2] For 'aldor-léase' (15) Gr. suggested 'aldor-ceare': _He perceived their distress, that they formerly had suffered life-sorrow a long while_. [3] A very difficult passage. 'Áhte' (31) has no object. H. supplies 'geweald' from the context; and our translation is based upon this assumption, though it is far from satisfactory. Kl. suggests 'lændagas' for 'lange': _And the beloved land-prince enjoyed (had) his transitory days (i.e. lived)_. B. suggests a dislocation; but this is a dangerous doctrine, pushed rather far by that eminent scholar. [4] The reading of the H.-So. text has been quite closely followed; but some eminent scholars read 'séle-rædenne' for 'sele-rædende.' If that be adopted, the passage will read: _Men cannot tell us, indeed, the order of Fate, etc._ 'Sele-rædende' has two things to support it: (1) v. 1347; (2) it affords a parallel to 'men' in v. 50. II. SCYLD'S SUCCESSORS.--HROTHGAR'S GREAT MEAD-HALL. {Beowulf succeeds his father Scyld} In the boroughs then Beowulf, bairn of the Scyldings, Belovèd land-prince, for long-lasting season Was famed mid the folk (his father departed, The prince from his dwelling), till afterward sprang 5 Great-minded Healfdene; the Danes in his lifetime He graciously governed, grim-mooded, agèd. {Healfdene's birth.} Four bairns of his body born in succession Woke in the world, war-troopers' leader Heorogar, Hrothgar, and Halga the good; 10 Heard I that Elan was Ongentheow's consort, {He has three sons--one of them, Hrothgar--and a daughter named Elan. Hrothgar becomes a mighty king.} The well-beloved bedmate of the War-Scylfing leader. Then glory in battle to Hrothgar was given, Waxing of war-fame, that willingly kinsmen Obeyed his bidding, till the boys grew to manhood, 15 A numerous band. It burned in his spirit To urge his folk to found a great building, A mead-hall grander than men of the era {He is eager to build a great hall in which he may feast his retainers} Ever had heard of, and in it to share With young and old all of the blessings 20 The Lord had allowed him, save life and retainers. Then the work I find afar was assigned [4] To many races in middle-earth's regions, To adorn the great folk-hall. In due time it happened Early 'mong men, that 'twas finished entirely, 25 The greatest of hall-buildings; Heorot he named it {The hall is completed, and is called Heort, or Heorot.} Who wide-reaching word-sway wielded 'mong earlmen. His promise he brake not, rings he lavished, Treasure at banquet. Towered the hall up High and horn-crested, huge between antlers: 30 It battle-waves bided, the blasting fire-demon; Ere long then from hottest hatred must sword-wrath Arise for a woman's husband and father. Then the mighty war-spirit[1] endured for a season, {The Monster Grendel is madly envious of the Danemen's joy.} Bore it bitterly, he who bided in darkness, 35 That light-hearted laughter loud in the building Greeted him daily; there was dulcet harp-music, Clear song of the singer. He said that was able {[The course of the story is interrupted by a short reference to some old account of the creation.]} To tell from of old earthmen's beginnings, That Father Almighty earth had created, 40 The winsome wold that the water encircleth, Set exultingly the sun's and the moon's beams To lavish their lustre on land-folk and races, And earth He embellished in all her regions With limbs and leaves; life He bestowed too 45 On all the kindreds that live under heaven. {The glee of the warriors is overcast by a horrible dread.} So blessed with abundance, brimming with joyance, The warriors abided, till a certain one gan to Dog them with deeds of direfullest malice, A foe in the hall-building: this horrible stranger[2] 50 Was Grendel entitled, the march-stepper famous Who[3] dwelt in the moor-fens, the marsh and the fastness; The wan-mooded being abode for a season [5] In the land of the giants, when the Lord and Creator Had banned him and branded. For that bitter murder, 55 The killing of Abel, all-ruling Father {Cain is referred to as a progenitor of Grendel, and of monsters in general.} The kindred of Cain crushed with His vengeance; In the feud He rejoiced not, but far away drove him From kindred and kind, that crime to atone for, Meter of Justice. Thence ill-favored creatures, 60 Elves and giants, monsters of ocean, Came into being, and the giants that longtime Grappled with God; He gave them requital. [1] R. and t. B. prefer 'ellor-gæst' to 'ellen-gæst' (86): _Then the stranger from afar endured, etc._ [2] Some authorities would translate '_demon_' instead of '_stranger_.' [3] Some authorities arrange differently, and render: _Who dwelt in the moor-fens, the marsh and the fastness, the land of the giant-race._ III. GRENDEL THE MURDERER. {Grendel attacks the sleeping heroes} When the sun was sunken, he set out to visit The lofty hall-building, how the Ring-Danes had used it For beds and benches when the banquet was over. Then he found there reposing many a noble 5 Asleep after supper; sorrow the heroes,[1] Misery knew not. The monster of evil Greedy and cruel tarried but little, {He drags off thirty of them, and devours them} Fell and frantic, and forced from their slumbers Thirty of thanemen; thence he departed 10 Leaping and laughing, his lair to return to, With surfeit of slaughter sallying homeward. In the dusk of the dawning, as the day was just breaking, Was Grendel's prowess revealed to the warriors: {A cry of agony goes up, when Grendel's horrible deed is fully realized.} Then, his meal-taking finished, a moan was uplifted, 15 Morning-cry mighty. The man-ruler famous, The long-worthy atheling, sat very woful, Suffered great sorrow, sighed for his liegemen, [6] When they had seen the track of the hateful pursuer, The spirit accursèd: too crushing that sorrow, {The monster returns the next night.} 20 Too loathsome and lasting. Not longer he tarried, But one night after continued his slaughter Shameless and shocking, shrinking but little From malice and murder; they mastered him fully. He was easy to find then who otherwhere looked for 25 A pleasanter place of repose in the lodges, A bed in the bowers. Then was brought to his notice Told him truly by token apparent The hall-thane's hatred: he held himself after Further and faster who the foeman did baffle. 30 [2]So ruled he and strongly strove against justice Lone against all men, till empty uptowered {King Hrothgar's agony and suspense last twelve years.} The choicest of houses. Long was the season: Twelve-winters' time torture suffered The friend of the Scyldings, every affliction, 35 Endless agony; hence it after[3] became Certainly known to the children of men Sadly in measures, that long against Hrothgar Grendel struggled:--his grudges he cherished, Murderous malice, many a winter, 40 Strife unremitting, and peacefully wished he [4]Life-woe to lift from no liegeman at all of The men of the Dane-folk, for money to settle, No counsellor needed count for a moment [7] On handsome amends at the hands of the murderer; {Grendel is unremitting in his persecutions.} 45 The monster of evil fiercely did harass, The ill-planning death-shade, both elder and younger, Trapping and tricking them. He trod every night then The mist-covered moor-fens; men do not know where Witches and wizards wander and ramble. 50 So the foe of mankind many of evils Grievous injuries, often accomplished, Horrible hermit; Heort he frequented, Gem-bedecked palace, when night-shades had fallen {God is against the monster.} (Since God did oppose him, not the throne could he touch,[5] 55 The light-flashing jewel, love of Him knew not). 'Twas a fearful affliction to the friend of the Scyldings {The king and his council deliberate in vain.} Soul-crushing sorrow. Not seldom in private Sat the king in his council; conference held they What the braves should determine 'gainst terrors unlooked for. {They invoke the aid of their gods.} 60 At the shrines of their idols often they promised Gifts and offerings, earnestly prayed they The devil from hell would help them to lighten Their people's oppression. Such practice they used then, Hope of the heathen; hell they remembered 65 In innermost spirit, God they knew not, {The true God they do not know.} Judge of their actions, All-wielding Ruler, No praise could they give the Guardian of Heaven, The Wielder of Glory. Woe will be his who Through furious hatred his spirit shall drive to 70 The clutch of the fire, no comfort shall look for, Wax no wiser; well for the man who, Living his life-days, his Lord may face And find defence in his Father's embrace! [1] The translation is based on 'weras,' adopted by H.-So.--K. and Th. read 'wera' and, arranging differently, render 119(2)-120: _They knew not sorrow, the wretchedness of man, aught of misfortune_.--For 'unhælo' (120) R. suggests 'unfælo': _The uncanny creature, greedy and cruel, etc_. [2] S. rearranges and translates: _So he ruled and struggled unjustly, one against all, till the noblest of buildings stood useless (it was a long while) twelve years' time: the friend of the Scyldings suffered distress, every woe, great sorrows, etc_. [3] For 'syððan,' B. suggests 'sárcwidum': _Hence in mournful words it became well known, etc_. Various other words beginning with 's' have been conjectured. [4] The H.-So. glossary is very inconsistent in referring to this passage.--'Sibbe' (154), which H.-So. regards as an instr., B. takes as accus., obj. of 'wolde.' Putting a comma after Deniga, he renders: _He did not desire peace with any of the Danes, nor did he wish to remove their life-woe, nor to settle for money_. [5] Of this difficult passage the following interpretations among others are given: (1) Though Grendel has frequented Heorot as a demon, he could not become ruler of the Danes, on account of his hostility to God. (2) Hrothgar was much grieved that Grendel had not appeared before his throne to receive presents. (3) He was not permitted to devastate the hall, on account of the Creator; _i.e._ God wished to make his visit fatal to him.--Ne ... wisse (169) W. renders: _Nor had he any desire to do so_; 'his' being obj. gen. = danach. [8] IV. BEOWULF GOES TO HROTHGAR'S ASSISTANCE. {Hrothgar sees no way of escape from the persecutions of Grendel.} So Healfdene's kinsman constantly mused on His long-lasting sorrow; the battle-thane clever Was not anywise able evils to 'scape from: Too crushing the sorrow that came to the people, 5 Loathsome and lasting the life-grinding torture, {Beowulf, the Geat, hero of the poem, hears of Hrothgar's sorrow, and resolves to go to his assistance.} Greatest of night-woes. So Higelac's liegeman, Good amid Geatmen, of Grendel's achievements Heard in his home:[1] of heroes then living He was stoutest and strongest, sturdy and noble. 10 He bade them prepare him a bark that was trusty; He said he the war-king would seek o'er the ocean, The folk-leader noble, since he needed retainers. For the perilous project prudent companions Chided him little, though loving him dearly; 15 They egged the brave atheling, augured him glory. {With fourteen carefully chosen companions, he sets out for Dane-land.} The excellent knight from the folk of the Geatmen Had liegemen selected, likest to prove them Trustworthy warriors; with fourteen companions The vessel he looked for; a liegeman then showed them, 20 A sea-crafty man, the bounds of the country. Fast the days fleeted; the float was a-water, The craft by the cliff. Clomb to the prow then Well-equipped warriors: the wave-currents twisted The sea on the sand; soldiers then carried 25 On the breast of the vessel bright-shining jewels, Handsome war-armor; heroes outshoved then, Warmen the wood-ship, on its wished-for adventure. [9] {The vessel sails like a bird} The foamy-necked floater fanned by the breeze, Likest a bird, glided the waters, {In twenty four hours they reach the shores of Hrothgar's dominions} 30 Till twenty and four hours thereafter The twist-stemmed vessel had traveled such distance That the sailing-men saw the sloping embankments, The sea cliffs gleaming, precipitous mountains, Nesses enormous: they were nearing the limits 35 At the end of the ocean.[2] Up thence quickly The men of the Weders clomb to the mainland, Fastened their vessel (battle weeds rattled, War burnies clattered), the Wielder they thanked That the ways o'er the waters had waxen so gentle. {They are hailed by the Danish coast guard} 40 Then well from the cliff edge the guard of the Scyldings Who the sea-cliffs should see to, saw o'er the gangway Brave ones bearing beauteous targets, Armor all ready, anxiously thought he, Musing and wondering what men were approaching. 45 High on his horse then Hrothgar's retainer Turned him to coastward, mightily brandished His lance in his hands, questioned with boldness. {His challenge} "Who are ye men here, mail-covered warriors Clad in your corslets, come thus a-driving 50 A high riding ship o'er the shoals of the waters, [3]And hither 'neath helmets have hied o'er the ocean? [10] I have been strand-guard, standing as warden, Lest enemies ever anywise ravage Danish dominions with army of war-ships. 55 More boldly never have warriors ventured Hither to come; of kinsmen's approval, Word-leave of warriors, I ween that ye surely {He is struck by Beowulf's appearance.} Nothing have known. Never a greater one Of earls o'er the earth have _I_ had a sight of 60 Than is one of your number, a hero in armor; No low-ranking fellow[4] adorned with his weapons, But launching them little, unless looks are deceiving, And striking appearance. Ere ye pass on your journey As treacherous spies to the land of the Scyldings 65 And farther fare, I fully must know now What race ye belong to. Ye far-away dwellers, Sea-faring sailors, my simple opinion Hear ye and hearken: haste is most fitting Plainly to tell me what place ye are come from." [1] 'From hám' (194) is much disputed. One rendering is: _Beowulf, being away from home, heard of Hrothgar's troubles, etc_. Another, that adopted by S. and endorsed in the H.-So. notes, is: _B. heard from his neighborhood (neighbors),_ i.e. _in his home, etc_. A third is: _B., being at home, heard this as occurring away from home_. The H.-So. glossary and notes conflict. [2] 'Eoletes' (224) is marked with a (?) by H.-So.; our rendering simply follows his conjecture.--Other conjectures as to 'eolet' are: (1) _voyage_, (2) _toil_, _labor_, (3) _hasty journey_. [3] The lacuna of the MS at this point has been supplied by various conjectures. The reading adopted by H.-So. has been rendered in the above translation. W., like H.-So., makes 'ic' the beginning of a new sentence, but, for 'helmas bæron,' he reads 'hringed stefnan.' This has the advantage of giving a parallel to 'brontne ceol' instead of a kenning for 'go.'--B puts the (?) after 'holmas', and begins a new sentence at the middle of the line. Translate: _What warriors are ye, clad in armor, who have thus come bringing the foaming vessel over the water way, hither over the seas? For some time on the wall I have been coast guard, etc_. S. endorses most of what B. says, but leaves out 'on the wall' in the last sentence. If W.'s 'hringed stefnan' be accepted, change line 51 above to, _A ring-stemmed vessel hither o'ersea_. [4] 'Seld-guma' (249) is variously rendered: (1) _housecarle_; (2) _home-stayer_; (3) _common man_. Dr. H. Wood suggests _a man-at-arms in another's house_. V. THE GEATS REACH HEOROT. {Beowulf courteously replies.} The chief of the strangers rendered him answer, War-troopers' leader, and word-treasure opened: {We are Geats.} "We are sprung from the lineage of the people of Geatland, And Higelac's hearth-friends. To heroes unnumbered {My father Ecgtheow was well-known in his day.} 5 My father was known, a noble head-warrior Ecgtheow titled; many a winter He lived with the people, ere he passed on his journey, Old from his dwelling; each of the counsellors Widely mid world-folk well remembers him. {Our intentions towards King Hrothgar are of the kindest.} 10 We, kindly of spirit, the lord of thy people, The son of King Healfdene, have come here to visit, [11] Folk-troop's defender: be free in thy counsels! To the noble one bear we a weighty commission, The helm of the Danemen; we shall hide, I ween, {Is it true that a monster is slaying Danish heroes?} 15 Naught of our message. Thou know'st if it happen, As we soothly heard say, that some savage despoiler, Some hidden pursuer, on nights that are murky By deeds very direful 'mid the Danemen exhibits Hatred unheard of, horrid destruction 20 And the falling of dead. From feelings least selfish {I can help your king to free himself from this horrible creature.} I am able to render counsel to Hrothgar, How he, wise and worthy, may worst the destroyer, If the anguish of sorrow should ever be lessened,[1] Comfort come to him, and care-waves grow cooler, 25 Or ever hereafter he agony suffer And troublous distress, while towereth upward The handsomest of houses high on the summit." {The coast-guard reminds Beowulf that it is easier to say than to do.} Bestriding his stallion, the strand-watchman answered, The doughty retainer: "The difference surely 30 'Twixt words and works, the warlike shield-bearer Who judgeth wisely well shall determine. This band, I hear, beareth no malice {I am satisfied of your good intentions, and shall lead you to the palace.} To the prince of the Scyldings. Pass ye then onward With weapons and armor. I shall lead you in person; 35 To my war-trusty vassals command I shall issue To keep from all injury your excellent vessel, {Your boat shall be well cared for during your stay here.} Your fresh-tarred craft, 'gainst every opposer Close by the sea-shore, till the curved-neckèd bark shall Waft back again the well-beloved hero 40 O'er the way of the water to Weder dominions. {He again compliments Beowulf.} To warrior so great 'twill be granted sure In the storm of strife to stand secure." Onward they fared then (the vessel lay quiet, The broad-bosomed bark was bound by its cable, [12] 45 Firmly at anchor); the boar-signs glistened[2] Bright on the visors vivid with gilding, Blaze-hardened, brilliant; the boar acted warden. The heroes hastened, hurried the liegemen, {The land is perhaps rolling.} Descended together, till they saw the great palace, 50 The well-fashioned wassail-hall wondrous and gleaming: {Heorot flashes on their view.} 'Mid world-folk and kindreds that was widest reputed Of halls under heaven which the hero abode in; Its lustre enlightened lands without number. Then the battle-brave hero showed them the glittering 55 Court of the bold ones, that they easily thither Might fare on their journey; the aforementioned warrior Turning his courser, quoth as he left them: {The coast-guard, having discharged his duty, bids them God-speed.} "'Tis time I were faring; Father Almighty Grant you His grace, and give you to journey 60 Safe on your mission! To the sea I will get me 'Gainst hostile warriors as warden to stand." [1] 'Edwendan' (280) B. takes to be the subs. 'edwenden' (cf. 1775); and 'bisigu' he takes as gen. sing., limiting 'edwenden': _If reparation for sorrows is ever to come_. This is supported by t.B. [2] Combining the emendations of B. and t.B., we may read: _The boar-images glistened ... brilliant, protected the life of the war-mooded man_. They read 'ferh-wearde' (305) and 'gúðmódgum men' (306). VI. BEOWULF INTRODUCES HIMSELF AT THE PALACE. The highway glistened with many-hued pebble, A by-path led the liegemen together. [1]Firm and hand-locked the war-burnie glistened, The ring-sword radiant rang 'mid the armor 5 As the party was approaching the palace together {They set their arms and armor against the wall.} In warlike equipments. 'Gainst the wall of the building Their wide-fashioned war-shields they weary did set then, [13] Battle-shields sturdy; benchward they turned then; Their battle-sarks rattled, the gear of the heroes; 10 The lances stood up then, all in a cluster, The arms of the seamen, ashen-shafts mounted With edges of iron: the armor-clad troopers {A Danish hero asks them whence and why they are come.} Were decked with weapons. Then a proud-mooded hero Asked of the champions questions of lineage: 15 "From what borders bear ye your battle-shields plated, Gilded and gleaming, your gray-colored burnies, Helmets with visors and heap of war-lances?-- To Hrothgar the king I am servant and liegeman. 'Mong folk from far-lands found I have never {He expresses no little admiration for the strangers.} 20 Men so many of mien more courageous. I ween that from valor, nowise as outlaws, But from greatness of soul ye sought for King Hrothgar." {Beowulf replies.} Then the strength-famous earlman answer rendered, The proud-mooded Wederchief replied to his question, {We are Higelac's table-companions, and bear an important commission to your prince.} 25 Hardy 'neath helmet: "Higelac's mates are we; Beowulf hight I. To the bairn of Healfdene, The famous folk-leader, I freely will tell To thy prince my commission, if pleasantly hearing He'll grant we may greet him so gracious to all men." 30 Wulfgar replied then (he was prince of the Wendels, His boldness of spirit was known unto many, His prowess and prudence): "The prince of the Scyldings, {Wulfgar, the thane, says that he will go and ask Hrothgar whether he will see the strangers.} The friend-lord of Danemen, I will ask of thy journey, The giver of rings, as thou urgest me do it, 35 The folk-chief famous, and inform thee early What answer the good one mindeth to render me." He turned then hurriedly where Hrothgar was sitting, [2]Old and hoary, his earlmen attending him; The strength-famous went till he stood at the shoulder 40 Of the lord of the Danemen, of courteous thanemen The custom he minded. Wulfgar addressed then His friendly liegelord: "Folk of the Geatmen [14] {He thereupon urges his liegelord to receive the visitors courteously.} O'er the way of the waters are wafted hither, Faring from far-lands: the foremost in rank 45 The battle-champions Beowulf title. They make this petition: with thee, O my chieftain, To be granted a conference; O gracious King Hrothgar, Friendly answer refuse not to give them! {Hrothgar, too, is struck with Beowulf's appearance.} In war-trappings weeded worthy they seem 50 Of earls to be honored; sure the atheling is doughty Who headed the heroes hitherward coming." [1] Instead of the punctuation given by H.-So, S. proposed to insert a comma after 'scír' (322), and to take 'hring-íren' as meaning 'ring-mail' and as parallel with 'gúð-byrne.' The passage would then read: _The firm and hand-locked war-burnie shone, bright ring-mail, rang 'mid the armor, etc_. [2] Gr. and others translate 'unhár' by 'bald'; _old and bald_. VII. HROTHGAR AND BEOWULF. {Hrothgar remembers Beowulf as a youth, and also remembers his father.} Hrothgar answered, helm of the Scyldings: "I remember this man as the merest of striplings. His father long dead now was Ecgtheow titled, Him Hrethel the Geatman granted at home his 5 One only daughter; his battle-brave son Is come but now, sought a trustworthy friend. Seafaring sailors asserted it then, {Beowulf is reported to have the strength of thirty men.} Who valuable gift-gems of the Geatmen[1] carried As peace-offering thither, that he thirty men's grapple 10 Has in his hand, the hero-in-battle. {God hath sent him to our rescue.} The holy Creator usward sent him, To West-Dane warriors, I ween, for to render 'Gainst Grendel's grimness gracious assistance: I shall give to the good one gift-gems for courage. 15 Hasten to bid them hither to speed them,[2] To see assembled this circle of kinsmen; Tell them expressly they're welcome in sooth to The men of the Danes." To the door of the building [15] {Wulfgar invites the strangers in.} Wulfgar went then, this word-message shouted: 20 "My victorious liegelord bade me to tell you, The East-Danes' atheling, that your origin knows he, And o'er wave-billows wafted ye welcome are hither, Valiant of spirit. Ye straightway may enter Clad in corslets, cased in your helmets, 25 To see King Hrothgar. Here let your battle-boards, Wood-spears and war-shafts, await your conferring." The mighty one rose then, with many a liegeman, An excellent thane-group; some there did await them, And as bid of the brave one the battle-gear guarded. 30 Together they hied them, while the hero did guide them, 'Neath Heorot's roof; the high-minded went then Sturdy 'neath helmet till he stood in the building. Beowulf spake (his burnie did glisten, His armor seamed over by the art of the craftsman): {Beowulf salutes Hrothgar, and then proceeds to boast of his youthful achievements.} 35 "Hail thou, Hrothgar! I am Higelac's kinsman And vassal forsooth; many a wonder I dared as a stripling. The doings of Grendel, In far-off fatherland I fully did know of: Sea-farers tell us, this hall-building standeth, 40 Excellent edifice, empty and useless To all the earlmen after evenlight's glimmer 'Neath heaven's bright hues hath hidden its glory. This my earls then urged me, the most excellent of them, Carles very clever, to come and assist thee, 45 Folk-leader Hrothgar; fully they knew of {His fight with the nickers.} The strength of my body. Themselves they beheld me When I came from the contest, when covered with gore Foes I escaped from, where five[3] I had bound, [16] The giant-race wasted, in the waters destroying 50 The nickers by night, bore numberless sorrows, The Weders avenged (woes had they suffered) Enemies ravaged; alone now with Grendel {He intends to fight Grendel unaided.} I shall manage the matter, with the monster of evil, The giant, decide it. Thee I would therefore 55 Beg of thy bounty, Bright-Danish chieftain, Lord of the Scyldings, this single petition: Not to refuse me, defender of warriors, Friend-lord of folks, so far have I sought thee, That _I_ may unaided, my earlmen assisting me, 60 This brave-mooded war-band, purify Heorot. I have heard on inquiry, the horrible creature {Since the monster uses no weapons,} From veriest rashness recks not for weapons; I this do scorn then, so be Higelac gracious, My liegelord belovèd, lenient of spirit, 65 To bear a blade or a broad-fashioned target, A shield to the onset; only with hand-grip {I, too, shall disdain to use any.} The foe I must grapple, fight for my life then, Foeman with foeman; he fain must rely on The doom of the Lord whom death layeth hold of. {Should he crush me, he will eat my companions as he has eaten thy thanes.} 70 I ween he will wish, if he win in the struggle, To eat in the war-hall earls of the Geat-folk, Boldly to swallow[4] them, as of yore he did often The best of the Hrethmen! Thou needest not trouble A head-watch to give me;[5] he will have me dripping [17] {In case of my defeat, thou wilt not have the trouble of burying me.} 75 And dreary with gore, if death overtake me,[6] Will bear me off bleeding, biting and mouthing me, The hermit will eat me, heedless of pity, Marking the moor-fens; no more wilt thou need then {Should I fall, send my armor to my lord, King Higelac.} Find me my food.[7] If I fall in the battle, 80 Send to Higelac the armor that serveth To shield my bosom, the best of equipments, Richest of ring-mails; 'tis the relic of Hrethla, {Weird is supreme} The work of Wayland. Goes Weird as she must go!" [1] Some render 'gif-sceattas' by 'tribute.'--'Géata' B. and Th. emended to 'Géatum.' If this be accepted, change '_of_ the Geatmen' to '_to_ the Geatmen.' [2] If t.B.'s emendation of vv. 386, 387 be accepted, the two lines, 'Hasten ... kinsmen' will read: _Hasten thou, bid the throng of kinsmen go into the hall together_. [3] For 420 (_b_) and 421 (_a_), B. suggests: Þær ic (on) fífelgeban ýðde eotena cyn = _where I in the ocean destroyed the eoten-race_.--t.B. accepts B.'s "brilliant" 'fífelgeban,' omits 'on,' emends 'cyn' to 'hám,' arranging: Þær ic fífelgeban ýðde, eotena hám = _where I desolated the ocean, the home of the eotens_.--This would be better but for changing 'cyn' to 'hám.'--I suggest: Þær ic fífelgeband (cf. nhd. Bande) ýðde, eotena cyn = _where I conquered the monster band, the race of the eotens_. This makes no change except to read '_fífel_' for '_fífe_.' [4] 'Unforhte' (444) is much disputed.--H.-So. wavers between adj. and adv. Gr. and B. take it as an adv. modifying _etan: Will eat the Geats fearlessly_.--Kl. considers this reading absurd, and proposes 'anforhte' = timid.--Understanding 'unforhte' as an adj. has this advantage, viz. that it gives a parallel to 'Geátena leóde': but to take it as an adv. is more natural. Furthermore, to call the Geats 'brave' might, at this point, seem like an implied thrust at the Danes, so long helpless; while to call his own men 'timid' would be befouling his own nest. [5] For 'head-watch,' cf. H.-So. notes and cf. v. 2910.--Th. translates: _Thou wilt not need my head to hide_ (i.e., thou wilt have no occasion to bury me, as Grendel will devour me whole).--Simrock imagines a kind of dead-watch.--Dr. H. Wood suggests: _Thou wilt not have to bury so much as my head_ (for Grendel will be a thorough undertaker),--grim humor. [6] S. proposes a colon after 'nimeð' (l. 447). This would make no essential change in the translation. [7] Owing to the vagueness of 'feorme' (451), this passage is variously translated. In our translation, H.-So.'s glossary has been quite closely followed. This agrees substantially with B.'s translation (P. and B. XII. 87). R. translates: _Thou needst not take care longer as to the consumption of my dead body._ 'Líc' is also a crux here, as it may mean living body or dead body. VIII. HROTHGAR AND BEOWULF.--_Continued_. {Hrothgar responds.} Hrothgar discoursed, helm of the Scyldings: "To defend our folk and to furnish assistance,[1] Thou soughtest us hither, good friend Beowulf. {Reminiscences of Beowulf's father, Ecgtheow.} The fiercest of feuds thy father engaged in, 5 Heatholaf killed he in hand-to-hand conflict 'Mid Wilfingish warriors; then the Wederish people For fear of a feud were forced to disown him. Thence flying he fled to the folk of the South-Danes, [18] The race of the Scyldings, o'er the roll of the waters; 10 I had lately begun then to govern the Danemen, The hoard-seat of heroes held in my youth, Rich in its jewels: dead was Heregar, My kinsman and elder had earth-joys forsaken, Healfdene his bairn. He was better than I am! 15 That feud thereafter for a fee I compounded; O'er the weltering waters to the Wilfings I sent Ornaments old; oaths did he swear me. {Hrothgar recounts to Beowulf the horrors of Grendel's persecutions.} It pains me in spirit to any to tell it, What grief in Heorot Grendel hath caused me, 20 What horror unlooked-for, by hatred unceasing. Waned is my war-band, wasted my hall-troop; Weird hath offcast them to the clutches of Grendel. God can easily hinder the scather From deeds so direful. Oft drunken with beer {My thanes have made many boasts, but have not executed them.} 25 O'er the ale-vessel promised warriors in armor They would willingly wait on the wassailing-benches A grapple with Grendel, with grimmest of edges. Then this mead-hall at morning with murder was reeking, The building was bloody at breaking of daylight, 30 The bench-deals all flooded, dripping and bloodied, The folk-hall was gory: I had fewer retainers, Dear-beloved warriors, whom death had laid hold of. {Sit down to the feast, and give us comfort.} Sit at the feast now, thy intents unto heroes,[2] Thy victor-fame show, as thy spirit doth urge thee!" {A bench is made ready for Beowulf and his party.} 35 For the men of the Geats then together assembled, In the beer-hall blithesome a bench was made ready; There warlike in spirit they went to be seated, Proud and exultant. A liegeman did service, [19] Who a beaker embellished bore with decorum, {The gleeman sings} 40 And gleaming-drink poured. The gleeman sang whilom {The heroes all rejoice together.} Hearty in Heorot; there was heroes' rejoicing, A numerous war-band of Weders and Danemen. [1] B. and S. reject the reading given in H.-So., and suggested by Grtvg. B. suggests for 457-458: wáere-ryhtum Þú, wine mín Béowulf, and for ár-stafum úsic sóhtest. This means: _From the obligations of clientage, my friend Beowulf, and for assistance thou hast sought us_.--This gives coherence to Hrothgar's opening remarks in VIII., and also introduces a new motive for Beowulf's coming to Hrothgar's aid. [2] _Sit now at the feast, and disclose thy purposes to the victorious heroes, as thy spirit urges_.--Kl. reaches the above translation by erasing the comma after 'meoto' and reading 'sige-hrèðsecgum.'--There are other and bolder emendations and suggestions. Of these the boldest is to regard 'meoto' as a verb (imperative), and read 'on sæl': _Think upon gayety, etc_.--All the renderings are unsatisfactory, the one given in our translation involving a zeugma. IX. UNFERTH TAUNTS BEOWULF. {Unferth, a thane of Hrothgar, is jealous of Beowulf, and undertakes to twit him.} Unferth spoke up, Ecglaf his son, Who sat at the feet of the lord of the Scyldings, Opened the jousting (the journey[1] of Beowulf, Sea-farer doughty, gave sorrow to Unferth 5 And greatest chagrin, too, for granted he never That any man else on earth should attain to, Gain under heaven, more glory than he): {Did you take part in a swimming-match with Breca?} "Art thou that Beowulf with Breca did struggle, On the wide sea-currents at swimming contended, 10 Where to humor your pride the ocean ye tried, {'Twas mere folly that actuated you both to risk your lives on the ocean.} From vainest vaunting adventured your bodies In care of the waters? And no one was able Nor lief nor loth one, in the least to dissuade you Your difficult voyage; then ye ventured a-swimming, 15 Where your arms outstretching the streams ye did cover, The mere-ways measured, mixing and stirring them, Glided the ocean; angry the waves were, With the weltering of winter. In the water's possession, Ye toiled for a seven-night; he at swimming outdid thee, 20 In strength excelled thee. Then early at morning On the Heathoremes' shore the holm-currents tossed him, Sought he thenceward the home of his fathers, Beloved of his liegemen, the land of the Brondings, The peace-castle pleasant, where a people he wielded, [20] 25 Had borough and jewels. The pledge that he made thee {Breca outdid you entirely.} The son of Beanstan hath soothly accomplished. Then I ween thou wilt find thee less fortunate issue, {Much more will Grendel outdo you, if you vie with him in prowess.} Though ever triumphant in onset of battle, A grim grappling, if Grendel thou darest 30 For the space of a night near-by to wait for!" {Beowulf retaliates.} Beowulf answered, offspring of Ecgtheow: "My good friend Unferth, sure freely and wildly, {O friend Unferth, you are fuddled with beer, and cannot talk coherently.} Thou fuddled with beer of Breca hast spoken, Hast told of his journey! A fact I allege it, 35 That greater strength in the waters I had then, Ills in the ocean, than any man else had. We made agreement as the merest of striplings Promised each other (both of us then were {We simply kept an engagement made in early life.} Younkers in years) that we yet would adventure 40 Out on the ocean; it all we accomplished. While swimming the sea-floods, sword-blade unscabbarded Boldly we brandished, our bodies expected To shield from the sharks. He sure was unable {He _could_ not excel me, and I _would_ not excel him.} To swim on the waters further than I could, 45 More swift on the waves, nor _would_ I from him go. Then we two companions stayed in the ocean {After five days the currents separated us.} Five nights together, till the currents did part us, The weltering waters, weathers the bleakest, And nethermost night, and the north-wind whistled 50 Fierce in our faces; fell were the billows. The mere fishes' mood was mightily ruffled: And there against foemen my firm-knotted corslet, Hand-jointed, hardy, help did afford me; My battle-sark braided, brilliantly gilded, {A horrible sea-beast attacked me, but I slew him.} 55 Lay on my bosom. To the bottom then dragged me, A hateful fiend-scather, seized me and held me, Grim in his grapple: 'twas granted me, nathless, To pierce the monster with the point of my weapon, My obedient blade; battle offcarried 60 The mighty mere-creature by means of my hand-blow. [1] It has been plausibly suggested that 'síð' (in 501 and in 353) means 'arrival.' If so, translate the bracket: _(the arrival of Beowulf, the brave seafarer, was a source of great chagrin to Unferth, etc.)_. [21] X. BEOWULF SILENCES UNFERTH.--GLEE IS HIGH. "So ill-meaning enemies often did cause me Sorrow the sorest. I served them, in quittance, {My dear sword always served me faithfully.} With my dear-lovèd sword, as in sooth it was fitting; They missed the pleasure of feasting abundantly, 5 Ill-doers evil, of eating my body, Of surrounding the banquet deep in the ocean; But wounded with edges early at morning They were stretched a-high on the strand of the ocean, {I put a stop to the outrages of the sea-monsters.} Put to sleep with the sword, that sea-going travelers 10 No longer thereafter were hindered from sailing The foam-dashing currents. Came a light from the east, God's beautiful beacon; the billows subsided, That well I could see the nesses projecting, {Fortune helps the brave earl.} The blustering crags. Weird often saveth 15 The undoomed hero if doughty his valor! But me did it fortune[1] to fell with my weapon Nine of the nickers. Of night-struggle harder 'Neath dome of the heaven heard I but rarely, Nor of wight more woful in the waves of the ocean; 20 Yet I 'scaped with my life the grip of the monsters, {After that escape I drifted to Finland.} Weary from travel. Then the waters bare me To the land of the Finns, the flood with the current, {I have never heard of your doing any such bold deeds.} The weltering waves. Not a word hath been told me Of deeds so daring done by thee, Unferth, 25 And of sword-terror none; never hath Breca At the play of the battle, nor either of you two, Feat so fearless performèd with weapons Glinting and gleaming . . . . . . . . . . . . [22] . . . . . . . . . . . . I utter no boasting; {You are a slayer of brothers, and will suffer damnation, wise as you may be.} 30 Though with cold-blooded cruelty thou killedst thy brothers, Thy nearest of kin; thou needs must in hell get Direful damnation, though doughty thy wisdom. I tell thee in earnest, offspring of Ecglaf, Never had Grendel such numberless horrors, 35 The direful demon, done to thy liegelord, Harrying in Heorot, if thy heart were as sturdy, {Had your acts been as brave as your words, Grendel had not ravaged your land so long.} Thy mood as ferocious as thou dost describe them. He hath found out fully that the fierce-burning hatred, The edge-battle eager, of all of your kindred, 40 Of the Victory-Scyldings, need little dismay him: Oaths he exacteth, not any he spares {The monster is not afraid of the Danes,} Of the folk of the Danemen, but fighteth with pleasure, Killeth and feasteth, no contest expecteth {but he will soon learn to dread the Geats.} From Spear-Danish people. But the prowess and valor 45 Of the earls of the Geatmen early shall venture To give him a grapple. He shall go who is able Bravely to banquet, when the bright-light of morning {On the second day, any warrior may go unmolested to the mead-banquet.} Which the second day bringeth, the sun in its ether-robes, O'er children of men shines from the southward!" 50 Then the gray-haired, war-famed giver of treasure {Hrothgar's spirits are revived.} Was blithesome and joyous, the Bright-Danish ruler Expected assistance; the people's protector {The old king trusts Beowulf. The heroes are joyful.} Heard from Beowulf his bold resolution. There was laughter of heroes; loud was the clatter, 55 The words were winsome. Wealhtheow advanced then, {Queen Wealhtheow plays the hostess.} Consort of Hrothgar, of courtesy mindful, Gold-decked saluted the men in the building, And the freeborn woman the beaker presented {She offers the cup to her husband first.} To the lord of the kingdom, first of the East-Danes, 60 Bade him be blithesome when beer was a-flowing, Lief to his liegemen; he lustily tasted Of banquet and beaker, battle-famed ruler. The Helmingish lady then graciously circled 'Mid all the liegemen lesser and greater: [23] {She gives presents to the heroes.} 65 Treasure-cups tendered, till time was afforded That the decorous-mooded, diademed folk-queen {Then she offers the cup to Beowulf, thanking God that aid has come.} Might bear to Beowulf the bumper o'errunning; She greeted the Geat-prince, God she did thank, Most wise in her words, that her wish was accomplished, 70 That in any of earlmen she ever should look for Solace in sorrow. He accepted the beaker, Battle-bold warrior, at Wealhtheow's giving, {Beowulf states to the queen the object of his visit.} Then equipped for combat quoth he in measures, Beowulf spake, offspring of Ecgtheow: 75 "I purposed in spirit when I mounted the ocean, {I determined to do or die.} When I boarded my boat with a band of my liegemen, I would work to the fullest the will of your people Or in foe's-clutches fastened fall in the battle. Deeds I shall do of daring and prowess, 80 Or the last of my life-days live in this mead-hall." These words to the lady were welcome and pleasing, The boast of the Geatman; with gold trappings broidered Went the freeborn folk-queen her fond-lord to sit by. {Glee is high.} Then again as of yore was heard in the building 85 Courtly discussion, conquerors' shouting, Heroes were happy, till Healfdene's son would Go to his slumber to seek for refreshing; For the horrid hell-monster in the hall-building knew he A fight was determined,[2] since the light of the sun they 90 No longer could see, and lowering darkness O'er all had descended, and dark under heaven Shadowy shapes came shying around them. {Hrothgar retires, leaving Beowulf in charge of the hall.} The liegemen all rose then. One saluted the other, Hrothgar Beowulf, in rhythmical measures, 95 Wishing him well, and, the wassail-hall giving To his care and keeping, quoth he departing: [24] "Not to any one else have I ever entrusted, But thee and thee only, the hall of the Danemen, Since high I could heave my hand and my buckler. 100 Take thou in charge now the noblest of houses; Be mindful of honor, exhibiting prowess, Watch 'gainst the foeman! Thou shalt want no enjoyments, Survive thou safely adventure so glorious!" [1] The repetition of 'hwæðere' (574 and 578) is regarded by some scholars as a defect. B. suggests 'swá Þær' for the first: _So there it befell me, etc._ Another suggestion is to change the second 'hwæðere' into 'swá Þær': _So there I escaped with my life, etc._ [2] Kl. suggests a period after 'determined.' This would give the passage as follows: _Since they no longer could see the light of the sun, and lowering darkness was down over all, dire under the heavens shadowy beings came going around them_. XI. ALL SLEEP SAVE ONE. {Hrothgar retires.} Then Hrothgar departed, his earl-throng attending him, Folk-lord of Scyldings, forth from the building; The war-chieftain wished then Wealhtheow to look for, The queen for a bedmate. To keep away Grendel {God has provided a watch for the hall.} 5 The Glory of Kings had given a hall-watch, As men heard recounted: for the king of the Danemen He did special service, gave the giant a watcher: And the prince of the Geatmen implicitly trusted {Beowulf is self-confident} His warlike strength and the Wielder's protection. {He prepares for rest.} 10 His armor of iron off him he did then, His helmet from his head, to his henchman committed His chased-handled chain-sword, choicest of weapons, And bade him bide with his battle-equipments. The good one then uttered words of defiance, 15 Beowulf Geatman, ere his bed he upmounted: {Beowulf boasts of his ability to cope with Grendel.} "I hold me no meaner in matters of prowess, In warlike achievements, than Grendel does himself; Hence I seek not with sword-edge to sooth him to slumber, Of life to bereave him, though well I am able. {We will fight with nature's weapons only.} 20 No battle-skill[1] has he, that blows he should strike me, To shatter my shield, though sure he is mighty [25] In strife and destruction; but struggling by night we Shall do without edges, dare he to look for Weaponless warfare, and wise-mooded Father 25 The glory apportion, God ever-holy, {God may decide who shall conquer} On which hand soever to him seemeth proper." Then the brave-mooded hero bent to his slumber, The pillow received the cheek of the noble; {The Geatish warriors lie down.} And many a martial mere-thane attending 30 Sank to his slumber. Seemed it unlikely {They thought it very unlikely that they should ever see their homes again.} That ever thereafter any should hope to Be happy at home, hero-friends visit Or the lordly troop-castle where he lived from his childhood; They had heard how slaughter had snatched from the wine-hall, 35 Had recently ravished, of the race of the Scyldings {But God raised up a deliverer.} Too many by far. But the Lord to them granted The weaving of war-speed, to Wederish heroes Aid and comfort, that every opponent By one man's war-might they worsted and vanquished, {God rules the world.} 40 By the might of himself; the truth is established That God Almighty hath governed for ages Kindreds and nations. A night very lurid {Grendel comes to Heorot.} The trav'ler-at-twilight came tramping and striding. The warriors were sleeping who should watch the horned-building, {Only one warrior is awake.} 45 One only excepted. 'Mid earthmen 'twas 'stablished, Th' implacable foeman was powerless to hurl them To the land of shadows, if the Lord were unwilling; But serving as warder, in terror to foemen, He angrily bided the issue of battle.[2] [1] Gr. understood 'gódra' as meaning 'advantages in battle.' This rendering H.-So. rejects. The latter takes the passage as meaning that Grendel, though mighty and formidable, has no skill in the art of war. [2] B. in his masterly articles on Beowulf (P. and B. XII.) rejects the division usually made at this point, 'Þá.' (711), usually rendered 'then,' he translates 'when,' and connects its clause with the foregoing sentence. These changes he makes to reduce the number of 'cóm's' as principal verbs. (Cf. 703, 711, 721.) With all deference to this acute scholar, I must say that it seems to me that the poet is exhausting his resources to bring out clearly the supreme event on which the whole subsequent action turns. First, he (Grendel) came _in the wan night_; second, he came _from the moor_; third, he came _to the hall_. Time, place from which, place to which, are all given. [26] XII. GRENDEL AND BEOWULF. {Grendel comes from the fens.} 'Neath the cloudy cliffs came from the moor then Grendel going, God's anger bare he. The monster intended some one of earthmen In the hall-building grand to entrap and make way with: {He goes towards the joyous building.} 5 He went under welkin where well he knew of The wine-joyous building, brilliant with plating, Gold-hall of earthmen. Not the earliest occasion {This was not his first visit there.} He the home and manor of Hrothgar had sought: Ne'er found he in life-days later nor earlier 10 Hardier hero, hall-thanes[1] more sturdy! Then came to the building the warrior marching, {His horrid fingers tear the door open.} Bereft of his joyance. The door quickly opened On fire-hinges fastened, when his fingers had touched it; The fell one had flung then--his fury so bitter-- 15 Open the entrance. Early thereafter The foeman trod the shining hall-pavement, {He strides furiously into the hall.} Strode he angrily; from the eyes of him glimmered A lustre unlovely likest to fire. He beheld in the hall the heroes in numbers, 20 A circle of kinsmen sleeping together, {He exults over his supposed prey.} A throng of thanemen: then his thoughts were exultant, He minded to sunder from each of the thanemen The life from his body, horrible demon, Ere morning came, since fate had allowed him {Fate has decreed that he shall devour no more heroes. Beowulf suffers from suspense.} 25 The prospect of plenty. Providence willed not To permit him any more of men under heaven To eat in the night-time. Higelac's kinsman Great sorrow endured how the dire-mooded creature [27] In unlooked-for assaults were likely to bear him. 30 No thought had the monster of deferring the matter, {Grendel immediately seizes a sleeping warrior, and devours him.} But on earliest occasion he quickly laid hold of A soldier asleep, suddenly tore him, Bit his bone-prison, the blood drank in currents, Swallowed in mouthfuls: he soon had the dead man's 35 Feet and hands, too, eaten entirely. Nearer he strode then, the stout-hearted warrior {Beowulf and Grendel grapple.} Snatched as he slumbered, seizing with hand-grip, Forward the foeman foined with his hand; Caught he quickly the cunning deviser, 40 On his elbow he rested. This early discovered The master of malice, that in middle-earth's regions, 'Neath the whole of the heavens, no hand-grapple greater {The monster is amazed at Beowulf's strength.} In any man else had he ever encountered: Fearful in spirit, faint-mooded waxed he, 45 Not off could betake him; death he was pondering, {He is anxious to flee.} Would fly to his covert, seek the devils' assembly: His calling no more was the same he had followed Long in his lifetime. The liege-kinsman worthy {Beowulf recalls his boast of the evening, and determines to fulfil it.} Of Higelac minded his speech of the evening, 50 Stood he up straight and stoutly did seize him. His fingers crackled; the giant was outward, The earl stepped farther. The famous one minded To flee away farther, if he found an occasion, And off and away, avoiding delay, 55 To fly to the fen-moors; he fully was ware of The strength of his grapple in the grip of the foeman. {'Twas a luckless day for Grendel.} 'Twas an ill-taken journey that the injury-bringing, Harrying harmer to Heorot wandered: {The hall groans.} The palace re-echoed; to all of the Danemen, 60 Dwellers in castles, to each of the bold ones, Earlmen, was terror. Angry they both were, Archwarders raging.[2] Rattled the building; [28] 'Twas a marvellous wonder that the wine-hall withstood then The bold-in-battle, bent not to earthward, 65 Excellent earth-hall; but within and without it Was fastened so firmly in fetters of iron, By the art of the armorer. Off from the sill there Bent mead-benches many, as men have informed me, Adorned with gold-work, where the grim ones did struggle. 70 The Scylding wise men weened ne'er before That by might and main-strength a man under heaven Might break it in pieces, bone-decked, resplendent, Crush it by cunning, unless clutch of the fire In smoke should consume it. The sound mounted upward {Grendel's cries terrify the Danes.} 75 Novel enough; on the North Danes fastened A terror of anguish, on all of the men there Who heard from the wall the weeping and plaining, The song of defeat from the foeman of heaven, Heard him hymns of horror howl, and his sorrow 80 Hell-bound bewailing. He held him too firmly Who was strongest of main-strength of men of that era. [1] B. and t.B. emend so as to make lines 9 and 10 read: _Never in his life, earlier or later, had he, the hell-thane, found a braver hero_.--They argue that Beowulf's companions had done nothing to merit such encomiums as the usual readings allow them. [2] For 'réðe rén-weardas' (771), t.B. suggests 'réðe, rénhearde.' Translate: _They were both angry, raging and mighty_. XIII. GRENDEL IS VANQUISHED. {Beowulf has no idea of letting Grendel live.} For no cause whatever would the earlmen's defender Leave in life-joys the loathsome newcomer, He deemed his existence utterly useless To men under heaven. Many a noble 5 Of Beowulf brandished his battle-sword old, Would guard the life of his lord and protector, The far-famous chieftain, if able to do so; While waging the warfare, this wist they but little, Brave battle-thanes, while his body intending {No weapon would harm Grendel; he bore a charmed life.} 10 To slit into slivers, and seeking his spirit: That the relentless foeman nor finest of weapons Of all on the earth, nor any of war-bills [29] Was willing to injure; but weapons of victory Swords and suchlike he had sworn to dispense with. 15 His death at that time must prove to be wretched, And the far-away spirit widely should journey Into enemies' power. This plainly he saw then Who with mirth[1] of mood malice no little Had wrought in the past on the race of the earthmen 20 (To God he was hostile), that his body would fail him, But Higelac's hardy henchman and kinsman Held him by the hand; hateful to other {Grendel is sorely wounded.} Was each one if living. A body-wound suffered The direful demon, damage incurable {His body bursts.} 25 Was seen on his shoulder, his sinews were shivered, His body did burst. To Beowulf was given Glory in battle; Grendel from thenceward Must flee and hide him in the fen-cliffs and marshes, Sick unto death, his dwelling must look for 30 Unwinsome and woful; he wist the more fully {The monster flees away to hide in the moors.} The end of his earthly existence was nearing, His life-days' limits. At last for the Danemen, When the slaughter was over, their wish was accomplished. The comer-from-far-land had cleansed then of evil, 35 Wise and valiant, the war-hall of Hrothgar, Saved it from violence. He joyed in the night-work, In repute for prowess; the prince of the Geatmen For the East-Danish people his boast had accomplished, Bettered their burdensome bale-sorrows fully, 40 The craft-begot evil they erstwhile had suffered And were forced to endure from crushing oppression, Their manifold misery. 'Twas a manifest token, {Beowulf suspends Grendel's hand and arm in Heorot.} When the hero-in-battle the hand suspended, The arm and the shoulder (there was all of the claw 45 Of Grendel together) 'neath great-stretching hall-roof. [1] It has been proposed to translate 'myrðe' by _with sorrow_; but there seems no authority for such a rendering. To the present translator, the phrase 'módes myrðe' seems a mere padding for _gladly_; i.e., _he who gladly harassed mankind_. [30] XIV. REJOICING OF THE DANES. {At early dawn, warriors from far and near come together to hear of the night's adventures.} In the mist of the morning many a warrior Stood round the gift-hall, as the story is told me: Folk-princes fared then from far and from near Through long-stretching journeys to look at the wonder, 5 The footprints of the foeman. Few of the warriors {Few warriors lamented Grendel's destruction.} Who gazed on the foot-tracks of the inglorious creature His parting from life pained very deeply, How, weary in spirit, off from those regions In combats conquered he carried his traces, 10 Fated and flying, to the flood of the nickers. {Grendel's blood dyes the waters.} There in bloody billows bubbled the currents, The angry eddy was everywhere mingled And seething with gore, welling with sword-blood;[1] He death-doomed had hid him, when reaved of his joyance 15 He laid down his life in the lair he had fled to, His heathenish spirit, where hell did receive him. Thence the friends from of old backward turned them, And many a younker from merry adventure, Striding their stallions, stout from the seaward, 20 Heroes on horses. There were heard very often {Beowulf is the hero of the hour.} Beowulf's praises; many often asserted That neither south nor north, in the circuit of waters, {He is regarded as a probable successor to Hrothgar.} O'er outstretching earth-plain, none other was better 'Mid bearers of war-shields, more worthy to govern, 25 'Neath the arch of the ether. Not any, however, 'Gainst the friend-lord muttered, mocking-words uttered {But no word is uttered to derogate from the old king} Of Hrothgar the gracious (a good king he). Oft the famed ones permitted their fallow-skinned horses [31] To run in rivalry, racing and chasing, 30 Where the fieldways appeared to them fair and inviting, Known for their excellence; oft a thane of the folk-lord,[2] {The gleeman sings the deeds of heroes.} [3]A man of celebrity, mindful of rhythms, Who ancient traditions treasured in memory, New word-groups found properly bound: 35 The bard after 'gan then Beowulf's venture {He sings in alliterative measures of Beowulf's prowess.} Wisely to tell of, and words that were clever To utter skilfully, earnestly speaking, Everything told he that he heard as to Sigmund's {Also of Sigemund, who has slain a great fire-dragon.} Mighty achievements, many things hidden, 40 The strife of the Wælsing, the wide-going ventures The children of men knew of but little, The feud and the fury, but Fitela with him, When suchlike matters he minded to speak of, Uncle to nephew, as in every contention 45 Each to other was ever devoted: A numerous host of the race of the scathers They had slain with the sword-edge. To Sigmund accrued then No little of glory, when his life-days were over, Since he sturdy in struggle had destroyed the great dragon, 50 The hoard-treasure's keeper; 'neath the hoar-grayish stone he, The son of the atheling, unaided adventured The perilous project; not present was Fitela, Yet the fortune befell him of forcing his weapon Through the marvellous dragon, that it stood in the wall, 55 Well-honored weapon; the worm was slaughtered. The great one had gained then by his glorious achievement To reap from the ring-hoard richest enjoyment, [32] As best it did please him: his vessel he loaded, Shining ornaments on the ship's bosom carried, 60 Kinsman of Wæls: the drake in heat melted. {Sigemund was widely famed.} He was farthest famed of fugitive pilgrims, Mid wide-scattered world-folk, for works of great prowess, War-troopers' shelter: hence waxed he in honor.[4] {Heremod, an unfortunate Danish king, is introduced by way of contrast.} Afterward Heremod's hero-strength failed him, 65 His vigor and valor. 'Mid venomous haters To the hands of foemen he was foully delivered, Offdriven early. Agony-billows {Unlike Sigemund and Beowulf, Heremod was a burden to his people.} Oppressed him too long, to his people he became then, To all the athelings, an ever-great burden; 70 And the daring one's journey in days of yore Many wise men were wont to deplore, Such as hoped he would bring them help in their sorrow, That the son of their ruler should rise into power, Holding the headship held by his fathers, 75 Should govern the people, the gold-hoard and borough, The kingdom of heroes, the realm of the Scyldings. {Beowulf is an honor to his race.} He to all men became then far more beloved, Higelac's kinsman, to kindreds and races, To his friends much dearer; him malice assaulted.-- {The story is resumed.} 80 Oft running and racing on roadsters they measured The dun-colored highways. Then the light of the morning Was hurried and hastened. Went henchmen in numbers To the beautiful building, bold ones in spirit, To look at the wonder; the liegelord himself then 85 From his wife-bower wending, warden of treasures, Glorious trod with troopers unnumbered, Famed for his virtues, and with him the queen-wife Measured the mead-ways, with maidens attending. [1] S. emends, suggesting 'déop' for 'déog,' and removing semicolon after 'wéol.' The two half-lines 'welling ... hid him' would then read: _The bloody deep welled with sword-gore_. B. accepts 'déop' for 'déog,' but reads 'déað-fæges': _The deep boiled with the sword-gore of the death-doomed one_. [2] Another and quite different rendering of this passage is as follows: _Oft a liegeman of the king, a fame-covered man mindful of songs, who very many ancient traditions remembered (he found other word-groups accurately bound together) began afterward to tell of Beowulf's adventure, skilfully to narrate it, etc_. [3] Might 'guma gilp-hladen' mean 'a man laden with boasts of the deeds of others'? [4] t.B. accepts B.'s 'hé þæs áron þáh' as given by H.-So., but puts a comma after 'þáh,' and takes 'siððan' as introducing a dependent clause: _He throve in honor since Heremod's strength ... had decreased_. [33] XV. HROTHGAR'S GRATITUDE. Hrothgar discoursed (to the hall-building went he, He stood by the pillar,[1] saw the steep-rising hall-roof Gleaming with gold-gems, and Grendel his hand there): {Hrothgar gives thanks for the overthrow of the monster.} "For the sight we behold now, thanks to the Wielder 5 Early be offered! Much evil I bided, Snaring from Grendel:[2] God can e'er 'complish Wonder on wonder, Wielder of Glory! {I had given up all hope, when this brave liegeman came to our aid.} But lately I reckoned ne'er under heaven Comfort to gain me for any of sorrows, 10 While the handsomest of houses horrid with bloodstain Gory uptowered; grief had offfrightened[3] Each of the wise ones who weened not that ever The folk-troop's defences 'gainst foes they should strengthen, 'Gainst sprites and monsters. Through the might of the Wielder 15 A doughty retainer hath a deed now accomplished Which erstwhile we all with our excellent wisdom {If his mother yet liveth, well may she thank God for this son.} Failed to perform. May affirm very truly What woman soever in all of the nations Gave birth to the child, if yet she surviveth, 20 That the long-ruling Lord was lavish to herward In the birth of the bairn. Now, Beowulf dear, {Hereafter, Beowulf, thou shalt be my son.} Most excellent hero, I'll love thee in spirit As bairn of my body; bear well henceforward The relationship new. No lack shall befall thee 25 Of earth-joys any I ever can give thee. Full often for lesser service I've given [34] Hero less hardy hoard-treasure precious, {Thou hast won immortal distinction.} To a weaker in war-strife. By works of distinction Thou hast gained for thyself now that thy glory shall flourish 30 Forever and ever. The All-Ruler quite thee With good from His hand as He hitherto did thee!" {Beowulf replies: I was most happy to render thee this service.} Beowulf answered, Ecgtheow's offspring: "That labor of glory most gladly achieved we, The combat accomplished, unquailing we ventured 35 The enemy's grapple; I would grant it much rather Thou wert able to look at the creature in person, Faint unto falling, the foe in his trappings! On murder-bed quickly I minded to bind him, With firm-holding fetters, that forced by my grapple 40 Low he should lie in life-and-death struggle 'Less his body escape; I was wholly unable, {I could not keep the monster from escaping, as God did not will that I should.} Since God did not will it, to keep him from going, Not held him that firmly, hated opposer; Too swift was the foeman. Yet safety regarding 45 He suffered his hand behind him to linger, His arm and shoulder, to act as watcher; {He left his hand and arm behind.} No shadow of solace the woe-begone creature Found him there nathless: the hated destroyer Liveth no longer, lashed for his evils, 50 But sorrow hath seized him, in snare-meshes hath him Close in its clutches, keepeth him writhing In baleful bonds: there banished for evil The man shall wait for the mighty tribunal, {God will give him his deserts.} How the God of glory shall give him his earnings." 55 Then the soldier kept silent, son of old Ecglaf, {Unferth has nothing more to say, for Beowulf's actions speak louder than words.} From boasting and bragging of battle-achievements, Since the princes beheld there the hand that depended 'Neath the lofty hall-timbers by the might of the nobleman, Each one before him, the enemy's fingers; 60 Each finger-nail strong steel most resembled, The heathen one's hand-spur, the hero-in-battle's Claw most uncanny; quoth they agreeing, [35] {No sword will harm the monster.} That not any excellent edges of brave ones Was willing to touch him, the terrible creature's 65 Battle-hand bloody to bear away from him. [1] B. and t.B. read 'staþole,' and translate _stood on the floor_. [2] For 'snaring from Grendel,' 'sorrows at Grendel's hands' has been suggested. This gives a parallel to 'láðes.' 'Grynna' may well be gen. pl. of 'gyrn,' by a scribal slip. [3] The H.-So punctuation has been followed; but B. has been followed in understanding 'gehwylcne' as object of 'wíd-scofen (hæfde).' Gr. construes 'wéa' as nom abs. XVI. HROTHGAR LAVISHES GIFTS UPON HIS DELIVERER. {Heorot is adorned with hands.} Then straight was ordered that Heorot inside[1] With hands be embellished: a host of them gathered, Of men and women, who the wassailing-building The guest-hall begeared. Gold-flashing sparkled 5 Webs on the walls then, of wonders a many To each of the heroes that look on such objects. {The hall is defaced, however.} The beautiful building was broken to pieces Which all within with irons was fastened, Its hinges torn off: only the roof was 10 Whole and uninjured when the horrible creature Outlawed for evil off had betaken him, Hopeless of living. 'Tis hard to avoid it {[A vague passage of five verses.]} (Whoever will do it!); but he doubtless must come to[2] The place awaiting, as Wyrd hath appointed, 15 Soul-bearers, earth-dwellers, earls under heaven, Where bound on its bed his body shall slumber {Hrothgar goes to the banquet.} When feasting is finished. Full was the time then That the son of Healfdene went to the building; [36] The excellent atheling would eat of the banquet. 20 Ne'er heard I that people with hero-band larger Bare them better tow'rds their bracelet-bestower. The laden-with-glory stooped to the bench then (Their kinsmen-companions in plenty were joyful, Many a cupful quaffing complaisantly), 25 Doughty of spirit in the high-tow'ring palace, {Hrothgar's nephew, Hrothulf, is present.} Hrothgar and Hrothulf. Heorot then inside Was filled with friendly ones; falsehood and treachery The Folk-Scyldings now nowise did practise. {Hrothgar lavishes gifts upon Beowulf.} Then the offspring of Healfdene offered to Beowulf 30 A golden standard, as reward for the victory, A banner embossed, burnie and helmet; Many men saw then a song-famous weapon Borne 'fore the hero. Beowulf drank of The cup in the building; that treasure-bestowing 35 He needed not blush for in battle-men's presence. {Four handsomer gifts were never presented.} Ne'er heard I that many men on the ale-bench In friendlier fashion to their fellows presented Four bright jewels with gold-work embellished. 'Round the roof of the helmet a head-guarder outside 40 Braided with wires, with bosses was furnished, That swords-for-the-battle fight-hardened might fail Boldly to harm him, when the hero proceeded {Hrothgar commands that eight finely caparisoned steeds be brought to Beowulf.} Forth against foemen. The defender of earls then Commanded that eight steeds with bridles 45 Gold-plated, gleaming, be guided to hallward, Inside the building; on one of them stood then An art-broidered saddle embellished with jewels; 'Twas the sovereign's seat, when the son of King Healfdene Was pleased to take part in the play of the edges; 50 The famous one's valor ne'er failed at the front when Slain ones were bowing. And to Beowulf granted The prince of the Ingwins, power over both, O'er war-steeds and weapons; bade him well to enjoy them. In so manly a manner the mighty-famed chieftain, [37] 55 Hoard-ward of heroes, with horses and jewels War-storms requited, that none e'er condemneth Who willeth to tell truth with full justice. [1] Kl. suggests 'hroden' for 'háten,' and renders: _Then quickly was Heorot adorned within, with hands bedecked_.--B. suggests 'gefrætwon' instead of 'gefrætwod,' and renders: _Then was it commanded to adorn Heorot within quickly with hands_.--The former has the advantage of affording a parallel to 'gefrætwod': both have the disadvantage of altering the text. [2] The passage 1005-1009 seems to be hopeless. One difficult point is to find a subject for 'gesacan.' Some say 'he'; others supply 'each,' _i.e., every soul-bearer ... must gain the inevitable place_. The genitives in this case are partitive.--If 'he' be subj., the genitives are dependent on 'gearwe' (= prepared).--The 'he' itself is disputed, some referring it to Grendel; but B. takes it as involved in the parenthesis. XVII. BANQUET (_continued_).--THE SCOP'S SONG OF FINN AND HNÆF. {Each of Beowulf's companions receives a costly gift.} And the atheling of earlmen to each of the heroes Who the ways of the waters went with Beowulf, A costly gift-token gave on the mead-bench, Offered an heirloom, and ordered that that man {The warrior killed by Grendel is to be paid for in gold.} 5 With gold should be paid for, whom Grendel had erstwhile Wickedly slaughtered, as he more of them had done Had far-seeing God and the mood of the hero The fate not averted: the Father then governed All of the earth-dwellers, as He ever is doing; 10 Hence insight for all men is everywhere fittest, Forethought of spirit! much he shall suffer Of lief and of loathsome who long in this present Useth the world in this woful existence. There was music and merriment mingling together {Hrothgar's scop recalls events in the reign of his lord's father.} 15 Touching Healfdene's leader; the joy-wood was fingered, Measures recited, when the singer of Hrothgar On mead-bench should mention the merry hall-joyance Of the kinsmen of Finn, when onset surprised them: {Hnæf, the Danish general, is treacherously attacked while staying at Finn's castle.} "The Half-Danish hero, Hnæf of the Scyldings, 20 On the field of the Frisians was fated to perish. Sure Hildeburg needed not mention approving The faith of the Jutemen: though blameless entirely, {Queen Hildeburg is not only wife of Finn, but a kinswoman of the murdered Hnæf.} When shields were shivered she was shorn of her darlings, Of bairns and brothers: they bent to their fate 25 With war-spear wounded; woe was that woman. Not causeless lamented the daughter of Hoce The decree of the Wielder when morning-light came and She was able 'neath heaven to behold the destruction [38] Of brothers and bairns, where the brightest of earth-joys {Finn's force is almost exterminated.} 30 She had hitherto had: all the henchmen of Finn War had offtaken, save a handful remaining, That he nowise was able to offer resistance[1] {Hengest succeeds Hnæf as Danish general.} To the onset of Hengest in the parley of battle, Nor the wretched remnant to rescue in war from 35 The earl of the atheling; but they offered conditions, {Compact between the Frisians and the Danes.} Another great building to fully make ready, A hall and a high-seat, that half they might rule with The sons of the Jutemen, and that Folcwalda's son would Day after day the Danemen honor 40 When gifts were giving, and grant of his ring-store To Hengest's earl-troop ever so freely, Of his gold-plated jewels, as he encouraged the Frisians {Equality of gifts agreed on.} On the bench of the beer-hall. On both sides they swore then A fast-binding compact; Finn unto Hengest 45 With no thought of revoking vowed then most solemnly The woe-begone remnant well to take charge of, His Witan advising; the agreement should no one By words or works weaken and shatter, By artifice ever injure its value, 50 Though reaved of their ruler their ring-giver's slayer They followed as vassals, Fate so requiring: {No one shall refer to old grudges.} Then if one of the Frisians the quarrel should speak of In tones that were taunting, terrible edges Should cut in requital. Accomplished the oath was, 55 And treasure of gold from the hoard was uplifted. {Danish warriors are burned on a funeral-pyre.} The best of the Scylding braves was then fully Prepared for the pile; at the pyre was seen clearly The blood-gory burnie, the boar with his gilding, The iron-hard swine, athelings many 60 Fatally wounded; no few had been slaughtered. Hildeburg bade then, at the burning of Hnæf, [39] {Queen Hildeburg has her son burnt along with Hnæf.} The bairn of her bosom to bear to the fire, That his body be burned and borne to the pyre. The woe-stricken woman wept on his shoulder,[2] 65 In measures lamented; upmounted the hero.[3] The greatest of dead-fires curled to the welkin, On the hill's-front crackled; heads were a-melting, Wound-doors bursting, while the blood was a-coursing From body-bite fierce. The fire devoured them, 70 Greediest of spirits, whom war had offcarried From both of the peoples; their bravest were fallen. [1] For 1084, R. suggests 'wiht Hengeste wið gefeohtan.'--K. suggests 'wið Hengeste wiht gefeohtan.' Neither emendation would make any essential change in the translation. [2] The separation of adjective and noun by a phrase (cf. v. 1118) being very unusual, some scholars have put 'earme on eaxle' with the foregoing lines, inserting a semicolon after 'eaxle.' In this case 'on eaxe' (_i.e._, on the ashes, cinders) is sometimes read, and this affords a parallel to 'on bæl.' Let us hope that a satisfactory rendering shall yet be reached without resorting to any tampering with the text, such as Lichtenheld proposed: 'earme ides on eaxle gnornode.' [3] For 'gúð-rinc,' 'gúð-réc,' _battle-smoke_, has been suggested. XVIII. THE FINN EPISODE (_continued_).--THE BANQUET CONTINUES. {The survivors go to Friesland, the home of Finn.} "Then the warriors departed to go to their dwellings, Reaved of their friends, Friesland to visit, Their homes and high-city. Hengest continued {Hengest remains there all winter, unable to get away.} Biding with Finn the blood-tainted winter, 5 Wholly unsundered;[1] of fatherland thought he Though unable to drive the ring-stemmèd vessel [40] O'er the ways of the waters; the wave-deeps were tossing, Fought with the wind; winter in ice-bonds Closed up the currents, till there came to the dwelling 10 A year in its course, as yet it revolveth, If season propitious one alway regardeth, World-cheering weathers. Then winter was gone, Earth's bosom was lovely; the exile would get him, {He devises schemes of vengeance.} The guest from the palace; on grewsomest vengeance 15 He brooded more eager than on oversea journeys, Whe'r onset-of-anger he were able to 'complish, The bairns of the Jutemen therein to remember. Nowise refused he the duties of liegeman When Hun of the Frisians the battle-sword Láfing, 20 Fairest of falchions, friendly did give him: Its edges were famous in folk-talk of Jutland. And savage sword-fury seized in its clutches Bold-mooded Finn where he bode in his palace, {Guthlaf and Oslaf revenge Hnæf's slaughter.} When the grewsome grapple Guthlaf and Oslaf 25 Had mournfully mentioned, the mere-journey over, For sorrows half-blamed him; the flickering spirit Could not bide in his bosom. Then the building was covered[2] {Finn is slain.} With corpses of foemen, and Finn too was slaughtered, The king with his comrades, and the queen made a prisoner. {The jewels of Finn, and his queen are carried away by the Danes.} 30 The troops of the Scyldings bore to their vessels All that the land-king had in his palace, Such trinkets and treasures they took as, on searching, At Finn's they could find. They ferried to Daneland The excellent woman on oversea journey, {The lay is concluded, and the main story is resumed.} 35 Led her to their land-folk." The lay was concluded, The gleeman's recital. Shouts again rose then, Bench-glee resounded, bearers then offered {Skinkers carry round the beaker.} Wine from wonder-vats. Wealhtheo advanced then Going 'neath gold-crown, where the good ones were seated [41] {Queen Wealhtheow greets Hrothgar, as he sits beside Hrothulf, his nephew.} 40 Uncle and nephew; their peace was yet mutual, True each to the other. And Unferth the spokesman Sat at the feet of the lord of the Scyldings: Each trusted his spirit that his mood was courageous, Though at fight he had failed in faith to his kinsmen. 45 Said the queen of the Scyldings: "My lord and protector, Treasure-bestower, take thou this beaker; Joyance attend thee, gold-friend of heroes, {Be generous to the Geats.} And greet thou the Geatmen with gracious responses! So ought one to do. Be kind to the Geatmen, 50 In gifts not niggardly; anear and afar now Peace thou enjoyest. Report hath informed me Thou'lt have for a bairn the battle-brave hero. Now is Heorot cleansèd, ring-palace gleaming; {Have as much joy as possible in thy hall, once more purified.} Give while thou mayest many rewards, 55 And bequeath to thy kinsmen kingdom and people, On wending thy way to the Wielder's splendor. I know good Hrothulf, that the noble young troopers {I know that Hrothulf will prove faithful if he survive thee.} He'll care for and honor, lord of the Scyldings, If earth-joys thou endest earlier than he doth; 60 I reckon that recompense he'll render with kindness Our offspring and issue, if that all he remember, What favors of yore, when he yet was an infant, We awarded to him for his worship and pleasure." Then she turned by the bench where her sons were carousing, 65 Hrethric and Hrothmund, and the heroes' offspring, {Beowulf is sitting by the two royal sons.} The war-youth together; there the good one was sitting 'Twixt the brothers twain, Beowulf Geatman. [1] For 1130 (1) R. and Gr. suggest 'elne unflitme' as 1098 (1) reads. The latter verse is undisputed; and, for the former, 'elne' would be as possible as 'ealles,' and 'unflitme' is well supported. Accepting 'elne unflitme' for both, I would suggest '_very peaceably_' for both places: (1) _Finn to Hengest very peaceably vowed with oaths_, etc. (2) _Hengest then still the slaughter-stained winter remained there with Finn very peaceably_. The two passages become thus correlatives, the second a sequel of the first. 'Elne,' in the sense of very (swíðe), needs no argument; and 'unflitme' (from 'flítan') can, it seems to me, be more plausibly rendered 'peaceful,' 'peaceable,' than 'contestable,' or 'conquerable.' [2] Some scholars have proposed 'roden'; the line would then read: _Then the building was reddened, etc._, instead of 'covered.' The 'h' may have been carried over from the three alliterating 'h's.' XIX. BEOWULF RECEIVES FURTHER HONOR. {More gifts are offered Beowulf.} A beaker was borne him, and bidding to quaff it Graciously given, and gold that was twisted Pleasantly proffered, a pair of arm-jewels, [42] Rings and corslet, of collars the greatest 5 I've heard of 'neath heaven. Of heroes not any More splendid from jewels have I heard 'neath the welkin, {A famous necklace is referred to, in comparison with the gems presented to Beowulf.} Since Hama off bore the Brosingmen's necklace, The bracteates and jewels, from the bright-shining city,[1] Eormenric's cunning craftiness fled from, 10 Chose gain everlasting. Geatish Higelac, Grandson of Swerting, last had this jewel When tramping 'neath banner the treasure he guarded, The field-spoil defended; Fate offcarried him When for deeds of daring he endured tribulation, 15 Hate from the Frisians; the ornaments bare he O'er the cup of the currents, costly gem-treasures, Mighty folk-leader, he fell 'neath his target; The[2] corpse of the king then came into charge of The race of the Frankmen, the mail-shirt and collar: 20 Warmen less noble plundered the fallen, When the fight was finished; the folk of the Geatmen The field of the dead held in possession. The choicest of mead-halls with cheering resounded. Wealhtheo discoursed, the war-troop addressed she: {Queen Wealhtheow magnifies Beowulf's achievements.} 25 "This collar enjoy thou, Beowulf worthy, Young man, in safety, and use thou this armor, Gems of the people, and prosper thou fully, Show thyself sturdy and be to these liegemen Mild with instruction! I'll mind thy requital. 30 Thou hast brought it to pass that far and near Forever and ever earthmen shall honor thee, Even so widely as ocean surroundeth The blustering bluffs. Be, while thou livest, [43] A wealth-blessèd atheling. I wish thee most truly {May gifts never fail thee.} 35 Jewels and treasure. Be kind to my son, thou Living in joyance! Here each of the nobles Is true unto other, gentle in spirit, Loyal to leader. The liegemen are peaceful, The war-troops ready: well-drunken heroes,[3] 40 Do as I bid ye." Then she went to the settle. There was choicest of banquets, wine drank the heroes: {They little know of the sorrow in store for them.} Weird they knew not, destiny cruel, As to many an earlman early it happened, When evening had come and Hrothgar had parted 45 Off to his manor, the mighty to slumber. Warriors unnumbered warded the building As erst they did often: the ale-settle bared they, 'Twas covered all over with beds and pillows. {A doomed thane is there with them.} Doomed unto death, down to his slumber 50 Bowed then a beer-thane. Their battle-shields placed they, Bright-shining targets, up by their heads then; O'er the atheling on ale-bench 'twas easy to see there Battle-high helmet, burnie of ring-mail, {They were always ready for battle.} And mighty war-spear. 'Twas the wont of that people 55 To constantly keep them equipped for the battle,[4] At home or marching--in either condition-- At seasons just such as necessity ordered As best for their ruler; that people was worthy. [1] C. suggests a semicolon after 'city,' with 'he' as supplied subject of 'fled' and 'chose.' [2] For 'feorh' S. suggests 'feoh': 'corpse' in the translation would then be changed to '_possessions_,' '_belongings_.' This is a better reading than one joining, in such intimate syntactical relations, things so unlike as 'corpse' and 'jewels.' [3] S. suggests '_wine-joyous heroes_,' '_warriors elated with wine_.' [4] I believe this translation brings out the meaning of the poet, without departing seriously from the H.-So. text. 'Oft' frequently means 'constantly,' 'continually,' not always 'often.'--Why 'an (on) wíg gearwe' should be written 'ánwíg-gearwe' (= ready for single combat), I cannot see. 'Gearwe' occurs quite frequently with 'on'; cf. B. 1110 (_ready for the pyre_), El. 222 (_ready for the glad journey_). Moreover, what has the idea of single combat to do with B. 1247 ff.? The poet is giving an inventory of the arms and armor which they lay aside on retiring, and he closes his narration by saying that they were _always prepared for battle both at home and on the march_. [44] XX. THE MOTHER OF GRENDEL. They sank then to slumber. With sorrow one paid for His evening repose, as often betid them While Grendel was holding[1] the gold-bedecked palace, Ill-deeds performing, till his end overtook him, 5 Death for his sins. 'Twas seen very clearly, {Grendel's mother is known to be thirsting for revenge.} Known unto earth-folk, that still an avenger Outlived the loathed one, long since the sorrow Caused by the struggle; the mother of Grendel, Devil-shaped woman, her woe ever minded, 10 Who was held to inhabit the horrible waters, {[Grendel's progenitor, Cain, is again referred to.]} The cold-flowing currents, after Cain had become a Slayer-with-edges to his one only brother, The son of his sire; he set out then banished, Marked as a murderer, man-joys avoiding, 15 Lived in the desert. Thence demons unnumbered {The poet again magnifies Beowulf's valor.} Fate-sent awoke; one of them Grendel, Sword-cursèd, hateful, who at Heorot met with A man that was watching, waiting the struggle, Where a horrid one held him with hand-grapple sturdy; 20 Nathless he minded the might of his body, The glorious gift God had allowed him, And folk-ruling Father's favor relied on, His help and His comfort: so he conquered the foeman, The hell-spirit humbled: he unhappy departed then, 25 Reaved of his joyance, journeying to death-haunts, Foeman of man. His mother moreover {Grendel's mother comes to avenge her son.} Eager and gloomy was anxious to go on Her mournful mission, mindful of vengeance For the death of her son. She came then to Heorot [45] 30 Where the Armor-Dane earlmen all through the building Were lying in slumber. Soon there became then Return[2] to the nobles, when the mother of Grendel Entered the folk-hall; the fear was less grievous By even so much as the vigor of maidens, 35 War-strength of women, by warrior is reckoned, When well-carved weapon, worked with the hammer, Blade very bloody, brave with its edges, Strikes down the boar-sign that stands on the helmet. Then the hard-edgèd weapon was heaved in the building,[3] 40 The brand o'er the benches, broad-lindens many Hand-fast were lifted; for helmet he recked not, For armor-net broad, whom terror laid hold of. She went then hastily, outward would get her Her life for to save, when some one did spy her; {She seizes a favorite liegemen of Hrothgar's.} 45 Soon she had grappled one of the athelings Fast and firmly, when fenward she hied her; That one to Hrothgar was liefest of heroes In rank of retainer where waters encircle, A mighty shield-warrior, whom she murdered at slumber, 50 A broadly-famed battle-knight. Beowulf was absent, {Beowulf was asleep in another part of the palace.} But another apartment was erstwhile devoted To the glory-decked Geatman when gold was distributed. There was hubbub in Heorot. The hand that was famous She grasped in its gore;[4] grief was renewed then [46] 55 In homes and houses: 'twas no happy arrangement In both of the quarters to barter and purchase With lives of their friends. Then the well-agèd ruler, The gray-headed war-thane, was woful in spirit, When his long-trusted liegeman lifeless he knew of, {Beowulf is sent for.} 60 His dearest one gone. Quick from a room was Beowulf brought, brave and triumphant. As day was dawning in the dusk of the morning, {He comes at Hrothgar's summons.} Went then that earlman, champion noble, Came with comrades, where the clever one bided 65 Whether God all gracious would grant him a respite After the woe he had suffered. The war-worthy hero With a troop of retainers trod then the pavement (The hall-building groaned), till he greeted the wise one, {Beowulf inquires how Hrothgar had enjoyed his night's rest.} The earl of the Ingwins;[5] asked if the night had 70 Fully refreshed him, as fain he would have it. [1] Several eminent authorities either read or emend the MS. so as to make this verse read, _While Grendel was wasting the gold-bedecked palace_. So 20_15 below: _ravaged the desert_. [2] For 'sóna' (1281), t.B. suggests 'sára,' limiting 'edhwyrft.' Read then: _Return of sorrows to the nobles, etc_. This emendation supplies the syntactical gap after 'edhwyrft.' [3] Some authorities follow Grein's lexicon in treating 'heard ecg' as an adj. limiting 'sweord': H.-So. renders it as a subst. (So v. 1491.) The sense of the translation would be the same. [4] B. suggests 'under hróf genam' (v. 1303). This emendation, as well as an emendation with (?) to v. 739, he offers, because 'under' baffles him in both passages. All we need is to take 'under' in its secondary meaning of 'in,' which, though not given by Grein, occurs in the literature. Cf. Chron. 876 (March's A.-S. Gram. § 355) and Oro. Amaz. I. 10, where 'under' = _in the midst of_. Cf. modern Eng. 'in such circumstances,' which interchanges in good usage with 'under such circumstances.' [5] For 'néod-laðu' (1321) C. suggests 'néad-láðum,' and translates: _asked whether the night had been pleasant to him after crushing-hostility_. XXI. HROTHGAR'S ACCOUNT OF THE MONSTERS. {Hrothgar laments the death of Æschere, his shoulder-companion.} Hrothgar rejoined, helm of the Scyldings: "Ask not of joyance! Grief is renewed to The folk of the Danemen. Dead is Æschere, Yrmenlaf's brother, older than he, 5 My true-hearted counsellor, trusty adviser, Shoulder-companion, when fighting in battle Our heads we protected, when troopers were clashing, {He was my ideal hero.} And heroes were dashing; such an earl should be ever, An erst-worthy atheling, as Æschere proved him. 10 The flickering death-spirit became in Heorot His hand-to-hand murderer; I can not tell whither The cruel one turned in the carcass exulting, [47] {This horrible creature came to avenge Grendel's death.} By cramming discovered.[1] The quarrel she wreaked then, That last night igone Grendel thou killedst 15 In grewsomest manner, with grim-holding clutches, Since too long he had lessened my liege-troop and wasted My folk-men so foully. He fell in the battle With forfeit of life, and another has followed, A mighty crime-worker, her kinsman avenging, 20 And henceforth hath 'stablished her hatred unyielding,[2] As it well may appear to many a liegeman, Who mourneth in spirit the treasure-bestower, Her heavy heart-sorrow; the hand is now lifeless Which[3] availed you in every wish that you cherished. {I have heard my vassals speak of these two uncanny monsters who lived in the moors.} 25 Land-people heard I, liegemen, this saying, Dwellers in halls, they had seen very often A pair of such mighty march-striding creatures, Far-dwelling spirits, holding the moorlands: One of them wore, as well they might notice, 30 The image of woman, the other one wretched In guise of a man wandered in exile, Except he was huger than any of earthmen; Earth-dwelling people entitled him Grendel In days of yore: they know not their father, 35 Whe'r ill-going spirits any were borne him {The inhabit the most desolate and horrible places.} Ever before. They guard the wolf-coverts, Lands inaccessible, wind-beaten nesses, Fearfullest fen-deeps, where a flood from the mountains 'Neath mists of the nesses netherward rattles, 40 The stream under earth: not far is it henceward Measured by mile-lengths that the mere-water standeth, Which forests hang over, with frost-whiting covered,[4] [48] A firm-rooted forest, the floods overshadow. There ever at night one an ill-meaning portent 45 A fire-flood may see; 'mong children of men None liveth so wise that wot of the bottom; Though harassed by hounds the heath-stepper seek for, {Even the hounded deer will not seek refuge in these uncanny regions.} Fly to the forest, firm-antlered he-deer, Spurred from afar, his spirit he yieldeth, 50 His life on the shore, ere in he will venture To cover his head. Uncanny the place is: Thence upward ascendeth the surging of waters, Wan to the welkin, when the wind is stirring The weathers unpleasing, till the air groweth gloomy, {To thee only can I look for assistance.} 55 And the heavens lower. Now is help to be gotten From thee and thee only! The abode thou know'st not, The dangerous place where thou'rt able to meet with The sin-laden hero: seek if thou darest! For the feud I will fully fee thee with money, 60 With old-time treasure, as erstwhile I did thee, With well-twisted jewels, if away thou shalt get thee." [1] For 'gefrægnod' (1334), K. and t.B. suggest 'gefægnod,' rendering '_rejoicing in her fill_.' This gives a parallel to 'æse wlanc' (1333). [2] The line 'And ... yielding,' B. renders: _And she has performed a deed of blood-vengeance whose effect is far-reaching_. [3] 'Sé Þe' (1345) is an instance of masc. rel. with fem. antecedent. So v. 1888, where 'sé Þe' refers to 'yldo.' [4] For 'hrímge' in the H.-So. edition, Gr. and others read 'hrínde' (=hrínende), and translate: _which rustling forests overhang_. XXII. BEOWULF SEEKS GRENDEL'S MOTHER. Beowulf answered, Ecgtheow's son: {Beowulf exhorts the old king to arouse himself for action.} "Grieve not, O wise one! for each it is better, His friend to avenge than with vehemence wail him; Each of us must the end-day abide of 5 His earthly existence; who is able accomplish Glory ere death! To battle-thane noble Lifeless lying, 'tis at last most fitting. Arise, O king, quick let us hasten To look at the footprint of the kinsman of Grendel! 10 I promise thee this now: to his place he'll escape not, To embrace of the earth, nor to mountainous forest, Nor to depths of the ocean, wherever he wanders. [49] Practice thou now patient endurance Of each of thy sorrows, as I hope for thee soothly!" {Hrothgar rouses himself. His horse is brought.} 15 Then up sprang the old one, the All-Wielder thanked he, Ruler Almighty, that the man had outspoken. Then for Hrothgar a war-horse was decked with a bridle, Curly-maned courser. The clever folk-leader {They start on the track of the female monster.} Stately proceeded: stepped then an earl-troop 20 Of linden-wood bearers. Her footprints were seen then Widely in wood-paths, her way o'er the bottoms, Where she faraway fared o'er fen-country murky, Bore away breathless the best of retainers Who pondered with Hrothgar the welfare of country. 25 The son of the athelings then went o'er the stony, Declivitous cliffs, the close-covered passes, Narrow passages, paths unfrequented, Nesses abrupt, nicker-haunts many; One of a few of wise-mooded heroes, 30 He onward advanced to view the surroundings, Till he found unawares woods of the mountain O'er hoar-stones hanging, holt-wood unjoyful; The water stood under, welling and gory. 'Twas irksome in spirit to all of the Danemen, 35 Friends of the Scyldings, to many a liegeman {The sight of Æschere's head causes them great sorrow.} Sad to be suffered, a sorrow unlittle To each of the earlmen, when to Æschere's head they Came on the cliff. The current was seething With blood and with gore (the troopers gazed on it). 40 The horn anon sang the battle-song ready. The troop were all seated; they saw 'long the water then {The water is filled with serpents and sea-dragons.} Many a serpent, mere-dragons wondrous Trying the waters, nickers a-lying On the cliffs of the nesses, which at noonday full often 45 Go on the sea-deeps their sorrowful journey, Wild-beasts and wormkind; away then they hastened {One of them is killed by Beowulf.} Hot-mooded, hateful, they heard the great clamor, The war-trumpet winding. One did the Geat-prince [50] Sunder from earth-joys, with arrow from bowstring, 50 From his sea-struggle tore him, that the trusty war-missile {The dead beast is a poor swimmer} Pierced to his vitals; he proved in the currents Less doughty at swimming whom death had offcarried. Soon in the waters the wonderful swimmer Was straitened most sorely with sword-pointed boar-spears, 55 Pressed in the battle and pulled to the cliff-edge; The liegemen then looked on the loath-fashioned stranger. {Beowulf prepares for a struggle with the monster.} Beowulf donned then his battle-equipments, Cared little for life; inlaid and most ample, The hand-woven corslet which could cover his body, 60 Must the wave-deeps explore, that war might be powerless To harm the great hero, and the hating one's grasp might Not peril his safety; his head was protected By the light-flashing helmet that should mix with the bottoms, Trying the eddies, treasure-emblazoned, 65 Encircled with jewels, as in seasons long past The weapon-smith worked it, wondrously made it, With swine-bodies fashioned it, that thenceforward no longer Brand might bite it, and battle-sword hurt it. And that was not least of helpers in prowess {He has Unferth's sword in his hand.} 70 That Hrothgar's spokesman had lent him when straitened; And the hilted hand-sword was Hrunting entitled, Old and most excellent 'mong all of the treasures; Its blade was of iron, blotted with poison, Hardened with gore; it failed not in battle 75 Any hero under heaven in hand who it brandished, Who ventured to take the terrible journeys, The battle-field sought; not the earliest occasion That deeds of daring 'twas destined to 'complish. {Unferth has little use for swords.} Ecglaf's kinsman minded not soothly, 80 Exulting in strength, what erst he had spoken Drunken with wine, when the weapon he lent to A sword-hero bolder; himself did not venture 'Neath the strife of the currents his life to endanger, [51] To fame-deeds perform; there he forfeited glory, 85 Repute for his strength. Not so with the other When he clad in his corslet had equipped him for battle. XXIII. BEOWULF'S FIGHT WITH GRENDEL'S MOTHER. {Beowulf makes a parting speech to Hrothgar.} Beowulf spake, Ecgtheow's son: "Recall now, oh, famous kinsman of Healfdene, Prince very prudent, now to part I am ready, Gold-friend of earlmen, what erst we agreed on, {If I fail, act as a kind liegelord to my thanes,} 5 Should I lay down my life in lending thee assistance, When my earth-joys were over, thou wouldst evermore serve me In stead of a father; my faithful thanemen, My trusty retainers, protect thou and care for, Fall I in battle: and, Hrothgar belovèd, {and send Higelac the jewels thou hast given me} 10 Send unto Higelac the high-valued jewels Thou to me hast allotted. The lord of the Geatmen May perceive from the gold, the Hrethling may see it {I should like my king to know how generous a lord I found thee to be.} When he looks on the jewels, that a gem-giver found I Good over-measure, enjoyed him while able. 15 And the ancient heirloom Unferth permit thou, The famed one to have, the heavy-sword splendid[1] The hard-edgèd weapon; with Hrunting to aid me, I shall gain me glory, or grim-death shall take me." {Beowulf is eager for the fray.} The atheling of Geatmen uttered these words and 20 Heroic did hasten, not any rejoinder Was willing to wait for; the wave-current swallowed {He is a whole day reaching the bottom of the sea.} The doughty-in-battle. Then a day's-length elapsed ere He was able to see the sea at its bottom. Early she found then who fifty of winters 25 The course of the currents kept in her fury, Grisly and greedy, that the grim one's dominion [52] {Grendel's mother knows that some one has reached her domains.} Some one of men from above was exploring. Forth did she grab them, grappled the warrior With horrible clutches; yet no sooner she injured 30 His body unscathèd: the burnie out-guarded, That she proved but powerless to pierce through the armor, The limb-mail locked, with loath-grabbing fingers. The sea-wolf bare then, when bottomward came she, {She grabs him, and bears him to her den.} The ring-prince homeward, that he after was powerless 35 (He had daring to do it) to deal with his weapons, But many a mere-beast tormented him swimming, {Sea-monsters bite and strike him.} Flood-beasts no few with fierce-biting tusks did Break through his burnie, the brave one pursued they. The earl then discovered he was down in some cavern 40 Where no water whatever anywise harmed him, And the clutch of the current could come not anear him, Since the roofed-hall prevented; brightness a-gleaming Fire-light he saw, flashing resplendent. The good one saw then the sea-bottom's monster, {Beowulf attacks the mother of Grendel.} 45 The mighty mere-woman; he made a great onset With weapon-of-battle, his hand not desisted From striking, that war-blade struck on her head then A battle-song greedy. The stranger perceived then {The sword will not bite.} The sword would not bite, her life would not injure, 50 But the falchion failed the folk-prince when straitened: Erst had it often onsets encountered, Oft cloven the helmet, the fated one's armor: 'Twas the first time that ever the excellent jewel Had failed of its fame. Firm-mooded after, 55 Not heedless of valor, but mindful of glory, Was Higelac's kinsman; the hero-chief angry Cast then his carved-sword covered with jewels That it lay on the earth, hard and steel-pointed; {The hero throws down all weapons, and again trusts to his hand-grip.} He hoped in his strength, his hand-grapple sturdy. 60 So any must act whenever he thinketh To gain him in battle glory unending, And is reckless of living. The lord of the War-Geats [53] (He shrank not from battle) seized by the shoulder[2] The mother of Grendel; then mighty in struggle 65 Swung he his enemy, since his anger was kindled, That she fell to the floor. With furious grapple {Beowulf falls.} She gave him requital[3] early thereafter, And stretched out to grab him; the strongest of warriors Faint-mooded stumbled, till he fell in his traces, {The monster sits on him with drawn sword.} 70 Foot-going champion. Then she sat on the hall-guest And wielded her war-knife wide-bladed, flashing, For her son would take vengeance, her one only bairn. {His armor saves his life.} His breast-armor woven bode on his shoulder; It guarded his life, the entrance defended 75 'Gainst sword-point and edges. Ecgtheow's son there Had fatally journeyed, champion of Geatmen, In the arms of the ocean, had the armor not given, Close-woven corslet, comfort and succor, {God arranged for his escape.} And had God most holy not awarded the victory, 80 All-knowing Lord; easily did heaven's Ruler most righteous arrange it with justice;[4] Uprose he erect ready for battle. [1] Kl. emends 'wæl-sweord.' The half-line would then read, '_the battle-sword splendid_.'--For 'heard-ecg' in next half-verse, see note to 20_39 above. [2] Sw., R., and t.B. suggest 'feaxe' for 'eaxle' (1538) and render: _Seized by the hair_. [3] If 'hand-léan' be accepted (as the MS. has it), the line will read: _She hand-reward gave him early thereafter_. [4] Sw. and S. change H.-So.'s semicolon (v. 1557) to a comma, and translate: _The Ruler of Heaven arranged it in justice easily, after he arose again_. XXIV. BEOWULF IS DOUBLE-CONQUEROR. {Beowulf grasps a giant-sword,} Then he saw mid the war-gems a weapon of victory, An ancient giant-sword, of edges a-doughty, Glory of warriors: of weapons 'twas choicest, Only 'twas larger than any man else was [54] 5 Able to bear to the battle-encounter, The good and splendid work of the giants. He grasped then the sword-hilt, knight of the Scyldings, Bold and battle-grim, brandished his ring-sword, Hopeless of living, hotly he smote her, 10 That the fiend-woman's neck firmly it grappled, {and fells the female monster.} Broke through her bone-joints, the bill fully pierced her Fate-cursèd body, she fell to the ground then: The hand-sword was bloody, the hero exulted. The brand was brilliant, brightly it glimmered, 15 Just as from heaven gemlike shineth The torch of the firmament. He glanced 'long the building, And turned by the wall then, Higelac's vassal Raging and wrathful raised his battle-sword Strong by the handle. The edge was not useless 20 To the hero-in-battle, but he speedily wished to Give Grendel requital for the many assaults he Had worked on the West-Danes not once, but often, When he slew in slumber the subjects of Hrothgar, Swallowed down fifteen sleeping retainers 25 Of the folk of the Danemen, and fully as many Carried away, a horrible prey. He gave him requital, grim-raging champion, {Beowulf sees the body of Grendel, and cuts off his head.} When he saw on his rest-place weary of conflict Grendel lying, of life-joys bereavèd, 30 As the battle at Heorot erstwhile had scathed him; His body far bounded, a blow when he suffered, Death having seized him, sword-smiting heavy, And he cut off his head then. Early this noticed The clever carles who as comrades of Hrothgar {The waters are gory.} 35 Gazed on the sea-deeps, that the surging wave-currents Were mightily mingled, the mere-flood was gory: Of the good one the gray-haired together held converse, {Beowulf is given up for dead.} The hoary of head, that they hoped not to see again The atheling ever, that exulting in victory 40 He'd return there to visit the distinguished folk-ruler: [55] Then many concluded the mere-wolf had killed him.[1] The ninth hour came then. From the ness-edge departed The bold-mooded Scyldings; the gold-friend of heroes Homeward betook him. The strangers sat down then 45 Soul-sick, sorrowful, the sea-waves regarding: They wished and yet weened not their well-loved friend-lord {The giant-sword melts.} To see any more. The sword-blade began then, The blood having touched it, contracting and shriveling With battle-icicles; 'twas a wonderful marvel 50 That it melted entirely, likest to ice when The Father unbindeth the bond of the frost and Unwindeth the wave-bands, He who wieldeth dominion Of times and of tides: a truth-firm Creator. Nor took he of jewels more in the dwelling, 55 Lord of the Weders, though they lay all around him, Than the head and the handle handsome with jewels; [56] The brand early melted, burnt was the weapon:[2] So hot was the blood, the strange-spirit poisonous {The hero swims back to the realms of day.} That in it did perish. He early swam off then 60 Who had bided in combat the carnage of haters, Went up through the ocean; the eddies were cleansèd, The spacious expanses, when the spirit from farland His life put aside and this short-lived existence. The seamen's defender came swimming to land then 65 Doughty of spirit, rejoiced in his sea-gift, The bulky burden which he bore in his keeping. The excellent vassals advanced then to meet him, To God they were grateful, were glad in their chieftain, That to see him safe and sound was granted them. 70 From the high-minded hero, then, helmet and burnie Were speedily loosened: the ocean was putrid, The water 'neath welkin weltered with gore. Forth did they fare, then, their footsteps retracing, Merry and mirthful, measured the earth-way, 75 The highway familiar: men very daring[3] Bare then the head from the sea-cliff, burdening Each of the earlmen, excellent-valiant. {It takes four men to carry Grendel's head on a spear.} Four of them had to carry with labor The head of Grendel to the high towering gold-hall 80 Upstuck on the spear, till fourteen most-valiant And battle-brave Geatmen came there going Straight to the palace: the prince of the people Measured the mead-ways, their mood-brave companion. The atheling of earlmen entered the building, 85 Deed-valiant man, adorned with distinction, Doughty shield-warrior, to address King Hrothgar: [57] Then hung by the hair, the head of Grendel Was borne to the building, where beer-thanes were drinking, Loth before earlmen and eke 'fore the lady: 90 The warriors beheld then a wonderful sight. [1] 'Þæs monige gewearð' (1599) and 'hafað þæs geworden' (2027).--In a paper published some years ago in one of the Johns Hopkins University circulars, I tried to throw upon these two long-doubtful passages some light derived from a study of like passages in Alfred's prose.--The impersonal verb 'geweorðan,' with an accus. of the person, and a þæt-clause is used several times with the meaning 'agree.' See Orosius (Sweet's ed.) 178_7; 204_34; 208_28; 210_15; 280_20. In the two Beowulf passages, the þæt-clause is anticipated by 'þæs,' which is clearly a gen. of the thing agreed on. The first passage (v. 1599 (b)-1600) I translate literally: _Then many agreed upon this (namely), that the sea-wolf had killed him_. The second passage (v. 2025 (b)-2027): _She is promised ...; to this the friend of the Scyldings has agreed, etc_. By emending 'is' instead of 'wæs' (2025), the tenses will be brought into perfect harmony. In v. 1997 ff. this same idiom occurs, and was noticed in B.'s great article on Beowulf, which appeared about the time I published my reading of 1599 and 2027. Translate 1997 then: _Wouldst let the South-Danes themselves decide about their struggle with Grendel_. Here 'Súð-Dene' is accus. of person, and 'gúðe' is gen. of thing agreed on. With such collateral support as that afforded by B. (P. and B. XII. 97), I have no hesitation in departing from H.-So., my usual guide. The idiom above treated runs through A.-S., Old Saxon, and other Teutonic languages, and should be noticed in the lexicons. [2] 'Bróden-mæl' is regarded by most scholars as meaning a damaskeened sword. Translate: _The damaskeened sword burned up_. Cf. 25_16 and note. [3] 'Cyning-balde' (1635) is the much-disputed reading of K. and Th. To render this, "_nobly bold_," "_excellently bold_," have been suggested. B. would read 'cyning-holde' (cf. 290), and render: _Men well-disposed towards the king carried the head, etc._ 'Cynebealde,' says t.B., endorsing Gr. XXV. BEOWULF BRINGS HIS TROPHIES.--HROTHGAR'S GRATITUDE. {Beowulf relates his last exploit.} Beowulf spake, offspring of Ecgtheow: "Lo! we blithely have brought thee, bairn of Healfdene, Prince of the Scyldings, these presents from ocean Which thine eye looketh on, for an emblem of glory. 5 I came off alive from this, narrowly 'scaping: In war 'neath the water the work with great pains I Performed, and the fight had been finished quite nearly, Had God not defended me. I failed in the battle Aught to accomplish, aided by Hrunting, 10 Though that weapon was worthy, but the Wielder of earth-folk {God was fighting with me.} Gave me willingly to see on the wall a Heavy old hand-sword hanging in splendor (He guided most often the lorn and the friendless), That I swung as a weapon. The wards of the house then 15 I killed in the conflict (when occasion was given me). Then the battle-sword burned, the brand that was lifted,[1] As the blood-current sprang, hottest of war-sweats; Seizing the hilt, from my foes I offbore it; I avenged as I ought to their acts of malignity, 20 The murder of Danemen. I then make thee this promise, {Heorot is freed from monsters.} Thou'lt be able in Heorot careless to slumber With thy throng of heroes and the thanes of thy people Every and each, of greater and lesser, And thou needest not fear for them from the selfsame direction 25 As thou formerly fearedst, oh, folk-lord of Scyldings, [58] End-day for earlmen." To the age-hoary man then, {The famous sword is presented to Hrothgar.} The gray-haired chieftain, the gold-fashioned sword-hilt, Old-work of giants, was thereupon given; Since the fall of the fiends, it fell to the keeping 30 Of the wielder of Danemen, the wonder-smith's labor, And the bad-mooded being abandoned this world then, Opponent of God, victim of murder, And also his mother; it went to the keeping Of the best of the world-kings, where waters encircle, 35 Who the scot divided in Scylding dominion. {Hrothgar looks closely at the old sword.} Hrothgar discoursed, the hilt he regarded, The ancient heirloom where an old-time contention's Beginning was graven: the gurgling currents, The flood slew thereafter the race of the giants, 40 They had proved themselves daring: that people was loth to {It had belonged to a race hateful to God.} The Lord everlasting, through lash of the billows The Father gave them final requital. So in letters of rune on the clasp of the handle Gleaming and golden, 'twas graven exactly, 45 Set forth and said, whom that sword had been made for, Finest of irons, who first it was wrought for, Wreathed at its handle and gleaming with serpents. The wise one then said (silent they all were) {Hrothgar praises Beowulf.} Son of old Healfdene: "He may say unrefuted 50 Who performs 'mid the folk-men fairness and truth (The hoary old ruler remembers the past), That better by birth is this bairn of the nobles! Thy fame is extended through far-away countries, Good friend Beowulf, o'er all of the races, 55 Thou holdest all firmly, hero-like strength with Prudence of spirit. I'll prove myself grateful As before we agreed on; thou granted for long shalt Become a great comfort to kinsmen and comrades, {Heremod's career is again contrasted with Beowulf's.} A help unto heroes. Heremod became not 60 Such to the Scyldings, successors of Ecgwela; He grew not to please them, but grievous destruction, [59] And diresome death-woes to Danemen attracted; He slew in anger his table-companions, Trustworthy counsellors, till he turned off lonely 65 From world-joys away, wide-famous ruler: Though high-ruling heaven in hero-strength raised him, In might exalted him, o'er men of all nations Made him supreme, yet a murderous spirit Grew in his bosom: he gave then no ring-gems {A wretched failure of a king, to give no jewels to his retainers.} 70 To the Danes after custom; endured he unjoyful Standing the straits from strife that was raging, Longsome folk-sorrow. Learn then from this, Lay hold of virtue! Though laden with winters, I have sung thee these measures. 'Tis a marvel to tell it, {Hrothgar moralizes.} 75 How all-ruling God from greatness of spirit Giveth wisdom to children of men, Manor and earlship: all things He ruleth. He often permitteth the mood-thought of man of The illustrious lineage to lean to possessions, 80 Allows him earthly delights at his manor, A high-burg of heroes to hold in his keeping, Maketh portions of earth-folk hear him, And a wide-reaching kingdom so that, wisdom failing him, He himself is unable to reckon its boundaries; 85 He liveth in luxury, little debars him, Nor sickness nor age, no treachery-sorrow Becloudeth his spirit, conflict nowhere, No sword-hate, appeareth, but all of the world doth Wend as he wisheth; the worse he knoweth not, 90 Till arrant arrogance inward pervading, Waxeth and springeth, when the warder is sleeping, The guard of the soul: with sorrows encompassed, Too sound is his slumber, the slayer is near him, Who with bow and arrow aimeth in malice. [60] [1] Or rather, perhaps, '_the inlaid, or damaskeened weapon_.' Cf. 24_57 and note. XXVI. HROTHGAR MORALIZES.--REST AFTER LABOR. {A wounded spirit.} "Then bruised in his bosom he with bitter-toothed missile Is hurt 'neath his helmet: from harmful pollution He is powerless to shield him by the wonderful mandates Of the loath-cursèd spirit; what too long he hath holden 5 Him seemeth too small, savage he hoardeth, Nor boastfully giveth gold-plated rings,[1] The fate of the future flouts and forgetteth Since God had erst given him greatness no little, Wielder of Glory. His end-day anear, 10 It afterward happens that the bodily-dwelling Fleetingly fadeth, falls into ruins; Another lays hold who doleth the ornaments, The nobleman's jewels, nothing lamenting, Heedeth no terror. Oh, Beowulf dear, 15 Best of the heroes, from bale-strife defend thee, And choose thee the better, counsels eternal; {Be not over proud: life is fleeting, and its strength soon wasteth away.} Beware of arrogance, world-famous champion! But a little-while lasts thy life-vigor's fulness; 'Twill after hap early, that illness or sword-edge 20 Shall part thee from strength, or the grasp of the fire, Or the wave of the current, or clutch of the edges, Or flight of the war-spear, or age with its horrors, Or thine eyes' bright flashing shall fade into darkness: 'Twill happen full early, excellent hero, {Hrothgar gives an account of his reign.} 25 That death shall subdue thee. So the Danes a half-century I held under heaven, helped them in struggles 'Gainst many a race in middle-earth's regions, With ash-wood and edges, that enemies none On earth molested me. Lo! offsetting change, now, [61] {Sorrow after joy.} 30 Came to my manor, grief after joyance, When Grendel became my constant visitor, Inveterate hater: I from that malice Continually travailed with trouble no little. Thanks be to God that I gained in my lifetime, 35 To the Lord everlasting, to look on the gory Head with mine eyes, after long-lasting sorrow! Go to the bench now, battle-adornèd Joy in the feasting: of jewels in common We'll meet with many when morning appeareth." 40 The Geatman was gladsome, ganged he immediately To go to the bench, as the clever one bade him. Then again as before were the famous-for-prowess, Hall-inhabiters, handsomely banqueted, Feasted anew. The night-veil fell then 45 Dark o'er the warriors. The courtiers rose then; The gray-haired was anxious to go to his slumbers, The hoary old Scylding. Hankered the Geatman, {Beowulf is fagged, and seeks rest.} The champion doughty, greatly, to rest him: An earlman early outward did lead him, 50 Fagged from his faring, from far-country springing, Who for etiquette's sake all of a liegeman's Needs regarded, such as seamen at that time Were bounden to feel. The big-hearted rested; The building uptowered, spacious and gilded, 55 The guest within slumbered, till the sable-clad raven Blithely foreboded the beacon of heaven. Then the bright-shining sun o'er the bottoms came going;[2] The warriors hastened, the heads of the peoples Were ready to go again to their peoples, {The Geats prepare to leave Dane-land.} 60 The high-mooded farer would faraway thenceward Look for his vessel. The valiant one bade then,[3] [62] {Unferth asks Beowulf to accept his sword as a gift. Beowulf thanks him.} Offspring of Ecglaf, off to bear Hrunting, To take his weapon, his well-beloved iron; He him thanked for the gift, saying good he accounted 65 The war-friend and mighty, nor chid he with words then The blade of the brand: 'twas a brave-mooded hero. When the warriors were ready, arrayed in their trappings, The atheling dear to the Danemen advanced then On to the dais, where the other was sitting, 70 Grim-mooded hero, greeted King Hrothgar. [1] K. says '_proudly giveth_.'--Gr. says, '_And gives no gold-plated rings, in order to incite the recipient to boastfulness_.'--B. suggests 'gyld' for 'gylp,' and renders: _And gives no beaten rings for reward_. [2] If S.'s emendation be accepted, v. 57 will read: _Then came the light, going bright after darkness: the warriors, etc_. [3] As the passage stands in H.-So., Unferth presents Beowulf with the sword Hrunting, and B. thanks him for the gift. If, however, the suggestions of Grdtvg. and M. be accepted, the passage will read: _Then the brave one (_i.e._ Beowulf) commanded that Hrunting be borne to the son of Ecglaf (Unferth), bade him take his sword, his dear weapon; he (B.) thanked him (U.) for the loan, etc_. XXVII. SORROW AT PARTING. {Beowulf's farewell.} Beowulf spake, Ecgtheow's offspring: "We men of the water wish to declare now Fared from far-lands, we're firmly determined To seek King Higelac. Here have we fitly 5 Been welcomed and feasted, as heart would desire it; Good was the greeting. If greater affection I am anywise able ever on earth to Gain at thy hands, ruler of heroes, Than yet I have done, I shall quickly be ready {I shall be ever ready to aid thee.} 10 For combat and conflict. O'er the course of the waters Learn I that neighbors alarm thee with terror, As haters did whilom, I hither will bring thee For help unto heroes henchmen by thousands. {My liegelord will encourage me in aiding thee.} I know as to Higelac, the lord of the Geatmen, 15 Though young in years, he yet will permit me, By words and by works, ward of the people, Fully to furnish thee forces and bear thee My lance to relieve thee, if liegemen shall fail thee, And help of my hand-strength; if Hrethric be treating, [63] 20 Bairn of the king, at the court of the Geatmen, He thereat may find him friends in abundance: Faraway countries he were better to seek for Who trusts in himself." Hrothgar discoursed then, Making rejoinder: "These words thou hast uttered 25 All-knowing God hath given thy spirit! {O Beowulf, thou art wise beyond thy years.} Ne'er heard I an earlman thus early in life More clever in speaking: thou'rt cautious of spirit, Mighty of muscle, in mouth-answers prudent. I count on the hope that, happen it ever 30 That missile shall rob thee of Hrethel's descendant, Edge-horrid battle, and illness or weapon Deprive thee of prince, of people's protector, {Should Higelac die, the Geats could find no better successor than thou wouldst make.} And life thou yet holdest, the Sea-Geats will never Find a more fitting folk-lord to choose them, 35 Gem-ward of heroes, than _thou_ mightest prove thee, If the kingdom of kinsmen thou carest to govern. Thy mood-spirit likes me the longer the better, Beowulf dear: thou hast brought it to pass that To both these peoples peace shall be common, {Thou hast healed the ancient breach between our races.} 40 To Geat-folk and Danemen, the strife be suspended, The secret assailings they suffered in yore-days; And also that jewels be shared while I govern The wide-stretching kingdom, and that many shall visit Others o'er the ocean with excellent gift-gems: 45 The ring-adorned bark shall bring o'er the currents Presents and love-gifts. This people I know Tow'rd foeman and friend firmly established,[1] After ancient etiquette everywise blameless." Then the warden of earlmen gave him still farther, {Parting gifts} 50 Kinsman of Healfdene, a dozen of jewels, Bade him safely seek with the presents His well-beloved people, early returning. [64] {Hrothgar kisses Beowulf, and weeps.} Then the noble-born king kissed the distinguished, Dear-lovèd liegeman, the Dane-prince saluted him, 55 And claspèd his neck; tears from him fell, From the gray-headed man: he two things expected, Agèd and reverend, but rather the second, [2]That bold in council they'd meet thereafter. The man was so dear that he failed to suppress the 60 Emotions that moved him, but in mood-fetters fastened {The old king is deeply grieved to part with his benefactor.} The long-famous hero longeth in secret Deep in his spirit for the dear-beloved man Though not a blood-kinsman. Beowulf thenceward, Gold-splendid warrior, walked o'er the meadows 65 Exulting in treasure: the sea-going vessel Riding at anchor awaited its owner. As they pressed on their way then, the present of Hrothgar {Giving liberally is the true proof of kingship.} Was frequently referred to: a folk-king indeed that Everyway blameless, till age did debar him 70 The joys of his might, which hath many oft injured. [1] For 'geworhte,' the crux of this passage, B. proposes 'geþóhte,' rendering: _I know this people with firm thought every way blameless towards foe and friends_. [2] S. and B. emend so as to negative the verb 'meet.' "Why should Hrothgar weep if he expects to meet Beowulf again?" both these scholars ask. But the weeping is mentioned before the 'expectations': the tears may have been due to many emotions, especially gratitude, struggling for expression. XXVIII. THE HOMEWARD JOURNEY.--THE TWO QUEENS. Then the band of very valiant retainers Came to the current; they were clad all in armor, {The coast-guard again.} In link-woven burnies. The land-warder noticed The return of the earlmen, as he erstwhile had seen them; 5 Nowise with insult he greeted the strangers From the naze of the cliff, but rode on to meet them; Said the bright-armored visitors[1] vesselward traveled [65] Welcome to Weders. The wide-bosomed craft then Lay on the sand, laden with armor, 10 With horses and jewels, the ring-stemmèd sailer: The mast uptowered o'er the treasure of Hrothgar. {Beowulf gives the guard a handsome sword.} To the boat-ward a gold-bound brand he presented, That he was afterwards honored on the ale-bench more highly As the heirloom's owner. [2]Set he out on his vessel, 15 To drive on the deep, Dane-country left he. Along by the mast then a sea-garment fluttered, A rope-fastened sail. The sea-boat resounded, The wind o'er the waters the wave-floater nowise Kept from its journey; the sea-goer traveled, 20 The foamy-necked floated forth o'er the currents, The well-fashioned vessel o'er the ways of the ocean, {The Geats see their own land again.} Till they came within sight of the cliffs of the Geatmen, The well-known headlands. The wave-goer hastened Driven by breezes, stood on the shore. {The port-warden is anxiously looking for them.} 25 Prompt at the ocean, the port-ward was ready, Who long in the past outlooked in the distance,[3] At water's-edge waiting well-lovèd heroes; He bound to the bank then the broad-bosomed vessel Fast in its fetters, lest the force of the waters 30 Should be able to injure the ocean-wood winsome. Bade he up then take the treasure of princes, Plate-gold and fretwork; not far was it thence To go off in search of the giver of jewels: [66] Hrethel's son Higelac at home there remaineth,[4] 35 Himself with his comrades close to the sea-coast. The building was splendid, the king heroic, Great in his hall, Hygd very young was, {Hygd, the noble queen of Higelac, lavish of gifts.} Fine-mooded, clever, though few were the winters That the daughter of Hæreth had dwelt in the borough; 40 But she nowise was cringing nor niggard of presents, Of ornaments rare, to the race of the Geatmen. {Offa's consort, Thrytho, is contrasted with Hygd.} Thrytho nursed anger, excellent[5] folk-queen, Hot-burning hatred: no hero whatever 'Mong household companions, her husband excepted {She is a terror to all save her husband.} 45 Dared to adventure to look at the woman With eyes in the daytime;[6] but he knew that death-chains Hand-wreathed were wrought him: early thereafter, When the hand-strife was over, edges were ready, That fierce-raging sword-point had to force a decision, 50 Murder-bale show. Such no womanly custom For a lady to practise, though lovely her person, That a weaver-of-peace, on pretence of anger A belovèd liegeman of life should deprive. Soothly this hindered Heming's kinsman; 55 Other ale-drinking earlmen asserted That fearful folk-sorrows fewer she wrought them, Treacherous doings, since first she was given Adorned with gold to the war-hero youthful, For her origin honored, when Offa's great palace 60 O'er the fallow flood by her father's instructions She sought on her journey, where she afterwards fully, Famed for her virtue, her fate on the king's-seat [67] Enjoyed in her lifetime, love did she hold with The ruler of heroes, the best, it is told me, 65 Of all of the earthmen that oceans encompass, Of earl-kindreds endless; hence Offa was famous Far and widely, by gifts and by battles, Spear-valiant hero; the home of his fathers He governed with wisdom, whence Eomær did issue 70 For help unto heroes, Heming's kinsman, Grandson of Garmund, great in encounters. [1] For 'scawan' (1896), 'scaðan' has been proposed. Accepting this, we may render: _He said the bright-armored warriors were going to their vessel, welcome, etc_. (Cf. 1804.) [2] R. suggests, 'Gewát him on naca,' and renders: _The vessel set out, to drive on the sea, the Dane-country left_. 'On' bears the alliteration; cf. 'on hafu' (2524). This has some advantages over the H.-So. reading; viz. (1) It adds nothing to the text; (2) it makes 'naca' the subject, and thus brings the passage into keeping with the context, where the poet has exhausted his vocabulary in detailing the actions of the vessel.--B.'s emendation (cf. P. and B. XII. 97) is violent. [3] B. translates: _Who for a long time, ready at the coast, had looked out into the distance eagerly for the dear men_. This changes the syntax of 'léofra manna.' [4] For 'wunað' (v. 1924) several eminent critics suggest 'wunade' (=remained). This makes the passage much clearer. [5] Why should such a woman be described as an 'excellent' queen? C. suggests 'frécnu' = dangerous, bold. [6] For 'an dæges' various readings have been offered. If 'and-éges' be accepted, the sentence will read: _No hero ... dared look upon her, eye to eye_. If 'án-dæges' be adopted, translate: _Dared look upon her the whole day_. XXIX. BEOWULF AND HIGELAC. Then the brave one departed, his band along with him, {Beowulf and his party seek Higelac.} Seeking the sea-shore, the sea-marches treading, The wide-stretching shores. The world-candle glimmered, The sun from the southward; they proceeded then onward, 5 Early arriving where they heard that the troop-lord, Ongentheow's slayer, excellent, youthful Folk-prince and warrior was distributing jewels, Close in his castle. The coming of Beowulf Was announced in a message quickly to Higelac, 10 That the folk-troop's defender forth to the palace The linden-companion alive was advancing, Secure from the combat courtward a-going. The building was early inward made ready For the foot-going guests as the good one had ordered. {Beowulf sits by his liegelord.} 15 He sat by the man then who had lived through the struggle, Kinsman by kinsman, when the king of the people Had in lordly language saluted the dear one, {Queen Hygd receives the heroes.} In words that were formal. The daughter of Hæreth Coursed through the building, carrying mead-cups:[1] [68] 20 She loved the retainers, tendered the beakers To the high-minded Geatmen. Higelac 'gan then {Higelac is greatly interested in Beowulf's adventures.} Pleasantly plying his companion with questions In the high-towering palace. A curious interest Tormented his spirit, what meaning to see in 25 The Sea-Geats' adventures: "Beowulf worthy, {Give an account of thy adventures, Beowulf dear.} How throve your journeying, when thou thoughtest suddenly Far o'er the salt-streams to seek an encounter, A battle at Heorot? Hast bettered for Hrothgar, The famous folk-leader, his far-published sorrows 30 Any at all? In agony-billows {My suspense has been great.} I mused upon torture, distrusted the journey Of the belovèd liegeman; I long time did pray thee By no means to seek out the murderous spirit, To suffer the South-Danes themselves to decide on[2] 35 Grappling with Grendel. To God I am thankful To be suffered to see thee safe from thy journey." {Beowulf narrates his adventures.} Beowulf answered, bairn of old Ecgtheow: "'Tis hidden by no means, Higelac chieftain, From many of men, the meeting so famous, 40 What mournful moments of me and of Grendel Were passed in the place where he pressing affliction On the Victory-Scyldings scathefully brought, Anguish forever; that all I avengèd, So that any under heaven of the kinsmen of Grendel {Grendel's kindred have no cause to boast.} 45 Needeth not boast of that cry-in-the-morning, Who longest liveth of the loth-going kindred,[3] Encompassed by moorland. I came in my journey To the royal ring-hall, Hrothgar to greet there: {Hrothgar received me very cordially.} Soon did the famous scion of Healfdene, 50 When he understood fully the spirit that led me, Assign me a seat with the son of his bosom. [69] The troop was in joyance; mead-glee greater 'Neath arch of the ether not ever beheld I {The queen also showed up no little honor.} 'Mid hall-building holders. The highly-famed queen, 55 Peace-tie of peoples, oft passed through the building, Cheered the young troopers; she oft tendered a hero A beautiful ring-band, ere she went to her sitting. {Hrothgar's lovely daughter.} Oft the daughter of Hrothgar in view of the courtiers To the earls at the end the ale-vessel carried, 60 Whom Freaware I heard then hall-sitters title, When nail-adorned jewels she gave to the heroes: {She is betrothed to Ingeld, in order to unite the Danes and Heathobards.} Gold-bedecked, youthful, to the glad son of Froda Her faith has been plighted; the friend of the Scyldings, The guard of the kingdom, hath given his sanction,[4] 65 And counts it a vantage, for a part of the quarrels, A portion of hatred, to pay with the woman. [5]Somewhere not rarely, when the ruler has fallen, The life-taking lance relaxeth its fury For a brief breathing-spell, though the bride be charming! [1] 'Meodu-scencum' (1981) some would render '_with mead-pourers_.' Translate then: _The daughter of Hæreth went through the building accompanied by mead-pourers_. [2] See my note to 1599, supra, and B. in P. and B. XII. 97. [3] For 'fenne,' supplied by Grdtvg., B. suggests 'fácne' (cf. Jul. 350). Accepting this, translate: _Who longest lives of the hated race, steeped in treachery_. [4] See note to v. 1599 above. [5] This is perhaps the least understood sentence in the poem, almost every word being open to dispute. (1) The 'nó' of our text is an emendation, and is rejected by many scholars. (2) 'Seldan' is by some taken as an adv. (= _seldom_), and by others as a noun (= _page_, _companion_). (3) 'Léod-hryre,' some render '_fall of the people_'; others, '_fall of the prince_.' (4) 'Búgeð,' most scholars regard as the intrans. verb meaning '_bend_,' '_rest_'; but one great scholar has translated it '_shall kill_.' (5) 'Hwær,' Very recently, has been attacked, 'wære' being suggested. (6) As a corollary to the above, the same critic proposes to drop 'oft' out of the text.--t.B. suggests: Oft seldan wære after léodhryre: lýtle hwíle bongár búgeð, þéah séo brýd duge = _often has a treaty been (thus) struck, after a prince had fallen: (but only) a short time is the spear (then) wont to rest, however excellent the bride may be_. XXX. BEOWULF NARRATES HIS ADVENTURES TO HIGELAC. "It well may discomfit the prince of the Heathobards And each of the thanemen of earls that attend him, [70] When he goes to the building escorting the woman, That a noble-born Daneman the knights should be feasting: 5 There gleam on his person the leavings of elders Hard and ring-bright, Heathobards' treasure, While they wielded their arms, till they misled to the battle Their own dear lives and belovèd companions. He saith at the banquet who the collar beholdeth, 10 An ancient ash-warrior who earlmen's destruction Clearly recalleth (cruel his spirit), Sadly beginneth sounding the youthful Thane-champion's spirit through the thoughts of his bosom, War-grief to waken, and this word-answer speaketh: {Ingeld is stirred up to break the truce.} 15 'Art thou able, my friend, to know when thou seest it The brand which thy father bare to the conflict In his latest adventure, 'neath visor of helmet, The dearly-loved iron, where Danemen did slay him, And brave-mooded Scyldings, on the fall of the heroes, 20 (When vengeance was sleeping) the slaughter-place wielded? E'en now some man of the murderer's progeny Exulting in ornaments enters the building, Boasts of his blood-shedding, offbeareth the jewel Which thou shouldst wholly hold in possession!' 25 So he urgeth and mindeth on every occasion With woe-bringing words, till waxeth the season When the woman's thane for the works of his father, The bill having bitten, blood-gory sleepeth, Fated to perish; the other one thenceward 30 'Scapeth alive, the land knoweth thoroughly.[1] Then the oaths of the earlmen on each side are broken, When rancors unresting are raging in Ingeld And his wife-love waxeth less warm after sorrow. So the Heathobards' favor not faithful I reckon, 35 Their part in the treaty not true to the Danemen, Their friendship not fast. I further shall tell thee [71] {Having made these preliminary statements, I will now tell thee of Grendel, the monster.} More about Grendel, that thou fully mayst hear, Ornament-giver, what afterward came from The hand-rush of heroes. When heaven's bright jewel 40 O'er earthfields had glided, the stranger came raging, The horrible night-fiend, us for to visit, Where wholly unharmed the hall we were guarding. {Hondscio fell first} To Hondscio happened a hopeless contention, Death to the doomed one, dead he fell foremost, 45 Girded war-champion; to him Grendel became then, To the vassal distinguished, a tooth-weaponed murderer, The well-beloved henchman's body all swallowed. Not the earlier off empty of hand did The bloody-toothed murderer, mindful of evils, 50 Wish to escape from the gold-giver's palace, But sturdy of strength he strove to outdo me, Hand-ready grappled. A glove was suspended Spacious and wondrous, in art-fetters fastened, Which was fashioned entirely by touch of the craftman 55 From the dragon's skin by the devil's devices: He down in its depths would do me unsadly One among many, deed-doer raging, Though sinless he saw me; not so could it happen When I in my anger upright did stand. 60 'Tis too long to recount how requital I furnished For every evil to the earlmen's destroyer; {I reflected honor upon my people.} 'Twas there, my prince, that I proudly distinguished Thy land with my labors. He left and retreated, He lived his life a little while longer: 65 Yet his right-hand guarded his footstep in Heorot, And sad-mooded thence to the sea-bottom fell he, Mournful in mind. For the might-rush of battle {King Hrothgar lavished gifts upon me.} The friend of the Scyldings, with gold that was plated, With ornaments many, much requited me, 70 When daylight had dawned, and down to the banquet We had sat us together. There was chanting and joyance: The age-stricken Scylding asked many questions [72] And of old-times related; oft light-ringing harp-strings, Joy-telling wood, were touched by the brave one; 75 Now he uttered measures, mourning and truthful, Then the large-hearted land-king a legend of wonder Truthfully told us. Now troubled with years {The old king is sad over the loss of his youthful vigor.} The age-hoary warrior afterward began to Mourn for the might that marked him in youth-days; 80 His breast within boiled, when burdened with winters Much he remembered. From morning till night then We joyed us therein as etiquette suffered, Till the second night season came unto earth-folk. Then early thereafter, the mother of Grendel {Grendel's mother.} 85 Was ready for vengeance, wretched she journeyed; Her son had death ravished, the wrath of the Geatmen. The horrible woman avengèd her offspring, And with mighty mainstrength murdered a hero. {Æschere falls a prey to her vengeance.} There the spirit of Æschere, agèd adviser, 90 Was ready to vanish; nor when morn had lightened Were they anywise suffered to consume him with fire, Folk of the Danemen, the death-weakened hero, Nor the belovèd liegeman to lay on the pyre; {She suffered not his body to be burned, but ate it.} She the corpse had offcarried in the clutch of the foeman[2] 95 'Neath mountain-brook's flood. To Hrothgar 'twas saddest Of pains that ever had preyed on the chieftain; By the life of thee the land-prince then me[3] Besought very sadly, in sea-currents' eddies To display my prowess, to peril my safety, 100 Might-deeds accomplish; much did he promise. {I sought the creature in her den,} I found then the famous flood-current's cruel, Horrible depth-warder. A while unto us two [73] Hand was in common; the currents were seething With gore that was clotted, and Grendel's fierce mother's {and hewed her head off.} 105 Head I offhacked in the hall at the bottom With huge-reaching sword-edge, hardly I wrested My life from her clutches; not doomed was I then, {Jewels were freely bestowed upon me.} But the warden of earlmen afterward gave me Jewels in quantity, kinsman of Healfdene. [1] For 'lifigende' (2063), a mere conjecture, 'wígende' has been suggested. The line would then read: _Escapeth by fighting, knows the land thoroughly_. [2] For 'fæðmum,' Gr.'s conjecture, B. proposes 'færunga.' These three half-verses would then read: _She bore off the corpse of her foe suddenly under the mountain-torrent_. [3] The phrase 'þíne lýfe' (2132) was long rendered '_with thy (presupposed) permission_.' The verse would read: _The land-prince then sadly besought me, with thy (presupposed) permission, etc_. XXXI. GIFT-GIVING IS MUTUAL. "So the belovèd land-prince lived in decorum; I had missed no rewards, no meeds of my prowess, But he gave me jewels, regarding my wishes, Healfdene his bairn; I'll bring them to thee, then, {All my gifts I lay at thy feet.} 5 Atheling of earlmen, offer them gladly. And still unto thee is all my affection:[1] But few of my folk-kin find I surviving But thee, dear Higelac!" Bade he in then to carry[2] The boar-image, banner, battle-high helmet, 10 Iron-gray armor, the excellent weapon, {This armor I have belonged of yore to Heregar.} In song-measures said: "This suit-for-the-battle Hrothgar presented me, bade me expressly, Wise-mooded atheling, thereafter to tell thee[3] The whole of its history, said King Heregar owned it, 15 Dane-prince for long: yet he wished not to give then [74] The mail to his son, though dearly he loved him, Hereward the hardy. Hold all in joyance!" I heard that there followed hard on the jewels Two braces of stallions of striking resemblance, 20 Dappled and yellow; he granted him usance Of horses and treasures. So a kinsman should bear him, No web of treachery weave for another, Nor by cunning craftiness cause the destruction {Higelac loves his nephew Beowulf.} Of trusty companion. Most precious to Higelac, 25 The bold one in battle, was the bairn of his sister, And each unto other mindful of favors. {Beowulf gives Hygd the necklace that Wealhtheow had given him.} I am told that to Hygd he proffered the necklace, Wonder-gem rare that Wealhtheow gave him, The troop-leader's daughter, a trio of horses 30 Slender and saddle-bright; soon did the jewel Embellish her bosom, when the beer-feast was over. So Ecgtheow's bairn brave did prove him, {Beowulf is famous.} War-famous man, by deeds that were valiant, He lived in honor, belovèd companions 35 Slew not carousing; his mood was not cruel, But by hand-strength hugest of heroes then living The brave one retained the bountiful gift that The Lord had allowed him. Long was he wretched, So that sons of the Geatmen accounted him worthless, 40 And the lord of the liegemen loth was to do him Mickle of honor, when mead-cups were passing; They fully believed him idle and sluggish, {He is requited for the slights suffered in earlier days.} An indolent atheling: to the honor-blest man there Came requital for the cuts he had suffered. 45 The folk-troop's defender bade fetch to the building The heirloom of Hrethel, embellished with gold, {Higelac overwhelms the conqueror with gifts.} So the brave one enjoined it; there was jewel no richer In the form of a weapon 'mong Geats of that era; In Beowulf's keeping he placed it and gave him 50 Seven of thousands, manor and lordship. Common to both was land 'mong the people, [75] Estate and inherited rights and possessions, To the second one specially spacious dominions, To the one who was better. It afterward happened 55 In days that followed, befell the battle-thanes, {After Heardred's death, Beowulf becomes king.} After Higelac's death, and when Heardred was murdered With weapons of warfare 'neath well-covered targets, When valiant battlemen in victor-band sought him, War-Scylfing heroes harassed the nephew 60 Of Hereric in battle. To Beowulf's keeping Turned there in time extensive dominions: {He rules the Geats fifty years.} He fittingly ruled them a fifty of winters (He a man-ruler wise was, manor-ward old) till A certain one 'gan, on gloom-darkening nights, a {The fire-drake.} 65 Dragon, to govern, who guarded a treasure, A high-rising stone-cliff, on heath that was grayish: A path 'neath it lay, unknown unto mortals. Some one of earthmen entered the mountain, The heathenish hoard laid hold of with ardor; 70 *       *       *       *       *       *       * *       *       *       *       *       *       * *       *       *       *       *       *       * *       *       *       *       *       *       * *       *       *       *       *       *       * [1] This verse B. renders, '_Now serve I again thee alone as my gracious king_.' [2] For 'eafor' (2153), Kl. suggests 'ealdor.' Translate then: _Bade the prince then to bear in the banner, battle-high helmet, etc_. On the other hand, W. takes 'eaforhéafodsegn' as a compound, meaning 'helmet': _He bade them bear in the helmet, battle-high helm, gray armor, etc_. [3] The H.-So. rendering (ærest = _history, origin_; 'eft' for 'est'), though liable to objection, is perhaps the best offered. 'That I should very early tell thee of his favor, kindness' sounds well; but 'his' is badly placed to limit 'ést.'--Perhaps, 'eft' with verbs of saying may have the force of Lat. prefix 're,' and the H.-So. reading mean, 'that I should its origin rehearse to thee.' XXXII. THE HOARD AND THE DRAGON. *       *       *       *       *       *       * He sought of himself who sorely did harm him, But, for need very pressing, the servant of one of The sons of the heroes hate-blows evaded, 5 Seeking for shelter and the sin-driven warrior Took refuge within there. He early looked in it, *       *       *       *       *       *       * *       *       *       *       *       *       * [76] *  *  *  *  *  * when the onset surprised him, {The hoard.} 10 He a gem-vessel saw there: many of suchlike Ancient ornaments in the earth-cave were lying, As in days of yore some one of men of Illustrious lineage, as a legacy monstrous, There had secreted them, careful and thoughtful, 15 Dear-valued jewels. Death had offsnatched them, In the days of the past, and the one man moreover Of the flower of the folk who fared there the longest, Was fain to defer it, friend-mourning warder, A little longer to be left in enjoyment 20 Of long-lasting treasure.[1] A barrow all-ready Stood on the plain the stream-currents nigh to, New by the ness-edge, unnethe of approaching: The keeper of rings carried within a [2]Ponderous deal of the treasure of nobles, 25 Of gold that was beaten, briefly he spake then:[3] {The ring-giver bewails the loss of retainers.} "Hold thou, O Earth, now heroes no more may, The earnings of earlmen. Lo! erst in thy bosom Worthy men won them; war-death hath ravished, Perilous life-bale, all my warriors, 30 Liegemen belovèd, who this life have forsaken, Who hall-pleasures saw. No sword-bearer have I, And no one to burnish the gold-plated vessel, The high-valued beaker: my heroes are vanished. The hardy helmet behung with gilding 35 Shall be reaved of its riches: the ring-cleansers slumber Who were charged to have ready visors-for-battle, And the burnie that bided in battle-encounter [77] O'er breaking of war-shields the bite of the edges Moulds with the hero. The ring-twisted armor, 40 Its lord being lifeless, no longer may journey Hanging by heroes; harp-joy is vanished, The rapture of glee-wood, no excellent falcon Swoops through the building, no swift-footed charger Grindeth the gravel. A grievous destruction 45 No few of the world-folk widely hath scattered!" So, woful of spirit one after all Lamented mournfully, moaning in sadness By day and by night, till death with its billows {The fire-dragon} Dashed on his spirit. Then the ancient dusk-scather 50 Found the great treasure standing all open, He who flaming and fiery flies to the barrows, Naked war-dragon, nightly escapeth Encompassed with fire; men under heaven Widely beheld him. 'Tis said that he looks for[4] 55 The hoard in the earth, where old he is guarding The heathenish treasure; he'll be nowise the better. {The dragon meets his match.} So three-hundred winters the waster of peoples Held upon earth that excellent hoard-hall, Till the forementioned earlman angered him bitterly: 60 The beat-plated beaker he bare to his chieftain And fullest remission for all his remissness Begged of his liegelord. Then the hoard[5] was discovered, The treasure was taken, his petition was granted {The hero plunders the dragon's den} The lorn-mooded liegeman. His lord regarded 65 The old-work of earth-folk--'twas the earliest occasion. When the dragon awoke, the strife was renewed there; He snuffed 'long the stone then, stout-hearted found he [78] The footprint of foeman; too far had he gone With cunning craftiness close to the head of 70 The fire-spewing dragon. So undoomed he may 'scape from Anguish and exile with ease who possesseth The favor of Heaven. The hoard-warden eagerly Searched o'er the ground then, would meet with the person That caused him sorrow while in slumber reclining: 75 Gleaming and wild he oft went round the cavern, All of it outward; not any of earthmen Was seen in that desert.[6] Yet he joyed in the battle, Rejoiced in the conflict: oft he turned to the barrow, Sought for the gem-cup;[7] this he soon perceived then {The dragon perceives that some one has disturbed his treasure.} 80 That some man or other had discovered the gold, The famous folk-treasure. Not fain did the hoard-ward Wait until evening; then the ward of the barrow Was angry in spirit, the loathèd one wished to Pay for the dear-valued drink-cup with fire. 85 Then the day was done as the dragon would have it, He no longer would wait on the wall, but departed {The dragon is infuriated.} Fire-impelled, flaming. Fearful the start was To earls in the land, as it early thereafter To their giver-of-gold was grievously ended. [1] For 'long-gestréona,' B. suggests 'láengestréona,' and renders, _Of fleeting treasures_. S. accepts H.'s 'long-gestréona,' but renders, _The treasure long in accumulating_. [2] For 'hard-fyrdne' (2246), B. first suggested 'hard-fyndne,' rendering: _A heap of treasures ... so great that its equal would be hard to find_. The same scholar suggests later 'hord-wynne dæl' = _A deal of treasure-joy_. [3] Some read 'fec-word' (2247), and render: _Banning words uttered_. [4] An earlier reading of H.'s gave the following meaning to this passage: _He is said to inhabit a mound under the earth, where he, etc._ The translation in the text is more authentic. [5] The repetition of 'hord' in this passage has led some scholars to suggest new readings to avoid the second 'hord.' This, however, is not under the main stress, and, it seems to me, might easily be accepted. [6] The reading of H.-So. is well defended in the notes to that volume. B. emends and renders: _Nor was there any man in that desert who rejoiced in conflict, in battle-work._ That is, the hoard-ward could not find any one who had disturbed his slumbers, for no warrior was there, t.B.'s emendation would give substantially the same translation. [7] 'Sinc-fæt' (2301): this word both here and in v. 2232, t.B. renders 'treasure.' XXXIII. BRAVE THOUGH AGED.--REMINISCENCES. {The dragon spits fire.} The stranger began then to vomit forth fire, To burn the great manor; the blaze then glimmered For anguish to earlmen, not anything living [79] Was the hateful air-goer willing to leave there. 5 The war of the worm widely was noticed, The feud of the foeman afar and anear, How the enemy injured the earls of the Geatmen, Harried with hatred: back he hied to the treasure, To the well-hidden cavern ere the coming of daylight. 10 He had circled with fire the folk of those regions, With brand and burning; in the barrow he trusted, In the wall and his war-might: the weening deceived him. {Beowulf hears of the havoc wrought by the dragon.} Then straight was the horror to Beowulf published, Early forsooth, that his own native homestead,[1] 15 The best of buildings, was burning and melting, Gift-seat of Geatmen. 'Twas a grief to the spirit Of the good-mooded hero, the greatest of sorrows: {He fears that Heaven is punishing him for some crime.} The wise one weened then that wielding his kingdom 'Gainst the ancient commandments, he had bitterly angered 20 The Lord everlasting: with lorn meditations His bosom welled inward, as was nowise his custom. The fire-spewing dragon fully had wasted The fastness of warriors, the water-land outward, The manor with fire. The folk-ruling hero, 25 Prince of the Weders, was planning to wreak him. The warmen's defender bade them to make him, Earlmen's atheling, an excellent war-shield {He orders an iron shield to be made from him, wood is useless.} Wholly of iron: fully he knew then That wood from the forest was helpless to aid him, 30 Shield against fire. The long-worthy ruler Must live the last of his limited earth-days, Of life in the world and the worm along with him, Though he long had been holding hoard-wealth in plenty. {He determines to fight alone.} Then the ring-prince disdained to seek with a war-band, 35 With army extensive, the air-going ranger; He felt no fear of the foeman's assaults and He counted for little the might of the dragon, [80] His power and prowess: for previously dared he {Beowulf's early triumphs referred to} A heap of hostility, hazarded dangers, 40 War-thane, when Hrothgar's palace he cleansèd, Conquering combatant, clutched in the battle The kinsmen of Grendel, of kindred detested.[2] {Higelac's death recalled.} 'Twas of hand-fights not least where Higelac was slaughtered, When the king of the Geatmen with clashings of battle, 45 Friend-lord of folks in Frisian dominions, Offspring of Hrethrel perished through sword-drink, With battle-swords beaten; thence Beowulf came then On self-help relying, swam through the waters; He bare on his arm, lone-going, thirty 50 Outfits of armor, when the ocean he mounted. The Hetwars by no means had need to be boastful Of their fighting afoot, who forward to meet him Carried their war-shields: not many returned from The brave-mooded battle-knight back to their homesteads. 55 Ecgtheow's bairn o'er the bight-courses swam then, Lone-goer lorn to his land-folk returning, Where Hygd to him tendered treasure and kingdom, {Heardred's lack of capacity to rule.} Rings and dominion: her son she not trusted, To be able to keep the kingdom devised him 60 'Gainst alien races, on the death of King Higelac. {Beowulf's tact and delicacy recalled.} Yet the sad ones succeeded not in persuading the atheling In any way ever, to act as a suzerain To Heardred, or promise to govern the kingdom; Yet with friendly counsel in the folk he sustained him, 65 Gracious, with honor, till he grew to be older, {Reference is here made to a visit which Beowulf receives from Eanmund and Eadgils, why they come is not known.} Wielded the Weders. Wide-fleeing outlaws, Ohthere's sons, sought him o'er the waters: They had stirred a revolt 'gainst the helm of the Scylfings, The best of the sea-kings, who in Swedish dominions 70 Distributed treasure, distinguished folk-leader. [81] 'Twas the end of his earth-days; injury fatal[3] By swing of the sword he received as a greeting, Offspring of Higelac; Ongentheow's bairn Later departed to visit his homestead, 75 When Heardred was dead; let Beowulf rule them, Govern the Geatmen: good was that folk-king. [1] 'Hám' (2326), the suggestion of B. is accepted by t.B. and other scholars. [2] For 'láðan cynnes' (2355), t.B. suggests 'láðan cynne,' apposition to 'mægum.' From syntactical and other considerations, this is a most excellent emendation. [3] Gr. read 'on feorme' (2386), rendering: _He there at the banquet a fatal wound received by blows of the sword._ XXXIV. BEOWULF SEEKS THE DRAGON.--BEOWULF'S REMINISCENCES. He planned requital for the folk-leader's ruin In days thereafter, to Eadgils the wretched Becoming an enemy. Ohthere's son then Went with a war-troop o'er the wide-stretching currents 5 With warriors and weapons: with woe-journeys cold he After avenged him, the king's life he took. {Beowulf has been preserved through many perils.} So he came off uninjured from all of his battles, Perilous fights, offspring of Ecgtheow, From his deeds of daring, till that day most momentous 10 When he fate-driven fared to fight with the dragon. {With eleven comrades, he seeks the dragon.} With eleven companions the prince of the Geatmen Went lowering with fury to look at the fire-drake: Inquiring he'd found how the feud had arisen, Hate to his heroes; the highly-famed gem-vessel 15 Was brought to his keeping through the hand of th' informer. {A guide leads the way, but} That in the throng was thirteenth of heroes, That caused the beginning of conflict so bitter, Captive and wretched, must sad-mooded thenceward {very reluctantly.} Point out the place: he passed then unwillingly 20 To the spot where he knew of the notable cavern, The cave under earth, not far from the ocean, The anger of eddies, which inward was full of Jewels and wires: a warden uncanny, [82] Warrior weaponed, wardered the treasure, 25 Old under earth; no easy possession For any of earth-folk access to get to. Then the battle-brave atheling sat on the naze-edge, While the gold-friend of Geatmen gracious saluted His fireside-companions: woe was his spirit, 30 Death-boding, wav'ring; Weird very near him, Who must seize the old hero, his soul-treasure look for, Dragging aloof his life from his body: Not flesh-hidden long was the folk-leader's spirit. Beowulf spake, Ecgtheow's son: {Beowulf's retrospect.} 35 "I survived in my youth-days many a conflict, Hours of onset: that all I remember. I was seven-winters old when the jewel-prince took me, High-lord of heroes, at the hands of my father, Hrethel the hero-king had me in keeping, {Hrethel took me when I was seven.} 40 Gave me treasure and feasting, our kinship remembered; Not ever was I _any_ less dear to him {He treated me as a son.} Knight in the boroughs, than the bairns of his household, Herebald and Hæthcyn and Higelac mine. To the eldest unjustly by acts of a kinsman 45 Was murder-bed strewn, since him Hæthcyn from horn-bow {One of the brothers accidentally kills another.} His sheltering chieftain shot with an arrow, Erred in his aim and injured his kinsman, One brother the other, with blood-sprinkled spear: {No fee could compound for such a calamity.} 'Twas a feeless fight, finished in malice, 50 Sad to his spirit; the folk-prince however Had to part from existence with vengeance untaken. {[A parallel case is supposed.]} So to hoar-headed hero 'tis heavily crushing[1] [83] To live to see his son as he rideth Young on the gallows: then measures he chanteth, 55 A song of sorrow, when his son is hanging For the raven's delight, and aged and hoary He is unable to offer any assistance. Every morning his offspring's departure Is constant recalled: he cares not to wait for 60 The birth of an heir in his borough-enclosures, Since that one through death-pain the deeds hath experienced. He heart-grieved beholds in the house of his son the Wine-building wasted, the wind-lodging places Reaved of their roaring; the riders are sleeping, 65 The knights in the grave; there's no sound of the harp-wood, Joy in the yards, as of yore were familiar. [1] 'Gomelum ceorle' (2445).--H. takes these words as referring to Hrethel; but the translator here departs from his editor by understanding the poet to refer to a hypothetical old man, introduced as an illustration of a father's sorrow. Hrethrel had certainly never seen a son of his ride on the gallows to feed the crows. The passage beginning 'swá bið géomorlic' seems to be an effort to reach a full simile, 'as ... so.' 'As it is mournful for an old man, etc. ... so the defence of the Weders (2463) bore heart-sorrow, etc.' The verses 2451 to 2463-1/2 would be parenthetical, the poet's feelings being so strong as to interrupt the simile. The punctuation of the fourth edition would be better--a comma after 'galgan' (2447). The translation may be indicated as follows: _(Just) as it is sad for an old man to see his son ride young on the gallows when he himself is uttering mournful measures, a sorrowful song, while his son hangs for a comfort to the raven, and he, old and infirm, cannot render him any kelp--(he is constantly reminded, etc., 2451-2463)--so the defence of the Weders, etc._ XXXV. REMINISCENCES (_continued_).--BEOWULF'S LAST BATTLE. "He seeks then his chamber, singeth a woe-song One for the other; all too extensive Seemed homesteads and plains. So the helm of the Weders {Hrethel grieves for Herebald.} Mindful of Herebald heart-sorrow carried, 5 Stirred with emotion, nowise was able To wreak his ruin on the ruthless destroyer: He was unable to follow the warrior with hatred, With deeds that were direful, though dear he not held him. [84] Then pressed by the pang this pain occasioned him, 10 He gave up glee, God-light elected; He left to his sons, as the man that is rich does, His land and fortress, when from life he departed. {Strife between Swedes and Geats.} Then was crime and hostility 'twixt Swedes and Geatmen, O'er wide-stretching water warring was mutual, 15 Burdensome hatred, when Hrethel had perished, And Ongentheow's offspring were active and valiant, Wished not to hold to peace oversea, but Round Hreosna-beorh often accomplished Cruelest massacre. This my kinsman avengèd, 20 The feud and fury, as 'tis found on inquiry, Though one of them paid it with forfeit of life-joys, {Hæthcyn's fall at Ravenswood.} With price that was hard: the struggle became then Fatal to Hæthcyn, lord of the Geatmen. Then I heard that at morning one brother the other 25 With edges of irons egged on to murder, Where Ongentheow maketh onset on Eofor: The helmet crashed, the hoary-haired Scylfing Sword-smitten fell, his hand then remembered Feud-hate sufficient, refused not the death-blow. {I requited him for the jewels he gave me.} 30 The gems that he gave me, with jewel-bright sword I 'Quited in contest, as occasion was offered: Land he allowed me, life-joy at homestead, Manor to live on. Little he needed From Gepids or Danes or in Sweden to look for 35 Trooper less true, with treasure to buy him; 'Mong foot-soldiers ever in front I would hie me, Alone in the vanguard, and evermore gladly Warfare shall wage, while this weapon endureth That late and early often did serve me {Beowulf refers to his having slain Dæghrefn.} 40 When I proved before heroes the slayer of Dæghrefn, Knight of the Hugmen: he by no means was suffered To the king of the Frisians to carry the jewels, The breast-decoration; but the banner-possessor Bowed in the battle, brave-mooded atheling. [85] 45 No weapon was slayer, but war-grapple broke then The surge of his spirit, his body destroying. Now shall weapon's edge make war for the treasure, And hand and firm-sword." Beowulf spake then, Boast-words uttered--the latest occasion: {He boasts of his youthful prowess, and declares himself still fearless.} 50 "I braved in my youth-days battles unnumbered; Still am I willing the struggle to look for, Fame-deeds perform, folk-warden prudent, If the hateful despoiler forth from his cavern Seeketh me out!" Each of the heroes, 55 Helm-bearers sturdy, he thereupon greeted {His last salutations.} Belovèd co-liegemen--his last salutation: "No brand would I bear, no blade for the dragon, Wist I a way my word-boast to 'complish[1] Else with the monster, as with Grendel I did it; 60 But fire in the battle hot I expect there, Furious flame-burning: so I fixed on my body Target and war-mail. The ward of the barrow[2] I'll not flee from a foot-length, the foeman uncanny. At the wall 'twill befall us as Fate decreeth, {Let Fate decide between us.} 65 Each one's Creator. I am eager in spirit, With the wingèd war-hero to away with all boasting. Bide on the barrow with burnies protected, {Wait ye here till the battle is over.} Earls in armor, which of _us_ two may better Bear his disaster, when the battle is over. 70 'Tis no matter of yours, and man cannot do it, But me and me only, to measure his strength with The monster of malice, might-deeds to 'complish. I with prowess shall gain the gold, or the battle, [86] Direful death-woe will drag off your ruler!" 75 The mighty champion rose by his shield then, Brave under helmet, in battle-mail went he 'Neath steep-rising stone-cliffs, the strength he relied on Of one man alone: no work for a coward. Then he saw by the wall who a great many battles 80 Had lived through, most worthy, when foot-troops collided, {The place of strife is described.} Stone-arches standing, stout-hearted champion, Saw a brook from the barrow bubbling out thenceward: The flood of the fountain was fuming with war-flame: Not nigh to the hoard, for season the briefest 85 Could he brave, without burning, the abyss that was yawning, The drake was so fiery. The prince of the Weders Caused then that words came from his bosom, So fierce was his fury; the firm-hearted shouted: His battle-clear voice came in resounding 90 'Neath the gray-colored stone. Stirred was his hatred, {Beowulf calls out under the stone arches.} The hoard-ward distinguished the speech of a man; Time was no longer to look out for friendship. The breath of the monster issued forth first, Vapory war-sweat, out of the stone-cave: {The terrible encounter.} 95 The earth re-echoed. The earl 'neath the barrow Lifted his shield, lord of the Geatmen, Tow'rd the terrible stranger: the ring-twisted creature's Heart was then ready to seek for a struggle. {Beowulf brandishes his sword,} The excellent battle-king first brandished his weapon, 100 The ancient heirloom, of edges unblunted,[3] To the death-planners twain was terror from other. {and stands against his shield.} The lord of the troopers intrepidly stood then 'Gainst his high-rising shield, when the dragon coiled him {The dragon coils himself.} Quickly together: in corslet he bided. [87] 105 He went then in blazes, bended and striding, Hasting him forward. His life and body The targe well protected, for time-period shorter Than wish demanded for the well-renowned leader, Where he then for the first day was forced to be victor, 110 Famous in battle, as Fate had not willed it. The lord of the Geatmen uplifted his hand then, Smiting the fire-drake with sword that was precious, That bright on the bone the blade-edge did weaken, Bit more feebly than his folk-leader needed, 115 Burdened with bale-griefs. Then the barrow-protector, {The dragon rages} When the sword-blow had fallen, was fierce in his spirit, Flinging his fires, flamings of battle Gleamed then afar: the gold-friend of Weders {Beowulf's sword fails him.} Boasted no conquests, his battle-sword failed him 120 Naked in conflict, as by no means it ought to, Long-trusty weapon. 'Twas no slight undertaking That Ecgtheow's famous offspring would leave The drake-cavern's bottom; he must live in some region Other than this, by the will of the dragon, 125 As each one of earthmen existence must forfeit. 'Twas early thereafter the excellent warriors {The combat is renewed.} Met with each other. Anew and afresh The hoard-ward took heart (gasps heaved then his bosom): {The great hero is reduced to extremities.} Sorrow he suffered encircled with fire 130 Who the people erst governed. His companions by no means Were banded about him, bairns of the princes, {His comrades flee!} With valorous spirit, but they sped to the forest, Seeking for safety. The soul-deeps of one were {Blood is thicker than water.} Ruffled by care: kin-love can never 135 Aught in him waver who well doth consider. [88] [1] The clause 2520(2)-2522(1), rendered by 'Wist I ... monster,' Gr., followed by S., translates substantially as follows: _If I knew how else I might combat the boastful defiance of the monster_.--The translation turns upon 'wiðgrípan,' a word not understood. [2] B. emends and translates: _I will not flee the space of a foot from the guard of the barrow, but there shall be to us a fight at the wall, as fate decrees, each one's Creator._ [3] The translation of this passage is based on 'unsláw' (2565), accepted by H.-So., in lieu of the long-standing 'ungléaw.' The former is taken as an adj. limiting 'sweord'; the latter as an adj. c. 'gúð-cyning': _The good war-king, rash with edges, brandished his sword, his old relic._ The latter gives a more rhetorical Anglo-Saxon (poetical) sentence. XXXVI. WIGLAF THE TRUSTY.--BEOWULF IS DESERTED BY FRIENDS AND BY SWORD. {Wiglaf remains true--the ideal Teutonic liegeman.} The son of Weohstan was Wiglaf entitled, Shield-warrior precious, prince of the Scylfings, Ælfhere's kinsman: he saw his dear liegelord Enduring the heat 'neath helmet and visor. 5 Then he minded the holding that erst he had given him, {Wiglaf recalls Beowulf's generosity.} The Wægmunding warriors' wealth-blessèd homestead, Each of the folk-rights his father had wielded; He was hot for the battle, his hand seized the target, The yellow-bark shield, he unsheathed his old weapon, 10 Which was known among earthmen as the relic of Eanmund, Ohthere's offspring, whom, exiled and friendless, Weohstan did slay with sword-edge in battle, And carried his kinsman the clear-shining helmet, The ring-made burnie, the old giant-weapon 15 That Onela gave him, his boon-fellow's armor, Ready war-trappings: he the feud did not mention, Though he'd fatally smitten the son of his brother. Many a half-year held he the treasures, The bill and the burnie, till his bairn became able, 20 Like his father before him, fame-deeds to 'complish; Then he gave him 'mong Geatmen a goodly array of Weeds for his warfare; he went from life then Old on his journey. 'Twas the earliest time then {This is Wiglaf's first battle as liegeman of Beowulf.} That the youthful champion might charge in the battle 25 Aiding his liegelord; his spirit was dauntless. Nor did kinsman's bequest quail at the battle: This the dragon discovered on their coming together. Wiglaf uttered many a right-saying, Said to his fellows, sad was his spirit: {Wiglaf appeals to the pride of the cowards.} 30 "I remember the time when, tasting the mead-cup, We promised in the hall the lord of us all [89] Who gave us these ring-treasures, that this battle-equipment, Swords and helmets, we'd certainly quite him, Should need of such aid ever befall him: {How we have forfeited our liegelord's confidence!} 35 In the war-band he chose us for this journey spontaneously, Stirred us to glory and gave me these jewels, Since he held and esteemed us trust-worthy spearmen, Hardy helm-bearers, though this hero-achievement Our lord intended alone to accomplish, 40 Ward of his people, for most of achievements, Doings audacious, he did among earth-folk. {Our lord is in sore need of us.} The day is now come when the ruler of earthmen Needeth the vigor of valiant heroes: Let us wend us towards him, the war-prince to succor, 45 While the heat yet rageth, horrible fire-fight. {I would rather die than go home with out my suzerain.} God wot in me, 'tis mickle the liefer The blaze should embrace my body and eat it With my treasure-bestower. Meseemeth not proper To bear our battle-shields back to our country, 50 'Less first we are able to fell and destroy the Long-hating foeman, to defend the life of {Surely he does not deserve to die alone.} The prince of the Weders. Well do I know 'tisn't Earned by his exploits, he only of Geatmen Sorrow should suffer, sink in the battle: 55 Brand and helmet to us both shall be common, [1]Shield-cover, burnie." Through the bale-smoke he stalked then, Went under helmet to the help of his chieftain, {Wiglaf reminds Beowulf of his youthful boasts.} Briefly discoursing: "Beowulf dear, Perform thou all fully, as thou formerly saidst, 60 In thy youthful years, that while yet thou livedst [90] Thou wouldst let thine honor not ever be lessened. Thy life thou shalt save, mighty in actions, Atheling undaunted, with all of thy vigor; {The monster advances on them.} I'll give thee assistance." The dragon came raging, 65 Wild-mooded stranger, when these words had been uttered ('Twas the second occasion), seeking his enemies, Men that were hated, with hot-gleaming fire-waves; With blaze-billows burned the board to its edges: The fight-armor failed then to furnish assistance 70 To the youthful spear-hero: but the young-agèd stripling Quickly advanced 'neath his kinsman's war-target, Since his own had been ground in the grip of the fire. {Beowulf strikes at the dragon.} Then the warrior-king was careful of glory, He soundly smote with sword-for-the-battle, 75 That it stood in the head by hatred driven; Nægling was shivered, the old and iron-made {His sword fails him.} Brand of Beowulf in battle deceived him. 'Twas denied him that edges of irons were able To help in the battle; the hand was too mighty 80 [2]Which every weapon, as I heard on inquiry, Outstruck in its stroke, when to struggle he carried The wonderful war-sword: it waxed him no better. {The dragon advances on Beowulf again.} Then the people-despoiler--third of his onsets-- Fierce-raging fire-drake, of feud-hate was mindful, 85 Charged on the strong one, when chance was afforded, Heated and war-grim, seized on his neck With teeth that were bitter; he bloody did wax with Soul-gore seething; sword-blood in waves boiled. [1] The passage '_Brand ... burnie_,' is much disputed. In the first place, some eminent critics assume a gap of at least two half-verses.--'Úrum' (2660), being a peculiar form, has been much discussed. 'Byrdu-scrúd' is also a crux. B. suggests 'býwdu-scrúd' = _splendid vestments_. Nor is 'bám' accepted by all, 'béon' being suggested. Whatever the individual words, the passage must mean, "_I intend to share with him my equipments of defence_." [2] B. would render: _Which, as I heard, excelled in stroke every sword that he carried to the strife, even the strongest (sword)._ For 'Þonne' he reads 'Þone,' rel. pr. [91] XXXVII. THE FATAL STRUGGLE.--BEOWULF'S LAST MOMENTS. {Wiglaf defends Beowulf.} Then I heard that at need of the king of the people The upstanding earlman exhibited prowess, Vigor and courage, as suited his nature; [1]He his head did not guard, but the high-minded liegeman's 5 Hand was consumed, when he succored his kinsman, So he struck the strife-bringing strange-comer lower, Earl-thane in armor, that _in_ went the weapon Gleaming and plated, that 'gan then the fire[2] {Beowulf draws his knife,} Later to lessen. The liegelord himself then 10 Retained his consciousness, brandished his war-knife, Battle-sharp, bitter, that he bare on his armor: {and cuts the dragon.} The Weder-lord cut the worm in the middle. They had felled the enemy (life drove out then[3] Puissant prowess), the pair had destroyed him, 15 Land-chiefs related: so a liegeman should prove him, A thaneman when needed. To the prince 'twas the last of His era of conquest by his own great achievements, [92] {Beowulf's wound swells and burns.} The latest of world-deeds. The wound then began Which the earth-dwelling dragon erstwhile had wrought him 20 To burn and to swell. He soon then discovered That bitterest bale-woe in his bosom was raging, Poison within. The atheling advanced then, {He sits down exhausted.} That along by the wall, he prudent of spirit Might sit on a settle; he saw the giant-work, 25 How arches of stone strengthened with pillars The earth-hall eternal inward supported. Then the long-worthy liegeman laved with his hand the {Wiglaf bathes his lord's head.} Far-famous chieftain, gory from sword-edge, Refreshing the face of his friend-lord and ruler, 30 Sated with battle, unbinding his helmet. Beowulf answered, of his injury spake he, His wound that was fatal (he was fully aware He had lived his allotted life-days enjoying The pleasures of earth; then past was entirely 35 His measure of days, death very near): {Beowulf regrets that he has no son.} "My son I would give now my battle-equipments, Had any of heirs been after me granted, Along of my body. This people I governed Fifty of winters: no king 'mong my neighbors 40 Dared to encounter me with comrades-in-battle, Try me with terror. The time to me ordered I bided at home, mine own kept fitly, Sought me no snares, swore me not many {I can rejoice in a well-spent life.} Oaths in injustice. Joy over all this 45 I'm able to have, though ill with my death-wounds; Hence the Ruler of Earthmen need not charge me With the killing of kinsmen, when cometh my life out Forth from my body. Fare thou with haste now {Bring me the hoard, Wiglaf, that my dying eyes may be refreshed by a sight of it.} To behold the hoard 'neath the hoar-grayish stone, 50 Well-lovèd Wiglaf, now the worm is a-lying, Sore-wounded sleepeth, disseized of his treasure. Go thou in haste that treasures of old I, Gold-wealth may gaze on, together see lying [93] The ether-bright jewels, be easier able, 55 Having the heap of hoard-gems, to yield my Life and the land-folk whom long I have governed." [1] B. renders: _He_ (_W_.) did not regard his (_the dragon's_) _head_ (since Beowulf had struck it without effect), _but struck the dragon a little lower down.--_One crux is to find out _whose head_ is meant; another is to bring out the antithesis between 'head' and 'hand.' [2] 'Þæt þæt fýr' (2702), S. emends to 'þá þæt fýr' = _when the fire began to grow less intense afterward_. This emendation relieves the passage of a plethora of conjunctive _þæt_'s. [3] For 'gefyldan' (2707), S. proposes 'gefylde.' The passage would read: _He felled the foe (life drove out strength), and they then both had destroyed him, chieftains related_. This gives Beowulf the credit of having felled the dragon; then they combine to annihilate him.--For 'ellen' (2707), Kl. suggests 'e(a)llne.'--The reading '_life drove out strength_' is very unsatisfactory and very peculiar. I would suggest as follows: Adopt S.'s emendation, remove H.'s parenthesis, read 'ferh-ellen wræc,' and translate: _He felled the foe, drove out his life-strength_ (that is, made him _hors de combat_), _and then they both, etc_. XXXVIII. WIGLAF PLUNDERS THE DRAGON'S DEN.--BEOWULF'S DEATH. {Wiglaf fulfils his lord's behest.} Then heard I that Wihstan's son very quickly, These words being uttered, heeded his liegelord Wounded and war-sick, went in his armor, His well-woven ring-mail, 'neath the roof of the barrow. 5 Then the trusty retainer treasure-gems many {The dragon's den.} Victorious saw, when the seat he came near to, Gold-treasure sparkling spread on the bottom, Wonder on the wall, and the worm-creature's cavern, The ancient dawn-flier's, vessels a-standing, 10 Cups of the ancients of cleansers bereavèd, Robbed of their ornaments: there were helmets in numbers, Old and rust-eaten, arm-bracelets many, Artfully woven. Wealth can easily, Gold on the sea-bottom, turn into vanity[1] 15 Each one of earthmen, arm him who pleaseth! And he saw there lying an all-golden banner High o'er the hoard, of hand-wonders greatest, Linkèd with lacets: a light from it sparkled, That the floor of the cavern he was able to look on, {The dragon is not there.} 20 To examine the jewels. Sight of the dragon [94] Not any was offered, but edge offcarried him. {Wiglaf bears the hoard away.} Then I heard that the hero the hoard-treasure plundered, The giant-work ancient reaved in the cavern, Bare on his bosom the beakers and platters, 25 As himself would fain have it, and took off the standard, The brightest of beacons;[2] the bill had erst injured (Its edge was of iron), the old-ruler's weapon, Him who long had watched as ward of the jewels, Who fire-terror carried hot for the treasure, 30 Rolling in battle, in middlemost darkness, Till murdered he perished. The messenger hastened, Not loth to return, hurried by jewels: Curiosity urged him if, excellent-mooded, Alive he should find the lord of the Weders 35 Mortally wounded, at the place where he left him. 'Mid the jewels he found then the famous old chieftain, His liegelord belovèd, at his life's-end gory: He thereupon 'gan to lave him with water, Till the point of his word piercèd his breast-hoard. 40 Beowulf spake (the gold-gems he noticed), {Beowulf is rejoiced to see the jewels.} The old one in sorrow: "For the jewels I look on Thanks do I utter for all to the Ruler, Wielder of Worship, with words of devotion, The Lord everlasting, that He let me such treasures 45 Gain for my people ere death overtook me. Since I've bartered the agèd life to me granted For treasure of jewels, attend ye henceforward {He desires to be held in memory by his people.} The wants of the war-thanes; I can wait here no longer. The battle-famed bid ye to build them a grave-hill, 50 Bright when I'm burned, at the brim-current's limit; As a memory-mark to the men I have governed, [95] Aloft it shall tower on Whale's-Ness uprising, That earls of the ocean hereafter may call it Beowulf's barrow, those who barks ever-dashing 55 From a distance shall drive o'er the darkness of waters." {The hero's last gift} The bold-mooded troop-lord took from his neck then The ring that was golden, gave to his liegeman, The youthful war-hero, his gold-flashing helmet, His collar and war-mail, bade him well to enjoy them: {and last words.} 60 "Thou art latest left of the line of our kindred, Of Wægmunding people: Weird hath offcarried All of my kinsmen to the Creator's glory, Earls in their vigor: I shall after them fare." 'Twas the aged liegelord's last-spoken word in 65 His musings of spirit, ere he mounted the fire, The battle-waves burning: from his bosom departed His soul to seek the sainted ones' glory. [1] The word 'oferhígian' (2767) being vague and little understood, two quite distinct translations of this passage have arisen. One takes 'oferhígian' as meaning 'to exceed,' and, inserting 'hord' after 'gehwone,' renders: _The treasure may easily, the gold in the ground, exceed in value every hoard of man, hide it who will._ The other takes 'oferhígian' as meaning 'to render arrogant,' and, giving the sentence a moralizing tone, renders substantially as in the body of this work. (Cf. 28_13 et seq.) [2] The passage beginning here is very much disputed. 'The bill of the old lord' is by some regarded as Beowulf's sword; by others, as that of the ancient possessor of the hoard. 'Ær gescód' (2778), translated in this work as verb and adverb, is by some regarded as a compound participial adj. = _sheathed in brass_. XXXIX. THE DEAD FOES.--WIGLAF'S BITTER TAUNTS. {Wiglaf is sorely grieved to see his lord look so un-warlike.} It had wofully chanced then the youthful retainer To behold on earth the most ardent-belovèd At his life-days' limit, lying there helpless. The slayer too lay there, of life all bereavèd, 5 Horrible earth-drake, harassed with sorrow: {The dragon has plundered his last hoard.} The round-twisted monster was permitted no longer To govern the ring-hoards, but edges of war-swords Mightily seized him, battle-sharp, sturdy Leavings of hammers, that still from his wounds 10 The flier-from-farland fell to the earth Hard by his hoard-house, hopped he at midnight Not e'er through the air, nor exulting in jewels Suffered them to see him: but he sank then to earthward Through the hero-chief's handwork. I heard sure it throve then [96] {Few warriors dared to face the monster.} 15 But few in the land of liegemen of valor, Though of every achievement bold he had proved him, To run 'gainst the breath of the venomous scather, Or the hall of the treasure to trouble with hand-blows, If he watching had found the ward of the hoard-hall 20 On the barrow abiding. Beowulf's part of The treasure of jewels was paid for with death; Each of the twain had attained to the end of Life so unlasting. Not long was the time till {The cowardly thanes come out of the thicket.} The tardy-at-battle returned from the thicket, 25 The timid truce-breakers ten all together, Who durst not before play with the lances In the prince of the people's pressing emergency; {They are ashamed of their desertion.} But blushing with shame, with shields they betook them, With arms and armor where the old one was lying: 30 They gazed upon Wiglaf. He was sitting exhausted, Foot-going fighter, not far from the shoulders Of the lord of the people, would rouse him with water; No whit did it help him; though he hoped for it keenly, He was able on earth not at all in the leader 35 Life to retain, and nowise to alter The will of the Wielder; the World-Ruler's power[1] Would govern the actions of each one of heroes, {Wiglaf is ready to excoriate them.} As yet He is doing. From the young one forthwith then Could grim-worded greeting be got for him quickly 40 Whose courage had failed him. Wiglaf discoursed then, Weohstan his son, sad-mooded hero, {He begins to taunt them.} Looked on the hated: "He who soothness will utter Can say that the liegelord who gave you the jewels, The ornament-armor wherein ye are standing, 45 When on ale-bench often he offered to hall-men Helmet and burnie, the prince to his liegemen, As best upon earth he was able to find him,-- [97] {Surely our lord wasted his armor on poltroons.} That he wildly wasted his war-gear undoubtedly When battle o'ertook him.[2] The troop-king no need had 50 To glory in comrades; yet God permitted him, {He, however, got along without you} Victory-Wielder, with weapon unaided Himself to avenge, when vigor was needed. I life-protection but little was able To give him in battle, and I 'gan, notwithstanding, {With some aid, I could have saved our liegelord} 55 Helping my kinsman (my strength overtaxing): He waxed the weaker when with weapon I smote on My mortal opponent, the fire less strongly Flamed from his bosom. Too few of protectors Came round the king at the critical moment. {Gift-giving is over with your people: the ring-lord is dead.} 60 Now must ornament-taking and weapon-bestowing, Home-joyance all, cease for your kindred, Food for the people; each of your warriors Must needs be bereavèd of rights that he holdeth In landed possessions, when faraway nobles 65 Shall learn of your leaving your lord so basely, {What is life without honor?} The dastardly deed. Death is more pleasant To every earlman than infamous life is!" [1] For 'dædum rædan' (2859) B. suggests 'déað árædan,' and renders: _The might (or judgment) of God would determine death for every man, as he still does._ [2] Some critics, H. himself in earlier editions, put the clause, 'When ... him' (A.-S. 'þá ... beget') with the following sentence; that is, they make it dependent upon 'þorfte' (2875) instead of upon 'forwurpe' (2873). XL. THE MESSENGER OF DEATH. {Wiglaf sends the news of Beowulf's death to liegemen near by.} Then he charged that the battle be announced at the hedge Up o'er the cliff-edge, where the earl-troopers bided The whole of the morning, mood-wretched sat them, Bearers of battle-shields, both things expecting, 5 The end of his lifetime and the coming again of The liegelord belovèd. Little reserved he Of news that was known, who the ness-cliff did travel, But he truly discoursed to all that could hear him: [98] {The messenger speaks.} "Now the free-giving friend-lord of the folk of the Weders, 10 The folk-prince of Geatmen, is fast in his death-bed, By the deeds of the dragon in death-bed abideth; Along with him lieth his life-taking foeman Slain with knife-wounds: he was wholly unable To injure at all the ill-planning monster {Wiglaf sits by our dead lord.} 15 With bite of his sword-edge. Wiglaf is sitting, Offspring of Wihstan, up over Beowulf, Earl o'er another whose end-day hath reached him, Head-watch holdeth o'er heroes unliving,[1] {Our lord's death will lead to attacks from our old foes.} For friend and for foeman. The folk now expecteth 20 A season of strife when the death of the folk-king To Frankmen and Frisians in far-lands is published. The war-hatred waxed warm 'gainst the Hugmen, {Higelac's death recalled.} When Higelac came with an army of vessels Faring to Friesland, where the Frankmen in battle 25 Humbled him and bravely with overmight 'complished That the mail-clad warrior must sink in the battle, Fell 'mid his folk-troop: no fret-gems presented The atheling to earlmen; aye was denied us Merewing's mercy. The men of the Swedelands 30 For truce or for truth trust I but little; But widely 'twas known that near Ravenswood Ongentheow {Hæthcyn's fall referred to.} Sundered Hæthcyn the Hrethling from life-joys, When for pride overweening the War-Scylfings first did Seek the Geatmen with savage intentions. 35 Early did Ohthere's age-laden father, Old and terrible, give blow in requital, Killing the sea-king, the queen-mother rescued, The old one his consort deprived of her gold, Onela's mother and Ohthere's also, [99] 40 And then followed the feud-nursing foemen till hardly, Reaved of their ruler, they Ravenswood entered. Then with vast-numbered forces he assaulted the remnant, Weary with wounds, woe often promised The livelong night to the sad-hearted war-troop: 45 Said he at morning would kill them with edges of weapons, Some on the gallows for glee to the fowls. Aid came after to the anxious-in-spirit At dawn of the day, after Higelac's bugle And trumpet-sound heard they, when the good one proceeded 50 And faring followed the flower of the troopers. [1] 'Hige-méðum' (2910) is glossed by H. as dat. plu. (= for the dead). S. proposes 'hige-méðe,' nom. sing. limiting Wigláf; i.e. _W., mood-weary, holds head-watch o'er friend and foe_.--B. suggests taking the word as dat. inst. plu. of an abstract noun in -'u.' The translation would be substantially the same as S.'s. XLI. THE MESSENGER'S RETROSPECT. {The messenger continues, and refers to the feuds of Swedes and Geats.} "The blood-stainèd trace of Swedes and Geatmen, The death-rush of warmen, widely was noticed, How the folks with each other feud did awaken. The worthy one went then[1] with well-beloved comrades, 5 Old and dejected to go to the fastness, Ongentheo earl upward then turned him; Of Higelac's battle he'd heard on inquiry, The exultant one's prowess, despaired of resistance, With earls of the ocean to be able to struggle, 10 'Gainst sea-going sailors to save the hoard-treasure, His wife and his children; he fled after thenceward Old 'neath the earth-wall. Then was offered pursuance To the braves of the Swedemen, the banner[2] to Higelac. [100] They fared then forth o'er the field-of-protection, 15 When the Hrethling heroes hedgeward had thronged them. Then with edges of irons was Ongentheow driven, The gray-haired to tarry, that the troop-ruler had to Suffer the power solely of Eofor: {Wulf wounds Ongentheow.} Wulf then wildly with weapon assaulted him, 20 Wonred his son, that for swinge of the edges The blood from his body burst out in currents, Forth 'neath his hair. He feared not however, Gray-headed Scylfing, but speedily quited {Ongentheow gives a stout blow in return.} The wasting wound-stroke with worse exchange, 25 When the king of the thane-troop thither did turn him: The wise-mooded son of Wonred was powerless To give a return-blow to the age-hoary man, But his head-shielding helmet first hewed he to pieces, That flecked with gore perforce he did totter, 30 Fell to the earth; not fey was he yet then, But up did he spring though an edge-wound had reached him. {Eofor smites Ongentheow fiercely.} Then Higelac's vassal, valiant and dauntless, When his brother lay dead, made his broad-bladed weapon, Giant-sword ancient, defence of the giants, 35 Bound o'er the shield-wall; the folk-prince succumbed then, {Ongentheow is slain.} Shepherd of people, was pierced to the vitals. There were many attendants who bound up his kinsman, Carried him quickly when occasion was granted That the place of the slain they were suffered to manage. 40 This pending, one hero plundered the other, His armor of iron from Ongentheow ravished, His hard-sword hilted and helmet together; {Eofor takes the old king's war-gear to Higelac.} The old one's equipments he carried to Higelac. He the jewels received, and rewards 'mid the troopers 45 Graciously promised, and so did accomplish: The king of the Weders requited the war-rush, Hrethel's descendant, when home he repaired him, {Higelac rewards the brothers.} To Eofor and Wulf with wide-lavished treasures, To each of them granted a hundred of thousands [101] 50 In land and rings wrought out of wire: {His gifts were beyond cavil.} None upon mid-earth needed to twit him[3] With the gifts he gave them, when glory they conquered; {To Eofor he also gives his only daughter in marriage.} And to Eofor then gave he his one only daughter, The honor of home, as an earnest of favor. 55 That's the feud and hatred--as ween I 'twill happen-- The anger of earthmen, that earls of the Swedemen Will visit on us, when they hear that our leader Lifeless is lying, he who longtime protected His hoard and kingdom 'gainst hating assailers, 60 Who on the fall of the heroes defended of yore The deed-mighty Scyldings,[4] did for the troopers What best did avail them, and further moreover {It is time for us to pay the last marks of respect to our lord.} Hero-deeds 'complished. Now is haste most fitting, That the lord of liegemen we look upon yonder, 65 And _that_ one carry on journey to death-pyre Who ring-presents gave us. Not aught of it all Shall melt with the brave one--there's a mass of bright jewels, Gold beyond measure, grewsomely purchased And ending it all ornament-rings too 70 Bought with his life; these fire shall devour, Flame shall cover, no earlman shall wear A jewel-memento, nor beautiful virgin Have on her neck rings to adorn her, But wretched in spirit bereavèd of gold-gems 75 She shall oft with others be exiled and banished, Since the leader of liegemen hath laughter forsaken, [102] Mirth and merriment. Hence many a war-spear Cold from the morning shall be clutched in the fingers, Heaved in the hand, no harp-music's sound shall 80 Waken the warriors, but the wan-coated raven Fain over fey ones freely shall gabble, Shall say to the eagle how he sped in the eating, When, the wolf his companion, he plundered the slain." So the high-minded hero was rehearsing these stories 85 Loathsome to hear; he lied as to few of {The warriors go sadly to look at Beowulf's lifeless body.} Weirds and of words. All the war-troop arose then, 'Neath the Eagle's Cape sadly betook them, Weeping and woful, the wonder to look at. They saw on the sand then soulless a-lying, 90 His slaughter-bed holding, him who rings had given them In days that were done; then the death-bringing moment Was come to the good one, that the king very warlike, Wielder of Weders, with wonder-death perished. First they beheld there a creature more wondrous, {They also see the dragon.} 95 The worm on the field, in front of them lying, The foeman before them: the fire-spewing dragon, Ghostly and grisly guest in his terrors, Was scorched in the fire; as he lay there he measured Fifty of feet; came forth in the night-time[5] 100 To rejoice in the air, thereafter departing To visit his den; he in death was then fastened, He would joy in no other earth-hollowed caverns. There stood round about him beakers and vessels, Dishes were lying and dear-valued weapons, 105 With iron-rust eaten, as in earth's mighty bosom A thousand of winters there they had rested: {The hoard was under a magic spell.} That mighty bequest then with magic was guarded, Gold of the ancients, that earlman not any The ring-hall could touch, save Ruling-God only, [103] 110 Sooth-king of Vict'ries gave whom He wished to {God alone could give access to it.} [6](He is earth-folk's protector) to open the treasure, E'en to such among mortals as seemed to Him proper. [1] For 'góda,' which seems a surprising epithet for a Geat to apply to the "terrible" Ongentheow, B. suggests 'gomela.' The passage would then stand: '_The old one went then,' etc._ [2] For 'segn Higeláce,' K., Th., and B. propose 'segn Higeláces,' meaning: _Higelac's banner followed the Swedes (in pursuit)._--S. suggests 'sæcc Higeláces,' and renders: _Higelac's pursuit._--The H.-So. reading, as translated in our text, means that the banner of the enemy was captured and brought to Higelac as a trophy. [3] The rendering given in this translation represents the king as being generous beyond the possibility of reproach; but some authorities construe 'him' (2996) as plu., and understand the passage to mean that no one reproached the two brothers with having received more reward than they were entitled to. [4] The name 'Scyldingas' here (3006) has caused much discussion, and given rise to several theories, the most important of which are as follows: (1) After the downfall of Hrothgar's family, Beowulf was king of the Danes, or Scyldings. (2) For 'Scyldingas' read 'Scylfingas'--that is, after killing Eadgils, the Scylfing prince, Beowulf conquered his land, and held it in subjection. (3) M. considers 3006 a thoughtless repetition of 2053. (Cf. H.-So.) [5] B. takes 'nihtes' and 'hwílum' (3045) as separate adverbial cases, and renders: _Joy in the air had he of yore by night, etc_. He thinks that the idea of vanished time ought to be expressed. [6] The parenthesis is by some emended so as to read: (1) (_He_ (i.e. _God_) _is the hope of men_); (2) (_he is the hope of heroes_). Gr.'s reading has no parenthesis, but says: ... _could touch, unless God himself, true king of victories, gave to whom he would to open the treasure, the secret place of enchanters, etc_. The last is rejected on many grounds. XLII. WIGLAF'S SAD STORY.--THE HOARD CARRIED OFF. Then 'twas seen that the journey prospered him little Who wrongly within had the ornaments hidden[1] Down 'neath the wall. The warden erst slaughtered Some few of the folk-troop: the feud then thereafter 5 Was hotly avengèd. 'Tis a wonder where,[2] When the strength-famous trooper has attained to the end of Life-days allotted, then no longer the man may Remain with his kinsmen where mead-cups are flowing. So to Beowulf happened when the ward of the barrow, 10 Assaults, he sought for: himself had no knowledge How his leaving this life was likely to happen. So to doomsday, famous folk-leaders down did Call it with curses--who 'complished it there-- [104] That that man should be ever of ill-deeds convicted, 15 Confined in foul-places, fastened in hell-bonds, Punished with plagues, who this place should e'er ravage.[3] He cared not for gold: rather the Wielder's Favor preferred he first to get sight of.[4] {Wiglaf addresses his comrades.} Wiglaf discoursed then, Wihstan his son: 20 "Oft many an earlman on one man's account must Sorrow endure, as to us it hath happened. The liegelord belovèd we could little prevail on, Kingdom's keeper, counsel to follow, Not to go to the guardian of the gold-hoard, but let him 25 Lie where he long was, live in his dwelling Till the end of the world. Met we a destiny Hard to endure: the hoard has been looked at, Been gained very grimly; too grievous the fate that[5] The prince of the people pricked to come thither. 30 _I_ was therein and all of it looked at, The building's equipments, since access was given me, Not kindly at all entrance permitted {He tells them of Beowulf's last moments.} Within under earth-wall. Hastily seized I And held in my hands a huge-weighing burden 35 Of hoard-treasures costly, hither out bare them To my liegelord belovèd: life was yet in him, And consciousness also; the old one discoursed then Much and mournfully, commanded to greet you, {Beowulf's dying request.} Bade that remembering the deeds of your friend-lord 40 Ye build on the fire-hill of corpses a lofty Burial-barrow, broad and far-famous, As 'mid world-dwelling warriors he was widely most honored While he reveled in riches. Let us rouse us and hasten [105] Again to see and seek for the treasure, 45 The wonder 'neath wall. The way I will show you, That close ye may look at ring-gems sufficient And gold in abundance. Let the bier with promptness Fully be fashioned, when forth we shall come, And lift we our lord, then, where long he shall tarry, 50 Well-beloved warrior, 'neath the Wielder's protection." {Wiglaf charges them to build a funeral-pyre.} Then the son of Wihstan bade orders be given, Mood-valiant man, to many of heroes, Holders of homesteads, that they hither from far, [6]Leaders of liegemen, should look for the good one 55 With wood for his pyre: "The flame shall now swallow (The wan fire shall wax[7]) the warriors' leader Who the rain of the iron often abided, When, sturdily hurled, the storm of the arrows Leapt o'er linden-wall, the lance rendered service, 60 Furnished with feathers followed the arrow." Now the wise-mooded son of Wihstan did summon The best of the braves from the band of the ruler {He takes seven thanes, and enters the den.} Seven together; 'neath the enemy's roof he Went with the seven; one of the heroes 65 Who fared at the front, a fire-blazing torch-light Bare in his hand. No lot then decided Who that hoard should havoc, when hero-earls saw it Lying in the cavern uncared-for entirely, Rusting to ruin: they rued then but little 70 That they hastily hence hauled out the treasure, {They push the dragon over the wall.} The dear-valued jewels; the dragon eke pushed they, The worm o'er the wall, let the wave-currents take him, [106] The waters enwind the ward of the treasures. {The hoard is laid on a wain.} There wounden gold on a wain was uploaded, 75 A mass unmeasured, the men-leader off then, The hero hoary, to Whale's-Ness was carried. [1] For 'gehýdde,' B. suggests 'gehýðde': the passage would stand as above except the change of 'hidden' (v. 2) to 'plundered.' The reference, however, would be to the thief, not to the dragon. [2] The passage 'Wundur ... búan' (3063-3066), M. took to be a question asking whether it was strange that a man should die when his appointed time had come.--B. sees a corruption, and makes emendations introducing the idea that a brave man should not die from sickness or from old age, but should find death in the performance of some deed of daring.--S. sees an indirect question introduced by 'hwár' and dependent upon 'wundur': _A secret is it when the hero is to die, etc_.--Why may the two clauses not be parallel, and the whole passage an Old English cry of '_How wonderful is death!'?_--S.'s is the best yet offered, if 'wundor' means 'mystery.' [3] For 'strude' in H.-So., S. suggests 'stride.' This would require 'ravage' (v. 16) to be changed to 'tread.' [4] 'He cared ... sight of' (17, 18), S. emends so as to read as follows: _He (Beowulf) had not before seen the favor of the avaricious possessor._ [5] B. renders: _That which drew the king thither_ (i.e. _the treasure_) _was granted us, but in such a way that it overcomes us._ [6] 'Folc-ágende' (3114) B. takes as dat. sing. with 'gódum,' and refers it to Beowulf; that is, _Should bring fire-wood to the place where the good folk-ruler lay_. [7] C. proposes to take 'weaxan' = L. 'vescor,' and translate _devour_. This gives a parallel to 'fretan' above. The parenthesis would be discarded and the passage read: _Now shall the fire consume, the wan-flame devour, the prince of warriors, etc_. XLIII. THE BURNING OF BEOWULF. {Beowulf's pyre.} The folk of the Geatmen got him then ready A pile on the earth strong for the burning, Behung with helmets, hero-knights' targets, And bright-shining burnies, as he begged they should have them; 5 Then wailing war-heroes their world-famous chieftain, Their liegelord beloved, laid in the middle. {The funeral-flame.} Soldiers began then to make on the barrow The largest of dead-fires: dark o'er the vapor The smoke-cloud ascended, the sad-roaring fire, 10 Mingled with weeping (the wind-roar subsided) Till the building of bone it had broken to pieces, Hot in the heart. Heavy in spirit They mood-sad lamented the men-leader's ruin; And mournful measures the much-grieving widow 15 *       *       *       *       *       *       * *       *       *       *       *       *       * *       *       *       *       *       *       * *       *       *       *       *       *       * *       *       *       *       *       *       * 20 *       *       *       *       *       *       * {The Weders carry out their lord's last request.} The men of the Weders made accordingly A hill on the height, high and extensive, Of sea-going sailors to be seen from a distance, And the brave one's beacon built where the fire was, 25 In ten-days' space, with a wall surrounded it, As wisest of world-folk could most worthily plan it. They placed in the barrow rings and jewels, [107] {Rings and gems are laid in the barrow.} All such ornaments as erst in the treasure War-mooded men had won in possession: 30 The earnings of earlmen to earth they entrusted, The gold to the dust, where yet it remaineth As useless to mortals as in foregoing eras. 'Round the dead-mound rode then the doughty-in-battle, Bairns of all twelve of the chiefs of the people, {They mourn for their lord, and sing his praises.} 35 More would they mourn, lament for their ruler, Speak in measure, mention him with pleasure, Weighed his worth, and his warlike achievements Mightily commended, as 'tis meet one praise his Liegelord in words and love him in spirit, 40 When forth from his body he fares to destruction. So lamented mourning the men of the Geats, Fond-loving vassals, the fall of their lord, {An ideal king.} Said he was kindest of kings under heaven, Gentlest of men, most winning of manner, 45 Friendliest to folk-troops and fondest of honor. [109] ADDENDA. Several discrepancies and other oversights have been noticed in the H.-So. glossary. Of these a good part were avoided by Harrison and Sharp, the American editors of Beowulf, in their last edition, 1888. The rest will, I hope, be noticed in their fourth edition. As, however, this book may fall into the hands of some who have no copy of the American edition, it seems best to notice all the principal oversights of the German editors. ~From hám~ (194).--Notes and glossary conflict; the latter not having been altered to suit the conclusions accepted in the former. ~Þær gelýfan sceal dryhtnes dóme~ (440).--Under 'dóm' H. says 'the might of the Lord'; while under 'gelýfan' he says 'the judgment of the Lord.' ~Eal bencþelu~ (486).--Under 'benc-þelu' H. says _nom. plu._; while under 'eal' he says _nom. sing._ ~Heatho-ræmas~ (519).--Under 'ætberan' H. translates 'to the Heathoremes'; while under 'Heatho-ræmas' he says 'Heathoræmas reaches Breca in the swimming-match with Beowulf.' Harrison and Sharp (3d edition, 1888) avoid the discrepancy. ~Fáh féond-scaða~ (554).--Under 'féond-scaða' H. says 'a gleaming sea-monster'; under 'fáh' he says 'hostile.' ~Onfeng hraðe inwit-þancum~ (749).--Under 'onfón' H. says 'he _received_ the maliciously-disposed one'; under 'inwit-þanc' he says 'he _grasped_,' etc. ~Níð-wundor séon~ (1366).--Under 'níð-wundor' H. calls this word itself _nom. sing._; under 'séon' he translates it as accus. sing., understanding 'man' as subject of 'séon.' H. and S. (3d edition) make the correction. ~Forgeaf hilde-bille~ (1521).--H., under the second word, calls it instr. dat.; while under 'forgifan' he makes it the dat. of indir. obj. H. and S. (3d edition) make the change. ~Brád~ and ~brún-ecg~ (1547).--Under 'brád' H. says 'das breite Hüftmesser mit bronzener Klinge'; under 'brún-ecg' he says 'ihr breites Hüftmesser mit blitzender Klinge.' [110] ~Yðelíce~ (1557).--Under this word H. makes it modify 'ástód.' If this be right, the punctuation of the fifth edition is wrong. See H. and S., appendix. ~Sélran gesóhte~ (1840).--Under 'sél' and 'gesécan' H. calls these two words accus. plu.; but this is clearly an error, as both are nom. plu., pred. nom. H. and S. correct under 'sél.' ~Wið sylfne~ (1978).--Under 'wið' and 'gesittan' H. says 'wið = near, by'; under 'self' he says 'opposite.' ~þéow~ (2225) is omitted from the glossary. ~For duguðum~ (2502).--Under 'duguð' H. translates this phrase, 'in Tüchtigkeit'; under 'for,' by 'vor der edlen Kriegerschaar.' ~þær~ (2574).--Under 'wealdan' H. translates _þær_ by 'wo'; under 'mótan,' by 'da.' H. and S. suggest 'if' in both passages. ~Wunde~ (2726).--Under 'wund' H. says 'dative,' and under 'wæl-bléate' he says 'accus.' It is without doubt accus., parallel with 'benne.' ~Strengum gebæded~ (3118).--Under 'strengo' H. says 'Strengum' = mit Macht; under 'gebæded' he translates 'von den Sehnen.' H. and S. correct this discrepancy by rejecting the second reading. ~Bronda be láfe~ (3162).--A recent emendation. The fourth edition had 'bronda betost.' In the fifth edition the editor neglects to change the glossary to suit the new emendation. See 'bewyrcan.' 
34117	----	Transcriber's note: In Germanic languages [=a] signifies "a macron"; [o,] "o with Ogonek"; and so forth. [gh] represents yogh. [Illustration: Drida (Thryth) reproached for her Evil Deeds _From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 11 b_ "That is no way for a lady to behave." (Ne bið swylc cw[=e]nl[=i]c þ[=e]aw | idese t[=o] efnanne: _Beowulf_, ll 1940-1.) ] BEOWULF AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF THE POEM WITH A DISCUSSION OF THE STORIES OF OFFA AND FINN BY R. W. CHAMBERS Dey mout er bin two deloojes: en den agin dey moutent. UNCLE REMUS, _The Story of the Deluge_. CAMBRIDGE AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 1921 * * * * * TO PROF. WILLIAM WITHERLE LAWRENCE DEAR PROF. LAWRENCE, When, more than four years ago, I asked you to allow me to dedicate this volume to you, it was as a purely personal token of gratitude for the help I had received from what you have printed, and from what you have written to me privately. Since then much has happened: the debt is greater, and no longer purely personal. We in this country can never forget what we owe to your people. And the self-denial which led them voluntarily to stint themselves of food, that we in Europe might be fed, is one of many things about which it is not easy to speak. Our heart must indeed have been hardened if we had not considered the miracle of those loaves. But I fear that to refer to that great debt in the dedication to this little book may draw on me the ridicule incurred by the poor man who dedicated his book to the Universe. Nevertheless, as a fellow of that College which has just received from an American donor the greatest benefaction for medical research which has ever been made in this country of ours, I may rejoice that the co-operation between our nations is being continued in that warfare against ignorance and disease which some day will become the only warfare waged among men. Sceal hring-naca ofer heafu bringan l[=a]c ond luf-t[=a]cen. Ic þ[=a] l[=e]ode w[=a]t ge wið f[=e]ond ge wið fr[=e]ond fæste geworhte, [=æ]ghwæs unt[=æ]le ealde w[=i]san. R. W. C. * * * * * {vii} PREFACE I have to thank various colleagues who have read proofs of this book, in whole or in part: first and foremost my old teacher, W. P. Ker; also Robert Priebsch, J. H. G. Grattan, Ernest Classen and two old students, Miss E. V. Hitchcock and Mrs Blackman. I have also to thank Prof. W. W. Lawrence of Columbia; and though there are details where we do not agree, I think there is no difference upon any important issues. If in these details I am in the right, this is largely due to the helpful criticism of Prof. Lawrence, which has often led me to reconsider my conclusions, and to re-state them more cautiously, and, I hope, more correctly. If, on the other hand, I am in the wrong, then it is thanks to Prof. Lawrence that I am not still more in the wrong. From Axel Olrik, though my debt to him is heavy, I find myself differing on several questions. I had hoped that what I had to urge on some of these might have convinced him, or, better still, might have drawn from him a reply which would have convinced me. But the death of that great scholar has put an end to many hopes, and deprived many of us of a warm personal friend. It would be impossible to modify now these passages expressing dissent, for the early pages of this book were printed off some years ago. I can only repeat that it is just because of my intense respect for the work of Dr Olrik that, where I cannot agree with his conclusions, I feel bound to go into the matter at length. Names like those of Olrik, Bradley, Chadwick and Sievers carry rightly such authority as to make it the duty of those who differ, if only on minor details, to justify that difference if they can. From Dr Bradley especially I have had help in discussing various of these problems: also from Mr Wharton of the British Museum, Prof. Collin of Christiania, Mr Ritchie Girvan of Glasgow, and Mr Teddy. To Prof. Brøgger, the Norwegian state-antiquary, I am indebted for permission to reproduce photographs of the {viii} Viking ships: to Prof. Finnur Jónsson for permission to quote from his most useful edition of the _Hrólfs Saga_ and the _Bjarka Rímur_, and, above all, to Mr Sigfús Blöndal, of the Royal Library of Copenhagen, for his labour in collating with the manuscript the passages quoted from the _Grettis Saga_. Finally, I have to thank the Syndics of the University Press for undertaking the publication of the book, and the staff for the efficient way in which they have carried out the work, in spite of the long interruption caused by the war. R. W. C. _April 6, 1921._ * * * * * {ix} CONTENTS PAGE GENEALOGICAL TABLES xii PART I CHAPTER I. THE HISTORICAL ELEMENTS SECTION I. The Problem 1 SECTION II. The Geatas--their Kings and their Wars 2 SECTION III. Heorot and the Danish Kings 13 SECTION IV. Leire and Heorot 16 SECTION V. The Heathobeardan 20 SECTION VI. Hrothulf 25 SECTION VII. King Offa 31 CHAPTER II. THE NON-HISTORICAL ELEMENTS SECTION I. The Grendel Fight 41 SECTION II. The Scandinavian Parallels--Grettir and Orm 48 SECTION III. Bothvar Bjarki 54 SECTION IV. Parallels from Folklore 62 SECTION V. Scef and Scyld 68 SECTION VI. Beow 87 SECTION VII. The house of Scyld and Danish parallels--Heremod-Lotherus and Beowulf-Frotho 89 CHAPTER III. THEORIES AS TO THE ORIGIN, DATE AND STRUCTURE OF THE POEM SECTION I. Is _Beowulf_ translated from a Scandinavian original? 98 SECTION II. The dialect, syntax and metre of _Beowulf_ as evidence of its literary history 104 SECTION III. Theories as to the structure of _Beowulf_ 112 SECTION IV. Are the Christian elements incompatible with the rest of the poem? 121 {x} PART II DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATING THE STORIES IN _BEOWULF_, AND THE _OFFA_-SAGA A. The early Kings of the Danes, according to Saxo Grammaticus: Dan, Humblus, Lotherus and Scioldus; Frotho's dragon fight; Haldanus, Roe and Helgo; Roluo (Rolf Kraki) and Biarco (Bjarki); the death of Rolf 129 B. Extract from _Hrólfs Saga Kraka_, with translation (cap. 23) 138 C. Extracts from _Grettis Saga_, with translation: (_a_) Glam episode (caps. 32-35); (_b_) Sandhaugar episode (caps. 64-66) 146 D. Extracts from _Bjarka Rímur_, with translation 182 E. Extract from _Þáttr Orms Stórólfssonar_, with translation 186 F. A Danish Dragon-slaying of the Beowulf-type, with translation 192 G. The Old English Genealogies. I. The Mercian Genealogy. II. The stages above Woden: Woden to Geat and Woden to Sceaf 195 H. Extract from the Chronicle Roll 201 I. Extract from the Little Chronicle of the Kings of Leire 204 K. The Story of Offa in Saxo Grammaticus 206 L. From Skiold to Offa in Sweyn Aageson 211 M. Note on the Danish Chronicles 215 N. The _Life of Offa I_, with extracts from the _Life of Offa II_. Edited from two MSS in the Cottonian Collection 217 O. Extract from _Widsith_, II. 18, 24-49 243 PART III THE FIGHT AT FINNSBURG SECTION I. The _Finnsburg Fragment_ 245 SECTION II. The Episode in _Beowulf_ 248 SECTION III. Möller's Theory 254 SECTION IV. Bugge's Theory 257 SECTION V. Some Difficulties in Bugge's Theory 260 SECTION VI. Recent Elucidations. Prof. Ayres' Comments 266 SECTION VII. Problems still outstanding 268 SECTION VIII. The Weight of Proof: the Eotens 272 SECTION IX. Ethics of the Blood Feud 276 {xi} SECTION X. An Attempt at Reconstruction 283 SECTION XI. Gefwulf, Prince of the Jutes 286 SECTION XII. Conclusion 287 _Note_. Frisia in the heroic age 288 PART IV APPENDIX A. A Postscript on Mythology in _Beowulf_. (1) Beowulf the Scylding and Beowulf son of Ecgtheow. (2) Beow 291 B. Grendel 304 C. The Stages above Woden in the West-Saxon Genealogy 311 D. Grammatical and literary evidence for the date of _Beowulf_. The relation of _Beowulf_ to the Classical Epic 322 E. The "Jute-question" reopened 333 F. _Beowulf_ and the Archaeologists 345 G. Leire before Rolf Kraki 365 H. Bee-wolf and Bear's son 365 I. The date of the death of Hygelac 381 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF _BEOWULF_ AND _FINNSBURG_ 383 INDEX 414 PLATES PLATE I. Drida (Thryth) reproached for her Evil Deeds FRONTISPIECE II. Leire in the Seventeenth Century TO FACE 16 III. Offa, miraculously restored, vindicates his Right. At the side, Offa is represented in Prayer " " 34 IV. Drida (Thryth) arrives in the land of King Offa, "in nauicula armamentis carente" " " 36 V. Riganus (or Aliel) comes before King Warmundus to claim that he should be made King in place of the incompetent Offa " " 218 VI. Drida (Thryth) entraps Albertus (Æthelberht) of East Anglia, and causes him to be slain " " 242 VII. The Gokstad Ship. The Oseberg Ship " " 362 VIII. Southern Scandinavia in the Sixth Century. English Boar-Helmet and Ring-Swords _At end_ * * * * * {xii} GENEALOGICAL TABLES The names of the corresponding characters in Scandinavian legend are added in italics; first the Icelandic forms, then the Latinized names as recorded by Saxo Grammaticus. (1) THE DANISH ROYAL FAMILY Scyld Sc[=e]fing [_Skj[o,]ldr_, _Skyoldus_] | B[=e]owulf [not the hero of the poem] | Healfdene [_Halfdan_, _Haldanus_] | .-----------------------------------------------------------. | | | | Heorog[=a]r Hr[=o]ðg[=a]r [_Hróarr_[1], H[=a]lga a daughter [_no _Roe_], _mar._ Wealhþ[=e]ow [_Helgi_, [_Signy_] Scandinavian_ | _Helgo_] _parallel_] .----------------------. | | | | | | | | Hr[=o]ðmund | | Heoroweard Hr[=e]ðr[=i]c Hr[=o]ðulf | [_Hj[o,]rvarðr,_ [_Hrærekr,_ _mar._ [_Hrólfr_ _Hiarwarus:_ _Røricus:_ Ingeld _Kraki,_ _but not_ _not_ _Roluo_] _recognized as_ _recognized_ _belonging_ _as a son of_ _to this family_] _Hroarr_] (2) THE GEAT ROYAL FAMILY Hr[=e]ðel W[=æ]gmund | | .----------------------------. .-------------. | | | | | | Herebeald Hæðcyn | a daughter, _mar._ Ecgþ[=e]ow W[=e]ohst[=a]n | | | Hygel[=a]c, _mar._ Hygd | | | | | .-----------------. B[=e]owulf W[=i]gl[=a]f | | a daughter, Heardr[=e]d _mar._ Eofor (3) THE SWEDISH ROYAL FAMILY Ongenþ[=e]ow | .-------------------------------------. | | Onela [=O]hthere [_Óttarr_] [_Áli, not recognized_ | _as belonging to this_ .---------------. _family_] | | Eanmund [=E]adgils [_Aðils_[2], _Athislus_] * * * * * {1} PART I CHAPTER I THE HISTORICAL ELEMENTS SECTION I. THE PROBLEM. The unique MS of _Beowulf_ may be, and if possible should be, seen by the student in the British Museum. It is a good specimen of the elegant script of Anglo-Saxon times: "a book got up with some care," as if intended for the library of a nobleman or of a monastery. Yet this MS is removed from the date when the poem was composed and from the events which it narrates (so far as these events are historic at all) by periods of time approximately equal to those which separate us from the time when Shakespeare's _Henry V_ was written, and when the battle of Agincourt was fought. To try to penetrate the darkness of the five centuries which lie behind the extant MS by fitting together such fragments of illustrative information as can be obtained, and by using the imagination to bridge the gaps, has been the business of three generations of scholars distributed among the ten nations of Germanic speech. A whole library has been written around our poem, and the result is that this book cannot be as simple as either writer or reader might have wished. The story which the MS tells us may be summarized thus: Beowulf, a prince of the Geatas, voyages to Heorot, the hall of Hrothgar, king of the Danes; there he destroys a monster Grendel, who for twelve years has haunted the hall by night and slain all he found therein. When Grendel's mother in revenge makes an attack on the hall, Beowulf seeks her out and kills her also in her home beneath the waters. He then {2} returns to his land with honour and is rewarded by his king Hygelac. Ultimately he himself becomes king of the Geatas, and fifty years later slays a dragon and is slain by it. The poem closes with an account of the funeral rites. Fantastic as these stories are, they are depicted against a background of what appears to be fact. Incidentally, and in a number of digressions, we receive much information about the Geatas, Swedes and Danes: all which information has an appearance of historic accuracy, and in some cases can be proved, from external evidence, to be historically accurate. * * * * * SECTION II. THE GEATAS--THEIR KINGS AND THEIR WARS. Beowulf's people have been identified with many tribes: but there is strong evidence that the Geatas are the Götar (O.N. _Gautar_), the inhabitants of what is now a portion of Southern Sweden, immediately to the south of the great lakes Wener and Wetter. The names _Geatas_ and _Gautar_ correspond exactly[3], according to the rules of O.E. and O.N. phonetic development, and all we can ascertain of the Geatas and of the Gautar harmonizes well with the identification[4]. We know of one occasion only when the Geatas came into violent contact with the world outside Scandinavia. Putting together the accounts which we receive from Gregory of Tours and from two other (anonymous) writers, we learn that a piratical raid was made upon the country of the Atuarii (the O.E. _Hetware_) who dwelt between the lower Rhine and what is now the Zuyder Zee, by a king whose name is spelt in a variety of ways, all of which readily admit of identification with that of the Hygelac of our poem[5]. From the land of the Atuarii this king carried much spoil to his ships; but, remaining on shore, he was overwhelmed and slain by the army which the {3} Frankish king Theodoric had sent under his son to the rescue of these outlying provinces; the plunderers' fleet was routed and the booty restored to the country. The bones of this gigantic king of the "Getae" [presumably = Geatas] were long preserved, it was said, on an island near the mouth of the Rhine. Such is the story of the raid, so far as we can reconstruct it from monkish Latin sources. The precise date is not given, but it must have been between A.D. 512 and 520. Now this disastrous raid of Hygelac is referred to constantly in _Beowulf_: and the mention there of Hetware, Franks and the Merovingian king as the foes confirms an identification which would be satisfactory even without these additional data[6]. Our authorities are: (1) Gregory of Tours (d. 594): _His ita gestis, Dani cum rege suo nomine Chlochilaico evectu navale per mare Gallias appetunt. Egressique ad terras, pagum unum de regno Theudorici devastant atque captivant, oneratisque navibus tam de captivis quam de reliquis spoliis, reverti ad patriam cupiunt; sed rex eorum in litus resedebat donec naves alto mare conpraehenderent, ipse deinceps secuturus. Quod cum Theudorico nuntiatum fuisset, quod scilicet regio ejus fuerit ab extraneis devastata, Theudobertum, filium suum, in illis partibus cum valido exercitu et magno armorum apparatu direxit. Qui, interfecto rege, hostibus navali proelio superatis opprimit, omnemque rapinam terrae restituit._ The name of the vanquished king is spelt in a variety of ways: _Chlochilaichum_, _Chrochilaicho_, _Chlodilaichum_, _Hrodolaicum_. See _Gregorii episcopi Turonensis Historia Francorum_, p. 110, in _Monumenta Germaniae Historica (Scriptores rerum merovingicarum, I)_. (2) The _Liber Historiae Francorum_ (commonly called the _Gesta Francorum_): _In illo tempore Dani cum rege suo nomine Chochilaico cum navale hoste per alto mare Gallias appetent, Theuderico paygo [i.e. pagum] Attoarios vel alios devastantes atque captivantes plenas naves de captivis alto mare intrantes rex eorum ad litus maris resedens. Quod cum Theuderico nuntiatum fuisset, Theudobertum filium suum cum magno exercitu in illis partibus dirigens. Qui consequens eos, pugnavit cum eis caede magna atque prostravit, regem eorum interficit, preda tullit, et in terra sua restituit._ The _Liber Historiae Francorum_ was written in 727, but although so much later than Gregory, it preserves features which are wanting in the earlier historian, such as the mention of the Hetware (_Attoarii_). Note too that the name of the invading king is given in a form which {4} approximates more closely to _Hygelac_ than that of any of the MSS of Gregory: variants are _Chrochilaico_, _Chohilaico_, _Chochilago_, etc. See _Monumenta Germaniae Historica_ (_Scriptores rerum merovingicarum, II_, 274). (3) An anonymous work _On monsters and strange beasts_, appended to two MSS of Phaedrus. _Et sunt [monstra] mirae magnitudinis: ut rex Huiglaucus qui imperavit Getis et a Francis occisus est. Quem equus a duodecimo anno portare non potuit. Cujus ossa in Reni fluminis insula, ubi in Oceanum prorumpit, reservata sunt et de longinquo venientibus pro miraculo ostenduntur._ This treatise was first printed (from a MS of the tenth century, in private possession) by J. Berger de Xivrey (_Traditions tératologiques_, Paris, 1836, p. 12). It was again published from a second MS at Wolfenbüttel by Haupt (see his _Opuscula_ II, 223, 1876). This MS is in some respects less accurate, reading _Huncglacus_ for _Huiglaucus_, and _gentes_ for _Getis_. The treatise is assigned by Berger de Xivrey to the sixth century, on grounds which are hardly conclusive (p. xxxiv). Haupt would date it not later than the eighth century (II, 220). The importance of this reference lies in its describing Hygelac as king of the Getae, and in its fixing the spot where his bones were preserved as near the mouth of the Rhine[7]. But if _Beowulf_ is supported in this matter by what is almost contemporary evidence (for Gregory of Tours was born only some twenty years after the raid he narrates) we shall probably be right in arguing that the other stories from the history of the Geatas, their Danish friends, and their Swedish foes, told with what seems to be such historic sincerity in the different digressions of our poem, are equally based on fact. True, we have no evidence outside _Beowulf_ for Hygelac's father, king Hrethel, nor for Hygelac's elder brothers, Herebeald and Hæthcyn; and very little for Hæthcyn's deadly foe, the Swedish king Ongentheow[8]. And in the last case, at any rate, such evidence might {5} fairly have been expected. For there are extant a very early Norse poem, the _Ynglinga tal_, and a much later prose account, the _Ynglinga saga_, enumerating the kings of Sweden. The _Ynglinga tal_ traces back these kings of Sweden for some thirty reigns. Therefore, though it was not composed till some four centuries after the date to which we must assign Ongentheow, it should deal with events even earlier than the reign of that king: for, unless the rate of mortality among early Swedish kings was abnormally high, thirty reigns should occupy a period of more than 400 years. Nothing is, however, told us in the _Ynglinga tal_ concerning the deeds of any king Angantyr--which is the name we might expect to correspond to Ongentheow[9]. But on the other hand, the son and grandson of Ongentheow, as recorded in _Beowulf_, _do_ meet us both in the _Ynglinga tal_ and in the _Ynglinga saga_. According to _Beowulf_, Ongentheow had two sons, Onela and Ohthere: Onela became king of Sweden and is spoken of in terms of highest praise[10]. Yet to judge from the account given in _Beowulf_, the Geatas had little reason to love him. He had followed up the defeat of Hygelac by dealing their nation a second deadly blow. For Onela's nephews, Eadgils and Eanmund (the sons of Ohthere), had rebelled against him, and had taken refuge at the court of the Geatas, where Heardred, son of Hygelac, was now reigning, supported by Beowulf. Thither Onela pursued them, and slew the young king Heardred. Eanmund also was slain[11], then or later, but Eadgils escaped. It is not clear from the poem what part Beowulf is supposed to have taken in this struggle, or why he failed to ward off disaster from his lord and his country. It is not even made clear whether or no he had to make formal submission to the hated Swede: but we are told that when Onela withdrew he succeeded to the vacant throne. In later days he took his revenge upon Onela. "He became a friend to Eadgils in his distress; he supported the son of Ohthere across the broad water with men, with warriors and arms: he wreaked his {6} vengeance in a chill journey fraught with woe: he deprived the king [Onela] of his life." This story bears in its general outline every impression of true history: the struggle for the throne between the nephew and the uncle, the support given to the unsuccessful candidate by a rival state, these are events which recur frequently in the wild history of the Germanic tribes during the dark ages, following inevitably from the looseness of the law of succession to the throne. Now the _Ynglinga tal_ contains allusions to these events, and the _Ynglinga saga_ a brief account of them, though dim and distorted[12]. We are told how Athils (=Eadgils) king of Sweden, son of Ottar (=Ohthere), made war upon Ali (=Onela). By the time the _Ynglinga tal_ was written it had been forgotten that Ali was Athils' uncle, and that the war was a civil war. But the issue, as reported in the _Ynglinga tal_ and _Ynglinga saga_, is the same as in _Beowulf_: "King Athils had great quarrels with the king called Ali of Uppland; he was from Norway. They had a battle on the ice of Lake Wener; there King Ali fell, and Athils had the victory. Concerning this battle there is much said in the _Skjoldunga saga_." From the _Ynglinga saga_ we learn more concerning King Athils: not always to his credit. He was, as the Swedes had been from of old, a great horse-breeder. Authorities differed as to whether horses or drink were the death of him[13]. According to one account he brought on his end by celebrating, with immoderate drinking, the death of his enemy Rolf (the _Hrothulf_ of _Beowulf_). According to another: "King Athils was at a sacrifice of the goddesses, and rode his horse through the hall of the goddesses: the horse tripped under him and fell and threw the king; and his head smote a stone so that the skull broke and the brains lay on the stones, and that was his death. He died at Uppsala, and there was laid in mound, and the Swedes called him a mighty king." {7} There can, then, hardly be a doubt that there actually was such a king as Eadgils: and some of the charred bones which still lie within the gigantic "King's mounds" at Old Uppsala may well be his[14]. And, though they are not quite so well authenticated, there can also be little doubt as to the historic existence of Onela, Ohthere, and even of Ongentheow. _The Swedish Kings._ The account in the _Ynglinga saga_ of the fight between Onela and Eadgils is as follows: _Aðils konungr átti deilur miklar við konung þann, er Áli hét inn upplenzki: hann var ór Nóregi. Þeir áttu orrostu á Vænis ísi; þar fell Áli konungr en Aðils hafði sigr; frá þessarri orrostu er langt sagt í Skj[o,]ldunga s[o,]gu._ (_Ynglinga saga_ in _Heimskringla_, ed. Jónsson, Kjøbenhavn, 1893, I, 56.) The _Skjoldunga saga_ here mentioned is an account of the kings of Denmark. It is preserved only in a Latin abstract. _Post haec ortis inter Adilsum illum Sveciae regem et Alonem Opplandorum regem in Norvegia, inimicitiis, praelium utrinque indicitur: loco pugnae statuto in stagno Waener, glacie jam obducto. Ad illud igitur se viribus inferiorem agnoscens Rolphonis privigni sui opem implorat, hoc proposito praemio, ut ipse Rolpho tres praeciosissimas res quascunque optaret ex universo regno Sveciae praemii loco auferret: duodecim autem pugilum ipsius quilibet 3 libras auri puri, quilibet reliquorum bellatorum tres marcas argenti defecati. Rolpho domi ipse reses pugilos suos duodecim Adilso in subsidium mittit, quorum etiam opera is alioqui vincendus, victoriam obtinuit. Illi sibi et regi propositum praemium exposcunt, negat Adilsus, Rolphoni absenti ullum deberi praemium, quare et Dani pugiles sibi oblatum respuebant, cum regem suum eo frustrari intelligerent, reversique rem, ut gesta est, exponunt._ (See _Skjoldungasaga i Arngrim Jonssons Udtog, udgiven af Axel Olrik_, Kjøbenhavn, 1894, p. 34 [116].) There is also a reference to this battle on the ice in the _Kálfsvísa_, a mnemonic list of famous heroes and their horses. It is noteworthy that in this list mention is made of Vestein, who is perhaps the Wihstan of our poem, and of Biar, who has been thought (very doubtfully) to correspond to the O.E. Beaw. _Dagr reiþ Dr[o,]sle en Dvalenn Móþne..._ _Ále Hrafne es til íss riþo,_ _enn annarr austr und Aþilse_ _grár hvarfaþe geire undaþr._ _Bj[o,]rn reiþ Blakke en Biarr Kerte,_ _Atle Glaume en Aþils Slungne..._ _Lieder der Edda_, ed. Symons and Gering, I, 221-2. "Ale was on Hrafn when they rode to the ice: but another horse, a grey one, with Athils on his back, fell eastward, wounded by the spear." This, as Olrik points out, appears to refer to a version of the story in which Athils had his fall from his horse, not at a ceremony at Uppsala, but after the battle with Ali. (_Heltedigtning_, I, 203-4.) {8} For various theories as to the early history of the Swedish royal house, as recorded in _Beowulf_, see Weyhe, _König Ongentheows Fall_, in _Engl. Stud._, XXXIX, 14-39; Schück, _Studier i Ynglingatal_ (1905-7); Stjerna, _Vendel och Vendelkråka_, in _A.f.n.F._ XXI, 71, _etc._ _The Geatas._ The identification of Geatas and Götar has been accepted by the great majority of scholars, although Kemble wished to locate the Geatas in Schleswig, Grundtvig in Gotland, and Haigh in England. Leo was the first to suggest the Jutes: but the "Jute-hypothesis" owes its currency to the arguments of Fahlbeck (_Beovulfsqvädet såsom källa för nordisk fornhistoria_ in the _Antiqvarisk Tidskrift för Sverige_, VIII, 2, 1). Fahlbeck's very inconclusive reasons were contested at the time by Sarrazin (23 _etc._) and ten Brink (194 _etc._) and the arguments against them have lately been marshalled by H. Schück (_Folknamnet Geatas i den fornengelska dikten Beowulf_, Upsala, 1907). It is indeed difficult to understand how Fahlbeck's theory came to receive the support it has had from several scholars (e.g. Bugge, _P.B.B._ XII, 1 _etc._; Weyhe, _Engl. Stud._, XXXIX, 38 _etc._; Gering). For his conclusions do not arise naturally from the O.E. data: his whole argument is a piece of learned pleading, undertaken to support his rather revolutionary speculations as to early Swedish history. These speculations would have been rendered less probable had the natural interpretation of Geatas as Götar been accepted. The Jute-hypothesis has recently been revived, with the greatest skill and learning, by Gudmund Schütte (_Journal of English and Germanic Philology_, XI, 574 _etc._). But here again I cannot help suspecting that the wish is father to the thought, and that the fact that that eminent scholar is a Dane living in Jutland, has something to do with his attempt to locate the Geatas there. No amount of learning will eradicate patriotism. The following considerations need to be weighed: (1) _Geatas_ etymologically corresponds exactly with O.N. _Gautar_, the modern Götar. The O.E. word corresponding to Jutes (the Iutae of Bede) should be, not _Geatas_, but in the Anglian dialect _Eote_, _Iote_, in the West Saxon _Iete_, _Yte_. Now it is true that in one passage in the O.E. translation of Bede (I, 15) the word "Iutarum" _is_ rendered _Geata_: but in the other (IV, 16) "Iutorum" is rendered _Eota_, _Ytena_. And this latter rendering is supported (_a_) by the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ (_Iotum_, _Iutna_) and (_b_) by the fact that the current O.E. word for Jutes was _Yte_, _Ytan_, which survived till after the Norman conquest. For the name _Ytena land_ was used for that portion of Hampshire which had been settled by the Jutes: William Rufus was slain, according to Florence of Worcester, in _Ytene_ (which Florence explains as _prouincia Jutarum_). From the purely etymological point of view the Götar-hypothesis, then, is unimpeachable: but the Jute-hypothesis is unsatisfactory, since it is based upon one passage in the O.E. Bede, where _Jutarum_ is incorrectly rendered _Geata_, whilst it is invalidated by the other passage in the O.E. Bede, by the _Chronicle_ and by Florence of Worcester, where _Jutorum_ is correctly translated by _Ytena_, or its Anglian or Kentish equivalent _Eota_, _Iotna_. (2) It is obvious that the Geatas of _Beowulf_ were a strong and independent power--a match for the Swedes. Now we learn from Procopius that in the sixth century the Götar were an independent {9} and numerous nation. But we have no equal evidence for any similar preponderant Jutish power in the sixth century. The _Iutae_ are indeed a rather puzzling tribe, and scholars have not even been able to agree where they dwelt. The Götar on the other hand are located among the great nations of Scandinavia both by Ptolemy (_Geog._ II, 11, 16) in the second century and by Procopius (_Bell. Gott._ II, 15) in the sixth. When we next get clear information (through the Christian missionaries) both Götar and Swedes have been united under one king. But the Götar retained their separate laws, traditions, and voice in the selection of the king, and they were constantly asserting themselves during the Middle Ages. The title of the king of Sweden, _rex Sveorum Gothorumque_, commemorates the old distinction. From the historical point of view, then, the Götar comply with what we are told in _Beowulf_ of the power of the Geatas much better than do the Jutes. (3) Advocates of the Jute-hypothesis have claimed much support from the geographical argument that the Swedes and Geatas fight _ofer s[=æ]_ (e.g. when Beowulf and Eadgils attack Onela, 2394). But the term _s[=æ]_ is just as appropriate to the great lakes Wener and Wetter, which separated the Swedes from the Götar, as it is to the Cattegatt. And we have the evidence of Scandinavian sources that the battle between Eadgils and Onela actually _did_ take place on the ice of lake Wener (see above, p. 6). Moreover the absence of any mention of ships in the fighting narrated in ll. 2922-2945 would be remarkable if the contending nations were Jutes and Swedes, but suits Götar and Swedes admirably: since they could attack each other by land as well as by water. (4) There is reason to think that the old land of the Götar included a great deal of what is now the south-west coast of Sweden[15]. Hygelac's capital was probably not far from the modern Göteborg. The descriptions in _Beowulf_ would suit the cliffs of southern Sweden well, but they are quite inapplicable to the sandy dunes of Jutland. Little weight can, however, be attached to this last argument, as the cliffs of the land of the Geatas are in any case probably drawn from the poet's imagination. (5) If we accept the identification Beowulf = Bjarki (see below, pp. 60-1) a further argument for the equation of Geatas and Götar will be found in the fact that Bjarki travels to Denmark from Gautland just as Beowulf from the land of the Geatas; Bjarki is the brother of the king of the Gautar, Beowulf the nephew of the king of the Geatas. (6) No argument as to the meaning of _Geatas_ can be drawn from the fact that Gregory calls Chlochilaicus (Hygelac) a Dane. For it is clear from _Beowulf_ that, whatever else they may have been, the Geatas were not Danes. Either, then, Gregory must be misinformed, or he must be using the word _Dane_ vaguely, to cover any kind of Scandinavian pirate. (7) Probably what has weighed most heavily (often perhaps not consciously) in gaining converts to the "Jute-hypothesis" has been the conviction that "in ancient times each nation celebrated in song its own heroes alone." Hence one set of scholars, accepting the identification of the Geatas with the Scandinavian Götar, have argued that _Beowulf_ is therefore simply a translation from a Scandinavian Götish original. Others, accepting _Beowulf_ as an English poem, have {10} argued that the Geatas who are celebrated in it must therefore be one of the tribes that settled in England, and have therefore favoured the "Jute theory." But the _a priori_ assumption that each Germanic tribe celebrated in song its own national heroes only is demonstrably incorrect[16]. But in none of the accounts of the warfare of these Scandinavian kings, whether written in Norse or monkish Latin, is there mention of any name corresponding to that of Beowulf, as king of the Geatas. Whether he is as historic as the other kings with whom in our poem he is brought into contact, we cannot say. It has been generally held that the Beowulf of our poem is compounded out of two elements: that an historic Beowulf, king of the Geatas, has been combined with a mythological figure Beowa[17], a god of the ancient Angles: that the historical achievements against Frisians and Swedes belong to the king, the mythological adventures with giants and dragons to the god. But there is no conclusive evidence for either of these presumed component parts of our hero. To the god Beowa we shall have to return later: here it is enough to note that the current assumption that there _was_ a king Beowulf of the Geatas lacks confirmation from Scandinavian sources. And one piece of evidence there is, which tends to show that Beowulf is not an historic king at all, but that his adventures have been violently inserted amid the historic names of the kings of the Geatas. Members of the families in _Beowulf_ which we have reason to think historic bear names which alliterate the one with the other. The inference seems to be that it was customary, when a Scandinavian prince was named in the Sixth Century, to give him a name which had an initial letter similar to that of his father: care was thus taken that metrical difficulties should not prevent the names of father and son being linked together in song[18]. In the case of Beowulf himself, however, this rule breaks down. Beowulf seems an intruder {11} into the house of Hrethel. It may be answered that since he was only the offspring of a daughter of that house, and since that daughter had three brothers, there would have been no prospect of his becoming king, when he was named. But neither does his name fit in with that of the other great house with which he is supposed to be connected. Wiglaf, son of Wihstan of the Wægmundingas, was named according to the familiar rules: but Beowulf, son of Ecgtheow, seems an intruder in that family as well. This failure to fall in with the alliterative scheme, and the absence of confirmation from external evidence, are, of course, not in themselves enough to prove that the reign of Beowulf over the Geatas is a poetic figment. And indeed our poem _may_ quite possibly be true to historic fact in representing him as the last of the great kings of the Geatas; after whose death his people have nothing but national disaster to expect[19]. It would be strange that this last and most mighty and magnanimous of the kings of the Geatas should have been forgotten in Scandinavian lands: that outside _Beowulf_ nothing should be known of his reign. But when we consider how little, outside _Beowulf_, we know of the Geatic kingdom at all, we cannot pronounce such oblivion impossible. What tells much more against Beowulf as a historic Geatic king is that there is always apt to be something extravagant and unreal about what the poem tells us of his deeds, contrasting with the sober and historic way in which other kings, like Hrothgar or Hygelac or Eadgils, are referred to. True, we must not disqualify Beowulf forthwith because he slew a dragon[20]. Several unimpeachably historical persons have done this: so sober an authority as the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ assures us that fiery dragons were flying in Northumbria as late as A.D. 793[21]. {12} But (and this is the serious difficulty) even when Beowulf is depicted in quite historic circumstances, there is still something unsubstantial about his actions. When, in the midst of the strictly historical account of Hygelac's overthrow, we are told that Beowulf swam home bearing thirty suits of armour, this is as fantastic as the account of his swimming home from Grendel's lair with Grendel's head and the magic swordhilt. We may well doubt whether there is any more kernel of historic fact in the one feat than in the other[22]. Again, we are told how Beowulf defended the young prince Heardred, Hygelac's son. Where was he, then, when Heardred was defeated and slain? To protect and if necessary avenge his lord upon the battlefield was the essential duty of the Germanic retainer. Yet Beowulf has no part to play in the episode of the death of Heardred. He is simply ignored till it is over. True, we are told that in later days he _did_ take vengeance, by supporting the claims of Eadgils, the pretender, against Onela, the slayer of Heardred. But here again difficulties meet us: for the Scandinavian authorities, whilst they agree that Eadgils overthrew Onela by the use of foreign auxiliaries, represent these auxiliaries as Danish retainers, dispatched by the Danish king Hrothulf. The chief of these Danish retainers is Bothvar Bjarki, who, as we shall see later, has been thought to stand in some relation to Beowulf. But Bothvar is never regarded as king of the Geatas: and the fact remains that _Beowulf_ is at variance with our other authorities in representing Eadgils as having been placed on the throne by a Geatic rather than by a Danish force. Yet this Geatic expedition against Onela is, with the exception of the dragon episode, the only event which our poem has to narrate concerning Beowulf's long reign of fifty years. And in other respects the reign is shadowy. Beowulf, we are told, came to the throne at a time of utter national distress; he had a long and prosperous reign, and became so powerful that he was able to dethrone the mighty[23] Swedish king Onela, and place in his stead the miserable fugitive[24] Eadgils. Yet, after this half century of success, the {13} kingdom is depicted upon Beowulf's death as being in the same tottering condition in which it stood at the time when he is represented as having come to the throne, after the fall of Heardred. The destruction one after the other of the descendants of Hrethel sounds historic: at any rate it possesses verisimilitude. But the picture of the childless Beowulf, dying, after a glorious reign, in extreme old age, having apparently made no previous arrangements for the succession, so that Wiglaf, a youth hitherto quite untried in war, steps at once into the place of command on account of his valour in slaying the dragon--this is a picture which lacks all historic probability. I cannot avoid a suspicion that the fifty years' reign of Beowulf over the Geatas may quite conceivably be a poetic fiction[25]; that the downfall of the Geatic kingdom and its absorption in Sweden were very possibly brought about by the destruction of Hygelac and all his warriors at the mouth of the Rhine. Such an event would have given the Swedes their opportunity for vengeance: they may have swooped down, destroyed Heardred, and utterly crushed the independent kingdom of the Geatas before the younger generation had time to grow up into fighting men. To the fabulous achievements of Beowulf, his fight with Grendel, Grendel's dam, and the dragon, it will be necessary to return later. As to his other feats, all we can say is that the common assumption that they rest upon an historic foundation does not seem to be capable of proof. But that they have an historic background is indisputable. * * * * * SECTION III. HEOROT AND THE DANISH KINGS. Of the Danish kings mentioned in _Beowulf_, we have first Scyld Scefing, the foundling, an ancient and probably a mythical figure, then Beowulf, son of Scyld, who seems an intruder among the Danish kings, since the Danish records know nothing {14} of him, and since his name does not alliterate with those of either his reputed father or his reputed son. Then comes the "high" Healfdene, to whom four children were born: Heorogar, Hrothgar, Halga "the good," and a daughter who was wedded to the Swedish king. Since Hrothgar is represented as an elder contemporary of Hygelac, we must date[26] Healfdene and his sons, should they be historic characters, between A.D. 430 and 520. Now it is noteworthy that just after A.D. 500 the Danes first become widely known, and the name "Danes" first meets us in Latin and Greek authors. And this cannot be explained on the ground that the North has become more familiar to dwellers in the classical lands: on the contrary far less is known concerning the geography of the North Sea and the Baltic than had been the case four or five centuries before. Tacitus and Ptolemy knew of many tribes inhabiting what is now Denmark, but not of the Danes: the writers in Ravenna and Constantinople in the sixth century, though much less well informed on the geography of the North, know of the Danes as amongst the most powerful nations there. _Beowulf_ is, then, supported by the Latin and Greek records when it depicts these rulers of Denmark as a house of mighty kings, the fame of whose realm spread far and wide. We cannot tell to what extent this realm was made by the driving forth of alien nations from Denmark, to what extent by the coming together (under the common name of Danes) of many tribes which had hitherto been known by other distinct names. The pedigree of the house of Healfdene can be constructed from the references in _Beowulf_. Healfdene's three sons, Heorogar, Hrothgar, Halga, are presumably enumerated in order of age, since Hrothgar mentions Heorogar, but not Halga, as his senior[27]. Heorogar left a son Heoroweard[28], but it is in accordance with Teutonic custom that Hrothgar should have succeeded to the throne if, as we may well suppose, Heoroweard was too young to be trusted with the kingship. {15} The younger brother Halga is never mentioned during Beowulf's visit to Heorot, and the presumption is that he is already dead. The Hrothulf who, both in _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_, is linked with King Hrothgar, almost as his equal, is clearly the son of Halga: for he is Hrothgar's nephew[29], and yet he is not the son of Heorogar[30]. The mention of how Hrothgar shielded this Hrothulf when he was a child confirms us in the belief that his father Halga had died early. Yet, though he thus belongs to the youngest branch of the family, Hrothulf is clearly older than Hrethric and Hrothmund, the two sons of Hrothgar, whose youth, in spite of the age of their father, is striking. The seat of honour occupied by Hrothulf[31] is contrasted with the undistinguished place of his two young cousins, sitting among the _giogoth_[32]. Nevertheless Hrothgar and his wife expect their son, not their nephew, to succeed to the throne[33]. Very small acquaintance with the history of royal houses in these lawless Teutonic times is enough to show us that trouble is likely to be in store. So much can be made out from the English sources, _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_. Turning now to the Scandinavian records, we find much confusion as to details, and as to the characters of the heroes: but the relationships are the same as in the Old English poem. Heorogar is, it is true, forgotten; and though a name Hiarwarus is found in Saxo corresponding to that of Heoroweard, the son of Heorogar, in _Beowulf_, this Hiarwarus is cut off from the family, now that his father is no longer remembered. Accordingly the Halfdan of Danish tradition (Haldanus in Saxo's Latin: = O.E. Healfdene) has only two sons, Hroar {16} (Saxo's Roe, corresponding to O.E. Hrothgar) and Helgi (Saxo's Helgo: = O.E. Halga). Helgi is the father of Rolf Kraki (Saxo's Roluo: = O.E. Hrothulf), the type of the noble king, the Arthur of Denmark. And, just as Arthur holds court at Camelot, or Charlemagne is at home _ad Ais, à sa capele_, so the Scandinavian traditions represent Rolf Kraki as keeping house at Leire (_Lethra_, _Hleiðar garðr_). Accounts of all these kings, and above all of Rolf Kraki, meet us in a number of Scandinavian documents, of which three are particularly important: (1) Saxo Grammaticus (the lettered), the earlier books of whose _Historia Danica_ are a storehouse of Scandinavian tradition and poetry, clothed in a difficult and bombastic, but always amusing, Latin. How much later than the English these Scandinavian sources are, we can realize by remembering that when Saxo was putting the finishing touches to his history, King John was ruling in England. There are also a number of other Danish-Latin histories and genealogies. (2) The Icelandic _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, a late document belonging to the end of the middle ages, but nevertheless containing valuable matter. (3) The Icelandic _Skjoldunga saga_, extant only in a Latin summary of the end of the sixteenth century. * * * * * SECTION IV. LEIRE AND HEOROT. The village of Leire remains to the present day. It stands near the north coast of the island of Seeland, some five miles from Roskilde and three miles from the sea, in a gentle valley, through the midst of which flows a small stream. The village itself consists of a tiny cluster of cottages: the outstanding feature of the place is formed by the huge grave mounds scattered around in all directions. The tourist, walking amid these cottages and mounds, may feel fairly confident that he is standing on the site of Heorot. There are two distinct stages in this identification: it must be proved (_a_) that the modern Leire occupies the site of the Leire (_Lethra_) where Rolf Kraki ruled, and (_b_) that the Leire of Rolf Kraki was built on the site of Heorot. [Illustration: Leire in the Seventeenth Century From Saxo Grammaticus, ed. Stephanius, 1644.] {17} (_a_) That the modern Leire occupies the site of the ancient Leire has indeed been disputed[34], but seems hardly open to doubt, in view of the express words of the Danish chroniclers[35]. It is true that the mounds, which these early chroniclers probably imagined as covering the ashes of 'Haldanus' or 'Roe,' and which later antiquaries dubbed with the names of other kings, are now thought to belong, not to the time of Hrothgar, but to the Stone or Bronze Ages. But this evidence that Leire was a place of importance thousands of years before Hrothgar or Hrothulf were born, in no wise invalidates the overwhelming evidence that it was their residence also. The equation of the modern Leire with the Leire of Rolf Kraki we may then accept. We cannot be quite so sure of our thesis (_b_): that the ancient Leire was identical with the site where Hrothgar built Heorot. But it is highly probable: for although Leire is more particularly connected with the memory of Rolf Kraki himself, we are assured, in one of the mediæval Danish chronicles, that Leire was the royal seat of Rolf's predecessors as well: of Ro (Hrothgar) and of Ro's father: and that Ro "enriched it with great magnificence[36]." Ro also, according to this chronicler, heaped a mound at Leire over the grave of his father, and was himself buried at Leire under another mound. Now since the Danish tradition represents Hrothgar as enriching his royal town of Leire, whilst English tradition commemorates him as a builder king, constructing a royal hall "greater than the sons of men had ever heard speak of"--it becomes very probable that the two traditions are reflections of the same fact, and that the site of that hall was Leire. That Heorot, the picturesque name of the hall itself, should, in English tradition, have been remembered, whilst that of the town where it was built had been forgotten, is natural[37]. For {18} though the names of heroes survived in such numbers, after the settlement of the Angles in England, it was very rarely indeed, so far as we can judge, that the Angles and Saxons continued to have any clear idea concerning the _places_ which had been familiar to their forefathers, but which they themselves had never seen. Further, the names of both Hrothgar and Hrothulf are linked with Heorot in English tradition in the same way as those of Roe and Rolf are with Leire in Danish chronicles. Yet there is some little doubt, though not such as need seriously trouble us, as to this identification of the site of Heorot with Leire. Two causes especially have led students to doubt the connection of Roe (Hrothgar) with Leire, and to place elsewhere the great hall Heorot which he built. In the first place, Rolf Kraki came to be so intimately associated with Leire that his connection overshadowed that of Roe, and Saxo even goes so far in one place as to represent Leire as having been _founded_ by Rolf[38]. In that case Leire clearly could not be the place where Rolf's predecessor built his royal hall. But that Saxo is in error here seems clear, for elsewhere he himself speaks of Leire as being a Danish stronghold when Rolf was a child[39]. In the second place, Roe is credited with having founded the neighbouring town of Roskilde (Roe's spring)[40] so that some have wished to locate Heorot there, rather than at Leire, five miles to the west. But against this identification of Heorot with Roskilde it must be noted that Roe is said to have built Roskilde, not as a capital for himself, but as a market-place for the merchants: there is no suggestion that it was his royal town, though in time it became the capital, and its cathedral is still the Westminster Abbey of Denmark. What at first sight looks so much in favour of our equating {19} Roskilde with Heorot--the presence in its name of the element _Ro_ (Hrothgar)--is in reality the most suspicious thing about the identification. There are other names in Denmark with the element _Ro_, in places where it is quite impossible to suppose that the king's name is commemorated. Some other explanation of the name has therefore to be sought, and it is very probable that Roskilde meant originally not "Hrothgar's spring," but "the horses' spring," and that the connection with King Ro is simply one of those inevitable pieces of popular etymology which take place so soon as the true origin of a name is forgotten[41]. Leire has, then, a much better claim than Roskilde to being the site of Heorot: and geographical considerations confirm this. For Heorot is clearly imagined by the poet of _Beowulf_ as being some distance inland; and this, whilst it suits admirably the position of Leire, is quite inapplicable to Roskilde, which is situated on the sea at the head of the Roskilde fjord[42]. Of course we must not expect to find the poet of _Beowulf_, or indeed any epic poet, minutely exact in his geography. At the same time it is clear that at the time _Beowulf_ was written there were traditions extant, dealing with the attack made upon Heorot by the ancestral foes of the Danes, a tribe called the Heathobeardan. These accounts of the fighting around Heorot must have preserved the general impression of its situation, precisely as from the _Iliad_ we know that Troy is neither on the sea nor yet very remote from it. A poet would draw on his imagination for details, but would hardly alter a feature like this. In these matters absolute certainty cannot be reached: but we may be fairly sure that the spot where Hrothgar built his "Hart-Hall" and where Hrothulf held that court to which the North ever after looked for its pattern of chivalry was {20} Leire, where the grave mounds rise out of the waving cornfields[43]. * * * * * SECTION V. THE HEATHOBEARDAN. Now, as _Beowulf_ is the one long Old English poem which happens to have been preserved, we, drawing our ideas of Old English story almost exclusively from it, naturally think of Heorot as the scene of the fight with Grendel. But in the short poem of _Widsith_, almost certainly older than _Beowulf_, we have a catalogue of the characters of the Old English heroic poetry. This catalogue is dry in itself, but is of the greatest interest for the light it throws upon Old Germanic heroic legends and the history behind them. And from _Widsith_ it is clear that the rule of Hrothgar and Hrothulf at Heorot and the attack of the Heathobeardan upon them, rather than any story of monster-quelling, was what the old poets more particularly associated with the name of Heorot. The passage in _Widsith_ runs: "For a very long time did Hrothgar and Hrothwulf, uncle and nephew, hold the peace together, after they had driven away the race of the Vikings and humbled the array of Ingeld, had hewed down at Heorot the host of the Heathobeardan." The details of this war can be reconstructed, partly from the allusions in _Beowulf_, partly from the Scandinavian accounts. The Scandinavian versions are less primitive and historic. They have forgotten all about the Heathobeardan as an independent tribe, and, whilst remembering the names of the leading chieftains on both sides, they see in them members of two rival branches of the Danish royal house. We gather from _Beowulf_ that for generations a blood feud has raged between the Danes and the Heathobeardan. Nothing is told us in _Beowulf_ about the king Healfdene, except that he {21} was fierce in war and that he lived to be old. From the Scandinavian stories it seems clear that he was concerned in the Heathobard feud. According to some later Scandinavian accounts he was slain by Frothi (=Froda, whom we know from _Beowulf_ to have been king of the Heathobeardan) and this may well have been the historic fact[44]. How Hroar and Helgi (Hrothgar and Halga), the sons of Halfdan (Healfdene), evaded the pursuit of Frothi, we learn from the Scandinavian tales; whether the Old English story knew anything of their hair-breadth escapes we cannot tell. Ultimately, the saga tells us, Hroar and Helgi, in revenge for their father's death, burnt the hall over the head of his slayer, Frothi[45]. To judge from the hints in _Beowulf_, it would rather seem that the Old English tradition represented this vengeance upon Froda as having been inflicted in a pitched battle. The eldest brother Heorogar--known only to the English story--perhaps took his share in this feat. But, after his brothers Heorogar and Halga were dead, Hrothgar, left alone, and fearing vengeance in his turn, strove to compose the feud by wedding his daughter Freawaru to Ingeld, the son of Froda. So much we learn from the report which Beowulf gives, on his return home, to Hygelac, as to the state of things at the Danish court. Beowulf is depicted as carrying a very sage head upon his young shoulders, and he gives evidence of his astuteness by predicting[46] that the peace which Hrothgar has purchased will not be lasting. Some Heathobard survivor of the fight in which Froda fell, will, he thinks, see a young Dane in the retinue of Freawaru proudly pacing the hall, wearing the treasures which his father had won from the Heathobeardan. Then the old warrior will urge on his younger comrade "Canst thou, my lord, tell the sword, the dear iron, which thy father carried to the fight when he bore helm for the last time, when the Danes slew him and had the victory? And now the son {22} of one of these slayers paces the hall, proud of his arms, boasts of the slaughter and wears the precious sword which thou by right shouldst wield[47]." Such a reminder as this no Germanic warrior could long resist. So, Beowulf thinks, the young Dane will be slain; Ingeld will cease to take joy in his bride; and the old feud will break out afresh. That it did so we know from _Widsith_, and from the same source we know that this Heathobard attack was repulsed by the combined strength of Hrothgar and his nephew Hrothulf. But the tragic figure of Ingeld, hesitating between love for his father and love for his wife, between the duty of vengeance and his plighted word, was one which was sure to attract the interest of the old heroic poets more even than those of the victorious uncle and nephew. In the eighth century Alcuin, the Northumbrian, quotes Ingeld as the typical hero of song. Writing to a bishop of Lindisfarne, he reproves the monks for their fondness for the old stories about heathen kings, who are now lamenting their sins in Hell: "in the Refectory," he says, "the Bible should be read: the lector heard, not the harper: patristic sermons rather than pagan songs. For what has Ingeld to do with Christ[48]?" This protest testifies eloquently to the popularity of the Ingeld story, and further evidence is possibly afforded by the fact that few heroes of story seem to have had so many namesakes in Eighth Century England. What is emphasized in _Beowulf_ is not so much the struggle in the mind of Ingeld as the stern, unforgiving temper of the grim old warrior who will not let the feud die down; and this is the case also with the Danish versions, preserved to us in the Latin of Saxo Grammaticus. In two songs (translated by Saxo into "delightful sapphics") the old warrior Starcatherus stirs up Ingellus to his revenge: "Why, Ingeld, buried in vice, dost thou delay to avenge thy father? Wilt thou endure patiently the slaughter of thy righteous sire?... {23} Whilst thou takest pleasure in honouring thy bride, laden with gems, and bright with golden vestments, grief torments us, coupled with shame, as we bewail thine infamies. Whilst headlong lust urges thee, our troubled mind recalls the fashion of an earlier day, and admonishes us to grieve over many things. For we reckon otherwise than thou the crime of the foes, whom now thou holdest in honour; wherefore the face of this age is a burden to me, who have known the old ways. By nought more would I desire to be blessed, if, Froda, I might see those guilty of thy murder paying the due penalty of such a crime[49]." Starkath came to be one of the best-known figures in Scandinavian legend, the type of the fierce, unrelenting warrior. Even in death his severed head bit the earth: or according to another version "the trunk fought on when the head was gone[50]." Nor did the Northern imagination leave him there. It loved to follow him below, and to indulge in conjectures as to his bearing in the pit of Hell[51]. Who the Heathobeardan were is uncertain. It is frequently argued that they are identical with the Longobardi; that the words _Heatho-Bard_ and _Long-Bard_ correspond, just as we get sometimes _Gar-Dene_, sometimes _Hring-Dene_. (So Heyne; Bremer in _Pauls Grdr._ (2) III, 949 _etc._) The evidence for this is however unsatisfactory (see Chambers, _Widsith_, 205). Since the year 186 A.D. onwards the Longobardi were dwelling far inland, and were certainly never in a position from which an attack upon the Danes would have been practicable. If, therefore, we accept the identification of Heatho-Bard and Long-Bard, we must suppose the Heathobeardan of _Beowulf_ to have been not the Longobardi of history, but a separate portion of the people, which had been left behind on the shores of the Baltic, when the main body went south. But as we have no evidence for any such offshoot from the main tribe, it is misleading to speak of the Heathobeardan as identical with the Longobardi: and although the similarity of one element in the name suggests some primitive relationship, that relationship may well have been exceedingly remote[52]. {24} It has further been proposed to identify the Heathobeardan with the Heruli[53]. The Heruli came from the Scandinavian district, overran Europe, and became famous for their valour, savagery, and value as light-armed troops. If the Heathobeardan are identical with the Heruli, and if what we are told of the customs of the Heruli is true, Freawaru was certainly to be pitied. The Heruli were accustomed to put to death their sick and aged: and to compel widows to commit suicide. The supposed identity of the Heruli with the Heathobeardan is however very doubtful. It rests solely upon the statement of Jordanes that they had been driven from their homes by the Danes (_Dani ... Herulos propriis sedibus expulerunt_). This is inconclusive, since the growth of the Danish power is likely enough to have led to collisions with more than one tribe. In fact _Beowulf_ tells us that Scyld "tore away the mead benches from _many_ a people." On the other hand the dissimilarity of names is not conclusive evidence against the identification, for the word _Heruli_ is pretty certainly the same as the Old English _Eorlas_, and is a complimentary nick-name applied by the tribe to themselves, rather than their original racial designation. Nothing, then, is really known of the Heathobeardan, except that evidence points to their having dwelt somewhere on the Baltic[54]. The Scandinavian sources which have preserved the memory of this feud have transformed it in an extraordinary way. The Heathobeardan came to be quite forgotten, although maybe some trace of their name remains in _Hothbrodd_, who is represented as the foe of Roe (Hrothgar) and Rolf (Hrothulf). When the Heathobeardan were forgotten, Froda and Ingeld were left without any subjects, and naturally came to be regarded, like Healfdene and the other kings with whom they were associated in story, as Danish kings. Accordingly the tale developed in Scandinavian lands in two ways. Some documents, and especially the Icelandic ones[55], represent the struggle as a feud between two branches of the Danish royal house. Even here there is no agreement who is the usurper and who the victim, so that sometimes it is Froda and sometimes Healfdene who is represented as the traitor and murderer. But another version[56]--the Danish--whilst making Froda and Ingeld into Danish kings, separates their story altogether from that of Healfdene and his house: in this version the quarrel is still thought of as being between two nations, not as between the rightful heir to the throne and a treacherous and relentless usurper. Accordingly the feud is such as may be, at any rate temporarily, laid aside: peace between the contending parties is not out of the question. This version therefore preserves much more of the original character of the story, for it remains the tale of a young prince who, willing to marry into the house of his ancestral foes and to forgive and forget the old feud, is stirred by his more unrelenting henchman into taking vengeance for his father. But, owing to the prince having come to be represented as a Dane, patriotic reasons have suggested to the {25} Danish poets and historians a quite different conclusion to the story. Instead of being routed, Ingeld, in Saxo, is successful in his revenge. See Neckel, _Studien über Froði_ in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 182: Heusler, _Zur Skiöldungendichtung_ in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 57: Olrik, _Skjoldungasaga_, 1894, 112 [30]; Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, II, 11 _etc._: Olrik, _Sakses Oldhistorie_, 222-6: Chambers, _Widsith_, pp. 79-81.] * * * * * SECTION VI. HROTHULF. Yet, although the Icelandic sources are wrong in representing Froda and Ingeld as Danes, they are not altogether wrong in representing the Danish royal house as divided against itself. Only they fail to place the blame where it really lay. For none of the Scandinavian sources attribute any act of injustice or usurpation to Rolf Kraki. He is the ideal king, and his title to the throne is not supposed to be doubtful. Yet we saw that, in _Beowulf_, the position of Hrothulf is represented as an ambiguous one[57], he is the king's too powerful nephew, whose claims may prejudice those of his less distinguished young cousins, the king's sons, and the speech of queen Wealhtheow is heavy with foreboding. "I know," she says, "that my gracious Hrothulf will support the young princes in honour, if thou, King of the Scyldings, shouldst leave the world sooner than he. I ween that he will requite our children, if he remembers all which we two have done for his pleasure and honour, being yet a child[58]." Whilst Hrethric and Hrothmund, the sons of King Hrothgar, have to sit with the juniors, the _giogoth_[59], Hrothulf is a man of tried valour, who sits side by side with the king: "where the two good ones sat, uncle and nephew: _as yet_ was there peace between them, and each was true to the other[60]." Again we have mention of "Hrothgar and Hrothulf. Heorot was filled full of friends: _at that time_ the mighty Scylding folk in no wise worked treachery[61]." Similarly in _Widsith_ the mention of Hrothgar and Hrothulf together seems to stir the poet to dark sayings. "_For a very long time_ did Hrothgar and Hrothulf, uncle and nephew, hold the peace together[62]." {26} The statement that "as yet" or "for a very long time" or "at that time" there was peace within the family, necessarily implies that, at last, the peace _was_ broken, that Hrothulf quarrelled with Hrothgar, or strove to set aside his sons[63]. Further evidence is hardly needed; yet further evidence we have: by rather complicated, but quite unforced, fitting together of various Scandinavian authorities, we find that Hrothulf deposed and slew his cousin Hrethric. Saxo Grammaticus tells us how Roluo (Rolf = O.N. Hrolfr, O.E. Hrothulf) slew a certain Røricus (or Hrærek = O.E. Hrethric) and gave to his own followers all the plunder which he found in the city of Røricus. Saxo is here translating an older authority, the _Bjarkamál_ (now lost), and he did not know who Røricus was: he certainly did not regard him as a son or successor of Roe (Hrothgar) or as a cousin of Roluo (Hrothulf). "Roluo, who laid low Røricus _the son of the covetous Bøkus_" is Saxo's phrase (_qui natum Bøki Røricum stravit avari_). This would be a translation of some such phrase in the _Bjarkamál_ as _Hræreks bani hnøggvanbauga_, "the slayer of Hrærek Hnoggvanbaugi[64]." But, when we turn to the genealogy of the Danish kings[65], we actually find a _Hrærekr Hnauggvanbaugi_ given as a king of Denmark about the time of Roluo. This _Røricus_ or _Hrærekr_ who was slain by Roluo was then, himself, a king of the Danes, and must, therefore, have preceded Roluo on the throne. But in that case Røricus _must_ be son of Roe, and identical with his namesake Hrethric, the son of Hrothgar, in _Beowulf_. For no one but a son of King Roe could have had such a claim to the throne as to rule between that king and his all powerful nephew Roluo[65]. It is difficult, perhaps, to state this argument in a way which will be convincing to those who are not acquainted with Saxo's method of working. To those who realize how he treats {27} his sources, it will be clear that Røricus is the son of Roe, and is slain by Roluo. Translating the words into their Old English equivalents, Hrethric, son of Hrothgar, is slain by Hrothulf. The forebodings of Wealhtheow were justified. Hrethric is then almost certainly an actual historic prince who was thrust from the throne by Hrothulf. Of Hrothmund[66], his brother, Scandinavian authorities seem to know nothing. He is very likely a poetical fiction, a duplicate of Hrethric. For it is very natural that in story the princes whose lives are threatened by powerful usurpers should go in pairs. Hrethric and Hrothmund go together like Malcolm and Donalbain. Their helplessness is thus emphasized over against the one mighty figure, Rolf or Macbeth, threatening them[67]. Yet this does not prove Hrothmund unhistoric. On the contrary it may well happen that the facts of history will coincide with the demands of well-ordered narrative, as was the case when Richard of Gloucester murdered _two_ young princes in the Tower. Two other characters, who meet us in _Beowulf_, seem to have some part to play in this tragedy. It was a maxim of the old Teutonic poetry, as it is of the British Constitution, that the king could do no wrong: the real fault lay with the adviser. If Ermanaric the Goth slew his wife and his son, or if Irminfrid the Thuringian unwisely challenged Theodoric the Frank to battle, this was never supposed to be due solely to the recklessness of the monarch himself--it was the work of an evil counsellor--a Bikki or an Iring. Now we have seen that there is mischief brewing in Heorot--and we are introduced to a counsellor Unferth, the _thyle_ or official spokesman and adviser of King Hrothgar. And Unferth is evil. His jealous temper is shown by the hostile and inhospitable reception which he gives to Beowulf. And Beowulf's reply gives us a hint of some darker stain: "though {28} thou hast been the slayer of thine own brethren--thy flesh and blood: for that thou shalt suffer damnation in hell, good though thy wit may be[68]." One might perhaps think that Beowulf in these words was only giving the "countercheck quarrelsome," and indulging in mere reckless abuse, just as Sinfjotli (the Fitela of _Beowulf_) in the _First Helgi Lay_ hurls at his foes all kinds of outrageous charges assuredly not meant to be taken literally. But, as we learn from the _Helgi Lay_ itself, the uttering of such unfounded taunts was not considered good form; whilst it seems pretty clear that the speech of Beowulf to Unferth is intended as an example of justifiable and spirited self-defence, not, like the speech of Sinfjotli, as a storehouse of things which a well-mannered warrior should _not_ say. Besides, the taunt of Beowulf is confirmed, although but darkly, by the poet himself, in the same passage in which he has recorded the fears of Wealhtheow lest perhaps Hrothulf should not be loyal to Hrothgar and his issue: "Likewise there Unferth the counsellor sat at the foot of the lord of the Scyldingas: each of them [i.e. both Hrothgar and Hrothulf] trusted to his spirit: that his courage was great, _though he had not done his duty by his kinsmen at the sword-play_[69]." But, granting that Unferth has really been the cause of the death of his kinsmen, some scholars have doubted whether we are to suppose that he literally slew them himself. For, had that been the case, they urge, he could not be occupying a place of trust with the almost ideal king Hrothgar. But the record of the historians makes it quite clear that murder of kin did happen, and that constantly[70]. Amid the tragic complexities of heroic life it often could not be avoided. The _comitatus_-system, by which a man was expected to give unflinching support to any chief whose service he had entered, must often have resulted in slaughter between men united by very close bonds of kin or friendship. Turning from history to saga, we find some of the greatest heroes not free from the stain. Sigmund, {29} Gunnar, Hogni, Atli, Hrothulf, Heoroweard, Hnæf, Eadgils, Hæthcyn, Ermanaric and Hildebrand were all marred with this taint, and indeed were, in many cases, rather to be pitied than blamed. I doubt, therefore, whether we need try and save Unferth's character by suggesting that the stern words of the poet mean only that he had indirectly caused the death of his brethren by failing them, in battle, at some critical moment[71]. I suspect that this, involving cowardice or incompetence, would have been held the more unpardonable offence, and _would_ have resulted in Unferth's disgrace. But a man might well have slain his kin under circumstances which, while leaving a blot on his record, did not necessitate his banishment from good society. All the same, the poet evidently thinks it a weakness on the part of Hrothgar and Hrothulf that, after what has happened, they still put their trust in Unferth. Here then is the situation. The king has a counsellor: that counsellor is evil. Both the king and his nephew trust the evil counsellor. A bitter feud springs up between the king and his nephew. That the feud was due to the machinations of the evil adviser can hardly be doubted by those who have studied the ways of the old Germanic heroic story. But it is only an inference: positive proof we have none. Lastly, there is Heoroweard. Of him we are told in _Beowulf_ very little. He is son of Heorogar (or Heregar), Hrothgar's elder brother, who was apparently king before him, but died young[72]. It is quite natural, as we have seen, that, if Heoroweard was too young for the responsibility when his father died, he should not have succeeded to the throne. What is not so natural is that he does not inherit his father's arms, which one might reasonably have supposed Hrothgar would have preserved, to give to him when he came of age. Instead, Hrothgar gives them to Beowulf[73]. Does Hrothgar deliberately avoid doing honour to Heoroweard, because he fears that any distinction conferred upon him would strengthen a rival {30} whose claims to the throne might endanger those of his own sons? However this may be, in any future struggle for the throne Heoroweard may reasonably be expected to play some part. Turning now to Saxo, and to the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, we find that Rolf owed his death to the treachery of one whose name corresponds exactly to that of Heoroweard--Hiarwarus (Saxo), Hj[o,]rvarthr (_Saga_). Neither Saxo nor the _Saga_ thinks of Hiarwarus as the cousin of Rolf Kraki: they do not make it really clear _what_ the cause of his enmity was. But they tell us that, after a banquet, he and his men treacherously rose upon Rolf and his warriors. The defence which Rolf and his men put up in their burning hall: the loyalty and defiance of Rolf's champions, invincible in death--these were amongst the most famous things of the North; they were told in the _Bjarkamál_, now unfortunately extant in Saxo's paraphrase only. But the triumph of Hiarwarus was brief. Rolf's men all fell around him, save the young Wiggo, who had previously, in the confidence of youth, boasted that, should Rolf fall, he would avenge him. Astonished at the loyalty of Rolf's champions, Hiarwarus expressed regret that none had taken quarter, declaring that he would gladly accept the service of such men. Whereupon Wiggo came from the hiding-place where he had taken refuge, and offered to do homage to Hiarwarus, by placing his hand on the hilt of his new lord's sword: but in doing so he drove the point through Hiarwarus, and rejoiced as he received his death from the attendants of the foe he had slain. It shows how entirely the duty of vengeance was felt to outweigh all other considerations, that this treacherous act of Wiggo is always spoken of with the highest praise. For the story of the fall of Rolf and his men see Saxo, Book II (ed. Holder, pp. 55-68): _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, caps. 32-34: _Skjoldunga Saga_ (ed. Olrik, 1894, 36-7 [118-9]). How the feud between the different members of the Danish family forms the background to _Beowulf_ was first explained in full detail by Ludvig Schrøder (_Om Bjovulfs-drapen. Efter en række foredrag på folke-höjskolen i Askov_, Kjøbenhavn, 1875). Schrøder showed how the bad character of Unferth has its part to play: "It is a _weakness_ in Hrothgar that he entrusts important office to such a man--a {31} weakness which will carry its punishment." Independently the domestic feud was demonstrated again by Sarrazin (_Rolf Krake und sein vetter im Beowulfliede_: _Engl. Stud._ XXIV, 144-5). The story has been fully worked out by Olrik (_Heltedigtning_, 1903, I, 11-18 _etc._). These views have been disputed by Miss Clarke (_Sidelights_, 102), who seems to regard as "hypotheses" of Olrik data which have been ascertained facts for more than a generation. Miss Clarke's contentions, however, appear to me to be based upon a misunderstanding of Olrik. * * * * * SECTION VII. KING OFFA. The poem, then, is mainly concerned with the deeds of Geatic and Danish kings: only once is reference made to a king of Anglian stock--Offa. The _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ tells us of several kings named Offa, but two only concern us here. Still remembered is the historic tyrant-king who reigned over Mercia during the latter half of the eighth century, and who was celebrated through the Middle Ages chiefly as the founder of the great abbey of St Albans. This Offa is sometimes referred to as Offa _the Second_, because he had a remote ancestor, Offa I, who, if the Mercian pedigree can be trusted, lived twelve generations earlier, and therefore presumably in the latter half of the fourth century. Offa I, then, must have ruled over the Angles whilst they were still dwelling in Angel, their continental home, in or near the modern Schleswig. Now the Offa mentioned in _Beowulf_ is spoken of as related to Garmund and Eomer (MS _geomor_). This, apart from the abundant further evidence, is sufficient to identify him with Offa I, who was, according to the pedigree, the son of Wærmund and the grandfather of Eomer. This Offa I, king of Angel, is referred to in _Widsith_. _Widsith_ is a composite poem: the passage concerning Offa, though not the most obviously primitive portion of it, is, nevertheless, early: it may well be earlier than _Beowulf_. After a list of famous chieftains we are told: Offa ruled Angel, Alewih the Danes; he was the boldest of all these men, yet did he not in his deeds of valour surpass Offa. But Offa gained, first of men, by arms the greatest of kingdoms whilst yet a boy; no one of equal age ever did greater deeds of valour in battle with his single sword: he drew the boundary against the Myrgingas at Fifeldor. The boundaries were held afterwards by the Angles and the Swæfe as Offa struck it out. {32} Much is obscure here: more particularly our ignorance as to the Myrgingas is to be regretted: but there is reason for thinking that they were a people dwelling to the south of the old continental home of the Angles. After the lapse of some five centuries, we get abundant further information concerning Offa. The legends about him, though carried to England by the Anglian conquerors, must also have survived in the neighbourhood of his old kingdom of Angel: for as Angel was incorporated into the Danish kingdom, so these stories became part of the stock of Danish national legend. Offa came to be regarded as a Danish king, and his story is told at length by the two earliest historians of Denmark, Sweyn Aageson and Saxo Grammaticus. In Saxo the story runs thus: Wermund, king of Denmark, had a son Uffo [Offa], tall beyond the measure of his age, but dull and speechless. When Wermund grew blind, his southern neighbour, the king of Saxony, laid claim to Denmark on the ground that he was no longer fit to rule, and, relying upon Uffo's incapacity, suggested that the quarrel should be decided by their two sons in single combat. Wermund, in despair, offered himself to fight, in spite of his blindness: this offer the envoys of the Saxon king refused with insult, and the Danes knew not what to say. Thereupon Uffo, who happened to be present, suddenly asked leave to speak. Wermund could not believe that it was really his son who had spoken, but when they all assured him that it _was_, he gave the permission. "In vain," then said Uffo, "does the king of Saxony covet the land of Denmark, which trusts to its true king and its brave nobles: neither is a son wanting to the king nor a successor to the kingdom." And he offered to fight not only the Saxon prince, but any chosen champion the prince might bring with him. The Saxon envoys accepted the offer and departed. The blind king was at last convinced, by passing his hands over him, that the speaker had been in truth his son. But it was found difficult to arm him; for his broad chest split the rings of every coat of mail: the largest, his father's, had to be cleft down the side and fastened with a clasp. Likewise no sword {33} was so well tempered that he did not shatter it by merely brandishing it, till the old king directed his men how they might find his ancient sword, _Skrep_ (= ? stedfast) which he had buried, in despair, thinking his son unworthy of it. The sword, when found, was so frail from age that Uffo did not test it: for Wermund told him that, if he broke it, there was no other left strong enough for him. So Uffo and his two antagonists were taken to the place of combat, an island in the river Eider. Crowds lined either bank, and Wermund stood prepared to throw himself into the river should his son be slain. Uffo held back at first, till he had discovered which of his antagonists was the more dangerous, since he feared the sword would only be good for one blow. Then, having by his taunts induced the champion to come to close quarters, he clove him asunder with one stroke. Wermund cried out that he had heard the sound of his son's sword, and asked where the blow had fallen: his attendants assured him that it had pierced, not any particular part, but the man's whole structure. So Wermund drew back from the edge, desiring life now as keenly as before he had longed for death. Finally Uffo smote his second antagonist through, thus opening a career which after such a beginning we may well believe to have been glorious. The story is told again by Sweyn Aageson in a slightly varying form. Sweyn's story has some good traits of its own--as when it makes Uffo enter the lists girt with _two_ swords, intending to use his father's only in an emergency. The worthless sword breaks, and all the Danes quake for fear: whereupon Uffo draws the old sword and achieves the victory. But above all Sweyn Aageson tells us the _reason_ of Uffo's dumbness and incapacity, which Saxo leaves obscure: it was the result of shame over the deeds of two Danes who had combined to avenge their father upon a single foe. What is the incident referred to we can gather from Saxo. Two Danes, Keto and Wigo, whose father Frowinus had been slain by a hostile king Athislus, attacked Athislus together, two to one, thus breaking the laws of the duel. Uffo had wedded the sister of {34} Keto and Wigo, and it was in order to wipe out the stain left upon his family and his nation by their breach of duelling etiquette that he insisted upon fighting single-handed against two opponents. That this incident was also known in England is rendered probable by the fact that Freawine and Wig, who correspond to Saxo's Frowinus and Wiggo, are found in the genealogy of English kings, and that an Eadgils, king of the Myrgingas, who is almost certainly the Athislus of Saxo[74], also appears in Old English heroic poetry. It is probable then that the two tales were connected in Old English story: the two brethren shamefully combine to avenge their father: in due time the family of the slain foe take up the feud: Offa saves his country and his country's honour by voluntarily undertaking to fight one against two. About the same time that the Danish ecclesiastics were at work, a monk of St Albans was committing to Latin the English stories which were still current concerning Offa. The object of the English writer was, however, local rather than national. He wrote the _Vitae duorum Offarum_ to celebrate the historic Offa, king of Mercia, the founder of his abbey, and that founder's ancestor, Offa I: popular tradition had confused the two, and much is told concerning the Mercian Offa that seems to belong more rightly to his forefather. The St Albans writer drew upon contemporary tradition, and it is evident that in certain cases, as when he gives two sets of names to some of the chief actors in the story, he is trying to harmonize two distinct versions: he makes at least one error which seems to point to a written source[75]. In one of the MSS the story is illustrated by a series of very artistic drawings, which might possibly be from the pen of Matthew Paris himself[76]. These drawings depict a version of the story which in some respects differs from the Latin text which they accompany. [Illustration: Offa, miraculously restored, vindicates his Right. At the side, Offa is represented in Prayer _From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 2 b._ ] {35} The story is located in England. Warmundus is represented as a king of the Western Angles, ruling at Warwick. Offa, his only son, was blind till his seventh, dumb till his thirtieth year. Accordingly an ambitious noble, Riganus, otherwise called Aliel, claims to be recognized heir, in hope of gaining the throne for his son, Hildebrand (Brutus). Offa gains the gift of speech in answer to prayer; to the joy of his father and the councillors he vindicates his right, much as in the Danish story. He is knighted with a chosen body of companions, armed, and leads the host to meet the foe. He dashes across the river which separates the two armies, although his followers hang back. This act of cowardice on their part is not explained: it is apparently a reminiscence of an older version in which Offa fights his duel single handed by the river, and his host look on. The armies join battle, but after a long struggle draw away from each other with the victory undecided. Offa remaining in front of his men is attacked by Brutus (or Hildebrand) and Sueno, the sons of the usurper, and slays them both (a second reminiscence of the duel-scene). He then hurls himself again upon the foe, and wins the victory. _Widsith_ shows us that the Danish account has kept closer to the primitive story than has later English tradition. _Widsith_ confirms the Danish view that the quarrel was with a foreign, not with a domestic foe, and the combat a duel, not a pitched battle: above all, _Widsith_ confirms Saxo in representing the fight as taking place on the Eider--_b[=i] F[=i]feldore_[77], whilst the account recorded by the monk of St Albans had localised the story in England. {36} In _Beowulf_ too we hear of Offa as a mighty king, "the best of all mankind betwixt the seas." But, although his wars are referred to, we are given no details of them. The episode in _Beowulf_ relates rather to his wife Thryth, and his dealings with her. The passage is the most obscure in the whole poem, but this at least is clear: Thryth had an evil reputation for cruelty and murder: she wedded Offa, and he put a stop to her evil deeds: she became to him a good and loyal wife. Now in the _Lives of the two Offas_ quite a long space is devoted to the matrimonial entanglements of both kings. Concerning Offa I, a tale is told of how he succoured a daughter of the king of York, who had been turned adrift by her father; how when his years were advancing his subjects pressed him to marry: and how his mind went back to the damsel whom he had saved, and he chose her for his wife. Whilst the king was absent on his wars, a messenger whom he had sent with a letter to report his victories passed through York, where the wicked father of Offa's queen lived. A false letter was substituted, commanding that the queen and her children should be mutilated and left to die in the woods, because she was a witch and had brought defeat upon the king's arms. The order was carried out, but a hermit rescued and healed the queen and her children, and ultimately united them to the king. This is a popular folk-tale which is scattered all over Europe, and which has many times been clothed in literary form: in France in the romance of the _Manekine_, in English in the metrical romance of _Emaré_, and in Chaucer's _Man of Lawes Tale_. From the name of the heroine in the last of these versions, the tale is often known as the _Constance_-story. But it is clear that this tale is not identical with the obscure story of the wife of Offa, which is indicated in _Beowulf_. When, however, we turn to the _Life of Offa II_, we do find a very close parallel to the Thryth story. [Illustration: Drida (Thryth) arrives in the land of King Offa, "in nauicula armamentis carente" _From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 11a_ ] {37} This tells how in the days of Charles the Great a certain beautiful but wicked girl, related to that king, was condemned to death on account of her crimes, but, from respect for her birth, was exposed instead in a boat without sails or tackle, and driven ashore on the coast of King Offa's land. Drida, as she said her name was, deceived the king by a tale of injured innocence, and he committed her to the safe keeping of his mother, the Countess Marcellina. Later, Offa fell in love with Drida, and married her, after which she became known as _Quendrida_. But Drida continued her evil courses and compassed the death of St Æthelbert, the vassal king of East Anglia. In the end she was murdered by robbers--a just punishment for her crimes--and her widowed husband built the Abbey of St Albans as a thank-offering for her death. The parallel here is too striking to be denied: for Drida is but another way of spelling Thryth, and the character of the murderous queen is the same in both stories. There are, however, striking differences: for whereas Thryth ceases from her evil deeds and becomes a model wife to Offa, Drida continues on her course of crime, and is cut off by violence in the midst of her evil career. How are we to account for the parallels and for the discrepancies? As a matter of historical fact, the wife of Offa, king of Mercia, _was_ named (not indeed Cwoenthryth, which is the form which should correspond to Quendrida, but) Cynethryth. The most obvious and facile way of accounting for the likeness between what we are told in _Beowulf_ of the queen of Offa I, and what we are elsewhere told of the queen of Offa II, is to suppose that Thryth in _Beowulf_ is a mere fiction evolved from the historic Cynethryth, wife of Offa II, and by poetic licence represented as the wife of his ancestor, Offa I. It was in this way she was explained by Professor Earle: The name [Thrytho] was suggested by that of Cynethryth, Offa's queen.... The vindictive character here given to Thrytho is a poetic and veiled admonition addressed to Cynethryth[78]. Unfortunately this, like many another facile theory, is open to fatal objections. In the first place the poem of _Beowulf_ can, with fair certainty, be attributed to a date _earlier_ than that at which the historic Offa and his spouse lived. Of course, it may be said that the Offa episode in _Beowulf_ is an interpolation of a later date. But this needs proof. There are metrical and above all syntactical grounds {38} which have led most scholars to place _Beowulf_ very early[79]. If we wish to regard the _Offa-Thryth_-episode as a later interpolation, we ought first to prove that it is later in its syntax and metre. We have no right to assume that the episode is an interpolation merely because such an assumption may suit our theory of the development of _Beowulf_. So until reasons are forthcoming for supposing the episode of Thryth to be later than the rest of the poem, we can but note that what we know of the date of _Beowulf_ forbids us to accept Earle's theory that Thryth is a reflection of, or upon, the historic Cynethryth. But there are difficulties in the way of Earle's theory even more serious than the chronological one. We know nothing very definitely about the wife of Offa II, except her name, but from a reference in a letter of Alcuin it seems clear that she was a woman of marked piety: it is not likely that she could have been guilty of deliberate murder of the kind represented in the _Life of Offa II_. The St Albans _Life_ depends, so far as we know, upon the traditions which were current four centuries after her death. There may be, there doubtless are, some historic facts concerning Offa preserved in it: but we have no reason to think that the bad character of Offa's queen is one of them. Indeed, on purely intrinsic grounds we might well suppose the reverse. As a matter of history we know that Offa _did_ put to death Æthelberht, the vassal king of East Anglia. When in the _Life_ we find Offa completely exonerated, and the deed represented as an assassination brought about by the malice and cruelty of his queen, it seems intrinsically likely that we are dealing with an attempt of the monks to clear their founder by transferring his cruel deeds to the account of his wife. So far, then, from Thryth being a reflection of an historic cruel queen Cynethryth, it is more probable that the influence has been in the reverse direction; that the pious Cynethryth has been represented as a monster of cruelty because she has not unnaturally been confused with a mythical Thryth, the wife of Offa I. To this it may be objected that we have no right to assume remarkable coincidences, and that such a coincidence is {39} involved by the assumption that there was a story of a mythical Thryth, the wife of Offa I, and that this existed prior to, and independently of, the actual wedding of Offa II to a Cynethryth. But the exceeding frequency of the element _thryth_ in the names of women robs this objection of all its point. Such a coincidence, far from being remarkable, would be the most natural in the world. If we look at the Mercian pedigree we find that almost half the ladies connected with it have that element _thryth_ in their names. The founder of the house, Wihtlæg, according to Saxo Grammaticus[80], wedded Hermuthruda, the old English form of which would be Eormenthryth. It is to this lady Hermuthruda that we must now devote our attention. She belongs to a type which is common in folk-tale down to the time of Hans Andersen--the cruel princess who puts her lovers to death unless they can vanquish her in some way, worsting her in a contest of wits, such as the guessing of riddles, or a contest of strength, such as running, jumping, or wrestling. The stock example of this perilous maiden is, of course, for classical story Atalanta, for Germanic tradition the Brunhilt of the _Nibelungen Lied_, who demands from her wooer that he shall surpass her in all three feats; if he fails in one, his head is forfeit[81]. Of this type was Hermuthruda: "in the cruelty of her arrogance she had always loathed her wooers, and inflicted upon them the supreme punishment, so that out of many there was not one but paid for his boldness with his head[82]," words which remind us strongly of what our poet says of Thryth. Hamlet (Amlethus) is sent by the king of Britain to woo this maiden for him: but she causes Hamlet's shield and the commission to be stolen while he sleeps: she learns from the shield that the messenger is the famous and valiant Hamlet, and alters the commission so that her hand is requested, not for the king of Britain, but for Hamlet himself. With this request she complies, and the wedding is celebrated. But when Wihtlæg (Vigletus) conquers and slays Hamlet, she weds the conqueror, thus becoming ancestress of Offa. {40} It may well be that there is some connection between the Thryth of _Beowulf_ and the Hermuthruda who in Saxo weds Offa's ancestor--that they are both types of the wild maiden who becomes a submissive though not always happy wife. If so, the continued wickedness of Drida in the _Life of Offa II_ would be an alteration of the original story, made in order to exonerate Offa II from the deeds of murder which, as a matter of history, did characterize his reign. * * * * * {41} CHAPTER II THE NON-HISTORICAL ELEMENTS SECTION I. THE GRENDEL FIGHT. When we come to the story of Beowulf's struggle with Grendel, with Grendel's mother, and with the dragon, we are faced by difficulties much greater than those which meet us when considering that background of Danish or Geatic history in which these stories are framed. In the first place, it is both surprising and confusing that, in the prologue, before the main story begins, _another_ Beowulf is introduced, the son of Scyld Scefing. Much emphasis is laid upon the upbringing and youthful fame of this prince, and the glory of his father. Any reader would suppose that the poet is going on to tell of _his_ adventures, when suddenly the story is switched off, and, after brief mention of this Beowulf's son, Healfdene, we come to Hrothgar, the building of Heorot, Grendel's attack, and the voyage of Beowulf the Geat to the rescue. Now "Beowulf" is an exceedingly rare name. The presence of the earlier Beowulf, Scyld's son, seems then to demand explanation, and many critics, working on quite different lines, have arrived independently at the conclusion that either the story of Grendel and his mother, or the story of the dragon, or both stories, were originally told of the son of Scyld, and only afterwards transferred to the Geatic hero. This has indeed been generally accepted, almost from the beginning of {42} Beowulf criticism[83]. Yet, though possible enough, it does not admit of any demonstration. Now Beowulf, son of Scyld, clearly corresponds to a Beow or Beaw in the West Saxon genealogy. In this genealogy Beow is always connected with Scyld and Scef, and in some versions the relations are identical with those given in _Beowulf_: Beow, son of Scyld, son of Scef, in the genealogies[84], corresponding to Beowulf, son of Scyld Scefing, in our poem. Hence arose the further speculation of many scholars that the hero who slays the monsters was originally called, not Beowulf, but Beow, and that he was identical with the hero in the West Saxon pedigree; in other words, that the original story was of a hero Beow (son of Scyld) who slew a monster and a dragon: and that this adventure was only subsequently transferred to Beowulf, prince of the Geatas. This is a theory based upon a theory, and some confirmation may reasonably be asked, before it is entertained. As to the dragon-slaying, the confirmatory evidence is open to extreme doubt. It is dealt with in Section VII (Beowulf-Frotho), below. As to Grendel, one such piece of confirmation there is. The conquering Angles and Saxons seem to have given the names of their heroes to the lands they won in England: some such names--'Wade's causeway,' 'Weyland's smithy'--have survived to modern times. The evidence of the Anglo-Saxon charters shows that very many which have now been lost existed in England prior to the Conquest. Now in a Wiltshire charter of the year 931, we have _B[=e]owan hammes hecgan_ mentioned not far from a _Grendles mere_. This has been claimed as evidence that the story of Grendel, with Beow as his adversary, was localized in Wiltshire in the reign of Athelstan, and perhaps had been localized there since the settlement four centuries previously. Until recently this was accepted as definitely {43} proving that the Beowulf-Grendel story was derived from an ancient Beow-myth. Yet one such instance of name-association is not conclusive. We cannot leave out of consideration the possibility of its being a mere chance coincidence, especially considering how large is the number of place names recorded in Old English charters. Of late, people have become more sceptical in drawing inferences from proper names, and quite recently there has been a tendency entirely to overlook the evidence of the charter, by way of making compensation for having hitherto overrated it. All that can be said with certainty is that it _is_ remarkable that a place named after Beowa should be found in the immediate proximity of a "Grendel's lake," and that this fact supports the possibility, though it assuredly does not prove, that in the oldest versions of the tale the monster queller was named Beow, not Beowulf. But it is only a possibility: it is not grounded upon any real evidence. These crucial references occur in a charter given by Athelstan at Luton, concerning a grant of land at Ham in Wiltshire to his thane Wulfgar. [See Birch, _Cartularium Saxonicum_, 1887, vol. II, p. 363.] ... Ego Æðelstanus, rex Anglorum ... quandam telluris particulam meo fideli ministro Wulfgaro ... in loco quem solicolae _oet Hamme_ vocitant tribuo ... Praedicta siquidem tellus his terminis circumcincta clarescit.... ðonne norð ofer d[=u]ne on m[=e]os-hlinc westeweardne; ðonne ad[=u]ne on ð[=a] yfre on b[=e]owan hammes hecgan, on br[=e]meles sceagan [=e]asteweardne; ðonne on ð[=a] bl[=a]can gr[=æ]fan; ðonne norð be ð[=e]m ondh[=e]afdan t[=o] ð[=æ]re scortan d[=i]c b[=u]tan [=a]nan æcre; ðonne t[=o] fugelmere t[=o] ð[=a]n wege; ondlong weges t[=o] ottes forda; ðonon t[=o] wudumere; ðonne t[=o] ð[=æ]re r[=u]wan hecgan; ðæt on langan hangran; ðonne on grendles mere; ðonon on dyrnan geat.... Ambiguous as this evidence is, I do not think it can be dismissed as it is by Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 252) and Panzer (_Beowulf_, 397), who both say "How do we know that it is not the merest chance?" It _may_ of course be chance: but this does not justify us in basing an argument upon the assumption that it _is_ the merest chance. Lawrence continues: "Suppose one were to set up a theory that there was a saga-relation between Scyld and Bikki, and offered as proof the passage in the charter for the year 917 in which there are mentioned, as in the same district, _scyldes treow_ and _bican sell_.... How much weight would this carry?" The answer surely is that the occurrence of the two names together in the charter would, by itself, give no basis whatever for starting such a theory: but if, on other grounds, the theory were likely, then the occurrence of the two names together would certainly have some corroborative value. Exactly how much, it is impossible to say, because we cannot estimate the element of chance, and we cannot {44} be certain that the _grendel_ and the _beowa_ mentioned are identical with our Grendel and our Beowulf. Miller has argued [_Academy_, May 1894, p. 396] that _grendles_ is not a proper name here, but a common noun signifying "drain," and that _grendles mere_ therefore means "cesspool." Now "grindle" is found in modern dialect and even in Middle English[85] in the sense of "a narrow ditch" or "gutter," but I doubt if it can be proved to be an Old English word. Evidence would rather point to its being an East Anglian corruption of the much more widely spread _drindle_, or _dringle_, used both as a verb "to go slowly, to trickle," and as "a small trickling stream." And even if an O.E. _grendel_ as a common noun meaning "gutter" were authenticated, it seems unlikely to me that places were named "the fen," "the mere," "the pit," "the brook"--"of the gutter." There is no ground whatever for supposing the existence of an O.E. _grendel_ = "sewer," or anything which would lead us to suppose _grendles mere_ or _gryndeles sylle_ to mean "cesspool[86]." Surely it is probable, knowing what we do of the way in which the English settlers gave epic names to the localities around their settlements, that these places were named after Grendel because they seemed the sort of place where his story might be localized--like "Weyland's smithy" or "Wade's causeway": and that the meaning is "Grendel's fen," "mere," "pit" or "brook." Again, both Panzer and Lawrence suggest that the Beowa who gave his name to the _ham_ may have been, not the hero, but "an ordinary mortal called after him" ... "some individual who lived in this locality." But, among the numerous English proper names recorded, can any instance be found of any individual named Beowa? {45} And was it in accordance with the rules of Old English nomenclature to give to mortals the names of these heroes of the genealogies[87]? Recent scepticism as to the "Beow-myth" has been largely due to the fact that speculation as to Beow had been carried too far. For example, because Beow appeared in the West Saxon genealogy, it had been assumed that the Beow-myth belonged essentially to the Angles and Saxons. Yet Beow would seem to have been also known among Scandinavians. For in somewhat later days Scandinavian genealogists, when they had made the acquaintance of the Anglo-Saxon pedigrees, noted that Beow had a Scandinavian counterpart in a hero whom they called Bjar[88]. That something was known in the north of this Bjar is proved by the _Kálfsvísa_, that same catalogue of famous heroes and their horses which we have already found giving us the counterparts of Onela and Eadgils. Yet this dry reference serves to show that Bjar must once have been sufficiently famous to have a horse specially his own[89]. Whether the fourteenth century Scandinavian who made Bjar the Northern equivalent of Beow was merely guessing, we unfortunately cannot tell. Most probably he was, for there is reason to think that the hero corresponding to Beow was named, not _Bjár_, but _Byggvir_[90]: a correspondence intelligible to modern philologists as in agreement with phonetic law, but naturally not obvious to an Icelandic genealogist. But however this may be, the assumption that Beow was peculiarly the hero of Angles and Saxons seems hardly justified. {46} Again, since Beow is an ancestor of Woden, it was further assumed that he was an ancient god, and that in the story of his adventures we had to deal with a nature-myth of a divine deliverer who saved the people from Grendel and his mother, the personified powers of the stormy sea. It is with the name of Müllenhoff, its most enthusiastic and ablest advocate, that this "mythological theory" is particularly associated. That Grendel is fictitious no one, of course, would deny. But Müllenhoff and his school, in applying the term "mythical" to those portions of the _Beowulf_ story for which no historical explanation could be found, meant that they enshrined _nature-myths_. They thought that those elements in heroic poetry which could not be referred back to actual fact must be traced to ancient stories in which were recorded the nation's belief about the sun and the gods: about storms and seasons. The different mythological explanations of Beowulf-Beowa and Grendel have depended mainly upon hazardous etymological explanations of the hero's name. The most popular is Müllenhoff's interpretation. Beaw is the divine helper of man in his struggle with the elements. Grendel represents the stormy North Sea of early spring, flooding and destroying the habitations of men, till the god rescues them: Grendel's mother represents the depths of the ocean. But in the autumn the power of the god wanes: the dragon personifies the coming of the wild weather: the god sinks in his final struggle to safeguard the treasures of the earth for his people[91]. Others, remembering that Grendel dwells in the fen, see in him rather a demon of the sea-marsh than of the sea itself: he is the pestilential swamp[92], and the hero a wind which drives him away[93]. Or, whilst Grendel still represents the storms, his antagonist is a "Blitzheros[94]." Others, whilst hardly ranking Beowulf as {47} a god, still see an allegory in his adventures, and Grendel must be a personification either of an inundation[95], or of the terror of the long winter nights[96], or possibly of grinding at the mill, the work of the enslaved foe[97]. Such explanations were till recently universally current: the instances given above might be increased considerably. Sufficient allowance was not made for the influence upon heroic poetry of the simple popular folk-tale, a tale of wonder with no mythological or allegorical meaning. Now, of late years, there has been a tendency not only to recognize but even to exaggerate this influence: to regard the hero of the folk-tale as the original and essential element in heroic poetry[98]. Though this is assuredly to go too far, it is but reasonable to recognize the fairy tale element in the O.E. epic. We have in _Beowulf_ a story of giant-killing and dragon-slaying. Why should we construct a legend of the gods or a nature-myth to account for these tales? Why must Grendel or his mother represent the tempest, or the malaria, or the drear long winter nights? We know that tales of giant-killers and dragon-slayers have been current among the people of Europe for thousands of years. Is it not far more easy to regard the story of the fight between Beowulf and Grendel merely as a fairy tale, glorified into an epic[99]? Those students who of late years have tried thus to elucidate the story of Beowulf and Grendel, by comparison with folk-tales, have one great advantage over Müllenhoff and the "mythological" school. The weak point of Müllenhoff's view was that the nature-myth of Beow, which was called in to explain the origin of the Beowulf story as we have it, was itself only an assumption, a conjectural reconstruction. But the various popular tales in which scholars have more recently tried to find parallels to _Beowulf_ have this great merit, that {48} they do indubitably exist. And as to the first step--the parallel between _Beowulf_ and the _Grettis saga_--there can, fortunately, be but little hesitation. * * * * * SECTION II. THE SCANDINAVIAN PARALLELS--GRETTIR AND ORM. The _Grettis saga_ tells the adventures of the most famous of all Icelandic outlaws, Grettir the strong. As to the historic existence of Grettir there is no doubt: we can even date the main events of his life, in spite of chronological inconsistencies, with some precision. But between the year 1031, when he was killed, and the latter half of the thirteenth century, when his saga took form, many fictitious episodes, derived from folk-lore, had woven themselves around his name. Of these, one bears a great, if possibly accidental, likeness to the Grendel story: the second is emphatically and unmistakably the same story as that of Grendel and his mother. In the first, Grettir stops at a farm house which is haunted by Glam, a ghost of monstrous stature. Grettir awaits his attack alone, but, like Beowulf, lying down. Glam's entry and onset resemble those of Grendel: when Grettir closes with him he tries to get out. They wrestle the length of the hall, and break all before them. Grettir supports himself against anything that will give him foothold, but for all his efforts he is dragged as far as the door. There he suddenly changes his tactics, and throws his whole weight upon his adversary. The monster falls, undermost, so that Grettir is able to draw, and strike off his head; though not till Glam has laid upon Grettir a curse which drags him to his doom. The second story--the adventure of Grettir at Sandhaugar (Sandheaps)--begins in much the same way as that of Grettir and Glam. Grettir is staying in a haunted farm, from which first the farmer himself and then a house-carl have, on two successive Yuletides, been spirited away. As before, a light burns in the room all night, and Grettir awaits the attack alone, lying down, without having put off his clothes. As before, Grettir and his assailant wrestle down the room, breaking all {49} in their way. But this time Grettir is pulled put of the hall, and dragged to the brink of the neighbouring gorge. Here, by a final effort, he wrenches a hand free, draws, and hews off the arm of the ogress, who falls into the torrent below. Grettir conjectures that the two missing men must have been pulled by the ogress into the gulf. This, after his experience, is surely a reasonable inference: but Stein, the priest, is unconvinced. So they go together to the river, and find the side of the ravine a sheer precipice: it is ten fathom down to the water below the fall. Grettir lets down a rope: the priest is to watch it. Then Grettir dives in: "the priest saw the soles of his feet, and then knew no more what had become of him." Grettir swims under the fall and gets into the cave, where he sees a giant sitting by a fire: the giant aims a blow at him with a weapon with a wooden handle ("such a weapon men then called a _hefti-sax_"). Grettir hews it asunder. The giant then grasps at another sword hanging on the wall of the cave, but before he can use it Grettir wounds him. Stein, the priest, seeing the water stained with blood from this wound, concludes that Grettir is dead, and departs home, lamenting the loss of such a man. "But Grettir let little space come between his blows till the giant lay dead." Grettir finds the bones of the two dead men in the cave, and bears them away with him to convince the priest: but when he reaches the rope and shakes it, there is no reply, and he has to climb up, unaided. He leaves the bones in the church porch, for the confusion of the priest, who has to admit that he has failed to do his part faithfully. Now if we compare this with _Beowulf_, we see that in the Icelandic story much is different: for example, in the _Grettis saga_ it is the female monster who raids the habitation of men, the male who stays at home in his den. In this the _Grettis saga_ probably represents a corrupt tradition: for, that the female should remain at home whilst the male searches for his prey, is a rule which holds good for devils as well as for men[100]. {50} The change was presumably made in order to avoid the difficulty--which the _Beowulf_ poet seems also to have realized--that after the male has been slain, the rout of the female is felt to be a deed of less note--something of an anti-climax[101]. The sword on the wall, also, which in the _Beowulf_-story is used by the hero, is, in the _Grettir_-story, used by the giant in his attack on the hero. But that the two stories are somehow connected cannot be disputed. Apart from the general likeness, we have details such as the escape of the monster after the loss of an arm, the fire burning in the cave, the _hefti-sax_, a word which, like its old English equivalent (_hæft-m[=e]ce_, _Beowulf_, 1457), is found in this story only, and the strange reasoning of the watchers that the blood-stained water must necessarily be due to the hero's death[102]. Now obviously such a series of resemblances cannot be the result of an accident. Either the _Grettir_-story is derived directly or indirectly from the _Beowulf_ epic, more or less as we have it, or both stories are derived from one common earlier source. The scholars who first discovered the resemblance believed that both stories were independently derived from one original[103]. This view has generally been endorsed by later investigators, but not universally[104]. And this is one of the questions which the student cannot leave open, because our view of the origin of the _Grendel_-story will have to depend largely upon the view we take as to its connection with the episode in the _Grettis saga_. If this episode be derived from _Beowulf_, then we have an interesting literary curiosity, but nothing further. But if it is {51} independently derived from a common source, then the episode in the _saga_, although so much later, may nevertheless contain features which have been obliterated or confused or forgotten in the _Beowulf_ version. In that case the story, as given in the _Grettis saga_, would be of great weight in any attempt to reconstruct the presumed original form of the _Grendel_-story. The evidence seems to me to support strongly the view of the majority of scholars--that the _Grettir_-episode is not derived from _Beowulf_ in the form in which that poem has come down to us, but that both come from one common source. It is certain that the story of the monster invading a dwelling of men and rendering it uninhabitable, till the adventurous deliverer arrives, did not originate with Hrothgar and Heorot. It is an ancient and widespread type of story, of which one version is localized at the Danish court. When therefore we find it existing, independently of its Danish setting, the presumption is in favour of this being a survival of the old independent story. Of course it is _conceivable_ that the Hrothgar-Heorot setting might have been first added, and subsequently stripped off again so clean that no trace of it remains. But it seems going out of our way to assume this, unless we are forced to do so[105]. Again, it is certain that these stories--like all the subject matter of the Old English epic--did not originate in England, but were brought across the North Sea from the old home. And that old home was in the closest connection, so far as the passage to and fro of story went, with Scandinavian lands. Nothing could be intrinsically more probable than that a story, current in ancient Angel and carried thence to England, should also have been current in Scandinavia, and thence have been carried to Iceland. Other stories which were current in England in the eighth century were also current in Scandinavia in the thirteenth. Yet this does not mean that the tales of Hroar and Rolf, or of Athils and Ali, were borrowed from English epic accounts of Hrothgar and Hrothulf, or Eadgils and Onela. They were part of the common inheritance--as much so as the strong verbs {52} or the alliterative line. Why then, contrary to all analogy, should we assume a literary borrowing in the case of the _Beowulf-Grettir_-story? The compiler of the _Grettis saga_ could not possibly have drawn his material from a MS of _Beowulf_[106]: he could not have made sense of a single passage. He conceivably _might_ have drawn from traditions _derived_ from the Old English epic. But it is difficult to see how. Long before his time these traditions had for the most part been forgotten in England itself. One of the longest lived of all, that of Offa, is heard of for the last time in England at the beginning of the thirteenth century. That a Scandinavian sagaman at the end of the century could have been in touch, in any way, with Anglo-Saxon epic tradition seems on the whole unlikely. The Scandinavian tradition of Offa, scholars are now agreed[107], was not borrowed from England, and there is no reason why we should assume such borrowing in the case of Grettir. The probability is, then, considerable, that the _Beowulf_-story and the _Grettir_-story are independently derived from one common original. And this probability would be confirmed to a certainty if we should find that features which have been confused and half obliterated in the O.E. story become clear when we turn to the Icelandic. This argument has lately been brought forward by Dr Lawrence in his essay on "The Haunted Mere in _Beowulf_[108]." Impressive as the account of this mere is, it does not convey any very clear picture. Grendel's home seems sometimes to be in the sea: and again it seems to be amid marshes, moors and fens, and again it is "where the mountain torrent goes down under the darkness of the cliffs--the water below the ground (i.e. beneath overhanging rocks)." This last account agrees admirably with the landscape depicted in the _Grettis saga_, and the gorge many fathoms deep through which the stream rushes, after it has fallen over the precipice; not so the other accounts. These descriptions are {53} best harmonized if we imagine an original version in which the monsters live, as in the _Grettis saga_, in a hole under the waterfall. This story, natural enough in a Scandinavian country, would be less intelligible as it travelled South. The Angles and Saxons, both in their old home on the Continent and their new one in England, were accustomed to a somewhat flat country, and would be more inclined to place the dwelling of outcast spirits in moor and fen than under waterfalls, of which they probably had only an elementary conception. "The giant must dwell in the fen, alone in the land[109]." Now it is in the highest degree improbable that, after the landscape had been blurred as it is in _Beowulf_, it could have been brought out again with the distinctness it has in the _Grettis saga_. To preserve the features so clearly the _Grettir_-story can hardly be derived from _Beowulf_: it must have come down independently. But if so, it becomes at once of prime importance. For by a comparison of _Beowulf_ and _Grettir_ we must form an idea of what the original story was, from which both were derived. Another parallel, though a less striking one, has been found in the story of Orm Storolfsson, which is extant in a short saga about contemporary with that of Grettir, _Ormsþáttr Stórólfssonar_[110], in two ballads from the Faroe Islands[111] and two from Sweden[112]. It is generally asserted that the _Orm_-story affords a close parallel to the episodes of Grendel and his mother. I cannot find close resemblance, and I strongly suspect that the repetition of the assertion is due to the fact that the _Orm_-story has not been very easily accessible, and has often been taken as read by the critics. But, in any case, it has been proved that the _Orm_-tale borrows largely from other sagas, and notably from the _Grettis saga_ itself[113]. Before arguing, therefore, from any parallel, it must first be shown that the feature in which Orm resembles {54} Beowulf is not derived at second hand from the _Grettis saga_. One such feature there is, namely Orm's piety, which he certainly does not derive from Grettir. In this he with equal certainty resembles Beowulf. According to modern ideas, indeed, there is more of the Christian hero in Beowulf than in Orm. Now Orm owes his victory to the fact, among other things, that, at the critical moment, he vows to God and the holy apostle St Peter to make a pilgrimage to Rome should he be successful. In this a parallel is seen to the fact that Beowulf is saved, not only by his coat of mail, but also by the divine interposition[114]. But is this really a parallel? Beowulf is too much of a sportsman to buy victory by making a vow when in a tight place. _G[=æ]ð [=a] wyrd sw[=a] h[=i]o scel_[115] is the exact antithesis of Orm's pledge. However, I have given in the Second Part the text of the _Orm_-episode, so that readers may judge for themselves the closeness or remoteness of the parallel. The parallel between Grettir and Beowulf was noted by the Icelander Gudbrand Vigfússon upon his first reading _Beowulf_ (see _Prolegomena to Sturlunga saga_, 1878, p. xlix: _Corpus Poeticum Boreale_, II, 501: _Icelandic Reader_, 1879, 404). It was elaborately worked out by Gering in _Anglia_, III, 74-87, and it is of course noticed in almost every discussion of _Beowulf_. The parallel with Orm was first noted by Schück (_Svensk Literaturhistoria_, Stockholm, 1886, _etc._, I, 62) and independently by Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 58-68). The best edition of the _Grettis saga_ is the excellent one of Boer (Halle, 1900), but the opinions there expressed as to the relationship of the episodes to each other and to the Grendel story have not received the general support of scholars. * * * * * SECTION III. BOTHVAR BJARKI. We have seen that there are in _Beowulf_ two distinct elements, which never seem quite harmonized: firstly the historic background of the Danish and Geatic courts, with their chieftains, Hrothgar and Hrothulf, or Hrethel and Hygelac: and secondly the old wives' fables of struggles with ogres and dragons. In the story of Grettir, the ogre fable appears--unmistakably connected with the similar story as given in _Beowulf_, but with {55} no faintest trace of having ever possessed any Danish heroic setting. Turning back to the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, we _do_ find against that Danish setting a figure, that of the hero Bothvar Bjarki, bearing a very remarkable resemblance to Beowulf. Bjarki, bent on adventure, leaves the land of the Gautar (Götar), where his brother is king, and reaches Leire, where Rolf, the king of the Danes, holds his court; [just as Beowulf, bent on adventure, leaves the land of the Geatas (Götar) where his uncle is king, and reaches Heorot, where Hrothgar and Hrothulf (Rolf) hold court]. Arrived at Leire, Bjarki takes under his protection the despised coward Hott, whom Rolf's retainers have been wont to bully. The champions at the Danish court [in _Beowulf_ one of them only--Unferth] prove quarrelsome, and they assail the hero during the feast, in the _Saga_ by throwing bones at him, in _Beowulf_ only by bitter words. The hero in each case replies, in kind, with such effect that the enemy is silenced. But despite the fame and splendour of the Danish court, it has long been subject to the attacks of a strange monster[116]--a winged beast whom no iron will bite [just as Grendel is immune from swords[117]]. Bjarki [like Beowulf[118]] is scornful at the inability of the Danes to defend their own home: "if one beast can lay waste the kingdom and the cattle of the king." He goes out to fight with the monster _by night_, accompanied only by Hott. He tries to draw his sword, but the sword is fast in its sheath: he tugs, the sword comes out, and he slays the beast with it. This seems a most pointless incident: taken in connection with the supposed invulnerability of the foe, it looks like the survival of some episode in which the hero was unwilling [as in Beowulf's fight with Grendel[119]] or unable [as in Beowulf's fight with Grendel's mother[120]] to slay the foe {56} with his sword. Bjarki then compels the terrified coward Hott to drink the monster's blood. Hott forthwith becomes a valiant champion, second only to Bjarki himself. The beast is then propped up as if still alive: when it is seen next morning the king calls upon his retainers to play the man, and Bjarki tells Hott that now is the time to clear his reputation. Hott demands first the sword, Gullinhjalti, from Rolf, and with this he slays the dead beast a second time. King Rolf is not deceived by this trick; yet he rejoices that Bjarki has not only himself slain the monster, but changed the cowardly Hott into a champion; he commands that Hott shall be called Hjalti, after the sword which has been given him. We are hardly justified in demanding logic in a wild tale like this, or one might ask how Rolf was convinced of Hott's valour by what he knew to be a piece of stage management on the part of Bjarki. But, however that may be, it is remarkable that in _Beowulf_ also the monster Grendel, though proof against all ordinary weapons, is smitten _when dead_ by a magic sword of which the _golden hilt_[121] is specially mentioned. In addition to the undeniable similarity of the stories of these heroes, a certain similarity of name has been claimed. That _Bjarki_ is not etymologically connected with _B[=e]owulf_ or _B[=e]ow_ is clear: but if we are to accept the identification of Beowulf and Beow, remembering that the Scandinavian equivalent of the latter is said to be _Bjár_, the resemblance to _Bjarki_ is obvious. Similarity of sound might have caused one name to be substituted for another[122]. This argument obviously depends upon the identification _B[=e]ow_ = _Bjár_, which is extremely doubtful: it will be argued below that it is more likely that _B[=e]ow_ = _Byggvir_[123]. But force remains in the argument that the name Bjarki (little bear) is very appropriate to a hero like the Beowulf of {57} our epic, who crushes or hugs his foe to death instead of using his sword; even if we do not accept explanations which would interpret the name "Beowulf" itself as a synonym for "Bear." It is scarcely to be wondered at, then, that most critics have seen in Bjarki a Scandinavian parallel to Beowulf. But serious difficulties remain. There is in the Scandinavian story a mass of detail quite unparallelled in _Beowulf_, which overshadows the resemblances. Bjarki's friendship, for example, with the coward Hott or Hjalti has no counterpart in _Beowulf_. And Bjarki becomes a retainer of King Rolf and dies in his service, whilst Beowulf never comes into direct contact with Hrothulf at all; the poet seems to avoid naming them together. Still, it is quite intelligible that the story should have developed on different lines in Scandinavia from those which it followed in England, till the new growths overshadowed the original resemblance, without obliterating it. After nearly a thousand years of independent development discrepancies must be expected. It would not be a reasonable objection to the identity of _Gullinhjalti_ with _Gyldenhilt_, that the word _hilt_ had grown to have a rather different meaning in Norse and in English; subsequent developments do not invalidate an original resemblance if the points of contact are really there. But, allowing for this independent growth in Scandinavia, we should naturally expect that the further back we traced the story the greater the resemblance would become. This brings us to the second, serious difficulty: that, when we turn from the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_--belonging in its present form perhaps to the early fifteenth century--to the pages of Saxo Grammaticus, who tells the same tale more than two centuries earlier, the resemblance, instead of becoming stronger, almost vanishes. Nothing is said of Bjarki coming from Gautland, or indeed of his being a stranger at the Danish court: nothing is said of the monster having paid previous visits, visits repeated till king Rolf, like Hrothgar, has to give up all attempt at resistance, and submit to its depredations. The monster, instead of being a troll, like Grendel, becomes a commonplace bear. All Saxo tells us is that "He [Biarco, i.e. Bjarki] met a great bear in a thicket and slew it with a spear, and bade his {58} comrade Ialto [i.e. Hjalti] place his lips to the beast and drink its blood as it flowed, that he might become stronger." Hence the Danish scholar, Axel Olrik, in the best and most elaborate discussion of Bjarki and all about him, has roundly denied any connection between his hero and Beowulf. He is astonished at the slenderness of the evidence upon which previous students have argued for relationship. "Neither Beowulf's wrestling match in the hall, nor in the fen, nor his struggle with the firedrake has any real identity, but when we take a little of them all we can get a kind of similarity with the latest and worst form of the Bjarki saga[124]." The development of Saxo's bear into a winged monster, "the worst of trolls," Olrik regards as simply in accordance with the usual heightening, in later Icelandic, of these early stories of struggles with beasts, and of this he gives a parallel instance. Some Icelandic ballads on Bjarki (the _Bjarka rímur_), which were first printed in 1904, were claimed by Olrik as supporting his contention. These ballads belong to about the year 1400. Yet, though they are thus in date and dialect closely allied to the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_ and remote from Saxo Grammaticus, they are so far from supporting the tradition of the _Saga_ with regard to the monster slain, that they represent the foe first as a man-eating she-wolf, which is slain by Bjarki, then as a grey bear [as in Saxo], which is slain by Hjalti after he has been compelled to drink the blood of the she-wolf. We must therefore give up the winged beast as mere later elaboration; for if the Bjarki ballads in a point like this support Saxo, as against the _Saga_ which is so closely connected with them by its date and Icelandic tongue, we must admit Saxo's version here to represent, beyond dispute, the genuine tradition. Accordingly the attempt which has been made to connect Bjarki's winged monster with Beowulf's winged dragon goes overboard at once. But such an attempt ought never to have been made at all. The parallel is between Bjarki and the Beowulf-Grendel episode, not between Bjarki and the Beowulf-dragon episode, which ought to be left out of consideration. And the monstrous bear and the wolf of the _Rímur_ are not so {59} dissimilar from Grendel, with his bear-like hug, and Grendel's mother, the 'sea-wolf[125].' The likeness between Beowulf and Bjarki lies, not in the wingedness or otherwise of the monsters they overthrow, but in the similarity of the position--in the situation which places the most famous court of the North, and its illustrious king, at the mercy of a ravaging foe, till a chance stranger from Gautland brings deliverance. And here the _Rímur_ support, not Saxo, but the _Saga_, though in an outworn and faded way. In the _Rímur_ Bjarki is a stranger come from abroad: the bear has made previous attacks upon the king's folds. Thus, whilst we grant the wings of the beast to be a later elaboration, it does not in the least follow that other features in which the _Saga_ differs from Saxo--the advent of Bjarki from Gautland, for instance--are also later elaboration. And we must be careful not to attach too much weight to the account of Saxo merely because it is earlier in date than that of the _Saga_. The presumption is, of course, that the earlier form will be the more original: but just as a late manuscript will often preserve, amidst its corruptions, features which are lost in much earlier manuscripts, so will a tradition. Saxo's accounts are often imperfect[126]. And in this particular instance, there is a want of coherency and intelligibility in Saxo's account, which in itself affords a strong presumption that it _is_ imperfect. What Saxo tells us is this: At which banquet, when the champions were rioting with every kind of wantonness, and flinging knuckle-bones at a certain Ialto [Hjalti] from all sides, it happened that his messmate Biarco [Bjarki] through the bad aim of the thrower received a severe blow on the head. But Biarco, equally annoyed by the injury and the insult, sent the bone back to the thrower, so that he twisted the front of his head to the back and the back to the front, punishing the cross-grain of the man's temper by turning his face round about. But who were this "certain Hjalti" and Bjarki? There seems to be something missing in the story. The explanation [which Saxo does not give us, but the _Saga_ does] that Bjarki has come from afar and taken the despised Hott-Hjalti under his {60} protection, seems to be necessary. Why was Hjalti chosen as the victim, at whom missiles were to be discharged? Obviously [though Saxo does not tell us so], because he was the butt of the mess. And if Bjarki had been one of the mess for many hours, his messmates would have known him too well to throw knuckle-bones either at him or his friend. This is largely a matter of personal feeling, but Saxo's account seems to me pointless, till it is supplemented from the _Saga_[127]. And there is one further piece of evidence which seems to clinch the whole matter finally, though its importance has been curiously overlooked, by Panzer and Lawrence in their arguments for the identification, and by Olrik in his arguments to the contrary. We have seen above how Beowulf "became a friend" to Eadgils, helping him in his expedition against King Onela of Sweden, and avenging, in "chill raids fraught with woe," _cealdum cears[=i]ðum_, the wrongs which Onela had inflicted upon the Geatas. We saw, too, that this expedition was remembered in Scandinavian tradition. "They had a battle on the ice of Lake Wener; there King Ali fell, and Athils had the victory. Concerning this battle there is much said in the _Skjoldunga saga_." The _Skjoldunga saga_ is lost, but the Latin extracts from it give some information about this battle[128]. Further, an account of it _is_ preserved in the _Bjarka rímur_, probably derived from the lost _Skjoldunga saga_. And the _Bjarka rímur_ expressly mention Bjarki as helping Athils in this battle against Ali on the ice of Lake Wener[129]. Olrik does not seem to allow for this at all, though of course aware of it. The other parallels between Bjarki and Beowulf he believes to be mere coincidence. But is this likely? To recapitulate: In old English tradition a hero comes from the land of the Geatas to the royal court of Denmark, where Hrothgar and Hrothulf hold sway. This hero is received in none too friendly wise by one of the retainers, but {61} puts his foe to shame, is warmly welcomed by the king, and slays by night a monster which has been attacking the Danish capital and against which the warriors of that court have been helpless. The monster is proof against all swords, yet its dead body is mutilated by a sword with a golden hilt. Subsequently this same hero helps King Eadgils of Sweden to overthrow Onela. We find precisely the same situation in Icelandic tradition some seven centuries later, except that not Hrothgar and Hrothulf, but Hrothulf (Rolf) alone is represented as ruling the Danes, and the sword with the golden hilt has become a sword named "Golden-hilt." It is _conceivable_ for a situation to have been reconstructed in this way by mere accident, just as it is conceivable that one player may have the eight or nine best trumps dealt him. But it does not seem advisable to base one's calculations, as Olrik does, upon such an accident happening. The parallel of Bjarki and Beowulf seems to have been first noted by Gisli Brynjulfsson (_Antiquarisk Tidsskrift_, 1852-3, p. 130). It has been often discussed by Sarrazin (_Beowulf Studien_, 13 _etc._, 47: _Anglia_, IX, 195 _etc._: _Engl. Stud._ XVI, 79 _etc._, XXIII, 242 _etc._, XXXV, 19 _etc._). Sarrazin's over-elaborated parallels form a broad target for doubters: it must be remembered that a case, though it may be discredited, is not invalidated by exaggeration. The problem is of course noted in the Beowulf studies of Müllenhoff (55), Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 55) and Boer (_Die Beowulfsage_, II, in _Arkiv f. nord. filol._ XIX, 44 _etc._) and discussed at length and convincingly by Panzer (364-386) and Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 1909, 222 _etc._). The usual view which accepts some relationship is endorsed by all these scholars, as it is by Finnur Jónsson in his edition of the _Hrólfs Saga Kraka og Bjarkarímur_ (København, 1904, p. xxii). Ten Brink (185 _etc._) denied any original connection, on the ground of the dissimilarity between _Beowulf_ and the story given by Saxo. Any resemblances between _Beowulf_ and the _Hrólfs Saga_ he attributed to the influence of the English _Beowulf_-story upon the _Saga_. For Olrik's emphatic denial of any connection at all, see _Danmarks Heltedigtning_, I, 134 _etc._ (This seems to have influenced Brandl, who expresses some doubt in _Pauls Grdr._ (2) II. 1. 993.) For arguments to the contrary, see Heusler in _A.f.d.A._ XXX, 32, and especially Panzer and Lawrence as above. The parallel of _Gullinhjalti_ and _gyldenhilt_ was first noted tentatively by Kluge (_Engl. Stud._ XXII, 145). * * * * * {62} SECTION IV. PARALLELS FROM FOLKLORE. Hitherto we have been dealing with parallels to the Grendel story in written literature: but a further series of parallels, although much more remote, is to be found in that vast store of old wives' tales which no one till the nineteenth century took the trouble to write down systematically, but which certainly go back to a very ancient period. One particular tale, that of the Bear's Son[130] (extant in many forms), has been instanced as showing a resemblance to the _Beowulf_-story. In this tale the hero, a young man of extraordinary strength, (1) sets out on his adventures, associating with himself various companions; (2) makes resistance in a house against a supernatural being, which his fellows have in vain striven to withstand, and succeeds in mishandling or mutilating him. (3) By the blood-stained track of this creature, or guided by him in some other manner, the hero finds his way to a spring, or hole in the earth, (4) is lowered down by a cord and (5) overcomes in the underworld different supernatural foes, amongst whom is often included his former foe, or very rarely the mother of that foe: victory can often only be gained by the use of a magic sword which the hero finds below. (6) The hero is left treacherously in the lurch by his companions, whose duty it was to have drawn him up... Now it may be objected, with truth, that this is not like the _Beowulf_-story, or even particularly like the _Grettir_-story. But the question is not merely whether it resembles these stories as we possess them, but whether it resembles the story which must have been the common origin of both. And we have only to try to reconstruct from _Beowulf_ and from the _Grettis saga_ a tale which can have been the common original of both, to see that it must be something extraordinarily like the folk-tale outlined above. {63} For example, it is true that the departure of the Danes homeward because they believe that Beowulf has met his death in the water below, bears only the remotest resemblance to the deliberate treachery which the companions in the folk-tale mete out to the hero. But when we compare the _Grettir_-story, we see there that a real breach of trust is involved, for there the priest Stein leaves the hero in the lurch, and abandons the rope by which he should have drawn Grettir up. This can hardly be an innovation on the part of the composer of the _Grettis saga_, for he is quite well disposed towards Stein, and has no motive for wantonly attributing treachery to him. The innovation presumably lies in the _Beowulf_-story, where Hrothgar and his court are depicted in such a friendly spirit that no disreputable act can be attributed to them, and consequently Hrothgar's departure home must not be allowed in any way to imperil or inconvenience the hero. A comparison of the _Beowulf_-story with the _Grettir_-story leads then to the conclusion that in the oldest version those who remained above when the hero plunged below _were_ guilty of some measure of disloyalty in ceasing to watch for him. In other words we see that the further we track the _Beowulf_-story back, the more it comes to resemble the folk-tale. And our belief that there is some connection between the folk-tale and the original of _Beowulf_ must be strengthened when we find that, by a comparison of the folk-tale, we are able to explain features in _Beowulf_ which strike us as difficult and even absurd: precisely as when we turn to a study of Shakespeare's sources we often find the explanation of things that puzzle us: we see that the poet is dealing with an unmanageable source, which he cannot make quite plausible. For instance: when Grendel enters Heorot he kills and eats the first of Beowulf's retinue whom he finds: no one tries to prevent him. The only explanation which the poet has to offer is that the retinue are all asleep[131]--strange somnolence on the part of men who are awaiting a hostile attack, which they expect will be fatal to them all[132]. And Beowulf at any rate is not asleep. Yet he calmly watches whilst his henchman is {64} both killed and eaten: and apparently, but for the accident that the monster next tackles Beowulf himself, he would have allowed his whole bodyguard to be devoured one after another. But if we suppose the story to be derived from the folk-tale, we have an explanation. For in the folk-tale, the companions and the hero await the foe singly, in succession: the turn of the hero comes last, after all his companions have been put to shame. But Beowulf, who is represented as having specially voyaged to Heorot in order to purge it, cannot leave the defence of the hall for the first night to one of his comrades. Hence the discomfiture of the comrade and the single-handed success of the hero have to be represented as simultaneous. The result is incongruous: Beowulf _has_ to look on whilst his comrade is killed. Again, both Beowulf and Grettir plunge in the water with a sword, and with the deliberate object of shedding the monster's blood. Why then should the watchers on the cliff above assume that the blood-stained water must necessarily signify the _hero's_ death, and depart home? Why did it never occur to them that this deluge of blood might much more suitably proceed from the monster? But we can understand this unreason if we suppose that the story-teller had to start from the deliberate and treacherous departure of the companions, whilst at the same time it was not to his purpose to represent the companions as treacherous. In that case some excuse _must_ be found for them: and the blood-stained water was the nearest at hand[133]. Again, quite independently of the folk-tale, many _Beowulf_ scholars have come to the conclusion that in the original version of the story the hero did not wait for a second attack from the mother of the monster he had slain, but rather, from a natural and laudable desire to complete his task, followed the monster's tracks to the mere, and finished him and his mother below. Many traits have survived which may conceivably point to an original version of the story in which Beowulf (or the figure corresponding to him) at once plunged down {65} in order to combat the foe corresponding to Grendel. There are unsatisfactory features in the story as it stands. For why, it might be urged, should the wrenching off of an arm have been fatal to so tough a monster? And why, it has often been asked, is the adversary under the water sometimes male, sometimes female? And why is it apparently the blood of Grendel, not of his mother, which discolours the water and burns up the sword, and the head of Grendel, not of his mother, which is brought home in triumph? These arguments may not carry much weight, but at any rate when we turn to the folk-tale we find that the adventure beneath the earth _is_ the natural following up of the adventure in the house, not the result of any renewed attack. In addition, there are many striking coincidences between individual versions or groups of the folk-tale on the one hand and the _Beowulf-Grettir_ story on the other: yet it is very difficult to know what value should be attached to these parallels, since there are many features of popular story which float around and attach themselves to this or that tale without any original connection, so that it is easy for the same trait to recur in _Beowulf_ and in a group of folk-tales, without this proving that the stories as a whole are connected[134]. The hero of the Bear's son folk-tale is often in his youth unmanageable or lazy. This is also emphasized in the stories both of Grettir and of Orm: and though such a feature was uncongenial to the courtly tone of _Beowulf_, which sought to depict the hero as a model prince, yet it _is_ there[135], even though only alluded to incidentally, and elsewhere ignored or even denied[136]. Again, the hero of the folk-tale is very frequently (but not necessarily) either descended from a bear, nourished by a bear, or has some ursine characteristic. We see this recurring in certain traits of Beowulf such as his bear-like method of hugging {66} his adversary to death. Here again the courtly poet has not emphasized his hero's wildness[137]. Again, there are some extraordinary coincidences in names, between the _Beowulf-Grettir_ story and the folk-tale. These are not found in _Beowulf_ itself, but only in the stories of Grettir and Orm. Yet, as the _Grettir_-episode is presumably derived from the same original as the _Beowulf_-episode, any _original_ connection between it and the folk-tale involves such connection for _Beowulf_ also. We have seen that in _Grettis saga_ the priest Stein, as the unfaithful guardian of the rope which is to draw up the hero, seems to represent the faithless companions of the folktale. There is really no other way of accounting for him, for except on this supposition he is quite otiose and unnecessary to the _Grettir_-story: the saga-man has no use for him. And his name confirms this explanation, for in the folk-tale one of the three faithless companions of the hero is called the Stone-cleaver, _Steinhauer_, _Stenkløver_, or even, in one Scandinavian version, simply _Stein_[138]. Again, the struggle in the _Grettis saga_ is localized at Sandhaugar in Barthardal in Northern Iceland. Yet it is difficult to say why the saga-teller located the story there. The scenery, with the neighbouring river and mighty waterfall, is fully described: but students of Icelandic topography assert that the neighbourhood does _not_ at all lend itself to this description[139]. When we turn to the story of Orm we find it localized on the island Sandey. We are forced to the conclusion that the name belongs to the story, and that in some early version this was localized at a place called Sandhaug, perhaps at one of the numerous places in Norway of that name. Now turning to one of the Scandinavian versions of the folk-tale, we find that the descent into the earth and the consequent struggle is localized in _en stor sandhaug_[140]. {67} On the other hand, it must be remembered that if a collection is made of some two hundred folk-tales, it is bound to contain, in addition to the essential kernel of common tradition, a vast amount of that floating material which tends to associate itself with this or that hero of story. Individual versions or groups of versions of the tale may contain features which occur also in the _Grendel_-story, without that being any evidence for primitive connection. Thus we are told how Grendel forces open the door of Heorot. In a Sicilian version of the folk-tale the doors spring open of themselves as the foe appears. This has been claimed as a parallel. But, as a sceptic has observed, the extraordinary thing is that of so slight a similarity (if it is entitled to be called a similarity) we should find only one example out of two hundred, and have to go to Sicily for that[141]. The parallel between the _Beowulf_-story and the "Bear's son" folk-tale had been noted by Laistner (_Das Rätsel der Sphinx_, Berlin, 1889, II, 22 _etc._): but the prevalent belief that the _Beowulf_-story was a nature-myth seems to have prevented further investigation on these lines till Panzer independently (p. 254) undertook his monumental work. Yet there are other features in the folk-tale which are entirely unrepresented in the _Beowulf-Grettir_ story. The hero of the folk-tale rescues captive princesses in the underworld (it is because they wish to rob him of this prize that his companions leave him below); he is saved by some miraculous helper, and finally, after adopting a disguise, puts his treacherous comrades to shame and weds the youngest princess. None of these elements[142] are to be found in the stories of Beowulf, Grettir, Orm or Bjarki, yet they are essential to the fairy tale[143]. {68} So that to speak of _Beowulf_ as a version of the fairy tale is undoubtedly going too far. All we can say is that some early story-teller took, from folk-tale, those elements which suited his purpose, and that a tale, containing many leading features found in the "Bear's son" story, but omitting many of the leading motives of that story, came to be told of Beowulf and of Grettir[144]. * * * * * SECTION V. SCEF AND SCYLD. Our poem begins with an account of the might, and of the funeral, of Scyld Scefing, the ancestor of that Danish royal house which is to play so large a part in the story. After Scyld's death his retainers, following the command he had given them, placed their beloved prince in the bosom of a ship, surrounded by many treasures brought from distant lands, by weapons of battle and weeds of war, swords and byrnies. Also they placed a golden banner high over his head, and let the sea bear him away, with soul sorrowful and downcast. Men could not say for a truth, not the wisest of councillors, who received that burden. Now there is much in this that can be paralleled both from the literature and from the archaeological remains of the North. Abundant traces have been found, either of the burial or of the burning of a chief within a ship. And we are told by different authorities of two ancient Swedish kings who, sorely wounded, and unwilling to die in their beds, had themselves placed upon ships, surrounded by weapons and the bodies of the slain. The funeral pyre was then lighted on the vessel, and the ship sent blazing out to sea. Similarly the dead body of Baldr was put upon his ship, and burnt. Haki konungr fekk svá stór sár, at hann sá, at hans lífdagar mundu eigi langir verða; þá lét hann taka skeið, er hann átti, ok lét hlaða dauðum m[o,]nnum, ok vápnum, lét þá flytja út til hafs ok leggja stýri {69} í lag ok draga upp segl, en leggja eld í tyrvið ok gera bál á skipinu; veðr stóð af landi; Haki var þá at kominn dauða eða dauðr, er hann var lagiðr á bálit; siglði skipit síðan loganda út í haf, ok var þetta allfrægt lengi síðan. (King Haki was so sore wounded that he saw that his days could not be long. Then he had a warship of his taken, and loaded with dead men and weapons, had it carried out to sea, the rudder shipped, the sail drawn up, the fir-tree wood set alight, and a bale-fire made on the ship. The wind blew from the land. Haki was dead or nearly dead, when he was placed on the pyre. Then the ship sailed blazing out to sea; and that was widely famous for a long time after.) _Ynglinga Saga_, Kap. 23, in _Heimskringla_, udg. af Finnur Jónsson, København, 1893, vol. I, p. 43. The _Skjoldunga Saga_ gives a story which is obviously connected with this. King Sigurd Ring in his old age asked in marriage the lady Alfsola; but her brothers scorned to give her to an aged man. War followed; and the brothers, knowing that they could not withstand the hosts of Sigurd, poisoned their sister before marching against him. In the battle the brothers were slain, and Sigurd badly wounded. Qui, Alfsola funere allato, magnam navim mortuorum cadaveribus oneratam solus vivorum conscendit, seque et mortuam Alfsolam in puppi collocans navim pice, bitumine et sulphure incendi jubet: atque sublatis velis in altum, validis a continente impellentibus ventis, proram dirigit, simulque manus sibi violentas intulit; sese ... more majorum suorum regali pompa Odinum regem (id est inferos) invisere malle, quam inertis senectutis infirmitatem perpeti.... _Skjoldungasaga i Arngrim Jónssons udtog_, udgiven af Axel Olrik, Kjøbenhavn, 1894, Cap. XXVII, p. 50 [132]. So with the death of Baldr. En æsirnir tóku lík Baldrs ok fluttu til sævar. Hringhorni hét skip Baldrs; hann var allra skipa mestr, hann vildu goðin framm setja ok gera þar á bálf[o,]r Baldrs ... þá var borit út á skipit lík Baldrs,... Oðinn lagði á bálit gullhring þann, er Draupnir heitir ... hestr Baldrs var leiddr á bálit með [o,]llu reiði. (But the gods took the body of Baldr and carried it to the sea-shore. Baldr's ship was named Hringhorni: it was the greatest of all ships and the gods sought to launch it, and to build the pyre of Baldr on it.... Then was the body of Baldr borne out on to the ship.... Odin laid on the pyre the gold ring named Draupnir ... and Baldr's horse with all his trappings was placed on the pyre.) _Snorra Edda: Gylfaginning_, 48; udg. af Finnur Jónsson, København, 1900. We are justified in rendering _setja skip fram_ by "launch": Olrik (_Heltedigtning_, I, 250) regards Baldr's funeral as a case of the burning of a body in a ship on land. But it seems to me, as to Mr Chadwick (_Origin_, 287), that the natural meaning is that the ship was launched in the sea. But the case of Scyld is not exactly parallel to these. The ship which conveyed Scyld out to sea was _not_ set alight. And the words of the poet, though dark, seem to imply that it was intended to come to land somewhere: "None could say who received that freight." {70} Further, Scyld not merely departed over the waves--he had in the first instance come over them: "Not with less treasure did they adorn him," says the poet, speaking of the funeral rites, "than did those who at the beginning sent him forth alone over the waves, being yet a child." Scyld Scefing then, like Tennyson's Arthur, comes from the unknown and departs back to it. The story of the mysterious coming over the water was not confined to Scyld. It meets us in connection with King Scef, who was regarded, at any rate from the time of Alfred, and possibly much earlier, as the remotest ancestor of the Wessex kings. Ethelwerd, a member of the West Saxon royal house, who compiled a bombastic Latin chronicle towards the end of the tenth century, traces back the pedigree of the kings of Wessex to Scyld _and his father Scef_. "This Scef," he says, "came to land on a swift boat, surrounded by arms, in an island of the ocean called Scani, when a very young child. He was unknown to the people of that land, but was adopted by them as if of their kin, well cared for, and afterwards elected king[145]." Note here, firstly, that the story is told, not of Scyld Scefing, but of Scef, father of Scyld. Secondly, that although Ethelwerd is speaking of the ancestor of the West Saxon royal house, he makes him come to land and rule, not in the ancient homeland of continental Angeln, but in the "island of Scani," which signifies what is now the south of Sweden, and perhaps also the Danish islands[146]--that same land of _Scedenig_ which is mentioned in _Beowulf_ as the realm of Scyld. The tone of the narrative is, so far as we can judge from Ethelwerd's dry summary, entirely warlike: Scef is surrounded by weapons. In the twelfth century the story is again told by William of Malmesbury. "Sceldius was the son of Sceaf. He, they say, was carried as a small boy in a boat without any oarsman to a certain isle of Germany called Scandza, concerning which {71} Jordanes, the historian of the Goths, speaks. He was sleeping, and a handful of corn was placed at his head, from which he was called 'Sheaf.' He was regarded as a wonder by the folk of that country and carefully nurtured; when grown up he ruled in a town then called Slaswic, and now Haithebi--that region is called ancient Anglia[147]." William of Malmesbury was, of course, aware of Ethelwerd's account, and may have been influenced by it. Some of his variations may be his own invention. The substitution of the classical form _Scandza_ for Ethelwerd's _Scani_ is simply a change from popular to learned nomenclature, and enables the historian to show that he has read something of Jordanes. The alteration by which Malmesbury makes Sceaf, when grown up, rule at Schleswig in ancient Angel, may again be his own work--a variant added in order to make Sceaf look more at home in an Anglo-Saxon pedigree. But William of Malmesbury was, as we shall see later, prone to incorporate current ballads into his history, and after allowing for what he may have derived from Ethelwerd, and what he may have invented, there can be no doubt that many of the additional details which he gives are genuine popular poetry. Indeed, whilst the story of Scyld's _funeral_ is very impressive in _Beowulf_, it is in William's narrative that the story of the child coming over the sea first becomes poetic. Now since even the English historians connected this tale with the Danish territory of _Scani, Scandza_, we should expect to find it again on turning to the records of the Danish royal house. And we do find there, generally at the head of the pedigree[148], a hero--Skjold--whose name corresponds, and whose relationship to the later Danish kings shows him to be the same as the _Scyld Scefing_ of _Beowulf_. But neither Saxo Grammaticus, nor any other Danish historian, knows anything of {72} Skjold having come in his youth or returned in his death over the ocean. How are we to harmonize these accounts? _Beowulf_ and Ethelwerd agree in representing the hero as "surrounded by arms"; William of Malmesbury mentions only the sheaf; the difference is weighty, for presumably the spoils which the hero brings with him from the unknown, or takes back thither, are in harmony with his career. _Beowulf_ and Ethelwerd seem to show the warrior king, William of Malmesbury seems rather to be telling the story of a semi-divine foundling, who introduces the tillage of the earth[149]. In _Beowulf_ the child is Scyld Scefing, in Ethelwerd and William of Malmesbury he is Sceaf, father of Scyld. _Beowulf_, Ethelwerd and William of Malmesbury agree in connecting the story with _Scedenig_, _Scani_ or _Scandza_, yet the two historians and the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ all make Sceaf the ancestor of the West Saxon house. Yet we have no evidence that the English were regarded as having come from Scandinavia. The last problem admits of easy solution. In heathen times the English traced the pedigree of most of their kings to Woden, and stopped there. For higher than that they could not go. But a Christian poet or genealogist, who had no belief in Woden as a god, would regard the All Father as a man--a mere man who, by magic powers, had made the heathen believe he was a god. To such a Christian pedigree-maker Woden would convey no idea of finality; he would feel no difficulty in giving this human Woden any number of ancestors. Wishing to glorify the pedigree of his king, he would add any other distinguished and authentic genealogies, and the obvious place for these would be at the end of the line, i.e., above Woden. Hence we have in some quite early (not West Saxon) pedigrees, five names given as ancestors of Woden. These five names end in Geat or Geata, who was apparently regarded as a god, and was possibly Woden under another name[150]. Somewhat later, in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, under {73} the year 855, we have a long version of the West Saxon pedigree with yet nine further names above Geat, ending in Sceaf. Sceaf is described as a son of Noah, and so the pedigree is carried back to Adam, 25 generations in all beyond Woden[151]. But it is rash to assume with Müllenhoff that, because Sceaf comes at the head[152] of this English pedigree, Sceaf was therefore essentially an English hero. _All_ these later stages above Woden look like the ornate additions of a later compiler. Some of the figures, Finn, Sceldwa, Heremod, Sceaf himself, we have reason to identify with the primitive heroes of other nations. The genealogist who finally made Sceaf into a son born to Noah in the ark, and then carried the pedigree nine stages further back through Noah to Adam, merely made the last of a series of accretions. It does not follow that, because he made them ancestors of the English king, this compiler regarded Noah, Enoch and Adam as Englishmen. Neither need he have so regarded Sceaf or Scyld[153] or Beaw. In fact--and this has constantly been overlooked--the authority for Sceaf, Scyld and Beaw as Anglo-Saxon heroes is but little stronger than the authority for Noah and Adam in that capacity. No manuscript exists which stops at Scyld or Sceaf. There is no version which goes beyond Geat except that which goes up to Adam. Scyld, Beaw, Sceaf, Noah and Adam as heroes of English mythology are all alike doubtful. We must be careful, however, to define what we mean when we regard these stages of the pedigree as doubtful. They are doubtful in so far as they are represented as standing above Woden in the Anglo-Saxon pedigree, because it is incredible that, in primitive and heathen times, Woden was credited with a dozen or more forefathers. The _position_ of these names in the pedigree is therefore doubtful. But it is only their connection with the West Saxon house that is unauthentic. It does not follow that the names are, _per se_, unauthentic. On the contrary, it is because the genealogist had such implicit belief in the authenticity of the generations {74} from Noah to Adam that he could not rest satisfied with his West Saxon pedigree till he had incorporated these names. They are not West Saxon, but they are part of a tradition much more ancient than any pedigree of the West Saxon kings. And the argument which applies to the layer of Hebrew names between Noah and Adam applies equally to the layer of Germanic names between Woden and Sceaf. From whatever branch of the Germanic race the genealogist may have taken them, the fact that he placed them where he did in the pedigree is a proof of his veneration for them. But we must not without evidence claim them as West Saxon or Anglo-Saxon: we must not be surprised if evidence points to some of them being connected with other nations--as Heremod, for example, with the Danes[154]. More difficult are the other problems. William of Malmesbury tells the story of Sceaf, with the attributes of a culture-hero: _Beowulf_, four centuries earlier, tells it of Scyld, a warrior hero: Ethelwerd tells it of Sceaf, but gives him the warrior attributes of Scyld[155] instead of the sheaf of corn. The earlier scholars mostly agreed[156] in regarding Malmesbury's attribution of the story to Sceaf as the original and correct version of the story, in spite of its late date. As a representative of these early scholars we may take Müllenhoff[157]. Müllenhoff's love of mythological interpretation found ample scope in the story of the child with the sheaf, which he, with considerable reason, regarded as a "culture-myth." Müllenhoff believed the carrying over of the attributes of a god to a line of his supposed descendants to be a common feature of myth--the descendants representing the god under another name. In accordance with this view, Scyld could be explained as an "hypostasis" of his father or forefather Sceaf, as a figure further explaining him and representing him, so that in the end the tale of the boat arrival came to be told, in _Beowulf_, of Scyld instead of Sceaf. {75} Recent years have seen a revolt against most of Müllenhoff's theories. The view that the story originally belonged to Sceaf has come to be regarded with a certain amount of impatience as "out of date." Even so fine a scholar as Dr Lawrence has expressed this impatience: "That the graceful story of the boy sailing in an open boat to the land of his future people was told originally of Sceaf ... needs no detailed refutation at the present day. "The attachment of the motive to Sceaf must be, as an examination of the sources shows, a later development[158]." Accordingly the view of recent scholars has been this: That the story belongs essentially to Scyld. That, as the hero of the boat story is obviously of unknown parentage, we must interpret _Scefing_ not as "son of Sceaf" but as "with the sheaf" (in itself a quite possible explanation). That this stage of the story is preserved in _Beowulf_. That subsequently _Scyld Scefing_, standing at the head of the pedigree, came to be misunderstood as "Scyld, son of Sceaf". That consequently the story, which must be told of the earlier ancestor, was thus transferred from Scyld to his supposed father Sceaf--the version which is found in Ethelwerd and William of Malmesbury. One apparent advantage of this theory is that the oldest version, that of _Beowulf_, is accepted as the correct and original one, and the much later versions of the historians Ethelwerd and William of Malmesbury are regarded as subsequent corruptions. This on the surface seems eminently reasonable. But let us look closer. _Scyld Scefing_ in _Beowulf_ is to be interpreted "Scyld with the Sheaf." But _Beowulf_ nowhere mentions the sheaf as part of Scyld's equipment. On the contrary, we gather that the hero is connected rather with prowess in war. It is the same in Ethelwerd. It is not till William of Malmesbury that the sheaf comes into the story. So that the interpretation of _Scefing_ as "with the sheaf" assumes the accuracy of William of Malmesbury's story even in a point where it receives no support from the _Beowulf_ version. In other words this theory does the very thing to avoid doing which it was called into being[159]. {76} Besides this, there are two fundamental objections to the theory that Sceaf is a late creation, a figure formed from the misunderstanding of the epithet _Scefing_ applied to _Scyld_. One portion of the poem of _Widsith_ consists of a catalogue of ancient kings, and among these occurs _Sceafa_, ruling the Langobards. Now portions of _Widsith_ are very ancient, and this catalogue in which Sceafa occurs is almost certainly appreciably older than _Beowulf_ itself. Secondly, the story of the wonderful foundling who comes over the sea from the unknown and founds a royal line, must _ex hypothesi_ be told of the first in the line, and we have seen that it is Sceaf, not Scyld, who comes at the head of the Teutonic names in the genealogy in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_. Now we can date this genealogy fairly exactly. It occurs under the year 855, and seems to have been drawn up at the court of King Æthelwulf. In any case it cannot be later than the latter part of Alfred's reign. This takes us back to a period when the old English epic was still widely popular. A genealogist at Alfred's court must have known much about Old English story. These facts are simply not consistent with the belief that Sceaf is a late creation, a figure formed from a misunderstanding of the epithet _Scefing_, applied to Scyld[160]. {77} To arrive at any definite conclusion is difficult. But the following may be hazarded. It may be taken as proved that the Scyld or Sceldwa of the genealogists is identical with the Scyld Scefing of _Beowulf_. For Sceldwa according to the genealogy is also ultimately a _Sceafing_, and is the father of Beow; Scyld is _Scefing_ and is father of Beowulf[161]. It is equally clear that the Scyld Scefing of _Beowulf_ is identical with the Skjold of the Danish genealogists and historians. For Scyld and Skjold are both represented as the founder and head of the Danish royal house of Scyldingas or Skjoldungar, and as reigning in the same district. Here, however, the resemblance ceases. _Beowulf_ tells us of Scyld's marvellous coming and departure. The only Danish authority who tells us much of Skjold is Saxo Grammaticus, who records how as a boy Skjold wrestled successfully with a bear and overcame champions, and how later he annulled unrighteous laws, and distinguished himself by generosity to his court. But the Danish and English accounts have nothing specifically in common, though the type they portray is the same--that of a king from his youth beloved by his retainers and feared by neighbouring peoples, whom he subdues and makes tributary. It looks rather as if the oldest traditions had had little to say about this hero beyond the typical things which might be said of any great king; so that Danes and English had each supplied the deficiency in their own way. Now this is exactly what we should expect. For Scyld-Skjold is hardly a personality: he is a figure evolved out of the name _Scyldingas_, _Skjoldungar_, which is an old epic title for the Danes. Of this we may be fairly certain: the Scyldingas did not get their name because they were really descended from Scyld, but Scyld was created in order to provide an eponymous father to the Scyldingas[162]. In just the same way {78} tradition also evolved a hero Dan, from whom the Danes were supposed to have their name. Saxo Grammaticus has combined both pedigrees, making Skjold a descendant of Dan; but usually it was agreed that nothing came before Skjold, that he was the beginning of the Skjoldung line[163]. At first a mere name, we should expect that he would have no characteristic save that, like every respectable Germanic king, he took tribute from his foes and gave it to his friends. He differs therefore from those heroic figures like Hygelac or Guthhere (Gunnar) which, being derived from actual historic characters, have, from the beginning of their story, certain definite features attached to them. Scyld is, in the beginning, merely a name, the ancestor of the Scyldings. Tradition collects round him gradually. Hence it will be rash to attach much weight to any feature which is found in one account of him only. Anything we are told of Scyld in English sources alone is not to be construed as evidence as to his original story, but only as to the form that story assumed in England. When, for example, _Beowulf_ tells us that Scyld is _Scefing_, or that he is father of Beowulf, it will be very rash of us to assume that these relationships existed in the Danish, but have been forgotten. This is, I think, universally admitted[164]. Yet the very scholars who emphasize this, have assumed that the marvellous arrival as a child, in a boat, surrounded by weapons, is an essential feature of Scyld's story. Yet the evidence for this is no better and no worse than the evidence for his relationship to Sceaf or Beow--it rests solely on the English documents. Accordingly it only shows what was told about Scyld in England. Of course the boat arrival _might_ be an original part of the story of _Scyld-Skjold_, which has been forgotten in his native {79} country, but remembered in England. But I cannot see that we have any right to assert this, without proof. What we can assert to have been the original feature of Scyld is this--that he was the eponymous hero king of the Danes. Both _Beowulf_ and the Scandinavian authorities agree upon that. The fact that his name (in the form _Sceldwa_) appears in the genealogy of the kings of Wessex is not evidence against a Danish origin. The name appears in close connection with that of Heremod, another Danish king, and is merely evidence of a desire on the part of the genealogist of the Wessex kings to connect his royal house with the most distinguished family he knew: that of the Scyldingas, about whom so much is said in the prologue to _Beowulf_. Neither do the instances of place-names in England, such as _Scyldes treow_, _Scildes well_, prove Scyld to have been an English hero. They merely prove him to have been a hero who was celebrated in England--which the Prologue to _Beowulf_ alone is sufficient to show to have been the case. For place-names commemorating heroes of alien tribes are common enough[165] on English ground. So much at least is gained. Whatever Müllenhoff[166] and his followers constructed upon the assumption that Scyld was an essentially Anglo-Saxon hero goes overboard. Scyld is the ancestor king of the Danish house--more than this we can hardly with safety assert. Now let us turn to the figure of Sceaf. This was not necessarily connected with Scyld from the first. The story of Sceaf first meets us in its completeness in the pages of William of Malmesbury. And William of Malmesbury is a twelfth century authority; by his time the Old English courtly epics had died out--for they could not have long survived the Norman Conquest and the overthrow of Old English court life. But the popular tradition[167] remained, and {80} a good many of the old stories, banished from the hall, must have lingered on at the cross-roads--tales of Wade and Weyland, of Offa and Sceaf. For songs, sung by minstrels at the cross roads, William of Malmesbury is good evidence, and he owns to having drawn information from similar popular sources[168]. William's story, then, is evidence that in his own day there was a tradition of a mythical king Sheaf who came as a child sleeping in a ship with a sheaf of corn at his head How old this tradition may be, we cannot say. Ethelwerd knew the story, though he has nothing to say of the sheaf. But we have seen that when we get back to the ninth century, and the formation of the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, at a court where we may be sure the old English heroic stories were still popular, it is Sceaf and not Sceldwa who is regarded as the beginning of things--the king whose origin is so remote that he is the oldest Germanic ancestor one can get back to[169]: "he was born in Noah's ark." Whether or no Noah's ark was chosen as Sceaf's birthplace because legend represented him as coming in a boat over the water, we cannot tell. But the place he occupies, with only the Biblical names before him, as compared with Sceldwa the son of Heremod, clearly marks Sceaf rather than Sceldwa as the hero who comes from the unknown. Turning now to the catalogue of kings in _Widsith_, probably the oldest extant piece of Anglo-Saxon verse, some generations more ancient than _Beowulf_, we find a King Sceafa, who ruled over the Langobards. Finally, in _Beowulf_ itself, although the story is told of Scyld, nevertheless this Scyld is characterized as _Scefing_. If this means "with the sheaf," then the _Beowulf_-story stands convicted of imperfection, of needing explanation outside itself from the {81} account which William of Malmesbury wrote four centuries later. If it means "son of Sceaf," why should a father be given to Scyld, when the story demands that he should come from the unknown? Was it because, if the boat story was to be attributed to Scyld, it was felt that this could only be made plausible by giving him some relation to Sceaf? When we find an ancient king bearing the extraordinary name of "Sheaf," it is difficult not to connect this with the honour done to the sheaf of corn, survivals of which have been found in different parts of England. In Herrick's time, the sheaves of corn were still kissed as they were carried home on the Hock-cart, whilst Some, with great Devotion, stroke the home-borne wheat. Professor Chadwick argues, on the analogy of Prussian and Bulgarian harvest customs, that the figure of the "Harvest Queen" in the English ceremony is derived from a corn figure made from the last sheaf, and that the sheaf was once regarded as a religious symbol[170]. But the evidence for this is surely even stronger than would be gathered from Professor Chadwick's very cautious statement. I suppose there is hardly a county in England from Kent to Cornwall and from Kent to Northumberland, where there is not evidence for honour paid to the last sheaf--an honour which cannot be accounted for as merely expressing the joy of the reapers at having got to the end of their task. In Kent "a figure composed of some of the best corn" was made into a human shape: "this is afterwards curiously dressed by the women, and adorned with paper trimmings cut to resemble a cap, ruffles, handkerchief, etc., of the finest lace. It is brought home with the last load of corn[171]." In Northumberland and Durham a sheaf known as the "Kern baby" was made into the likeness of a human figure, decked out and brought home in triumph with dancing and singing[172]. But the most striking form of the sheaf ceremony is found in the honour done to the "Neck" in the West of England. {82} ... After the wheat is all cut, on most farms in the north of Devon the harvest people have a custom of "crying the neck." I believe that this practice is seldom omitted on any large farm in that part of the country. It is done in this way. An old man, or someone else well acquainted with the ceremonies used on the occasion (when the labourers are reaping the last field of wheat), goes round to the shocks and sheaves, and picks out a little bundle of all the best ears he can find; this bundle he ties up very neat and trim, and plats and arranges the straws very tastefully. This is called "the neck" of wheat, or wheaten-ears. After the field is cut out, and the pitcher once more circulated, the reapers, binders, and the women, stand round in a circle. The person with "the neck" stands in the centre, grasping it with both his hands. He first stoops and holds it near the ground, and all the men forming the ring take off their hats, stooping and holding them with both hands towards the ground. They then all begin at once in a very prolonged and harmonious tone to cry "the neck!" at the same time slowly raising themselves upright, and elevating their arms and hats above their heads; the person with "the neck" also raising it on high. This is done three times. They then change their cry to "wee yen!"--"way yen!"--which they sound in the same prolonged and slow manner as before, with singular harmony and effect, three times. This last cry is accompanied by the same movements of the body and arms as in crying "the neck." ... ... After having thus repeated "the neck" three times, and "wee yen" or "way yen" as often, they all burst out into a kind of loud and joyous laugh, flinging up their hats and caps into the air, capering about and perhaps kissing the girls. One of them then gets "the neck," and runs as hard as he can down to the farm-house, where the dairy-maid, or one of the young female domestics, stands at the door prepared with a pail of water. If he who holds "the neck" can manage to get into the house, in any way, unseen or openly, by any other way than the door at which the girl stands with the pail of water, then he may lawfully kiss her; but, if otherwise, he is regularly soused with the contents of the bucket. On a fine still autumn evening, the "crying of the neck" has a wonderful effect at a distance, far finer than that of the Turkish muezzin, which Lord Byron eulogizes so much, and which he says is preferable to all the bells in Christendom. I have once or twice heard upwards of twenty men cry it, and sometimes joined by an equal number of female voices. About three years back, on some high grounds, where our people were harvesting, I heard six or seven "necks" cried in one night, although I know that some of them were four miles off[173]. The account given by Mrs Bray of the Devonshire custom, in her letters to Southey, is practically identical with this[174]. We have plenty of evidence for this ceremony of "Crying the Neck" in the South-Western counties in Somersetshire[175], in Cornwall[176], and in a mutilated form in Dorsetshire[177]. {83} On the Welsh border the essence of the ceremony consisted in tying the last ears of corn--perhaps twenty--with ribbon, and severing this "neck" by throwing the sickle at it from some distance. The custom is recorded in Cheshire[178], Shropshire[179], and under a different name in Herefordshire[180]. The term "neck" seems to have been known as far afield as Yorkshire and the "little England beyond Wales"--the English-speaking colony of Pembrokeshire[181]. Whether we are to interpret the expression "the Neck," applied to the last sheaf, as descended from a time when "the corn spirit is conceived in human form, and the last standing corn is a part of its body--its neck[182] ..." or whether it is merely a survival of the Scandinavian word for sheaf--_nek_ or _neg_[183], we have here surely evidence of the worship of the sheaf. "In this way 'Sheaf' was greeted, before he passed over into a purely mythical being[184]." I do not think these "neck" customs can be traced back beyond the seventeenth century[185]. Though analogous usages are recorded in England (near Eton) as early as the sixteenth century[186], it was not usual at that time to trouble to record such things. The earliest document bearing upon the veneration of the sheaf comes from a neighbouring district, and is contained in the Chronicle of the Monastery of Abingdon, which tells how in the time of King Edmund (941-946) a controversy arose as to the right of the monks of Abingdon to a certain portion of land adjoining the river. The monks appealed to a judgment of God to vindicate their claim, and this took the shape of {84} placing a sheaf, with a taper on the top, upon a round shield and letting it float down the river, the shield by its movements hither and thither indicating accurately the boundaries of the monastic domain. At last the shield came to the field in debate, which, thanks to the floods, it was able to circumnavigate[187]. Professor Chadwick, who first emphasized the importance of this strange ordeal[188], points out that although the extant MSS of the _Chronicle_ date from the thirteenth century, the mention of a _round_ shield carries the superstition back to a period before the Norman Conquest. Therefore this story seems to give us evidence for the use of the sheaf and shield together as a magic symbol in Anglo-Saxon times. "An ordeal by letting the sheaf sail down the river on a shield was only possible at a time when the sheaf was regarded as a kind of supernatural being which could find the way itself[189]." But a still closer parallel to the story of the corn-figure coming over the water is found in Finnish mythology in the person of Sämpsä Pellervoinen. Finnish mythology seems remote from our subject, but if the figure of Sämpsä was borrowed from Germanic mythology, as seems to be thought[190], we are justified in laying great weight upon the parallel. Readers of the _Kalewala_ will remember, near the beginning, the figure of Sämpsä Pellervoinen, the god of Vegetation. He does not seem to do much. But there are other Finnish {85} poems in his honour, extant in varying versions[191]. It is difficult to get a collected idea from these fragmentary records, but it seems to be this: Ahti, the god of the sea, sends messengers to summon Sämpsä, so that he may bring fertility to the fields. In one version, first the Winter and then the Summer are sent to arouse Sämpsä, that he may make the crops and trees grow. Winter-- Took a foal swift as the spring wind, Let the storm wind bear him forward, Blew the trees till they were leafless, Blew the grass till it was seedless, Bloodless likewise the young maidens. Sämpsä refuses to come. Then the Summer is sent with better results. In another version Sämpsä is fetched from an island beyond the sea: It is I who summoned Sämpsä From an isle amid the ocean, From a skerry bare and treeless. In yet another variant we are told how the boy Sämpsä Took six grains from off the corn heap, Slept all summer mid the corn heap, In the bosom of the corn boat. Now "It's a long, long way to" Ilomantsi in the east of Finland, where this last variant was discovered. But at least we have evidence that, within the region influenced by Germanic mythology, the spirit of vegetation was thought of as a boy coming over the sea, or sleeping in a boat with corn[192]. To sum up: Sceafa, when the Catalogue of Kings in _Widsith_ was drawn up--before _Beowulf_ was composed, at any rate in its present form--was regarded as an ancient king. When the West Saxon pedigree was drawn up, certainly not much more than a century and a half after the composition of _Beowulf_, and perhaps much less, Sceaf was regarded as the primitive figure in the pedigree, before whom no one lived save the Hebrew patriarchs. That he was originally thought of as a child, {86} coming across the water, with the sheaf of corn, is, in view of the Finnish parallel, exceedingly probable, and acquires some confirmation from the Chronicler's placing him in Noah's ark. But the definite evidence for this is late. Scyld, on the other hand, is in the first place probably a mere eponym of the power of the Scylding kings of Denmark. He may, at a very early date, have been provided with a ship funeral, since later two Swedish kings, both apparently of Danish origin, have this ship funeral accorded to them, and in one case it is expressly said to be "according to the custom of his ancestors." But it seems exceedingly improbable that his original story represented him as coming over the sea in a boat. For, if so, it remains to be explained why this motive has entirely disappeared among his own people in Scandinavia, and has been preserved only in England. Would the Danes have been likely to forget utterly so striking a story, concerning the king from whom their line derived its name? Further, in England, _Beowulf_ alone attributes this story to Scyld, whilst later historians attribute it to Sceaf. In view of the way in which the story of William of Malmesbury is supported by folklore, to regard that story as merely the result of error or invention seems perilous indeed. On the other hand, all becomes straightforward if we allow that Scyld and Sceaf were both ancient figures standing at the head of famous dynasties. Their names alliterate. What more likely than that their stories should have influenced each other, and that one king should have come to be regarded as the parent or ancestor of the other? Contamination with Scyld would account for Sceaf's boat being stated to have come to land in Scani, Scanza--that Scedeland which is mentioned as the seat of Scyld's rule. Yet this explanation is not necessary, for if Sceaf were an early Longobard king, he would be rightly represented as ruling in Scandinavia[193]. * * * * * {87} SECTION VI. BEOW. The Anglo-Saxon genealogies agree that the son of Sceldwa (Scyld) is Beow (Beaw, Beo). In _Beowulf_, he is named not Beow, but Beowulf. Many etymologies have been suggested for _B[=e]ow_. But considering that Beow is in some versions a grandson, in all a descendant of Sceaf, it can hardly be an accident that his name is identical with the O.E. word for grain, _b[=e]ow_. The Norse word corresponding to this is _bygg_[194]. Recent investigation of the name is best summed up in the words of Axel Olrik: "New light has been cast upon the question of the derivation of the name Beow by Kaarle Krohn's investigation of the debt of Finnish to Norse mythology, together with Magnus Olsen's linguistic interpretation. The Finnish has a deity Pekko, concerning whom it is said that he promoted the growth of barley: the Esths, closely akin to the Finns, have a corresponding Peko, whose image--the size of a three-year-old child--was carried out into the fields and invoked at the time of sowing, or else was kept in the corn-bin by a custodian chosen for a year. This Pekko is plainly a personification of the barley; the form corresponding phonetically in Runic Norse would be *_beggw-_ (from which comes Old Norse _bygg_). "So in Norse there was a grain *_beggw-_ (becoming _bygg_) and a corn-god *_Beggw-_ (becoming _Pekko_). In Anglo-Saxon there was a grain _béow_ and an ancestral _Béow_. And all four are phonetically identical (proceeding from a primitive form *_beuwa_, 'barley'). The conclusion which it is difficult to avoid is, that the corn-spirit 'Barley' and the ancestor 'Barley' are one and the same. The relation is the same as that between King Sheaf and the worship of the sheaf: the worshipped corn-being gradually sinks into the background, and comes to be regarded as an epic figure, an early ancestor. "We have no more exact knowledge of the mythical ideas connected either with the ancestor Beow or the corn-god Pekko. But we know enough of the worship of Pekko to show that he dwelt in the corn-heap, and that, in the spring, he was fetched out in the shape of a little child. That reminds us not a little of Sämpsä, who lay in the corn-heap on the ship, and came to land and awoke in the spring[195]." {88} But it may be objected that this is "harking back" to the old mythological interpretations. After refusing to accept Müllenhoff's assumptions, are we not reverting, through the names of Sceaf and Beow, and the worship of the sheaf, to very much the same thing? No. It is one thing to believe that the ancestor-king Beow may be a weakened form of an ancient divinity, a mere name surviving from the figure of an old corn-god Beow; it is quite another to assume, as Müllenhoff did, that what we are told about Beowulf was originally told about Beow _and that therefore we are justified in giving a mythological meaning to it_. All we know, conjecture apart, about Beow is his traditional relationship to Scyld, Sceaf and the other figures of the pedigree. That Beowulf's dragon fight belonged originally to him is only a conjecture. In confirmation of this conjecture only one argument has been put forward: an argument turning upon Beowulf, son of Scyld--that obscure figure, apparently equivalent to Beow, who meets us at the beginning of our poem. Beowulf's place as a son of Scyld and father of Healfdene is occupied in the Danish genealogies by Frothi, son of Skjold, and father of Halfdan. It has been urged that the two figures are really identical, in spite of the difference of name. Now Frothi slays a dragon, and it has been argued that this dragon fight shows similarities which enable us to identify it with the dragon fight attributed in our poem to Beowulf the Geat. The argument is a strong one--if it really is the case that the dragon slain by Frothi was the same monster as that slain by Beowulf the Geat. Unfortunately this parallel, which will be examined in the next section, is far from certain. We must be careful not to argue in a circle, identifying Beowulf and Frothi because they slew the same dragon, and then identifying the dragons because they were slain by the same hero. Whilst, therefore, we admit that it is highly probable that Beow (grain) the descendant of Sceaf (sheaf) was originally a corn divinity or corn fetish, we cannot follow Müllenhoff in his bold attribution to this "culture hero" of Beowulf's adventures with the dragon or with Grendel. * * * * * {89} SECTION VII. THE HOUSE OF SCYLD AND DANISH PARALLELS: HEREMOD-LOTHERUS AND BEOWULF-FROTHO. Scyld, although the source of that Scylding dynasty which our poem celebrates, is _not_ apparently regarded in _Beowulf_ as the earliest Danish king. He came to the throne after an interregnum; the people whom he grew up to rule had long endured cruel need, "being without a prince[196]." We hear in _Beowulf_ of one Danish king only whom we can place chronologically before Scyld--viz. Heremod[197]. The way in which Heremod is referred to would fit in very well with the supposition[198] that he was the last of a dynasty; the immediate predecessor of Scyld; and that it was the death or exile of Heremod which ushered in the time when the Danes were without a prince. Now there is a natural tendency in genealogies for each king to be represented as the descendant of his predecessor, whether he really was so or no; so that in the course of time, and sometimes of a very short time, the first king of a new dynasty may come to be reckoned as son of a king of the preceding line[199]. Consequently, there would be nothing surprising if, in another account, we find Scyld represented as a son of Heremod. And we _do_ find the matter represented thus in the West Saxon genealogy, where Sceldwa or Scyld is son of Heremod. Turning to the Danish accounts, however, we do not find any _Hermóðr_ (which is the form we should expect corresponding to _Herem[=o]d_) as father to Skjold (Scyld). Either no father of Skjold is known, or else (in Saxo Grammaticus) he has a father Lotherus. But, although the names are different, there is some correspondence between what we are told of Lother and what we are told of Heremod. A close parallel has indeed been drawn by Sievers between the whole dynasty: on the one hand Lotherus, his son Skioldus, and his descendant Frotho, {90} as given in Saxo: and on the other hand the corresponding figures in _Beowulf_, Heremod, Scyld, and Scyld's son, Beowulf the Dane. The fixed and certain point here is the identity of the central figure, Skioldus-Scyld. All the rest is very doubtful; not that there are not many parallel features, but because the parallels are of a commonplace type which might so easily recur accidentally. The story of Lother, as given by Saxo, will be found below: the story of Heremod as given in _Beowulf_ is hopelessly obscure--a mere succession of allusions intended for an audience who knew the tale quite well. Assuming the stories of Lother and Heremod to be different versions of one original, the following would seem to be the most likely reconstruction[200], the more doubtful portions being placed within round brackets thus ( ): The old Danish prince [Dan in Saxo] has two sons, one a weakling [_Humblus_, Saxo] the other a hero [_Lotherus_, Saxo: _Heremod_, _Beowulf_] (who was already in his youth the hope of the nation). But after his father's death the elder was (through violence) raised to the throne: and Lother-Heremod went into banishment. (But under the rule of the weakling the kingdom went to pieces, and thus) many a man longed for the return of the exile, as a help against these evils. So the hero conquers and deposes the weaker brother. But then his faults break forth, his greed and his cruelty: he ceases to be the darling and becomes the scourge of his people, till they rise and either slay him or drive him again into exile. If the stories of Lother and Heremod _are_ connected, we may be fairly confident that Heremod, not Lother, was the name of the king in the original story. For Scandinavian literature does know a Hermoth (_Hermóðr_), though no such adventures are attributed to him as those recorded of Heremod in _Beowulf_. Nevertheless it is probable that this Hermoth and Heremod in _Beowulf_ are one and the same, because both heroes are linked in some way or other with Sigemund. How these two kings, Heremod and Sigemund, came to be connected, we do not know, but we find this connection recurring again and again[201]. This _may_ be {91} mere coincidence: but I doubt if we are justified in assuming it to be so[202]. It has been suggested[203] that both Heremod and Sigemund were originally heroes specially connected with the worship of Odin, and hence grouped together. The history of the Scandinavian Sigmund is bound up with that of the magic sword which Odin gave him, and with which he was always victorious till the last fight when Odin himself shattered it. And we are told in the Icelandic that Odin, whilst he gave a sword to Sigmund, gave a helm and byrnie to Hermoth. Again, whilst in one Scandinavian poem Sigmund is represented as welcoming the newcomer at the gates of Valhalla, in another the same duty is entrusted to Hermoth. It is clear also that the _Beowulf_-poet had in mind some kind of connection, though we cannot tell what, between Sigemund and Heremod. We may take it, then, that the Heremod who is linked with Sigemund in _Beowulf_ was also known in Scandinavian literature as a hero in some way connected with Sigmund: whether or no the adventures which Saxo records of Lotherus were really told in Scandinavian lands in connection with Hermoth, we cannot say. The wicked king whose subjects rebel against him is too common a feature of Germanic story for us to feel sure, without a good deal of corroborative evidence, that the figures of Lotherus and Heremod are identical. The next king in the line, Skioldus in Saxo, is, as we have seen, clearly identical with Scyld in _Beowulf_. But beyond the name, the two traditions have, as we have also seen, but little in common. Both are youthful heroes[204], both force neighbouring kings to pay tribute[205]; but such things are commonplaces[206]. We must therefore turn to the next figure in the pedigree: the son of Skjold in Scandinavian tradition is Frothi (Frotho {92} in Saxo)[207], the son of Scyld in _Beowulf_ is Beowulf the Dane. And Frothi is the father of Halfdan (Haldanus in Saxo) as Beowulf the Dane is of Healfdene. The Frothi of Scandinavian tradition corresponds then in position to Beowulf the Dane in Old English story[208]. Now of Beowulf the Dane we are told so little that we have really no means of drawing a comparison between him and Frothi. But a _theory_ that has found wide acceptance among scholars assumes that the dragon fight of Beowulf the Geat was originally narrated of Beowulf the Dane, and only subsequently transferred to the Geatic hero. Theoretically, then, Beowulf the Dane kills a dragon. Now certainly Frotho kills a dragon: and it has been generally accepted[209] that the parallels between the dragon slain by Frotho and that slain by Beowulf the Geat are so remarkable as to exclude the possibility of mere accidental coincidence, and to lead us to conclude that the dragon story was originally told of that Beowulf who corresponds to Frothi, i.e. Beowulf the Dane, son of Scyld and father of Healfdene; not Beowulf, son of Ecgtheow, the Geat. But are the parallels really so close? We must not forget that here we are building theory upon theory. That the Frotho of Saxo is the same figure as Beowulf the Dane in Old English, is a theory, based upon his common relationship to Skiold-Scyld before him and to Haldanus-Healfdene coming after him: that Beowulf the Dane was the original hero of the dragon fight, and that that dragon fight was only subsequently transferred to the credit of Beowulf the Geat, is again a theory. Only if we can find real parallels between the dragon-slaying of Frotho and the dragon-slaying of Beowulf will these theories have confirmation. {93} Parallels have been pointed out by Sievers which he regards as so close as to justify a belief that both are derived ultimately from an old lay, with so much closeness that verbal resemblances can still be traced. Unfortunately the parallels are all commonplaces. That Sievers and others have been satisfied with them was perhaps due to the fact that they started by assuming as proved that the dragon fight of Beowulf the Geat belonged originally to Beowulf the Dane[210], and argued that since Frotho in Saxo occupies a place corresponding exactly to that of Beowulf the Dane in _Beowulf_, a comparatively limited resemblance between two dragons coming, as it were, at the same point in the pedigree, might be held sufficient to identify them. But, as we have seen, the assumption that the dragon fight of Beowulf the Geat belonged originally to Beowulf the Dane is only a theory that will have to stand or fall as we can prove that the dragon fight of Frotho is really parallel to that of Beowulf the Geat, and therefore must have belonged to the connecting link supplied by the Scylding prince Beowulf the Dane. In other words, the theory that the dragon in _Beowulf_ is to be identified with the dragon which in Saxo is slain by Frotho the Danish prince, father of Haldanus-Healfdene, is one of the main arguments upon which we must base the theory that the dragon in _Beowulf_ was originally slain by the Danish Beowulf, father of Healfdene, not by Beowulf the Geat. We cannot then turn round, and assert that the fact that they were both slain by a Danish prince, the father of Healfdene, is an argument for identifying the dragons. Turning to the dragon fight itself, the following parallels have been noted by Sievers: (1) A native (_indigena_) comes to Frotho, and tells him of the treasure-guarding dragon. An informer (_melda_) plays the same part in _Beowulf_[211]. But a dragon is not game which can be met with every day. He is a shy beast, lurking in desert places. Some informant has very frequently to guide the hero to his {94} foe[212]. And the situation is widely different. Frotho knows nothing of the dragon till directed to the spot: Beowulf's land has been assailed, he knows of the dragon, though he needs to be guided to its _exact_ lair. (2) Frotho's dragon lives on an island. Beowulf's lives near the sea, and there is an island (_[=e]alond_, 2334) in the neighbourhood. But _[=e]alond_ in _Beowulf_ probably does not mean "island" at all: and in any case the dragon did not live upon the _[=e]alond_. Many dragons have lived near the sea. Sigemund's dragon did so[213]. (3) The hero in each case attacks the dragon single-handed. But what hero ever did otherwise? On the contrary, Beowulf's exploit differs from that of Frotho and of most other dragon slayers in that he is unable to _overcome_ his foe single-handed, and needs the support of Wiglaf. (4) Special armour is carried by the dragon slayer in each case. But this again is no uncommon feature. The Red Cross Knight also needs special armour. Dragon slayers constantly invent some ingenious or even unique method. And again the parallel is far from close. Frotho is advised to cover his shield and his limbs with the hides of bulls and kine: a sensible precaution against fiery venom. Beowulf constructs a shield of iron[214]: which naturally gives very inferior protection[215]. (5) Frotho's informant tells him that he must be of good courage[216]. Wiglaf encourages Beowulf[217]. But the circumstances under which the words are uttered are entirely different, nor have the words more than a general resemblance. That a man needs courage, if he is going to tackle a dragon, is surely a conclusion at which two minds could have arrived independently. (6) Both heroes waste their blows at first on the scaly back of the dragon. {95} But if the hero went at once for the soft parts, there would be no fight at all, and all the fun would be lost. Sigurd's dragon-fight is, for this reason, a one-sided business from the first. To avoid this, Frotho is depicted as beginning by an attack on the dragon's rough hide (although he has been specially warned by the _indigena_ not to do so): ventre sub imo esse locum scito quo ferrum mergere fas est, hunc mucrone petens medium rimaberis anguem[218]. (7) The hoard is plundered by both heroes. But it is the nature of a dragon to guard a hoard[219]. And, having slain the dragon, what hero would neglect the gold? (8) There are many verbal resemblances: the dragon spits venom[220], and twists himself into coils[221]. Some of these verbal resemblances may be granted as proved: but they surely do not prove the common origin of the two dragon fights. They only tend to prove the common origin of the school of poetry in which these two dragon fights were told. That dragons dwelt in mounds was a common Germanic belief, to which the Cottonian Gnomic verses testify. Naturally, therefore, Frotho's dragon is _montis possessor_: Beowulf's is _beorges hyrde_. The two phrases undoubtedly point back to a similar gradus, to a similar traditional stock phraseology, and to similar beliefs: that is all. As well argue that two kings must be identical, because each is called _folces hyrde_. These commonplace phrases and commonplace features are surely quite insufficient to prove that the stories are identical--at most they only prove that they bear the impress of one and the same poetical school. If a parallel is to carry weight there must be something individual about it, as there is, for example, about the arguments by which the identity of Beowulf and Bjarki have been supported. That a hero comes from {96} Geatland (Gautland) to the court where Hrothulf (Rolf) is abiding; that the same hero subsequently is instrumental in helping Eadgils (Athils) against Onela (Ali)--here we have something tangible. But when two heroes, engaged upon slaying a dragon, are each told to be brave, the parallel is too general to be a parallel at all. "There is a river in Macedon: and there is also moreover a river at Monmouth, and there is salmons in both." And there is a fundamental difference, which would serve to neutralize the parallels, even did they appear much less accidental than they do. Dragon fights may be classified into several types: two stand out prominently. There is the story in which the young hero begins his career by slaying a dragon or monster and winning, it may be a hoard of gold, it may be a bride. This is the type of story found, for instance, in the tales of Sigurd, or Perseus, or St George. On the other hand there is the hero who, at the end of his career, seeks to ward off evil from himself and his people. He slays the monster, but is himself slain by it. The great example of this type is the god Thor, who in the last fight of the gods slays the Dragon, but dies when he has reeled back nine paces from the "baleful serpent[222]." Now the story of the victorious young Frotho is of the one type: that of the aged Beowulf is of the other. And this difference is essential, fundamental, dominating the whole situation in each case: giving its cheerful and aggressive tone to the story of Frotho, giving the elegiac and pathetic note which runs through the whole of the last portion of _Beowulf_[223]. It is no mere detail which could be added or subtracted by a narrator without altering the essence of the story. In face of this we must pronounce the two stories essentially and originally distinct. If, nevertheless, there were a large number of striking and specific similarities, we should have to allow that, though originally distinct, the one dragon story had influenced the other in detail. For, whilst each poet who retold the tale would make alterations in detail, and might {97} import such detail from one dragon story into another, what we know of the method of the ancient story tellers does not allow us to assume that a poet would have altered the whole drift of a story, either by changing the last death-struggle of an aged, childless prince into the victorious feat of a young hero, or by the reverse process. Those, therefore, who hold the parallels quoted above to be convincing, may believe that one dragon story has influenced another, originally distinct[224]. To me, it does not appear that even this necessarily follows from the evidence. It seems very doubtful whether any of the parallels drawn by Sievers between the stories of Lotherus and Heremod[225], Skioldus and Scyld, Frotho and Beowulf, are more than the resemblances inevitable in poetry which, like the Old Danish and the Old English, still retains so many traces of the common Germanic frame in which it was moulded. Indeed, of the innumerable dragon-stories extant, there is probably not one which we can declare to be really identical with that of Beowulf. There is a Danish tradition which shows many similarities[226], and I have given this below, in Part II; but rather as an example of a dragon-slaying of the _Beowulf_ type, than because I believe in any direct connection between the two stories. * * * * * {98} CHAPTER III THEORIES AS TO THE ORIGIN, DATE, AND STRUCTURE OF THE POEM SECTION I. IS "BEOWULF" TRANSLATED FROM A SCANDINAVIAN ORIGINAL? Our poem, the first original poem of any length in the English tongue, ignores England. In one remarkable passage (ll. 1931-62) it mentions with praise Offa I, the great king who ruled the Angles whilst they were still upon the Continent. But, except for this, it deals mainly with heroes who, so far as we can identify them with historic figures, are Scandinavian. Hence, not unnaturally, the first editor boldly declared _Beowulf_ to be an Anglo-Saxon version of a Danish poem; and this view has had many supporters. The poem _must_ be Scandinavian, said one of its earliest translators, because it deals mainly with Scandinavian heroes and "everyone knows that in ancient times each nation celebrated in song its own heroes alone[227]." And this idea, though not so crudely expressed, seems really to underlie the belief which has been held by numerous scholars, that the poem is nothing more than a translation of a poem in which some Scandinavian minstrel had glorified the heroes of his own nation. But what do we mean by "nation"? Doubtless, from the point of view of politics and war, each Germanic tribe, or offshoot of a tribe, formed an independent nation: the Longobardi had no hesitation in helping the "Romans" to cut the throats of their Gothic kinsmen: Penda the Mercian was willing to ally with the Welshmen in order to overthrow his {99} fellow Angles of Northumbria. But all this, as the history of the ancient Greeks or of the ancient Hebrews might show us, is quite compatible with a consciousness of racial unity among the warring states, with a common poetic tradition and a common literature. For purposes of poetry there was only one nation--the Germanic--split into many dialects and groups, but possessed of a common metre, a common style, a common standard of heroic feeling: and any deed of valour performed by any Germanic chief might become a fit subject for the poetry of any Germanic tribe of the heroic age. So, if by "nation" we mean the whole Germanic race, then Germanic poetry is essentially "national." The Huns were the only non-Germanic tribe who were received (for poetical purposes) into Germania. Hunnish chiefs seem to have adopted Gothic manners, and after the Huns had disappeared it often came to be forgotten that they were not Germans. But with this exception the tribes and heroes of Germanic heroic poetry are Germanic. If, however, by "nation" we understand the different warring units into which the Germanic race was, politically speaking, divided, then Germanic poetry is essentially "international." This is no theory, but a fact capable of conclusive proof. The chief actors in the old Norse Volsung lays are not Norsemen, but Sigurd the Frank, Gunnar the Burgundian, Atli the Hun. In Continental Germany, the ideal knight of the Saxons in the North and the Bavarians in the South was no native hero, but Theodoric the Ostrogoth. So too in England, whilst _Beowulf_ deals chiefly with Scandinavian heroes, the _Finnsburg_ fragment deals with the Frisian tribes of the North Sea coast: _Waldere_ with the adventures of Germanic chiefs settled in Gaul, _Deor_ with stories of the Goths and of the Baltic tribes, whilst _Widsith_, which gives us a catalogue of the old heroic tales, shows that amongst the heroes whose names were current in England were men of Gothic, Burgundian, Frankish, Lombard, Frisian, Danish and Swedish race. There is nothing peculiar, then, in the fact that _Beowulf_ celebrates heroes who were not of Anglian birth. {100} In their old home in Schleswig the Angles had been in the exact centre of Germania: with an outlook upon both the North Sea and the Baltic, and in touch with Scandinavian tribes on the North and Low German peoples on the South. That the Angles were interested in the stories of all the nations which surrounded them, and that they brought these stories with them to England, is certain. It is a mere accident that the one heroic poem which happens to have been preserved at length is almost exclusively concerned with Scandinavian doings. It could easily have happened that the history of the _Beowulf_ MS and the _Waldere_ MS might have been reversed: that the _Beowulf_ might have been cut up to bind other books, and the _Waldere_ preserved intact: in that case our one long poem would have been localized in ancient Burgundia, and would have dealt chiefly with the doings of Burgundian champions. But we should have had no more reason, without further evidence, to suppose the _Waldere_ a translation from the Burgundian than we have, without further evidence, to suppose _Beowulf_ a translation from the Scandinavian. To deny that _Beowulf_, as we have it, is a translation from the Scandinavian does not, of course, involve any denial of the Scandinavian origin of the _story_ of Beowulf's deeds. The fact that his achievements are framed in a Scandinavian setting, and that the closest parallels to them have to be sought in Scandinavian lands, makes it probable on _a priori_ grounds that the story had its origin there. On the face of it, Müllenhoff's belief that the story was indigenous among the Angles is quite unlikely. It would seem rather to have originated in the Geatic country. But stories, whether in prose or verse, would spread quickly from the Geatas to the Danes and from the Danes to the Angles. After the Angles had crossed the North Sea, however, this close intimacy ceased, till the Viking raids again reminded Englishmen, in a very unpleasant way, of their kinsmen across the sea. Now linguistic evidence tends to show that _Beowulf_ belongs to a time prior to the Viking settlement in England, and it is unlikely that the Scandinavian traditions embodied in _Beowulf_ found their way to England just at the time when {101} communication with Scandinavian lands seems to have been suspended. We must conclude then that all this Scandinavian tradition probably spread to the Angles whilst they were still in their old continental home, was brought across to England by the settlers in the sixth century, was handed on by English bards from generation to generation, till some Englishmen formed the poem of _Beowulf_ as we know it. Of course, if evidence can be produced that _Beowulf_ is translated from some Scandinavian original, which was brought over in the seventh century or later, that is another matter. But the evidence produced so far is not merely inconclusive, but ludicrously inadequate. It has been urged[228] by Sarrazin, the chief advocate of the translation theory, that the description of the country round Heorot, and especially of the journey to the Grendel-lake, shows such local knowledge as to point to its having been composed by some Scandinavian poet familiar with the locality. Heorot can probably, as we have seen, be identified with Leire: and the Grendel-lake Sarrazin identifies with the neighbouring Roskilde fjord. But it is hardly possible to conceive a greater contrast than that between the Roskilde fjord and the scenery depicted in ll. 1357 _etc._, 1408 _etc._ Seen, as Sarrazin saw it, on a May morning, in alternate sun and shadow, the Roskilde fjord presents a view of tame and peaceful beauty. In the days of Hrothgar, when there were perhaps fewer cultivated fields and more beech forests, the scenery may have been less tame, but can hardly have been less peaceful. The only trace of accurate geography is that Heorot is represented as not on the shore, and yet not far remote from it (ll. 307 _etc._). But, as has been pointed out above, we know that traditions of the attack by the Heathobeardan upon Heorot were current in England: and these would be quite sufficient to keep alive, even among English bards, some remembrance of the strategic situation of Heorot with regard to the sea. A man need not have been near Troy, to realize that the town was no seaport and yet near the sea. {102} Again, it has been claimed by Sarrazin that the language of _Beowulf_ shows traces of the Scandinavian origin of the poem. Sarrazin's arguments on this head have been contested energetically by Sievers[229]. After some heated controversy Sarrazin made a final and (presumably) carefully-weighed statement of his case. In this he gave a list of twenty-nine words upon which he based his belief[230]. Yet of these twenty-nine, twenty-one occur in other O.E. writings, where there can be no possible question of translation from the Scandinavian: some of these words, in fact, are amongst the commonest of O.E. poetical expressions. There remain eight which do not happen to be found elsewhere in the extant remains of O.E. poetry. But these are mostly compounds like _heaðo-l[=a]c_, _feorh-s[=e]oc_: and though the actual compound is not elsewhere extant in English, the component elements are thoroughly English. There is no reason whatever to think that these eight rare words are taken from Old Norse. Indeed, three of them do not occur in Old Norse at all. Evidence to prove _Beowulf_ a translation from a Scandinavian original is, then, wanting. On the other hand, over and above the difficulty that the _Beowulf_ belongs just to the period when intimate communication between the Angles and Scandinavians was suspended, there is much evidence against the translation theory. The earliest Scandinavian poetry we possess, or of which we can get information, differs absolutely from _Beowulf_ in style, metre and sentiment: the manners of _Beowulf_ are incompatible with all we know of the wild heathendom of Scandinavia in the seventh or eighth century[231]. _Beowulf_, as we now have it, with its Christian references and its Latin loan-words, _could_ not be a translation from the Scandinavian. And the proper names in _Beowulf_ which Sarrazin claimed were Old Norse, not Old English, and had been taken {103} over from the Old Norse original, are in all cases so correctly transliterated as to necessitate the assumption that they were brought across early, at the time of the settlement of Britain or very shortly after, and underwent phonetic development side by side with the other words in the English language. Had they been brought across from Scandinavia at a later date, much confusion must have ensued in the forms. Somewhat less improbable is the suggestion "that the poet had travelled on the continent and become familiar with the legends of the Danes and Geats, or else had heard them from a Scandinavian resident in England[232]." But it is clear from the allusive manner in which the Scandinavian tales are told, that they must have been familiar to the poet's audience. If, then, the English audience knew them, why must the poet himself have travelled on the continent in order to know them? There is, therefore, no need for this theory, and it is open to many of the objections of the translation theory: for example it fails, equally with that theory, to account for the uniformly correct development of the proper names. The obvious conclusion is that these Scandinavian traditions were brought over by the English settlers in the sixth century. Against this only one cavil can be raised, and that will not bear examination. It has been objected that, since Hygelac's raid took place about 516, since Beowulf's accession was some years subsequent, and since he then reigned fifty years, his death cannot be put much earlier than 575, and that this brings us to a date when the migration of the Angles and Saxons had been completed[233]. But it is forgotten that all the historical events mentioned in the poem, which we can date, occur before, or not very long after, the raid of Hygelac, c. 516. The poem asserts that fifty years after these events Beowulf slew a dragon and was slain by it. But this does not make the dragon historic, nor does it make the year 575 the historic date of the death of Beowulf. We cannot be sure that there _was_ any actual king of the Geatas named Beowulf; and if there was, the last known historic act with which that king is associated is the raising of Eadgils to the Swedish throne, {104} c. 525: the rest of Beowulf's long reign, since it contains no event save the slaying of a dragon, has no historic validity. It is noteworthy that, whereas there is full knowledge shown in our poem of those events which took place in Scandinavian lands during the whole period from about 450 to 530--the period during which hordes of Angles, Saxons and Jutes were landing in Britain--there is no reference, not even by way of casual allusion, to any continental events which we can date with certainty as subsequent to the arrival of the latest settlers from the continent. Surely this is strong evidence that these tales were brought over by some of the last of the invaders, not carried to England by some casual traveller a century or two later. * * * * * SECTION II. THE DIALECT, SYNTAX, AND METRE OF "BEOWULF" AS EVIDENCE OF ITS LITERARY HISTORY. A full discussion of the dialect, metre and syntax of _Beowulf_ forms no part of the scheme of this study. It is only intended in this section to see how far such investigations throw light upon the literary history of the poem. _Dialect._ _Beowulf_ is written in the late West Saxon dialect. Imbedded in the poem, however, are a large number of forms, concerning which this at least can be said--that they are not normal late West Saxon. Critics have classified these forms, and have drawn conclusions from them as to the history of the poem: arguing from sporadic "Mercian" and "Kentish" forms that _Beowulf_ is of Mercian origin and has passed through the hands of a Kentish transcriber. But, in fact, the evidence as to Old English dialects is more scanty and more conflicting than philologists have always been willing to admit. It is exceedingly difficult to say with any certainty what forms are "Mercian" and what "Kentish." Having run such forms to earth, it is still more difficult to say what arguments are to be drawn from their _occasional_ {105} appearance in any text. Men from widely different parts of the country would be working together in the scriptorium of one and the same monastery, and this fact alone may have often led to confusion in the dialectal forms of works transcribed. A thorough investigation of the significance of all the abnormal forms in _Beowulf_ has still to be made. Whether it would repay the labour of the investigator may well be questioned. In the meantime we may accept the view that the poem was in all probability originally written in some non-West-Saxon dialect, and most probably in an Anglian dialect, since this is confirmed by the way in which the Anglian hero Offa is dragged into the story. Ten Brink's attempt to decide the dialect and transmission of _Beowulf_ will be found in his _Beowulf_, pp. 237-241: he notes the difficulty that the "Kentish" forms from which he argues are nearly all such as occur also sporadically in West Saxon texts. A classification of the forms by P. G. Thomas will be found in the _Modern Language Review_, I, 202 _etc._ How difficult and uncertain all classification must be has been shown by Frederick Tupper (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXVI, 235 _etc._; _J.E.G.P._ XI, 82-9). "_Lichtenheld's Test._" Somewhat more definite results can be drawn from certain syntactical usages. There can be no doubt that as time went on, the use of _se_, _s[=e]o_, _þæt_ became more and more common in O.E. verse. This is largely due to the fact that in the older poems the _weak adjective_ + _noun_ appears frequently where we should now use the definite article: _w[=i]sa fengel_--"the wise prince"; _se w[=i]sa fengel_ is used where some demonstrative is needed--"that wise prince." Later, however, _se_, _s[=e]o_, _þæt_ comes to be used in the common and vague sense in which the definite article is used in Modern English. We consequently get with increasing frequency the use of the _definite article_ + _weak adjective_ + _noun_: whilst the usage _weak adjective_ + _noun_ decreases. Some rough criterion of date can thus be obtained by an examination of a poet's usage in this particular. Of course it would be absurd--as has been done--to group Old English poems in a strict chronological order according to the proportion of forms with and without the article. Individual usage must count for a good deal: {106} also the scribes in copying and recopying our text must to a considerable extent have obliterated the earlier practice. Metre and syntax combine to make it probable that, in line 9 of our poem, the scribe has inserted the unnecessary article _þ[=a]ra_ before _ymbsittendra_: and in the rare cases where we have an O.E. poem preserved in two texts, a comparison proves that the scribe has occasionally interpolated an article. But this later tendency to level out the peculiarity only makes it the more remarkable that we should find such great differences between O.E. poems, all of them extant in copies transcribed about the year 1000. How great is the difference between the usage of _Beowulf_ and that of the great body of Old English poetry will be clear from the following statistics. The proportion of phrases containing the weak adjective + noun with and without the definite article in the certain works of Cynewulf is as follows[234]: With article Without article _Juliana_ 27 3 _Christ (II)_ 28 3 _Elene_ 66 9 In _Guthlac_ (A) (c. 750) the proportions are: With article Without article _Guthlac_ (A) 42 6 Contrast this with the proportion in our poem: With article Without article _Beowulf_ 13 65 The nearest approach to the proportions of _Beowulf_ is in the (certainly very archaic) With article Without article _Exodus_ 10 14 On the other hand, certain late texts show how fallible this criterion is. Anyone dating _Maldon_ solely by "Lichtenheld's Test" would assuredly place it much earlier than 991. {107} It is easy to make a false use of grammatical statistics: and this test should only be applied with the greatest caution. But the difference between _Beowulf_ and the works of Cynewulf is too striking to be overlooked. In _Beowulf_, to every five examples without the article (e.g. _heaðo-st[=e]apa helm_) we have _one_ with the article (e.g. _se hearda helm_): in Cynewulf to every five examples without the article we have _forty_ with it. A further test of antiquity is in the use of the weak adjective with the instrumental--a use which rapidly diminishes. There are eighteen such instrumental phrases in _Beowulf_ (3182 lines)[235]. In _Exodus_ (589 lines) there are six examples[236]--proportionally more than in _Beowulf_. In Cynewulf's undoubted works (c. 2478 lines) there is one example only, _beorhtan reorde_[237]. This criterion of the absence of the definite article before the weak adjective is often referred to as Lichtenheld's Test (see article by him in _Z.f.d.A._ XVI, 325 _etc._). It has been applied to the whole body of O.E. poetry by Barnouw (_Textcritische Untersuchungen_, 1902). The data collected by Barnouw are most valuable, but we must be cautious in the conclusions we draw, as is shown by Sarrazin (_Eng. Stud._ XXXVIII, 145 _etc._), and Tupper (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc._ XXVI, 274). Exact enumeration of instances is difficult. For example, Lichtenheld gave 22 instances of definite article + weak adjective + noun in _Beowulf_[238]. But eight of these are not quite certain; _se g[=o]da m[=æ]g Hygel[=a]ces_ may be not "the good kinsman of Hygelac," but "the good one--the kinsman of Hygelac," for there is the half line pause after _g[=o]da_. These eight examples therefore should be deducted[239]. One instance, though practically certain, is the result of conjectural emendation[240]. Of the remaining thirteen[241] three are variations of the same phrase. The statistics given above are those of Brandl (_Sitzungsberichte d. k. Preuss. Akad. d. Wissenschaften_, 1905, p. 719) which are based upon those of Barnouw. "_Morsbach's Test._" Sievers' theories as to O.E. metre have not been accepted by all scholars in their entirety. But the statistics which he {108} collected enable us to say, with absolute certainty, that some given types of verse were not acceptable to the ear of an Old English bard. Sceptics may emphasize the fact that Old English texts are uncertain, that nearly all poems are extant in one MS only, that the MS in each case was written down long after the poems were composed, and that precise verbal accuracy is therefore not to be expected[242]. All the more remarkable then becomes the fact, for it is a fact, that there are certain types of line which never occur in _Beowulf_, and that there are other types which are exceedingly rare. Again, there are certain types of line which _do_ occur in _Beowulf_ as we have it, though they seem contrary to the principles of O.E. scansion. When we find that such lines consistently contain some word which had a different metrical value when our extant MS of _Beowulf_ was transcribed, from that which it had at the earlier date when _Beowulf_ was composed, and that the earlier value makes the line metrical, the conclusion is obvious. _Beowulf_ must have been composed at a time or in a dialect when the earlier metrical values held good. But we reach a certain date beyond which, if we put the language back into its older form, it will no longer fit into the metrical structure. For example, words like _fl[=o]d_, _feld_, _eard_ were originally "u-nouns": with nom. and acc. sing. _fl[=o]du_, etc. But the half-line _ofer fealone fl[=o]d_ (1950) becomes exceedingly difficult if we put it in the form _ofer fealone fl[=o]du_[243]: the half-line _f[=i]felcynnes eard_ becomes absolutely impossible in the form _f[=i]felcynnes eardu_[244]. It can, consequently, with some certainty be argued that these half-lines were composed after the time when _fl[=o]du_, _eardu_ had become _fl[=o]d_, _eard_. Therefore, it has been further argued, _Beowulf_ was composed after that date. But are we justified in this further step--in assuming that because a certain number of half-lines in _Beowulf_ must have been composed after a certain date, therefore _Beowulf_ itself must have been composed after that date? {109} From what we know of the mechanical way in which the Old English _scribe_ worked, we have no reason to suppose that he would have consistently altered what he found in an older copy, so as to make it metrical according to the later speech into which he was transcribing it. But if we go back to a time when poems were committed to memory by a _scop_, skilled in the laws of O.E. metre, the matter is very different. A written poem may be copied word for word, even though the spelling is at the same time modernized, but it is obvious that a poem preserved orally will be altered slightly from time to time, if the language in which it is written is undergoing changes which make the poem no longer metrically correct. Imagine the state of things at the period when final _u_ was being lost after a long syllable. This loss of a syllable would make a large number of the half-lines and formulas in the old poetry unmetrical. Are we to suppose that the whole of O.E. poetry was at once scrapped, and entirely new poems composed to fit in with the new sound laws? Surely not; old formulas would be recast, old lines modified where they needed it, but the old poetry would go on[245], with these minor verbal changes adapting it to the new order of things. We can see this taking place, to a limited extent, in the transcripts of Middle English poems. In the transmission of poems by word of mouth it would surely take place to such an extent as to baffle later investigation[246]. Consequently I am inclined to agree that this test is hardly final except "on the assumption that the poems were written down from the very beginning[247]." And we are clearly not justified in making any such assumption. A small number of such lines would accordingly give, not so much a means of fixing a period before which _Beowulf_ cannot have been composed, as merely {110} one before which _Beowulf_ cannot have been fixed by writing in its present form. If, however, more elaborate investigation were to show that the _percentage_ of such lines is _just as great_ in _Beowulf_ as it is in poems certainly written after the sound changes had taken place, it might be conceded that the test was a valid one, and that it proved _Beowulf_ to have been written after these sound changes occurred. This would then bring us to our second difficulty. At what date exactly did these sound changes take place? The chief documents available are the proper names in Bede's History, and in certain Latin charters, the glosses, and a few early runic inscriptions. Most important, although very scanty, are the charters, since they bear a date. With these we proceed to investigate: A. The dropping of the _u_ after a long accented syllable (_fl['=o]du_ becoming _fl['=o]d_), or semi-accented syllable (_St['=a]nfòrdu_ becoming _St['=a]nfòrd_). There is evidence from an Essex charter that this was already lost in 692 or 693 (_uuidmundesfelt_)[248]. From this date on, examples without the _u_ are forthcoming in increasing number[249]. One certain example only has been claimed for the preservation of _u_. In the runic inscription on the "Franks casket" _flodu_ is found for _flod_. But the spelling of the Franks casket is erratic: for example _giuþeasu_ is also found for _giuþeas_, "the Jews." Now _u_ here is impossible[250], and we must conclude perhaps that the inscriber of the runes intended to write _giuþea su[mæ]_[250] or _giuþea su[na]_[251], "some of the Jews," "the sons of the Jews," and that having reached the end of his line at _u_, he neglected to complete the word: or else perhaps that he wrote _giuþeas_ and having some additional space added a _u_ at the end of his line, just for fun. Whichever explanation we {111} adopt, it will apply to _flodu_, which equally comes at the end of a line, and the _u_ of which may equally have been part of some following word which was never completed[252]. Other linguistic data of the Franks casket would lead us to place it somewhere in the first half of the eighth century, and we should hardly expect to find _u_ preserved as late as this[253]. For we have seen that by 693 the _u_ was already lost after a subordinate accent in the Essex charter. Yet it is arguable that the _u_ was retained later after a long accented syllable (_fl[=ó]du_) than after a subordinate accent (_uu[=í]dmùndesfèlt_); and, besides, the casket is Northumbrian, and the sound changes need not have been simultaneous all over the country. We cannot but feel that the evidence is pitifully scanty. All we can say is that _perhaps_ the _flodu_ of the Franks casket shows that _u_ was still preserved after a fully accented syllable as late as 700. But the _u_ in _flodu_ may be a deliberate archaism on the part of the writer, may be a local dialectal survival, may be a mere miswriting. B. The preservation of _h_ between consonant and vowel. Here there is one clear example which we can date: the archaic spelling of the proper name _Welhisc_. _Signum manus uelhisci_ occurs in a Kentish charter of 679[254]. The same charter shows _h_ already lost between vowels: _uuestan ae_ (_ae_ dative of _[=e]a_, "river," cf. Gothic _ahwa_). Not much can be argued from the proper name _Welhisc_, as to the current pronunciation in Kent in 679, for an old man may well have continued to spell his name as it was spelt when he was a child, even though the current pronunciation had changed[255]. But we have further evidence in the glosses, which show _h_ sometimes preserved and sometimes not. These glosses are mechanical copies of an original which was presumably compiled between 680 and 720. We are therefore justified in arguing that at that date _h_ was still preserved, at any rate occasionally. {112} Of "Morsbach's test" we can then say that it establishes something of an argument that _Beowulf_ was composed after the date when final _u_ after a long syllable, or _h_ between consonant and vowel, were lost, and that this date was probably within a generation or so of the year 700 A.D. But there are too many uncertain contingencies involved to make the test at all a conclusive one. Morsbach's _Zur Datierung des Beowulf-epos_ will be found in the Göttingen _Nachrichten_, 1906, pp. 252-77. These tests have been worked out for the whole body of Old English poetry in the _Chronologische Studien_ of Carl Richter, Halle, 1910. * * * * * SECTION III. THEORIES AS TO THE STRUCTURE OF "BEOWULF." Certain peculiarities in the structure of _Beowulf_ can hardly fail to strike the reader. (1) The poem is not a biography of Beowulf, nor yet an episode in his life: it is two distinct episodes: the Grendel business and the dragon business, joined by a narrow bridge. (2) Both these stories are broken in upon by digressions: some of these concern Beowulf himself, so that we get a fairly complete idea of the life of our hero: but for the most part these digressions are not strictly apposite. (3) Even apart from these digressions, the narrative is often hampered: the poet begins his story, diverges and returns. (4) The traces of Christian thought and knowledge which meet us from time to time seem to belong to a different world from that of the Germanic life in which our poem has its roots. Now in the middle of the nineteenth century it was widely believed that the great epics of the world had been formed from collections of original shorter lays fitted together (often unskilfully) by later redactors. For a critic starting from this assumption, better material than the _Beowulf_ could hardly be found. And it _was_ with such assumptions that Carl Müllenhoff, the greatest of the scholars who have dissected the _Beowulf_, set to work. He attended the lectures of Lachmann, and formed, {113} a biographer tells us, the fixed resolve to do for one epic what his admired master had done for another[256]. Müllenhoff claimed for his theories that they were simple[257] and straightforward: and so they were, if we may be allowed to assume as a basis that the _Beowulf_ is made up out of shorter lays, and that the only business of the critic is to define the scope of these lays. In the story of Beowulf's fight with Grendel (ll. 194-836: Müllenhoff's Sect. I) and with the dragon (ll. 2200-3183: Müllenhoff's Sect. IV) Müllenhoff saw the much interpolated remains of two original lays by different authors. But, before it was united to the dragon story, the Grendel story, Müllenhoff held, had already undergone many interpolations and additions. The story of Grendel's mother (ll. 837-1623: Sect. II) was added, Müllenhoff held, by one continuator as a sequel to the story of Grendel, and ll. 1-193 were added by another hand as an introduction. Then this Grendel story was finally rounded off by an interpolator (A) who added the account of Beowulf's return home (Sect. III, ll. 1629-2199) and at the same time inserted passages into the poem throughout. Finally came Interpolator B, who was the first to combine the Grendel story, thus elaborated, with the dragon story. Interpolator B was responsible for the great bulk of the interpolations: episodes from other cycles and "theologizing" matter. Ten Brink, like Müllenhoff, regarded the poem as falling into four sections: the Grendel fight, the fight with Grendel's mother, the return home, the dragon fight. But Müllenhoff had imagined the epic composed out of one set of lays: incoherences, he thought, were due to the bungling of successive interpolators. Ten Brink assumed that in the case of all three fights, with Grendel, with Grendel's mother, and with the dragon, there had been two _parallel_ versions, which a later redactor had combined together, and that it was to this combination that the frequent repetitions in the {114} narrative were due: he believed that not only were the different episodes of the poem originally distinct, but that each episode was compounded of two originally distinct lays, combined together. Now it cannot be denied that the process postulated by Müllenhoff _might_ have taken place: a lay on Grendel and a lay on the dragon-fight might have been combined by some later compiler. Ten Brink's theory, too, is inherently not improbable: that there should have been two or more versions current of a popular story is probable enough: that a scribe should have tried to fit these two parallel versions together is not without precedent: very good examples of such attempts at harmonizing different versions can be got from an examination of the MSS of _Piers Plowman_. It is only here and there that we are struck by an inherent improbability in Müllenhoff's scheme. Thus the form in which Müllenhoff assumes the poem to have existed before Interpolator A set to work on it, is hardly a credible one. The "original poet" has brought Beowulf from his home to the Danish court, to slay Grendel, and the "continuator" has taken him to the haunted lake: Beowulf has plunged down, slain Grendel's mother, come back to land. Here Müllenhoff believed the poem to have ended, until "Interpolator A" came along, and told how Beowulf returned in triumph to Hrothgar, was thanked and rewarded, and then betook himself home, and was welcomed by Hygelac. That it would have been left to an interpolator to supply what from the old point of view was so necessary a part of the story as the return to Hrothgar is an assumption perilous indeed. "An epic poem only closes when everything is really concluded: not, like a modern novel, at a point where the reader can imagine the rest for himself[258]." Generally speaking, however, the theories of the "dissecting school" are not in themselves faulty, if we admit the assumptions on which they rest. They fail however in two ways. An examination of the short lay and the long epic, so far as these are represented in extant documents, does not bear out {115} well the assumptions of the theorizers. Secondly, the minute scrutiny to which the poem has been subjected in matters of syntax, metre, dialect and tradition has failed to show any difference between the parts attributed to the different authors, such as we must certainly have expected to find, had the theories of the "dissecting school" been correct. That behind our extant _Beowulf_, and connecting it with the events of the sixth century, there must have been a number of older lays, may indeed well be admitted: also that to these lays our poem owes its plot, its traditions of metre and its phraseology, and perhaps (but this is a perilous assumption) continuous passages of its text. But what Müllenhoff and ten Brink go on to assume is that these original oral lays were simple in outline and treated a single well-defined episode in a straightforward manner; that later redactors and scribes corrupted this primitive simplicity; but that the modern critic, by demanding it, and using its presence or absence as a criterion, can still disentangle from the complex composite poem the simpler elements out of which it was built up. Here are rather large assumptions. What right have we to postulate that this primitive "literature without letters[259]," these short oral ballads and lays, dealt with a single episode without digression or confusion: whilst the later age,--the civilized, Christianized age of written literature during which _Beowulf_ in the form in which we now have it was produced,--is assumed to have been tolerant of both? No doubt, here and there, in different literatures, groups of short lays can be found which one can imagine might be combined into an orderly narrative poem, without much hacking about. But on the other hand a short lay will often tell, in less than a hundred lines, a story more complex than that of the _Iliad_ or the _Odyssey_. Its shortness may be due, not to any limitation in the scope of the plot, but rather to the passionate haste with which it rushes through a long story. It is one thing to admit that there must have been short lays on the story of Beowulf: it is another to assume that these lays were of such a character that nothing was needed but compilers {116} with a taste for arrangement and interpolation in order to turn them into the extant epic of _Beowulf_. When we find nearly five hundred lines spent in describing the reception of the hero in Hrothgar's land, we may well doubt whether this passage can have found its way into our poem through any such process of fitting together as Müllenhoff postulated. It would be out of scale in any narrative shorter than the _Beowulf_ as we have it. It suggests to us that the epic is developed out of the lay, not by a process of fitting together, but rather by a retelling of the story in a more leisurely way. A comparison of extant short lays or ballads with extant epics has shown that, if these epics were made by stringing lays together, such lays must have been different from the great majority of the short lays now known. "The lays into which this theory dissects the epics, or which it assumes as the sources of the epics, differ in two ways from extant lays: they deal with short, incomplete subjects and they have an epic breadth of style[260]." It has been shown by W. P. Ker[261] that a comparison of such fragments as have survived of the Germanic short lay (_Finnsburg_, _Hildebrand_) does not bear out the theory that the epic is a conglomeration of such lays. "It is the change and development in style rather than any increase in the complexity of the themes that accounts for the difference in scale between the shorter and the longer poems." A similar conclusion is reached by Professor Hart: "It might be illuminating to base a _Liedertheorie_ in part, at least, upon a study of existing _Lieder_, rather than wholly upon an attempt to dismember the epic in question. Such study reveals indeed a certain similarity in kind of Ballad and Epic, but it reveals at the same time an enormous difference in degree, in stage of development. If the _Beowulf_, then, was made up of a series of heroic songs, strung together with little or no modification, these songs must have been something very different from the popular ballad[262]." {117} And subsequent investigations into the history and folk-lore of our poem have not confirmed Müllenhoff's theory: in some cases indeed they have hit it very hard. When a new light was thrown upon the story by the discovery of the parallels between _Beowulf_ and the _Grettis saga_, it became clear that passages which Müllenhoff had condemned as otiose interpolations were likely to be genuine elements in the tale. Dr Olrik's minute investigations into the history of the Danish kings have shown from yet another point of view how allusions, which were rashly condemned by Müllenhoff and ten Brink as idle amplifications, are, in fact, essential. How the investigation of the metre, form, and syntax of _Beowulf_ has disclosed an archaic strictness of usage has been explained above (Sect. II). This usage is in striking contrast with the practice of later poets like Cynewulf. How far we are justified in relying upon such differences of usage as criteria of _exact_ date is open to dispute. But it seems clear that, had Müllenhoff's theories been accurate, we might reasonably have expected to have been able to differentiate between the earlier and the later strata in so composite a poem. The composite theory has lately been strongly supported by Schücking[263]. Schücking starts from the fact, upon which we are all agreed, that the poem falls into two main divisions: the story of how Beowulf at Heorot slew Grendel and Grendel's mother, and the story of the dragon, which fifty years later he slew at his home. These are connected by the section which tells how Beowulf returned from Heorot to his own home and was honourably received by his king, Hygelac. It is now admitted that the ways of Old English narrative were not necessarily our ways, and that we must not postulate, because our poem falls into two somewhat clumsily connected sections, that therefore it is compounded out of two originally distinct lays. But, on the other hand, as Schücking rightly urges, instances _are_ forthcoming of two O.E. poems having been clumsily connected into one[264]. Therefore, whilst no one would now urge that _Beowulf_ is put together out of two older {118} lays, _merely_ because it can so easily be divided into two sections, this fact does suggest that a case exists for examination. Now if a later poet had connected together two old lays, one on the Grendel and Grendel's mother business, and one on the dragon business, we might fairly expect that this connecting link would show traces of a different style. It is accordingly on the connecting link, the story of _Beowulf's Return_ and reception by Hygelac, that Schücking concentrates his attention, submitting it to the most elaborate tests to see if it betrays metrical, stylistic or syntactical divergencies from the rest of the poem. Various tests are applied, which admittedly give no result, such as the frequency of the repetition in the _Return_ of half verse formulas which occur elsewhere in _Beowulf_[265], or the way in which compound nouns fit into the metrical scheme[266]. Metrical criteria are very little more helpful[267]. We have seen that the antiquity of _Beowulf_ is proved by the cases where metre demands the substitution of an older uncontracted form for the existing shorter one. Schücking argues that no instance occurs in the 267 lines of the _Return_. But, even if this were the case, it might well be mere accident, since examples only occur at rare intervals anywhere in _Beowulf_. As a matter of fact, however, examples are to be found in the _Return_[268] (quite up to the normal proportion), though two of the clearest come in a portion of it which Schücking rather arbitrarily excludes. Coming to syntax in its broadest sense, and especially the method of constructing and connecting sentences, Schücking enumerates several constructions which are found in the _Return_, but not elsewhere in _Beowulf_. Syntax is a subject to which he has given special study, and his opinion upon it must be of value. But I doubt whether anyone as expert in the subject as Schücking could not find in every passage of like length in _Beowulf_ some constructions not to be exactly paralleled elsewhere in the poem. {119} The fact that we find here, and here only, passages introduced by the clauses _ic sceal forð sprecan_[269], and _t[=o] lang ys t[=o] reccenne_[270], is natural when we realize that we have here the longest speech in the whole poem, which obviously calls for such apologies for prolixity. The fact that no parentheses occur in the _Return_ does not differentiate it from the rest of _Beowulf_: for, as Schücking himself points out elsewhere, there are three other passages in the poem, longer than the _Return_, which are equally devoid of parentheses[271]. There remain a few _hapax legomena_[272], but very inconclusive. There are, in addition, examples which occur only in the _Return_, and in certain other episodic passages. These episodic passages also, Schücking supposes, may have been added by the same reviser who added the _Return_. But this is a perilous change of position. For example, a certain peculiarity is found only in the _Return_ and the introductory genealogical section[273]; or in the _Return_ and the _Finn Episode_[274]. But when Schücking proceeds to the suggestion that the _Introduction_ or the _Finn Episode_ may have been added by the same reviser who added _Beowulf's Return_, he knocks the bottom out of some of his previous arguments. The argument from the absence of parentheses (whatever it was worth) must go: for according to Schücking's own punctuation, such parentheses are found both in the _Introduction_ and in the _Finn Episode_. If these are by the author of the _Return_, then doubt is thrown upon one of the alleged peculiarities of that author; we find the author of the _Return_ no more averse _on the whole_ to parentheses than the author or authors of the rest of the poem. Peculiar usages of the moods and tenses are found twice in the _Return_[275], and once again in the episode where Beowulf {120} recalls his youth[276]. Supposing this episode to be also the work of the author of the _Return_, we get peculiar constructions used three times by this author, which cannot be paralleled elsewhere in _Beowulf_[277]. Now a large number of instances like this last might afford basis for argument; but they must be in bulk in order to prove anything. By the laws of chance we might expect, in any passage of three hundred lines, taken at random anywhere in _Beowulf_, to find something which occurred only in one other passage elsewhere in the poem. We cannot forthwith declare the two passages to be the work of an interpolator. One swallow does not make a summer. And the arguments as to style are not helped by arguments as to matter. Even if it be granted--which I do not grant--that the long repetition narrating Beowulf's contest with Grendel and Grendel's mother is tedious, there is no reason why this tedious repetition should not as well be the work of the original poet as of a later reviser. Must we find many different authors for _The Ring and the Book_? It must be granted that there are details (such as the mention of Grendel's glove) found in the Grendel struggle as narrated in _Beowulf's Return_, but not found in the original account of the struggle. Obviously the object is to avoid monotony, by introducing a new feature: but this might as well have been aimed at by the old poet retelling the tale as by a new poet retelling it. To me, the fact that so careful and elaborate a study of the story of _Beowulf's Return_ fails to betray any satisfactory evidence of separate authorship, is a confirmation of the verdict of "not proven" against the "dividers[278]." But there can be no doubt that Schücking's method, his attempt to prove differences in treatment, grammar, and style, is the right one. If any satisfactory results are to be attained, it must be in this way. * * * * * {121} SECTION IV. ARE THE CHRISTIAN ELEMENTS INCOMPATIBLE WITH THE REST OF THE POEM? Later students (like the man in Dante, placed between two equally enticing dishes) have been unable to decide in favour of either of the rival theories of Müllenhoff and ten Brink, and consequently the unity of the poem, which always had its champions, has of late years come to be maintained with increasing conviction and certainty. Yet many recent critics have followed Müllenhoff so far at least as to believe that the Christian passages are inconsistent with what they regard as the "essentially heathen" tone of the rest of the poem, and are therefore the work of an interpolator[279]. Certainly no one can escape a feeling of incongruity, as he passes from ideas of which the home lies in the forests of ancient Germany, to others which come from the Holy Land. But that both sets of ideas could not have been cherished, in England, about the year 700, by one and the same poet, is an assumption which calls for examination. As Christianity swept northward, situations were created which to the modern student are incongruous. But the Teutonic chief often had a larger mind than the modern student: he needed to have, if he was to get the best at the same time both from his wild fighting men and from his Latin clerks. It is this which gives so remarkable a character to the great men of the early centuries of converted Teutonism: men, like Theodoric the Great or Charles the Great, who could perform simultaneously the duties of a Germanic king and of a Roman Emperor: kings like Alfred the Great or St Olaf, who combined the character of the tough fighting chieftain with that of the saintly churchman. I love to think of these incongruities: to remember that the warrior Alfred, surrounded by _thegn_ and _gesith_, listening to the "Saxon songs" which he loved, was yet the same Alfred who painfully translated Gregory's _Pastoral {122} Care_ under the direction of foreign clerics. It is well to remember that Charles the Great, the catholic and the orthodox, collected ancient lays which his successors thought too heathen to be tolerated; or that St Olaf (who was so holy that, having absent mindedly chipped shavings off a stick on Sunday, he burnt them, as penance, on his open hand) nevertheless allowed to be sung before him, on the morning of his last fight, one of the most wild and utterly heathen of all the old songs--the _Bjarkamál_. It has been claimed that the account of the funeral rites of Beowulf is such as "no Christian poet could or would have composed[280]." Lately this argument has been stated more at length: "In the long account of Beowulf's obsequies--beginning with the dying king's injunction to construct for him a lofty barrow on the edge of the cliff, and ending with the scene of the twelve princes riding round the barrow, proclaiming the dead man's exploits--we have the most detailed description of an early Teutonic funeral which has come down to us, and one of which the accuracy is confirmed in every point by archaeological or contemporary literary evidence[281]. Such an account must have been composed within living memory of a time when ceremonies of this kind were still actually in use[282]." Owing to the standing of the scholar who urges it, this argument is coming to rank as a dogma[283], and needs therefore rather close examination. Professor Chadwick _may_ be right in urging that the custom of burning the dead had gone out of use in England even before Christianity was introduced[284]: anyhow it is certain that, wherever it survived, the practice was disapproved by ecclesiastics, and was, indeed, formally censured and suppressed by the church abroad. The church equally censured and endeavoured to suppress the ancient "heathen lays"; but without equal success. Now, in many of these lays the heathen rites of cremation must certainly have been depicted, and, in this way, the memory of the old funeral customs must have been kept fresh, long {123} after the last funeral pyre had died out in England. Of course there were then, as there have been ever since, puritanical people who objected that heathen lays and heathen ways were no fit concern for a Christian man. But the protests of such purists are just the strongest evidence that the average Christian did continue to take an interest in these things. We have seen that the very monks of Lindisfarne had to be warned by Alcuin. I cannot see that there is any such _a priori_ impossibility that a poet, though a sincere Christian enough, would have described a funeral in the old style, modelling his account upon older lays, or upon tradition derived from those lays. The church might disapprove of the practice of cremation, but we have no reason to suppose that mention of it was tabooed. And many of the old burial customs seem to have kept their hold, even upon the converted. Indeed, when the funeral of Attila is instanced as a type of the old heathen ceremony, it seems to be forgotten that those Gothic chieftains who rode their horses round the body of Attila were themselves probably Arian Christians, and that the historian who has preserved the account was an orthodox cleric. Saxo Grammaticus, ecclesiastic as he was, has left us several accounts[285] of cremations. He mentions the "pyre built of ships" and differs from the poet of _Beowulf_ chiefly because he allows those frankly heathen references to gods and offerings which the poet of _Beowulf_ excludes. Of course, Saxo was merely translating. One can quite believe that a Christian poet composing an account of a funeral in the old days, would have omitted the more frankly heathen features, as indeed the _Beowulf_ poet does. But Saxo shows us how far into Christian times the ancient funeral, in all its heathendom, was remembered; and how little compunction an ecclesiastic had in recording it. The assumption that no Christian poet would have composed the account of Beowulf's funeral or of Scyld's funeral ship, seems then to be quite unjustified. The further question remains: Granting that he _would_, could he? Is the account of Beowulf's funeral so true to old custom that it must have been composed by an eye-witness of {124} the rite of cremation? Is its "accuracy confirmed in every point by archaeological or contemporary literary evidence"? As to the archaeological evidence, the fact seems to be that the account is archaeologically so inexact that it has given great trouble to one eminent antiquary, Knut Stjerna. That the pyre should be hung with arms, which are _burnt_ with the hero (ll. 3139-40), and that then a second supply of unburnt treasures should be _buried_ with the cremated bones (ll. 3163-8), is regarded by Stjerna as extraordinary[286]. Surely, any such inexactitude is what we should expect in a late poet, drawing upon tradition. He would know that in heathen times bodies were burnt, and that weapons were buried; and he might well combine both. It is not necessary to suppose, as Stjerna does, that the poet has combined two separate accounts of Beowulf's funeral, given in older lays, in one of which the hero was burnt, and in the other buried. But the fact that an archaeological specialist finds the account of Beowulf's funeral so inexact that he has to assume a confused and composite source, surely disposes of the argument that it is so exact that it must date back to heathen times. As to confirmation from literary documents, the only one instanced by Chadwick is the account of the funeral of Attila. The parallel here is by no means so close as has been asserted. The features of Attila's funeral are: the lying in state, during which the chosen horsemen of the nation rode round the body singing the dead king's praises; the funeral feast; and the burial (not burning) of the body. Now the only feature which recurs in _Beowulf_ is the praise of the dead man by the mounted thanes. Even here there is an essential difference. Attila's men rode round the dead body of their lord _before_ his funeral. Beowulf's retainers ride and utter their lament around (not the body but) the grave mound of their lord, ten days after the cremation. And this is perhaps no accidental discrepancy: it may well correspond to a real difference in practice between the Gothic custom of the time of the migrations and the Anglo-Saxon {125} practice as it prevailed in Christian times[287]. For many documents, including the _Dream of the Rood_, tend to show that the _sorhl[=e]oð_, the lament of the retainers for their dead lord, survived into Christian times, but as a ceremony which was subsequent not merely to the funeral, but even to the building of the tomb. So that, here again, so far from the archaeological accuracy of the account of Beowulf's funeral being confirmed by the account of that of Attila, we find a discrepancy such as we might expect if a Christian poet, in later times, had tried to describe a funeral of the old heathen type. Of course, the evidence is far too scanty to allow of much positive argument. Still, _so far as it goes_, and that is not far, it rather tends to show that the account of the funeral customs is not quite accurate, representing what later Christian times knew by tradition of the rite of cremation, rather than showing the observation of that rite by an eye-witness. We must turn, then, to some other argument, if we wish to prove that the Christian element is inconsistent with other parts of the poem. A second argument that _Beowulf_ must belong either to heathen times, or to the very earliest Christian period in England, has been found in the character of the Christian allusions: they contain no "reference to Christ, to the Cross, to the Virgin or the Saints, to any doctrine of the church in regard to the Trinity, the Atonement, _etc._[288]" "A pious Jew would have no difficulty in assenting to them all[289]." Hence it has been argued[290] that they are the work of an interpolator who, working upon a poem "essentially heathen," was not able to impose upon it more than this "vague and colourless Christianity." I cannot see this. If passages had to be rewritten at all, it was just as easy to rewrite them in a tone emphatically Christian as in a tone mildly so. The difficulties which the interpolator would meet in removing a heathen phrase, and composing a Christian half-line in substitution, would be metrical, rather than theological. For example, in a second {126} half-line the interpolator could have written _ond h[=a]lig Crist_ or _ylda nergend_ just as easily as _ond h[=a]lig god_, or _ylda waldend_: he could have put in an allusion to the Trinity or to the Cross as easily as to the Lord of Hosts or the King of Glory. It would depend upon the alliteration which was the more convenient. And surely, if he was a monk deliberately sitting down to turn a heathen into a Christian poem, he would, of two alternatives, have favoured the more dogmatically Christian. The vagueness which is so characteristic of the Christian references in _Beowulf_ can then hardly be due to the poem having originally been a heathen one, worked over by a Christian. Others have seen in this vagueness a proof "that the minstrels who introduced the Christian element had but a vague knowledge of the new faith[291]": or that the poem was the work of "a man who, without having, or wanting to have, much definite instruction, had become Christian because the Court had newly become Christian[292]." But, vague as it is, does the Christianity of _Beowulf_ justify such a judgment as this? Do not the characters of Hrothgar or of Beowulf, of Hygd or of Wealhtheow, show a Christian influence which, however little dogmatic, is anything but superficial? This is a matter where individual feeling rather than argument must weigh: but the _Beowulf_ does not seem to me the work of a man whose adherence to Christianity is merely nominal[293]. And, so far as the absence of dogma goes, it seems to have been overlooked that the Christian references in the _Battle of Maldon_, written when England had been Christian for over three centuries, are precisely of the same vague character as those in _Beowulf_. Surely the explanation is that to a devout, but not {127} theologically-minded poet, writing battle poetry, references to God as the Lord of Hosts or the Giver of Victory came naturally--references to the Trinity or the Atonement did not. This seems quite a sufficient explanation; though it may be that in _Beowulf_ the poet has consciously avoided dogmatic references, because he realized that the characters in his story were not Christians[294]. That, at the same time, he allows those characters with whom he sympathizes to speak in a Christian spirit is only what we should expect. Just so Chaucer allows his pagans--Theseus for instance--to use Christian expressions about God or the soul, whilst avoiding anything strikingly doctrinal. Finally I cannot admit that the Christian passages are "poetically of no value[295]." The description of Grendel nearing Heorot is good: Ð[=a] c[=o]m of m[=o]re under mist-hleoþum Grendel gongan-- but it is heightened when the poet adds: Godes yrre bær. Yet here again it is impossible to argue: it is a matter of individual feeling. When, however, we come to the further statement of Dr Bradley, that the Christian passages are not only interpolations poetically worthless, but "may be of any date down to that of the extant MS" (i.e. about the year 1000 A.D.), we have reached ground where argument _is_ possible, and where definite results can be attained. For Dr Bradley, at the same time that he makes this statement about the character of the Christian passages, also quotes the archaic syntax of _Beowulf_ as proving an early date[296]. _But this archaic syntax is just as prominent a feature of the Christian passages as of any other parts of the poem._ If these Christian passages are really the work of a "monkish copyist, whose piety exceeded his poetic powers[297]," how do they come to show an antique syntax and a strict technique surpassing those of Cynewulf or the _Dream {128} of the Rood_? Why do they not betray their origin by metrical inaccuracies such as we find in poems undoubtedly interpolated, like _Widsith_ or the _Seafarer_? Dr Bradley is "our chief English seer in these matters," as Dr Furnivall said long ago; and it is only with the greatest circumspection that one should differ from any of his conclusions. Nevertheless, I feel that, before we can regard any portion of _Beowulf_ as later than the rest, discrepancies need to be demonstrated. Until such discrepancies between the different parts of _Beowulf_ can be demonstrated, we are justified in regarding the poem as homogeneous: as a production of the Germanic world enlightened by the new faith. Whether through external violence or internal decay, this world was fated to rapid change, and perished with its promise unfulfilled. The great merit of _Beowulf_ as a historic document is that it shows us a picture of a period in which the virtues of the heathen "Heroic Age" were tempered by the gentleness of the new belief; an age warlike, yet Christian: devout, yet tolerant. * * * * * {129} PART II DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATING THE STORIES IN _BEOWULF_, AND THE _OFFA_-SAGA. A. THE EARLY KINGS OF THE DANES ACCORDING TO SAXO GRAMMATICUS Saxo, Book I, ed. Ascensius, fol. iii b; ed. Holder, p. 10, l. 25. Uerum a Dan, ut fert antiquitas, regum nostrorum stemmata, ceu quodam deriuata principio, splendido successionis ordine profluxerunt. Huic filii Humblus et Lotherus fuere, ex Grytha, summæ inter Teutones dignitatis matrona, suscepti. Lecturi regem ueteres affixis humo saxis insistere, suffragiaque promere consueuerant, subiectorum lapidum firmitate facti constantiam ominaturi. Quo ritu Humblus, decedente patre, nouo patriæ beneficio rex creatus, sequentis fortunæ malignitate, ex rege priuatus euasit. Bello siquidem a Lothero captus, regni depositione spiritum mercatus est; hæc sola quippe uicto salutis conditio reddebatur. Ita fraternis iniuriis imperium abdicare coactus, documentum hominibus præbuit, ut plus splendoris, ita minus securitatis, aulis quam tuguriis inesse. Ceterum iniuriæ tam patiens fuit, ut honoris damno tanquam beneficio gratulari crederetur, sagaciter, ut puto, regiæ conditionis habitum contemplatus. Sed nec Lotherus tolerabiliorem regem quam militem egit, ut prorsus insolentia ac scelere regnum auspicari uideretur; siquidem illustrissimum quemque uita aut opibus spoliare, patriamque bonis ciuibus uacuefacere probitatis loco duxit, regni æmulos ratus, quos nobilitate pares habuerat. Nec diu scelerum impunitus, patriæ consternatione perimitur; eadem spiritum eripiente, quæ regnum largita fuerat. {130} Cuius filius Skyoldus naturam ab ipso, non mores sortitus, per summam tenerioris ætatis industriam cuncta paternæ contagionis uestigia ingeniti erroris deuio præteribat. Igitur ut a paternis uitiis prudenter desciuit, ita auitis uirtutibus feliciter respondit, remotiorem pariter ac præstantiorem hereditarii moris portionem amplexus. Huius adolescentia inter paternos uenatores immanis beluæ subactione insignis extitit, mirandoque rei euentu futuræ eius fortitudinis habitum ominata est. Nam cum a tutoribus forte, quorum summo studio educabatur, inspectandæ uenationis licentiam impetrasset, obuium sibi insolitæ granditatis ursum, telo uacuus, cingulo, cuius usum habebat, religandum curauit, necandumque comitibus præbuit. Sed et complures spectatæ fortitudinis pugiles per idem tempus uiritim ab eo superati produntur, e quibus Attalus et Scatus clari illustresque fuere. Quindecim annos natus, inusitato corporis incremento perfectissimum humani roboris specimen præferebat, tantaque indolis eius experimenta fuere, ut ab ipso ceteri Danorum reges communi quodam uocabulo Skioldungi nuncuparentur.... Saxo then relates the adventures of Gram, Hadingus and Frotho, whom he represents as respectively son, grandson and great-grandson of Skioldus. That Gram and Hadingus are interpolated in the family is shewn by the fact that the pedigree of Sweyn Aageson passes direct from Skiold to his son Frothi. Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xi b; ed. Holder, p. 38, l. 4. Hadingo filius Frotho succedit, cuius uarii insignesque casus fuere. Pubertatis annos emensus, iuuenilium præferebat complementa uirtutum, quas ne desidiæ corrumpendas præberet, abstractum uoluptatibus animum assidua armorum intentione torquebat. Qui cum, paterno thesauro bellicis operibus absumpto, stipendiorum facultatem, qua militem aleret, non haberet, attentiusque necessarii usus subsidia circunspiceret, tali subeuntis indigenæ carmine concitatur: Insula non longe est præmollibus edita cliuis, Collibus æra tegens et opimæ conscia prædæ. Hic tenet eximium, montis possessor, aceruum {131} Implicitus giris serpens crebrisque reflexus Orbibus, et caudæ sinuosa uolumina ducens, Multiplicesque agitans spiras, uirusque profundens. Quem superare uolens clypeo, quo conuenit uti, Taurinas intende cutes, corpusque bouinis Tergoribus tegito, nec amaro nuda ueneno Membra patere sinas; sanies, quod conspuit, urit. Lingua trisulca micans patulo licet ore resultet, Tristiaque horrifico minitetur uulnera rictu, Intrepidum mentis habitum retinere memento. Nec te permoueat spinosi dentis acumen, Nec rigor, aut rapida iactatum fauce uenenum. Tela licet temnat uis squamea, uentre sub imo Esse locum scito, quo ferrum mergere fas est; Hunc mucrone petens medium rimaberis anguem. Hinc montem securus adi, pressoque ligone Perfossos scrutare cauos; mox ære crumenas Imbue, completamque reduc ad littora puppim. Credulus Frotho solitarius in insulam traiicit: ne comitatior beluam adoriretur, quam athletas aggredi moris fuerat. Quæ cum aquis pota specum repeteret, impactum Frothonis ferrum aspero cutis horrore contempsit. Sed et spicula, quæ in eam coniecta fuerant, eluso mittentis conatu læsionis irrita resultabant. At ubi nil tergi duritia cessit, uentris curiosius annotati mollities ferro patuit. Quæ se morsu ulcisci cupiens, clypeo duntaxat spinosum oris acumen impegit. Crebris deinde linguam micatibus ducens, uitam pariter ac uirus efflauit. Repertæ pecuniæ regem locupletem fecere.... Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xv b; ed. Holder, p. 51, l. 4. His, uirtute paribus, æqua regnandi incessit auiditas. Imperii cuique cura extitit; fraternus nullum respectus astrinxit. Quem enim nimia sui caritas ceperit, aliena deserit: nee sibi quisquam ambitiose atque aliis amice consulere potest. Horum maximus Haldanus, Roe et Scato fratribus interfectis, naturam scelere polluit: regnum parricidio carpsit. Et ne ullum crudelitatis exemplum omitteret, comprehensos eorum fautores prius {132} uinculorum poena coercuit, mox suspendio consumpsit. Cuius ex eo maxime fortuna ammirabilis fuit, quod, licet omnia temporum momenta ad exercenda atrocitatis officia contulisset, senectute uitam, non ferro, finierit. Huius filii Roe et Helgo fuere. A Roe Roskildia condita memoratur: quam postmodum Sueno, furcatæ barbæ cognomento clarus, ciuibus auxit, amplitudine propagauit. Hic breui angustoque corpore fuit: Helgonem habitus procerior cepit. Qui, diuiso cum fratre regno, maris possessionem sortitus, regem Sclauiæ Scalcum maritimis copiis lacessitum oppressit. Quam cum in prouinciam redegisset, uarios pelagi recessus uago nauigationis genere perlustrabat. Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xvi a; ed. Holder, p. 53, l. 16. Huic filius Roluo succedit, uir corporis animique dotibus uenustus, qui staturæ magnitudinem pari uirtutis habitu commendaret. _Ibid._, ed. Ascensius, fol. xvii a; ed. Holder, p. 55, l. 40. Per idem tempus Agnerus quidam, Ingelli films, sororem Roluonis, Rutam nomine, matrimonio ducturus, ingenti conuiuio nuptias instruit. In quo cum pugiles, omni petulantiæ genere debacchantes, in Ialtonem quendam nodosa passim ossa coniicerent, accidit, ut eius consessor, Biarco nomine, iacientis errore uehementem capite ictum exciperet. Qui dolore pariter ac ludibrio lacessitus, osse inuicem in iacientem remisso, frontem eius in occuput reflexit, idemque loco frontis intorsit, transuersum hominis animum uultus obliquitate mulctando. Ea res contumeliosam ioci insolentiam temperauit, pugilesque regia abire coegit. Qua conuiuii iniuria permotus, sponsus ferro cum Biarcone decernere statuit, uiolatæ hilaritatis ultionem duelii nomine quæsiturus. In cuius ingressu, utri prior feriendi copia deberetur diutule certatum est. Non enim antiquitus in edendis agonibus crebræ ictuum uicissitudines petebantur: sed erat cum interuallo temporis etiam feriendi distincta successio; rarisque sed atrocibus plagis certamina gerebantur, ut gloria potius percussionum magnitudini, quam numero deferretur. Prælato ob generis dignitatem Agnero, tanta ui ictum ab eo editum {133} constat, ut, prima cassidis parte conscissa, supremam capitis cuticulam uulneraret, ferrumque mediis galeæ interclusum foraminibus dimitteret. Tunc Biarco mutuo percussurus, quo plenius ferrum libraret, pedem trunco annixus, medium Agneri corpus præstantis acuminis mucrone transegit. Sunt qui asserant, morientem Agnerum soluto in risum ore per summam doloris dissimulationem spiritum reddidisse. Cuius ultionem pugiles auidius expetentes, simili per Biarconem exitio mulctati sunt. Utebatur quippe præstantis acuminis inusitatæque longitudinis gladio, quem Løui uocabat. Talibus operum meritis exultanti nouam de se siluestris fera uictoriam præbuit. Ursum quippe eximiæ magnitudinis obuium sibi inter dumeta factum iaculo confecit: comitemque suum Ialtonem, quo uiribus maior euaderet, applicato ore egestum belluæ cruorem haurire iussit. Creditum namque erat, hoc potionis genere corporei roboris incrementa præstari. His facinorum uirtutibus clarissimas optimatum familiaritates adeptus, etiam regi percarus euasit; sororem eius Rutam uxorem asciuit, uictique sponsam uictoriæ præmium habuit. Ab Atislo lacessiti Roluonis ultionem armis exegit, eumque uictum hello prostrauit. Tunc Roluo magni acuminis iuuenem Hiarthwarum nomine, sorore Sculda sibi in matrimonium data, annuoque uectigali imposito, Suetiæ præfectum constituit, libertatis iacturam affinitatis beneficio leniturus. Hoc loci quiddam memoratu iucundum operi inseratur. Adolescens quidam Wiggo nomine, corpoream Roluonis magnitudinem attentiori contemplatione scrutatus, ingentique eiusdem admiratione captus, percontari per ludibrium coepit, quisnam esset iste Krage, quem tanto staturæ fastigio prodiga rerum natura ditasset; faceto cauillationis genere inusitatum proceritatis habitum prosecutus. Dicitur enim lingua Danica 'krage' truncus, cuius semicæsis ramis fastigia conscenduntur, ita ut pes, præcisorum stipitum obsequio perinde ac scalæ beneficio nixus, sensimque ad superiora prouectus, petitæ celsitudinis compendium assequatur. Quern uocis iactum Roluo perinde ac inclytum sibi cognomen amplexus, urbanitatem dicti ingentis armillæ dono prosequitur. Qua Wiggo dexteram excultam extollens, læua per pudoris simulationem post tergum {134} reflexa, ridiculum corporis incessum præbuit, præfatus, exiguo lætari munere, quem sors diutinæ tenuisset inopiæ. Rogatus, cur ita se gereret, inopem ornamenti manum nulloque cultus beneficio gloriantem ad aspectum reliquæ uerecundo paupertatis rubore perfundi dicebat. Cuius dicti calliditate consentaneum priori munus obtinuit. Siquidem Roluo manum, quæ ab ipso occultabatur, exemplo reliquæ in medium accersendam curauit. Nec Wiggoni rependendi beneficii cura defuit. Siquidem arctissima uoti nuncupatione pollicitus est, si Roluonem ferro perire contingeret, ultionem se ab eius interfectoribus exacturum. Nec prætereundum, quod olim ingressuri curiam proceres famulatus sui principia alicuius magnæ rei uoto principibus obligare solebant, uirtute tirocinium auspicantes. Interea Sculda, tributariæ solutionis pudore permota, diris animum commentis applicans, maritum, exprobrata condicionis deformitate, propulsandæ seruitutis monitu concitatum atque ad insidias Roluoni nectendas perductum atrocissimis nouarum rerum consiliis imbuit, plus unumquenque libertati quam necessitudini debere testata. Igitur crebras armorum massas, diuersi generis tegminibus obuolutas, tributi more per Hiarthwarum in Daniam perferri iubet, occidendi noctu regis materiam præbituras. Refertis itaque falsa uectigalium mole nauigiis, Lethram pergitur, quod oppidum, a Roluone constructum eximiisque regni opibus illustratum, ceteris confinium prouinciarum urbibus regiæ fundationis et sedis auctoritate præstabat. Rex aduentum Hiarthwari conuiualis impensæ deliciis prosecutus ingenti se potione proluerat, hospitibus præter morem ebrietatis intemperantiam formidantibus. Ceteris igitur altiorem carpentibus somnum, Sueones, quibus scelesti libido propositi communem quietis usum ademerat, cubiculis furtim delabi coepere. Aperitur ilico telorum occlusa congeries, et sua sibi quisque tacitus arma connectit. Deinde regiam petunt, irruptisque penetralibus in dormientium corpora ferrum destringunt. Experrecti complures, quibus non minus subitæ cladis horror quam somni stupor incesserat, dubio nisu discrimini restitere, socii an hostes occurrerent, noctis errore incertum reddente. Eiusdem forte silentio noctis Hialto, qui {135} inter regios proceres spectatæ probitatis merito præeminebat, rus egressus, scorti se complexibus dederat. Hic cum obortum pugnæ fragorem stupida procul aure sensisset, fortitudinem luxuriæ prætulit, maluitque funestum Martis discrimen appetere, quam blandis Veneris illecebris indulgere. Quanta hunc militem regis caritate flagrasse putemus, qui, cum ignorantiæ simulatione excusationem absentiæ præstare posset, salutem suam manifesto periculo obicere, quam uoluptati seruare satius existimauit? Discedentem pellex percunctari coepit, si ipso careat, cuius ætatis uiro nubere debeat. Quam Hialto, perinde ac secretius allocuturus, propius accedere iussam, indignatus amoris sibi successorem requiri, præciso naso deformem reddidit, erubescendoque uulnere libidinosæ percunctationis dictum mulctauit, mentis lasciuiam oris iactura temperandam existimans. Quo facto, liberum quæsitæ rei iudicium a se ei relinqui dixit. Post hæc, repetito ocius oppido, confertissimis se globis immergit, aduersasque acies mutua uulnerum inflictione prosternit. Cumque dormientis adhuc Biarconis cubiculum præteriret, expergisci iussum, tali uoce compellat: Saxo's translation of the _Bjarkamál_ follows. The part which concerns students of _Beowulf_ most is the account of how Roluo deposed and slew Røricus. Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xix a; ed. Holder, p. 62, l. 1. At nos, qui regem uoto meliore ueremur, Iungamus cuneos stabiles, tutisque phalangem Ordinibus mensi, qua rex præcepit, eamus Qui natum Bøki Røricum strauit auari, Implicuitque uirum leto uirtute carentem. Ille quidem præstans opibus, habituque fruendi Pauper erat, probitate minus quam foenore pollens; Aurum militia potius ratus, omnia lucro Posthabuit, laudisque carens congessit aceruos Æris, et ingenuis uti contempsit amicis. Cumque lacessitus Roluonis classe fuisset, Egestum cistis aurum deferre ministros Iussit, et in primas urbis diffundere portas. {136} Dona magis quam bella parans, quia militis expers Munere, non armis, tentandum credidit hostem; Tanquam opibus solis bellum gesturus, et usu Rerum, non hominum, Martem producere posset. Ergo graues loculos et ditia claustra resoluit Armillas teretes et onustas protulit arcas, Exitii fomenta sui, ditissimus æris, Bellatoris inops, hostique adimenda relinquens Pignora, quæ patriis præbere pepercit amicis. Annellos ultro metuens dare, maxima nolens Pondera fudit opum, ueteris populator acerui. Rex tamen hunc prudens, oblataque munera spreuit, Rem pariter uitamque adimens; nec profuit hosti Census iners, quem longo auidus cumulauerat æuo. Hunc pius inuasit Roluo, summasque perempti Cepit opes, inter dignos partitus amicos, Quicquid auara manus tantis congesserat annis; Irrumpensque opulenta magis quam fortia castra, Præbuit eximiam sociis sine sanguine prædam. Cui nil tam pulchrum fuit, ut non funderet illud, Aut carum, quod non sociis daret, æra fauillis Assimulans, famaque annos, non foenore mensus. Unde liquet, regem claro iam funere functum Præclaros egisse dies, speciosaque fati Tempora, præteritos decorasse uiriliter annos. Nam uirtute ardens, dum uiueret, omnia uicit, Egregio dignas sortitus corpore uires. Tam præceps in bella fuit, quam concitus amnis In mare decurrit, pugnamque capessere promptus Ut ceruus rapidum bifido pede tendere cursum. Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xxi a; ed. Holder, p. 67, l. 1. Hanc maxime exhortationum seriem idcirco metrica ratione compegerim, quod earundem sententiarum intellectus Danici cuiusdam carminis compendio digestus a compluribus antiquitatis peritis memoriter usurpatur. Contigit autem, potitis uictoria Gothis, omne Roluonis {137} agmen occumbere, neminemque, excepto Wiggone, ex tanta iuuentute residuum fore. Tantum enim excellentissimis regis meritis ea pugna a militibus tributum est, ut ipsius cædes omnibus oppetendæ mortis cupiditatem ingeneraret, eique morte iungi uita iucundius duceretur. Lætus Hiartuarus prandendi gratia positis mensis conuiuium pugnæ succedere iubet, uictoriam epulis prosecuturus. Quibus oneratus magnæ sibi ammirationi esse dixit, quod ex tanta Roluonis militia nemo, qui saluti fuga aut captione consuleret, repertus fuisset. Unde liquidum fuisse quanto fidei studio regis sui caritatem coluerint, cui superstites esse passi non fuerint. Fortunam quoque, quod sibi ne unius quidem eorum obsequium superesse permiserit, causabatur, quam libentissime se talium uirorum famulatu usurum testatus. Oblato Wiggone perinde ac munere gratulatus, an sibi militare uellet, perquirit. Annuenti destrictum gladium offert. Ille cuspidem refutans, capulum petit, hunc morem Roluoni in porrigendo militibus ense extitisse præfatus. Olim namque se regum clientelæ daturi, tacto gladii capulo obsequium polliceri solebant. Quo pacto Wiggo capulum complexus, cuspidem per Hiartuarum agit, ultionis compos, cuius Roluoni ministerium pollicitus fuerat. Quo facto, ouans irruentibus in se Hiartuari militibus cupidius corpus obtulit, plus uoluptatis se ex tyranni nece quam amaritudinis ex propria sentire uociferans. Ita conuiuio in exequias uerso, uictoriæ gaudium funeris luctus insequitur. Clarum ac semper memorabilem uirum, qui, uoto fortiter expleto, mortem sponte complexus suo ministerio mensas tyranni sanguine maculauit. Neque enim occidentium manus uiuax animi uirtus expauit, cum prius a se loca, quibus Roluo assueuerat, interfectoris eius cruore respersa cognosceret. Eadem itaque dies Hiartuari regnum finiuit ac peperit. Fraudulenter enim quæsitæ res eadem sorte defluunt, qua petuntur, nullusque diuturnus est fructus, qui scelere ac perfidia partus fuerit. Quo euenit ut Sueones, paulo ante Daniæ potitores, ne suæ quidem salutis potientes existerent. Protinus enim a Syalandensibus deleti læsis Roluonis manibus iusta exsoluere piacula. Adeo plerunque fortunæ sæuitia ulciscitur, quod dolo ac fallacia patratur. * * * * * {138} B. HRÓLFS SAGA KRAKA, CAP. 23 (ed. Finnur Jónsson, København, 1904, p. 65 ff.) Síðan fór B[o,]ðvarr leið sína til Hleiðargarðs. Hann kemr til konungs atsetu. B[o,]ðvarr leiðir síðan hest sinn á stall hjá konungs hestum hinum beztu ok spyrr engan at; gekk síðan inn í h[o,]llina, ok var þar fátt manna. Hann sez utarliga, ok sem hann hefir verit þar litla hríð, heyrir hann þrausk n[o,]kkut utar í hornit í einhverjum stað. B[o,]ðvarr lítr þangat ok sér, at mannsh[o,]nd kemr upp úr mikilli beinahrúgu, er þar lá; h[o,]ndin var sv[o,]rt mj[o,]k. B[o,]ðvarr gengr þangat til ok spyrr, hverr þar væri í beinahrúgunni; þá var honum svarat ok heldr óframliga: "H[o,]ttr heiti ek, Bokki sæll." "Hví ertu hér, segir B[o,]ðvarr, eða hvat gerir þú?" H[o,]ttr segir: "ek geri mér skjaldborg, Bokki sæll." B[o,]ðvarr sagði: "vesall ertu þinnar skjaldborgar." B[o,]ðvarr þrífr til hans ok hnykkir honum upp úr beinahrúgunni. H[o,]ttr kvað þá hátt við ok mælti: "nú viltu mér bana, ger eigi þetta, svá sem ek hefi nú vel um búiz áðr, en þú hefir nú rótat í sundr skjaldborg minni, ok hafða ek nú svá gert hana háva utan at mér, at hún hefir hlíft mér við [o,]llum h[o,]ggum ykkar, svá _at_ engi h[o,]gg hafa komit á mik lengi, en ekki var hún enn svá búin, sem ek ætlaði hún skyldi verða." B[o,]ðvarr mælti: "ekki muntu fá skjaldborgina lengr." H[o,]ttr mælti ok grét: "skaltu nú bana mér, Bokki sæll?" B[o,]ðvarr bað hann ekki hafa hátt, tók hann upp síðan ok bar hann út úr h[o,]llinni ok til vats n[o,]kkurs, sem þar var í nánd, ok gáfu fáir at þessu gaum, ok þó hann upp allan. Síðan gekk B[o,]ðvarr til þess rúms, sem hann hafði áðr tekit, ok leiddi eptir sér H[o,]tt ok þar setr hann H[o,]tt hjá sér, en hann er svá hræddr, at skelfr á honum leggr ok liðr, en þó þykkiz hann skilja, at þessi maðr vill hjálpa sér. Eptir þat kveldar ok drífa menn í h[o,]llina ok sjá Hrólfs kappar, at H[o,]ttr er settr á bekk upp, ok þykkir þeim sá maðr hafa gert sik ærit djarfan, er þetta hefir til tekit. Ilt tillit hefir H[o,]ttr, þá _er_ hann sér kunningja sína, því _at_ hann hefir ilt eitt af þeim reynt; hann vill lifa gjarnan ok fara aptr í beinahrúgu sína, en B[o,]ðvarr heldr honum, svá _at_ hann náir ekki í burtu at fara, því _at_ hann þóttiz ekki jafnberr fyrir h[o,]ggum þeira, ef hann næði þangat {139} at komaz sem hann er nú. Hirðmenn hafa nú sama vanda, ok kasta fyrst beinum smám um þvert gólfit til B[o,]ðvars ok Hattar. B[o,]ðvarr lætr, sem hann sjái eigi þetta. H[o,]ttr er svá hræddr, at hann tekr eigi mat né drukk, ok þykkir honum þá ok þá sem hann muni vera lostinn; ok nú mælti H[o,]ttr til B[o,]ðvars: "Bokki sæll, nú ferr at þér stór hnúta, ok mun þetta ætlat okkr til nauða." B[o,]ðvarr bað hann þegja; hann setr við holan lófann ok tekr svá við hnútunni; þar fylgir leggrinn með; B[o,]ðvarr sendi aptr hnútuna ok setr á þann, sem kastaði ok rétt framan í hann með svá harðri svipan, at hann fekk bana; sló þá miklum ótta yfir hirðmennina. Kemr nú þessi fregn fyrir Hrólf konung ok kappa hans upp í kastalann, at maðr mikilúðligr sé kominn til hallarinnar ok hafi drepit einn hirðmann hans, ok vildu þeir láta drepa manninn. Hrólfr konungr spurðiz eptir, hvárt hirðmaðrinn hefði verit saklauss drepinn. "Því var næsta," s[o,]gðu þeir. Kómuz þá fyrir Hrólf konung [o,]ll sannindi hér um. Hrólfr konungr sagði þat skyldu fjarri, at drepa skyldi manninn--"hafi þit hér illan vanda upp tekit, at berja saklausa menn beinum; er mér í því óvirðing, en yðr stór sk[o,]mm, at gera slíkt; hefi ek jafnan rætt um þetta áðr, ok hafi þit at þessu engan gaum gefit, ok hygg ek, at þessi maðr muni ekki alllítill fyrir sér, er þér hafið nú á leitat, ok kallið hann til mín, svá _at_ ek viti, hverr hann er." B[o,]ðvarr gengr fyrir konung ok kveðr hann kurteisliga. Konunga spyrr hann at nafni. "Hattargriða kalla mik hirðmenn yðar, en B[o,]ðvarr heiti ek." Konungr mælti: "hverjar bætr viltu bjóða mér fyrir hirðmann minn?" B[o,]ðvarr segir: "til þess gerði hann, sem hann fekk." Konungr mælti: "viltu vera minn maðr ok skipa rúm hans?" B[o,]ðvarr segir: "ekki neita ek, at vera yðarr maðr, ok munu vit ekki skiljaz svá búit, vit H[o,]ttr, ok dveljaz nær þér báðir, heldr en þessi hefir setit, elligar vit f[o,]rum burt báðir." Konungr mælti: "eigi sé ek at honum sæmd en ek spara ekki mat við hann." B[o,]ðvarr gengr nú til þess rúms, sem honum líkaði, en ekki vill hann þat skipa, sem hinn hafði áðr; hann kippir upp í einhverjum stað þremr m[o,]nnum, ok síðan settuz þeir H[o,]ttr þar niðr ok innar í h[o,]llinni en þeim var skipat. Heldr þótti m[o,]nnum ódælt við B[o,]ðvar, ok er þeim hinn mesti íhugi at honum. Ok sem leið at jólum, {140} gerðuz menn ókátir. B[o,]ðvarr spyrr H[o,]tt, hverju þetta sætti; hann segir honum, at dýr eitt hafi þar komit tvá vetr í samt, mikit ok ógurligt--"ok hefir vængi á bakinu ok flýgr þat jafnan; tvau haust hefir þat nú hingat vitjat ok gert mikinn skaða; á þat bíta ekki vápn, en kappar konungs koma ekki heim, þeir sem at eru einna mestir." B[o,]ðvarr mælti: "ekki er h[o,]llin svá vel skipuð, sem ek ætlaði, ef eitt dýr skal hér eyða ríki ok fé konungsins." H[o,]ttr sagði: "þat er ekki dýr, heldr er þat hit mesta tr[o,]ll." Nú kemr jólaaptann; þá mælti konungr: "nú vil ek, at menn sé kyrrir ok hljóðir í nótt, ok banna ek [o,]llum mínum m[o,]nnum at ganga í n[o,]kkurn háska við dýrit, en fé ferr eptir því sem auðnar; menn mína vil ek ekki missa." Allir heita hér góðu um, at gera eptir því, sem konungr bauð. B[o,]ðvarr leyndiz í burt um nóttina; hann lætr H[o,]tt fara með sér, ok gerir hann þat nauðugr ok kallaði hann sér stýrt til bana. B[o,]ðvarr segir, at betr mundi til takaz. Þeir ganga í burt frá h[o,]llinni, ok verðr B[o,]ðvarr at bera hann; svá er hann hræddr. Nú sjá þeir dýrit; ok því næst æpir H[o,]ttr slíkt, sem hann má, ok kvað dyrit mundu gleypa hann. B[o,]ðvarr bað bikkjuna hans þegja ok kastar honum niðr í mosann, ok þar liggr hann ok eigi með [o,]llu óhræddr; eigi þorir hann heim at fara heldr. Nú gengr B[o,]ðvarr móti dýrinu; þat hæfir honum, at sverðit er fast í umgj[o,]rðinni, er hann vildi bregða því. B[o,]ðvarr eggjar nú fast sverðit ok þá bragðar í umgj[o,]rðinni, ok nú fær hann brugðit umgj[o,]rðinni, svá _at_ sverðit gengr úr slíðrunum, ok leggr þegar undir bægi dýrsins ok svá fast, at stóð í hjartanu, ok datt þá dýrit til jarðar dautt niðr. Eptir þat ferr hann þangat sem H[o,]ttr liggr. B[o,]ðvarr tekr hann upp ok berr þangat, sem dýrit liggr dautt. H[o,]ttr skelfr ákaft. B[o,]ðvarr mælti: "nú skaltu drekka blóð dýrsins." Hann er lengi tregr, en þó þorir hann víst eigi annat. B[o,]ðvarr lætr hann drekka tvá, sopa stóra; hann lét hann ok eta n[o,]kkut af dýrshjartanu; eptir þetta tekr B[o,]ðvarr til hans, ok áttuz þeir við lengi. B[o,]ðvarr mælti: "helzt ertu nú sterkr orðinn, ok ekki vænti ek, et þú hræðiz nú hirðmenn Hrólfs konungs." H[o,]ttr sagði: "eigi mun ek þá hræðaz ok eigi þik upp frá þessu." "Vel er þá orðit, H[o,]ttr félagi; f[o,]ru vit nú til ok reisum upp dýrit ok búum svá um, at aðrir ætli at kvikt muni vera." {141} Þeir gera nú svá. Eptir þat fara þeir heim ok hafa kyrt um sik, ok veit engi maðr, hvat þeir hafa iðjat. Konungr spyrr um morguninn, hvat þeir viti til dýrsins, hvárt þat hafi n[o,]kkut þangat vitjat um nóttina; honum var sagt, at fé alt væri heilt í grindum ok ósakat. Konungr bað menn forvitnaz, hvárt engi sæi líkindi til, at þat hefði heim komit. Varðmenn gerðu svá ok kómu skjótt aptr ok s[o,]gðu konungi, at dýrit færi þar ok heldr geyst at borginni. Konungr bað hirðmenn vera hrausta ok duga nú hvern eptir því, sem hann hefði hug til, ok ráða af óvætt þenna; ok svá var gert, sem konungr bauð, at þeir bjuggu sik til þess. Konungr horfði á dýrit ok mælti síðan: "enga sé ek f[o,]r á dýrinu, en hverr vill nú taka kaup einn ok ganga í móti því?" B[o,]ðvarr mælti: "þat væri næsta hrausts manns forvitnisbót. H[o,]ttr félagi, rektu nú af þér illmælit þat, at menn láta, sem engi krellr né dugr muni í þer vera; far nú ok drep þú dýrit; máttu sjá, at engi er allfúss til annarra." "Já," sagði H[o,]ttr, "ek mun til þessa ráðaz." Konungr mælti: "ekki veit ek, hvaðan þessi hreysti er at þér komin, H[o,]ttr, ok mikit hefir um þik skipaz á skammri stundu." H[o,]ttr mælti: "gef mér til sverðit Gullinhjalta, er þú heldr á, ok skal ek þá fella dýrit eða fá bana." Hrólf konungr mælti: "þetta sverð er ekki beranda nema þeim manni, sem bæði er góðr drengr ok hraustr." H[o,]ttr sagði: "svá skaltu til ætla, at mér sé svá háttat." Konungr mælti: "hvat má vita, nema fleira hafi skipz um hagi þína, en sjá þykkir, en fæstir menn þykkjaz þik kenna, at þú sér enn sami maðr; nú tak við sverðinu ok njót manna bezt, ef þetta er til unnit." Síðan gengr H[o,]ttr at dýrinu alldjarfliga ok høggr til þess, þá _er_ hann kemr í h[o,]ggfæri, ok dýrit fellr niðr dautt. B[o,]ðvarr mælti: "sjáið nú, herra, hvat hann hefir til unnit." Konungr segir: "víst hefir hann mikit skipaz, en ekki hefir H[o,]ttr einn dýrit drepit, heldr hefir þú þat gert." B[o,]ðvarr segir: "vera má, at svá sé." Konungr segir: "vissa ek, þá _er_ þú komt hér, at fáir mundu þínir jafningjar vera, en þat þykki mér þó þitt verk frægiligast, at þú hefir gert hér annan kappa, þar _er_ H[o,]ttr er, ok óvænligr þótti til mikillar giptu; ok nú vil ek _at_ hann heiti eigi H[o,]ttr lengr ok skal hann heita Hjalti upp frá þessu; skaltu heita eptir sverðinu Gullinhjalta." {142} Then Bothvar went on his way to Leire, and came to the king's dwelling. Bothvar stabled his horse by the king's best horses, without asking leave; and then he went into the hall, and there were few men there. He took a seat near the door, and when he had been there a little time he heard a rummaging in a corner. Bothvar looked that way and saw that a man's hand came up out of a great heap of bones which lay there, and the hand was very black. Bothvar went thither and asked who was there in the heap of bones. Then an answer came, in a very weak voice, "Hott is my name, good fellow." "Why art thou here?" said Bothvar, "and what art thou doing?" Hott said, "I am making a shield-wall for myself, good fellow." Bothvar said, "Out on thee and thy shield-wall!" and gripped him and jerked him up out of the heap of bones. Then Hott cried out and said, "Now thou wilt be the death of me: do not do so. I had made it all so snug, and now thou hast scattered in pieces my shield-wall; and I had built it so high all round myself that it has protected me against all your blows, so that for long no blows have come upon me, and yet it was not so arranged as I meant it should be." Then Bothvar said, "Thou wilt not build thy shield-wall any longer." Hott said, weeping, "Wilt thou be the death of me, good fellow?" Bothvar told him not to make a noise, and then took him up and bore him out of the hall to some water which was close by, and washed him from head to foot. Few paid any heed to this. Then Bothvar went to the place which he had taken before, and led Hott with him, and set Hott by his side. But Hott was so afraid that he was trembling in every limb, and yet he seemed to know that this man would help him. After that it grew to evening, and men crowded into the hall: and Rolf's warriors saw that Hott was seated upon the bench. And it seemed to them that the man must be bold {143} enough, who had taken upon himself to put him there. Hott had an ill countenance when he saw his acquaintances, for he had received naught but evil from them. He wished to save his life and go back to his bone-heap, but Bothvar held him tightly so that he could not go away. For Hott thought that, if he could get back into his bone-heap, he would not be as much exposed to their blows as he was. Now the retainers did as before; and first of all they tossed small bones across the floor towards Bothvar and Hott. Bothvar pretended not to see this. Hott was so afraid that he neither ate nor drank; and every moment he thought he would be smitten. And now Hott said to Bothvar, "Good fellow, now a great knuckle bone is coming towards thee, aimed so as to do us sore injury." Bothvar told him to hold his tongue, and put up the hollow of his palm against the knuckle bone and caught it, and the leg bone was joined on to the knuckle bone. Then Bothvar sent the knuckle bone back, and hurled it straight at the man who had thrown it, with such a swift blow that it was the death of him. Then great fear came over the retainers. Now news came to King Rolf and his men up in the castle that a stately man had come to the hall and killed a retainer, and that the retainers wished to kill the man. King Rolf asked whether the retainer who had been killed had given any offence. "Next to none," they said: then all the truth of the matter came up before King Rolf. King Rolf said that it should be far from them to kill the man: "You have taken up an evil custom here in pelting men with bones without quarrel. It is a dishonour to me and a great shame to you to do so. I have spoken about it before, and you have paid no attention. I think that this man whom you have assailed must be a man of no small valour. Call him to me, so that I may know who he is." Bothvar went before the king and greeted him courteously. The king asked him his name. "Your retainers call me Hott's protector, but my name is Bothvar." The king said, "What compensation wilt thou offer me for my retainer?" {144} Bothvar said, "He only got what he asked for." The king said, "Wilt thou become my man and fill his place?" Bothvar said, "I do not refuse to be your man, but Hott and I must not part so. And we must sit nearer to thee than this man whom I have slain has sat; otherwise we will both depart together." The king said, "I do not see much credit in Hott, but I will not grudge him meat." Then Bothvar went to the seat that seemed good to him, and would not fill that which the other had before. He pulled up three men in one place, and then he and Hott sat down there higher in the hall than the place which had been given to them. The men thought Bothvar overbearing, and there was the greatest ill will among them concerning him. And when it drew near to Christmas, men became gloomy. Bothvar asked Hott the reason of this. Hott said to him that for two winters together a wild beast had come, great and awful, "And it has wings on its back, and flies. For two autumns it has attacked us here and done much damage. No weapon will wound it: and the champions of the king, those who are the greatest, come not back." Bothvar said, "This hall is not so well arrayed as I thought, if one beast can lay waste the kingdom and the cattle of the king." Hott said, "It is no beast: it is the greatest troll." Now Christmas-eve came; then said the king, "Now my will is that men to-night be still and quiet, and I forbid all my men to run into any peril with this beast. It must be with the cattle as fate will have it: but I do not wish to lose my men." All men promised to do as the king commanded. But Bothvar went out in secret that night; he caused Hott to go with him, but Hott did that only under compulsion, and said that it would be the death of him. Bothvar said that he hoped that it would be better than that. They went away from the hall, and Bothvar had to carry Hott, so frightened was he. Now they saw the beast; and thereupon Hott cried out as loud as he could, and said that the beast would swallow him. Bothvar said, "Be silent, thou dog," and threw him down in the mire. And there he lay in no small fear; but he did not dare to go home, any the more. {145} Now Bothvar went against the beast, and it happened that his sword was fast in his sheath when he wished to draw it. Bothvar now tugged at his sword, it moved, he wrenched the scabbard so that the sword came out. And at once he plunged it into the beast's shoulder so mightily that it pierced him to the heart, and the beast fell down dead to the earth. After that Bothvar went where Hott lay. Bothvar took him up and bore him to where the beast lay dead. Hott was trembling all over. Bothvar said, "Now must thou drink the blood of the beast." For long Hott was unwilling, and yet he did not dare to do anything else. Bothvar made him drink two great sups; also he made him eat somewhat of the heart of the beast. After that Bothvar turned to Hott, and they fought a long time. Bothvar said, "Thou hast now become very strong, and I do not believe that thou wilt now fear the retainers of King Rolf." Hott said, "I shall not fear them, nor thee either, from now on." "That is good, fellow Hott. Let us now go and raise up the beast, and so array him that others may think that he is still alive." And they did so. After that they went home, and were quiet, and no man knew what they had achieved. In the morning the king asked what news there was of the beast, and whether it had made any attack upon them in the night. And answer was made to the king, that all the cattle were safe and uninjured in their folds. The king bade his men examine whether any trace could be seen of the beast having visited them. The watchers did so, and came quickly back to the king with the news that the beast was making for the castle, and in great fury. The king bade his retainers be brave, and each play the man according as he had spirit, and do away with this monster. And they did as the king bade, and made them ready. Then the king faced towards the beast and said, "I see no sign of movement in the beast. Who now will undertake to go against it?" Bothvar said, "That would be an enterprise for a man of true valour. Fellow Hott, now clear thyself of that ill-repute, {146} in that men hold that there is no spirit or valour in thee. Go now and do thou kill the beast; thou canst see that there is no one else who is forward to do it." "Yea," said Hott, "I will undertake this." The king said, "I do not know whence this valour has come upon thee, Hott; and much has changed in thee in a short time." Hott said, "Give me the sword Goldenboss, Gullinhjalti, which thou dost wield, and I will fell the beast or take my death." Rolf the king said, "That sword cannot be borne except by a man who is both a good warrior and valiant." Hott said, "So shalt thou ween that I am a man of that kind." The king said, "How can one know that more has not changed in thy temper than can be seen? Few men would know thee for the same man. Now take the sword and have joy of it, if this deed is accomplished." Then Hott went boldly to the beast and smote at it when he came within reach, and the beast fell down dead. Bothvar said, "See now, my lord, what he has achieved." The king said, "Verily, he has altered much, but Hott has not killed the beast alone, rather hast thou done it." Bothvar said, "It may be that it is so." The king said, "I knew when thou didst come here that few would be thine equals. But this seems to me nevertheless thy most honourable work, that thou hast made here another warrior of Hott, who did not seem shaped for much luck. And now I will that he shall be called no longer Hott, but Hjalti from this time; thou shalt be called after the sword Gullinhjalti (Goldenboss)." * * * * * C. EXTRACTS FROM GRETTIS SAGA (ed. G. Magnússon, 1853; R. C. Boer, 1900) (_a_) _Glam episode_ (caps. 32-35) Þórhallr hét maðr, er bjó á Þórhallsst[o,]ðum í Forsæludal. Forsæludalr er upp af Vatnsdal. Þórhallr var Grímsson, Þórhallssonar, Friðmundarsonar, er nam Forsæludal. Þórhallr átti þá konu, er Guðrún hét. Grímr hét sonr þeira, en Þuríðr dóttir; þau váru vel á legg komin. Þórhallr var vel auðigr {147} maðr, ok mest at kvikfé, svá at engi maðr átti jafnmart ganganda fé, sem hann. Ekki var hann h[o,]fðingi, en þó skilríkr bóndí. Þar var reimt mj[o,]k, ok fekk hann varla sauðamann, svá at honum þoetti duga. Hann leitaði ráðs við marga vitra menn, hvat hann skyldi til bragðs taka; en engi gat þat ráð til gefit, er dygði. Þórhallr reið til þings hvert sumar. Hann átti hesta góða. Þat var eitt sumar á alþingi, at Þórhallr gekk til búðar Skapta l[o,]gmanns, Þóroddssonar. Skapti var manna vitrastr, ok heilráðr, ef hann var beiddr. Þat skildi með þeim feðgum: Þóroddr var forspár ok kallaðr undirhyggjumaðr af sumum m[o,]nnum, en Skapti lagði þat til með hverjum manni, sem hann ætlaði at duga skyldi, ef eigi væri af því brugðit; því var hann kallaðr betrfeðrungr. Þórhallr gekk í búð Skapta; hann fagnaði vel Þórhalli, því hann vissi, at hann var ríkr maðr at fé, ok spurði hvat at tíðendum væri. Þórhallr mælti: "Heilræði vilda ek af yðr þiggja." "Í litlum foerum em ek til þess," sagði Skapti; "eða hvat stendr þik?" Þórhallr mælti: "Þat er svá háttat, at mér helz lítt á sauðam[o,]nnum. Verðr þeim heldr klakksárt, en sumir gera engar lyktir á. Vill nú engi til taka, sá er kunnigt er til, hvat fyrir býr." Skapti svarar: "Þar mun liggja meinvættr n[o,]kkur, er menn eru tregari til at geyma síðr þíns fjár en annarra manna. Nú fyrir því, at þú hefir at mér ráð sótt, þá skal ek fá þér sauðamann, þann er Glámr heitir, ættaðr ór Svíþjóð, ór Sylgsd[o,]lum, er út kom í fyrra sumar, mikill ok sterkr, ok ekki mj[o,]k við alþýðu skap." Þórhallr kvaz ekki um þat gefa, ef hann geymdi vel fjárins; Skapti sagði [o,]ðrum eigi vænt horfa, ef hann geymdi eigi fyrir afls sakir ok áræðis; Þórhallr gekk þá út. Þetta var at þinglausnum. Þórhalli var vant hesta tveggja ljósbleikra, ok fór sjálfr at leita; af því þykkjaz menn vita, at hann var ekki mikilmenni. Hann gekk upp undir Sleðás ok suðr með fjalli því, er Ármannsfell heitir. Þá sá hann, hvar maðr fór ofan ór Goðaskógi ok bar hrís á hesti. Brátt bar saman fund þeira; Þórhallr spurði hann at nafni, en hann kvez Glámr heita. Þessi maðr {148} var mikill vexti ok undarligr í yfirbragði, bláeygðr ok opineygðr, úlfgrár á hárslit. Þórhalli brá n[o,]kkut í brún, er hann sá þenna mann; en þó skildi hann, at honum mundi til þessa vísat. "Hvat er þér bezt hent at vinna?" segir Þórhallr. Glámr kvað sér vel hent at geyma sauðfjár á vetrum. "Viltu geyma sauðfjár míns?" segir Þórhallr; "gaf Skapti þik á mitt vald." "Svá mun þér hentust mín vist, at ek fari sjálfráðr; því ek em skapstyggr, ef mér líkar eigi vel," sagði Glámr. "Ekki mun mér mein at því," segir Þórhallr, "ok vil ek, at þú farir til mín." "Gera má ek þat," segir Glámr; "eða eru þar n[o,]kkur vandhoefi á?" "Reimt þykkir þar vera," sagði Þórhallr. "Ekki hræðumz ek flykur þær," sagði Glámr, "ok þykkir mér at ódauflig[r]a." "Þess muntu við þurfa," segir Þórhallr, "ok hentar þar betr, at vera eigi alllítill fyrir sér." Eptir þat kaupa þeir saman, ok skal Glámr koma at vetrnóttum. Siðan skildu þeir, ok fann Þórhallr hesta sína, þar sem hann hafði nýleitat. Reið Þórhallr heim, ok þakkaði Skapta sinn velgerning. Sumar leið af, ok frétti Þórhallr ekki til sauðamanns, ok engi kunni skyn á honum. En at ánefndum tíma kom hann á Þórhallsstaði. Tekr bóndi við honum vel, en [o,]llum [o,]ðrum gaz ekki at honum, en húsfreyju þó minst. Hann tók við fjárvarðveizlu, ok varð honum lítit fyrir því; hann var hljóðmikill ok dimmraddaðr, ok féit st[o,]kk allt saman, þegar hann hóaði. Kirkja var á Þórhallsst[o,]ðum; ekki vildi Glámr til hennar koma; hann var ós[o,]ngvinn ok trúlauss, stirfinn ok viðskotaillr; [o,]llum var hann hvimleiðr. Nú leið svá þar til er kemr atfangadagr jóla. Þá stóð Glámr snemma upp ok kallaði til matar síns. Húsfreyja svarar: "Ekki er þat háttr kristinna manna, at mataz þenna dag, þvíat á morgin er jóladagr hinn fyrsti," segir hon, "ok er því fyrst skylt at fasta í dag." Hann svarar: "Marga hindrvitni hafi þér, þá er ek sé til enskis koma. Veit ek eigi, at m[o,]nnum fari nú betr at, heldr {149} en þá, er menn fóru ekki með slíkt. Þótti mér þá betri siðr, er menn váru heiðnir kallaðir; ok vil ek mat minn en engar refjur." Húsfreyja mælti: "Víst veit ek, at þér mun illa faraz í dag, ef þú tekr þetta illbrigði til." Glámr bað hana taka mat í stað; kvað henni annat skyldu vera verra. Hon þorði eigi annat, en at gera, sem hann vildi. Ok er hann var mettr, gekk hann út, ok var heldr gustillr. Veðri var svá farit, at myrkt var um at litaz, ok fl[o,]graði ór drífa, ok gnýmikit, ok versnaði mj[o,]k sem á leið daginn. Heyrðu menn til sauðamanns [o,]ndverðan daginn, en miðr er á leið daginn. Tók þá at fjúka, ok gerði á hríð um kveldit; kómu menn til tíða, ok leið svá fram at dagsetri; eigi kom Glámr heim. Var þá um talat, hvárt hans skyldi eigi leita; en fyrir því, at hríð var á ok niðamyrkr, þá varð ekki af leitinni. Kom hann eigi heim jólanóttina; biðu menn svá fram um tíðir. At oernum degi fóru menn í leitina, ok fundu féit víða í f[o,]nnum, lamit af ofviðri eða hlaupit á fj[o,]ll upp. Þvínæst kómu þeir á traðk mikinn ofarliga í dalnum. Þótti þeim því líkt, sem þar hefði glímt verit heldr sterkliga, þvíat grjótit var víða upp leyst, ok svá j[o,]rðin. Þeir hugðu at vandliga ok sá, hvar Glámr lá, skamt á brott frá þeim. Hann var dauðr, ok blár sem Hel, en digr sem naut. Þeim bauð af honum óþekt mikla, ok hraus þeim mj[o,]k hugr við honum. En þó leituðu þeir við at foera hann til kirkju, ok gátu ekki komit honum, nema á einn gilsþr[o,]m þar skamt ofan frá sér; ok fóru heim við svá búit, ok s[o,]gðu bónda þenna atburð. Hann spurði, hvat Glámi mundi hafa at bana orðit. Þeir kváðuz rakit hafa spor svá stór, sem keraldsbotni væri niðr skelt þaðan frá, sem traðkrinn var, ok upp undir bj[o,]rg þau, er þar váru ofarliga í dalnum, ok fylgðu þar með blóðdrefjar miklar. Þat drógu menn saman, at sú meinvættr, er áðr hafði [þar] verit, mundi hafa deytt Glám; en hann mundi fengit hafa henni n[o,]kkurn áverka, þann er tekit hafi til fulls, þvíat við þá meinvætti hefir aldri vart orðit síðan. Annan jóladag var enn til farit at foera Glám til kirkju. Váru eykir fyrir beittir, ok gátu þeir hvergi foert hann, þegar sléttlendit var ok eigi var forbrekkis at fara. Gengu nú frá við svá búit. Hinn þriðja dag fór prestr með þeim, ok leituðu allan daginn, {150} ok Glámr fannz eigi. Eigi vildi prestr optar til fara; en sauðamaðr fannz, þegar prestr var eigi í ferð. Létu þeir þá fyrir vinnaz, at foera hann til kirkju; ok dysjuðu hann þar, sem þá var hann kominn. Lítlu síðar urðu menn varir við þat, at Glámr lá eigi kyrr. Varð m[o,]nnum at því mikit mein, svá at margir fellu í óvit, ef sá hann, en sumir heldu eigi vitinu. Þegar eptir jólin þóttuz menn sjá hann heima þar á boenum. Urðu menn ákafliga hræddir; stukku þá margir menn í brott. Þvinæst tók Glámr at ríða húsum á nætr, svá at lá við brotum. Gekk hann þá náliga nætr ok daga. Varla þorðu menn at fara upp í dalinn, þóat ætti nóg ørendi. Þótti m[o,]nnum þar í heraðinu mikit mein at þessu. Um várit fekk Þórhallr sér hjón ok gerði bú á j[o,]rðu sinni. Tók þá at minka aptrgangr, meðan sólargangr var mestr. Leið svá fram á miðsumar. Þetta sumar kom út skip í Húnavatni; þar var á sá maðr, er Þorgautr hét. Hann var útlendr at kyni, mikill ok sterkr; hann hafði tveggja manna afl; hann var lauss ok einn fyrir sér; hann vildi fá starfa n[o,]kkurn, því(at) hann var félauss. Þórhallr reið til skips ok fann Þorgaut; spurði ef hann vildi vinna fyrir honum; Þorgautr kvað þat vel mega vera, ok kvez eigi vanda þat. "Svá skaltu við búaz," segir Þórhallr, "sem þar sé ekki veslingsm[o,]nnum hent at vera, fyrir aptrg[o,]ngum þeim, er þar hafa verit um hríð, en ek vil ekki þik á tálar draga." Þorgautr svarar: "Eigi þykkjumz ek upp gefinn, þóat ek sjá smáváfur; mun þá eigi [o,]ðrum dælt, ef ek hræðumz; ok ekki bregð ek vist minni fyrir þat." Nú semr þeim vel kaupstefnan, ok skal Þorgautr gæta sauðfjár at vetri. Leið nú af sumarit. Tók Þorgautr við fénu at vetrnáttum. Vel líkaði [o,]llum við hann. Jafnan kom Glámr heim ok reið húsum. Þat þótti Þorgauti allkátligt, ok kvað, "þrælinn þurfa mundu nær at ganga, ef ek hræðumz." Þórhallr bað hann hafa fátt um; "er bezt, at þit reynið ekki með ykkr." Þorgautr mælti: "Sannliga er skekinn þróttr ór yðr; ok dett ek eigi niðr milli doegra við skraf þetta." Nú fór svá fram um vetrinn allt til jóla. Atfangakveld jóla fór sauðamaðr til fjár. {151} Þá mælti húsfreyja: "Þurfa þoetti mér, at nú foeri eigi at fornum br[o,]gðum." Hann svarar: "Ver eigi hrædd um þat, húsfreyja," sagði hann; "verða mun eitthvert s[o,]guligt, ef ek kem ekki aptr." Síðan gekk hann aptr til fjár síns. Veðr var heldr kalt, ok fjúk mikit. Því var Þorgautr vanr, at koma heim, þá er hálfrøkkvat var; en nú kom hann ekki heim í þat mund. Kómu tíðamenn, sem vant var. Þat þótti m[o,]nnum eigi ólíkt á horfaz sem fyrr. Bóndi vildi leita láta eptir sauðamanni, en tíðamenn t[o,]lduz undan, ok s[o,]gðuz eigi mundu hætta sér út í tr[o,]llahendr um nætr; ok treystiz bóndi eigi at fara, ok varð ekki af leitinni. Jóladag, er menn váru mettir, fóru menn til ok leituðu sauðamanns. Gengu þeir fyrst til dysjar Gláms, þvíat menn ætluðu af hans v[o,]ldum mundi orðit um hvarf sauðamanns. En er þeir kómu nær dysinni, sáu þeir þar mikil tíðendi, ok þar fundu þeir sauðamann, ok var hann brotinn á háls, ok lamit sundr hvert bein í honum. Síðan foerðu þeir hann til kirkju, ok varð engum manni mein at Þorgauti síðan. En Glámr tók at magnaz af nýju. Gerði hann nú svá mikit af sér, at menn allir stukku brott af Þórhallsst[o,]ðum, útan bóndi einn ok húsfreyja. Nautamaðr hafði þar verit lengi hinn sami. Vildi Þórhallr hann ekki lausan láta fyrir góðvilja sakir ok geymslu. Hann var mj[o,]k við aldr, ok þótti honum mikit fyrir, at fara á brott; sá hann ok, at allt fór at ónytju, þat er bóndi átti, ef engi geymdi. Ok einn tíma eptir miðjan vetr var þat einn morgin, at húsfreyja fór til fjóss, at mjólka kýr eptir tíma. Þá var alljóst, þvíat engi treystiz fyrr úti at vera annarr en nautamaðr; hann fór út, þegar lýsti. Hon heyrði brak mikit í fjósit, ok beljan [o,]skurliga; hon hljóp inn oepandi ok kvaz eigi vita, hver ódoemi um væri í fjósinu. Bóndi gekk út ok kom til nautanna, ok stangaði hvert annat. Þótti honum þar eigi gott, ok gekk innar at hl[o,]ðunni. Hann sá, hvar lá, nautamaðr, ok hafði h[o,]fuðit í [o,]ðrum bási en foetr í [o,]ðrum; hann lá á bak aptr. Bóndi gekk at honum ok þreifaði um hann; finnr brátt, at hann er dauðr ok sundr hryggrinn í honum. Var hann brotinn um báshelluna. Nú þótti bónda eigi vært, ok fór í brott af boenum með allt þat, sem hann mátti í brott flytja. En allt kvikfé þat, sem eptir var, deyddi Glámr. Ok þvinæst fór {152} hann um allan dalinn ok eyddi alla boei upp frá Tungu. Var Þórhallr þá með vinum sínum þat [sem] eptir var vetrarins. Engi maðr mátti fara upp í dalinn með hest eðr hund, þvíat þat var þegar drepit. En er váraði, ok sólargangr var sem mestr, létti heldr aptrg[o,]ngunum. Vildi Þórhallr nú fara aptr til lands síns. Urðu honum ekki auðfengin hjón, en þó gerði hann bú á Þórhallsst[o,]ðum. Fór allt á sama veg sem fyrr; þegar at haustaði, tóku at vaxa reimleikar. Var þá mest sótt at bóndadóttur; ok svá fór, at hon léz af því. Margra ráða var í leitat, ok varð ekki at g[o,]rt. Þótti m[o,]nnum til þess horfaz, at eyðaz mundi allr Vatnsdalr, ef eigi yrði boetr á ráðnar. Nú er þar til at taka, at Grettir Ásmundarson sat heima at Bjargi um haustit, síðan þeir Vígabarði skildu á Þóreyjargnúpi. Ok er mj[o,]k var komit at vetrnóttum, reið Grettir heiman norðr yfir hálsa til Víðidals, ok gisti á Auðunarst[o,]ðum. Sættuz þeir Auðunn til fulls, ok gaf Grettir honum øxi góða, ok mæltu til vináttu með sér. Auðunn bjó lengi á Auðunarst[o,]ðum ok var kynsæll maðr. Hans sonr var Egill, er átti Úlfheiði, dóttur Eyjólfs Guðmundarsonar, ok var þeira sonr Eyjólfr, er veginn var á alþingi. Hann var faðir Orms, kapiláns Þorláks biskups. Grettir reið norðr til Vatnsdals ok kom á kynnisleit í Tungu. Þar bjó þá J[o,]kull Bárðarson, móðurbróðir Grettis; J[o,]kull var mikill maðr ok sterkr ok hinn mesti ofsamaðr. Hann var siglingamaðr, ok mj[o,]k ódæll, en þó mikilhoefr maðr. Hann tók vel við Gretti, ok var hann þar þrjár nætr. Þá var svá mikit orð á aptrg[o,]ngum Gláms, at m[o,]nnum var ekki jafntíðroett sem þat. Grettir spurði inniliga at þeim atburðum, er h[o,]fðu orðit; J[o,]kull kvað þar ekki meira af sagt en til væri hoeft; "eða er þér forvitni á, frændi! at koma þar?" Grettir sagði, at þat var satt. J[o,]kull bað hann þat eigi gera, "því þat er gæfuraun mikil; en frændr þínir eiga mikit í hættu, þar sem þú ert," sagði hann; "þykkir oss nú engi slíkr af ungum m[o,]nnum sem þú; en illt mun af illum hljóta, þar sem Glámr er. Er ok miklu betra, at fáz við mennska menn en við óvættir slíkar." Grettir kvað sér hug á, at koma á Þórhallsstaði, ok sjá, hversu þar væri um gengit. {153} J[o,]kull mælti: "Sé ek nú, at eigi tjáir at letja þik; en satt er þat sem mælt er, at sitt er hvárt, gæfa eða gervigleikr." "Þá er [o,]ðrum vá fyrir dyrum, er [o,]ðrum er inn um komit; ok hygg at, hversu þér mun fara sjálfum, áðr lýkr," kvað Grettir. J[o,]kull svarar: "Vera kann, at vit sjáim báðir n[o,]kkut fram, en hvárrgi fái við g[o,]rt." Eptir þat skildu þeir, ok líkaði hvárigum annars spár. Grettir reið á Þórhallsstaði, ok fagnaði bóndi honum vel. Hann spurði, hvert Grettir ætlaði at fara; en hann segiz þar vilja vera um nóttina, ef bónda líkaði, at svá væri. Þórhallr kvaz þ[o,]kk fyrir kunna, at hann væri þar, "en fám þykkir sloegr til at gista hér um tíma; muntu hafa heyrt getit um, hvat hér er at væla. En ek vilda gjarna, at þú hlytir engi vandræði af mér. En þóat þú komiz heill á brott, þá veit ek fyrir víst, at þú missir hests þíns; því engi heldr hér heilum sínum fararskjóta, sá er kemr." Grettir kvað gott til hesta, hvat sem af þessum yrði. Þórhallr varð glaðr við, er Grettir vildi þar vera, ok tók við honum báðum h[o,]ndum. Var hestr Grettis læstr í húsi sterkliga. Þeir fóru til svefns, ok leið svá af nóttin, at ekki kom Glámr heim. Þá mælti Þórhallr: "Vel hefir brugðit við þína kvámu, þvíat hverja nótt er Glámr vanr at ríða húsum eða brjóta upp hurðir, sem þú mátt merki sjá." Grettir mælti: "Þá mun vera annathvárt, at hann mun ekki lengi á sér sitja, eða mun af venjaz meirr en eina nótt. Skal ek vera hér nótt aðra ok sjá, hversu ferr." Siðan gengu þeir til hests Grettis, ok var ekki við hann glez. Allt þótti bónda at einu fara. Nú er Grettir þar aðra nótt, ok kom ekki þrællinn heim. Þá þótti bónda mj[o,]k vænkaz. Fór hann þá, at sjá hest Grettis. Þá var upp brotit húsit, er bóndi kom til, en hestrinn dreginn til dyra útar, ok lamit í sundr í honum hvert bein. Þórhallr sagði Gretti, hvar þá var komit, ok bað hann forða sér: "þvíat víss er dauðinn, ef þú bíðr Gláms." Grettir svarar: "Eigi má ek minna hafa fyrir hest minn, en at sjá þrælinn." {154} Bóndi sagði, at þat var eigi bati, at sjá hann, "þvíat hann er ólíkr n[o,]kkurri mannligri mynd; en góð þykki mér hver sú stund, er þú vilt hér vera." Nú líðr dagrinn; ok er menn skyldu fara til svefns, vildi Grettir eigi fara af klæðum, ok lagðiz niðr í setit gegnt lokrekkju bónda. Hann hafði r[o,]ggvarfeld yfir sér, ok knepti annat skautit niðr undir foetr sér, en annat snaraði hann undir h[o,]fuð sér, ok sá út um h[o,]fuðsmáttina. Setstokkr var fyrir framan setit, mj[o,]k sterkr, ok spyrndi hann þar í. Dyraumbúningrinn allr var frá brotinn útidyrunum, en nú var þar fyrir bundinn hurðarflaki, ok óvendiliga um búit. Þverþilit var allt brotit frá skálanum, þat sem þar fyrir framan hafði verit, bæði fyrir ofan þvertréit ok neðan. Sængr allar váru ór stað foerðar. Heldr var þar óvistuligt. Ljós brann í skálanum um nóttina. Ok er af mundi þriðjungr af nótt, heyrði Grettir út dynur miklar. Var þá farit upp á húsin, ok riðit skálanum ok barit hælunum, svá at brakaði í hverju tré. Þvi gekk lengi; þá var farit ofan af húsunum ok til dyra gengit. Ok er upp var lokit hurðunni, sá Grettir, at þrællinn rétti inn h[o,]fuðit, ok sýndiz honum afskræmiliga mikit ok undarliga stórskorit. Glámr fór seint ok réttiz upp, er hann kom inn í dyrnar; hann gnæfaði ofarliga við ræfrinu; snýr at skálanum ok lagði handleggina upp á þvertréit, ok gægðiz inn yfir skálann. Ekki lét bóndi heyra til sín, þvíat honum þótti oerit um, er hann heyrði, hvat um var úti. Grettir lá kyrr ok hroerði sik hvergi. Glámr sá, at hrúga n[o,]kkur lá í setinu, ok réz nú innar eptir skálanum ok þreif í feldinn stundarfast. Grettir spyrndi í stokkinn, ok gekk því hvergi. Glámr hnykti í annat sinn miklu fastara, ok bifaðiz hvergi feldrinn. Í þriðja sinn þreif hann í með báðum h[o,]ndum svá fast, at hann rétti Gretti upp ór setinu; kiptu nú í sundr feldinum í millum sín. Glámr leit á slitrit, er hann helt á, ok undraðiz mj[o,]k, hverr svá, fast mundi togaz við hann. Ok í því hljóp Grettir undir hendr honum, ok þreif um hann miðjan, ok spenti á honum hrygginn sem fastast gat hann, ok ætlaði hann, at Glámr skyldi kikna við. En þrællinn lagði at handleggjum Grettis svá fast, at hann h[o,]rfaði allr fyrir orku sakir. Fór Grettir þá undan í ýms setin. Gengu þá frá stokkarnir, ok allt brotnaði, þat sem fyrir varð. Vildi {155} Glámr leita út, en Grettir foerði við foetr, hvar sem hann mátti. En þó gat Glámr dregit hann fram ór skálanum. Áttu þeir þá allharða sókn þvíat þrællinn ætlaði at koma honum út ór boenum; en svá illt sem var at eiga við Glám inni, þá sá Grettir, at þó var verra, at fáz við hann úti; ok því brauz hann í móti af [o,]llu afli at fara út. Glámr foerðiz í aukana, ok knepti hann at sér, er þeir kómu í anddyrit. Ok er Grettir sér, at hann fekk eigi við spornat, hefir hann allt eitt atriðit, at hann hleypr sem harðast í fang þrælnum ok spyrnir báðum fótum í jarðfastan stein, er stoð í dyrunum. Við þessu bjóz þrællinn eigi; hann hafði þá togaz við at draga Gretti at sér; ok því kiknaði Glámr á bak aptr, ok rauk [o,]fugr út á dyrnar, svá at herðarnar námu uppdyrit, ok ræfrit gekk í sundr, bæði viðirnir ok þekjan frerin; fell hann svá opinn ok [o,]fugr út ór húsunum, en Grettir á hann ofan. Tunglskin var mikit úti ok gluggaþykkn; hratt stundum fyrir, en stundum dró frá. Nú í því, er Glámr fell, rak skýit frá tunglinu, en Glámr hvesti augun upp í móti. Ok svá, hefir Grettir sagt sjálfr, at þá eina sýn hafi hann sét svá, at honum brygði við. Þá sigaði svá at honum af [o,]llu saman, moeði ok því, er hann sá at Glámr gaut sínum sjónum harðliga, at hann gat eigi brugðit saxinu, ok lá náliga í milli heims ok heljar. En því var meiri ófagnaðarkraptr með Glámi en flestum [o,]ðrum aptrg[o,]ngum[o,]nnum, at hann mælti þá á þessa leið: "Mikit kapp hefir þú á lagit, Grettir," sagði hann, "at finna mik. En þat mun eigi undarligt þykkja, þóat þú hljótir ekki mikit happ af mér. En þat má ek segja þér, at þú hefir nú fengit helming afls þess ok þroska, er þér var ætlaðr, ef þú hefðir mik ekki fundit. Nú fæ ek þat afl eigi af þér tekit, er þú hefir áðr hrept; en því má ek ráða, at þú verðr aldri sterkari en nú ertu, ok ertu þó nógu sterkr, ok at því mun m[o,]rgum verða. Þú hefir frægr orðit hér til af verkum þínum; en heðan af munu falla til þín sektir ok vígaferli, en flest [o,]ll verk þín snúaz þér til ógæfu ok hamingjuleysis. Þú munt verða útlægr g[o,]rr, ok hljóta jafnan úti at búa einn samt. Þá legg ek þat á við þik, at þessi augu sé þér jafnan fyrir sjónum, sem ek ber eptir; ok mun þér erfitt þykkja, einum at vera; ok þat mun þér til dauða draga." Ok sem þrællinn hafði þetta mælt, þá rann af Gretti ómegin, {156} þat sem á honum hafði verit. Brá hann þá saxinu ok hjó h[o,]fuð af Glámi ok setti þat við þjó honum. Bóndi kom þá út, ok hafði klæz, á meðan Glámr lét ganga t[o,]luna; en hvergi þorði hann nær at koma, fyrr en Glámr var fallinn. Þórhallr lofaði guð fyrir, ok þakkaði vel Gretti, er hann hafði unnit þenna óhreina anda. Fóru þeir þá til, ok brendu Glám at k[o,]ldum kolum. Eptir þat [báru þeir [o,]sku hans í eina hít ok] grófu þar niðr, sem sízt váru fjárhagar eða mannavegir. Gengu heim eptir þat, ok var þá mj[o,]k komit at degi. Lagðiz Grettir niðr, þvíat hann var stirðr mj[o,]k. Þórhallr sendi menn á næstu boei eptir m[o,]nnum; sýndi ok sagði, hversu farit hafði. [O,]llum þótti mikils um vert um þetta verk, þeim er heyrðu. Var þat þá almælt, at engi væri þvílíkr maðr á [o,]llu landinu fyrir afls sakir ok hreysti ok allrar atgervi, sem Grettir Ásmundarson. Þórhallr leysti Gretti vel af garði ok gaf honum góðan hest ok klæði soemilig, því[at] þau váru [o,]ll sundr leyst, er hann hafði áðr borit. Skildu þeir með vináttu. Reið Grettir þaðan í Ás í Vatnsdal, ok tók Þorvaldr við honum vel ok spurði inniliga at sameign þeira Gláms; en Grettir segir honum viðskipti þeira, ok kvaz aldri í þvílíka aflraun komit hafa, svá langa viðreign sem þeir h[o,]fðu saman átt. Þorvaldr bað hann hafa sik spakan, "ok mun þá vel duga, en ella mun þér slysgjarnt verða." Grettir kvað ekki batnat hafa um lyndisbragðit, ok sagðiz nú miklu verr stiltr en áðr, ok allar mótgerðir verri þykkja. Á því fann hann mikla muni, at hann var orðinn maðr svá myrkfælinn, at hann þorði hvergi at fara einn saman, þegar myrkva tók. Sýndiz honum þá hvers kyns skrípi; ok þat er haft síðan fyrir orðtoeki, at þeim ljái Glámr augna eðr gefi glámsýni, er mj[o,]k sýniz annan veg, en er. Grettir reið heim til Bjargs, er hann hafði g[o,]rt ørendi sín, ok sat heima um vetrinn. (_b_) _Sandhaugar episode_ (caps. 64-66) Steinn hét prestr, er bjó at Eyjardalsá í Bárðardal. Hann var búþegn góðr ok ríkr at fé. Kjartan hét son hans, r[o,]skr maðr ok vel á legg kominn. Þorsteinn hvíti hét maðr, er {157} bjó at Sandhaugum, suðr frá Eyjardalsá. Steinv[o,]r hét kona hans, ung ok glaðlát. Þau áttu b[o,]rn, ok váru þau ung í þenna tíma. Þar þótti m[o,]nnum reimt mj[o,]k sakir tr[o,]llagangs. Þat bar til, tveim vetrum fyrr en Grettir kom norðr í sveitir, at Steinv[o,]r húsfreyja at Sandhaugum fór til jólatíða til Eyjardalsár eptir vana, en bóndi var heima. L[o,]gðuz menn niðr til svefns um kveldit; ok um nóttina heyrðu menn brak mikit í skálann, ok til sængr bónda. Engi þorði upp at standa at forvitnaz um, þvíat þar var fáment mj[o,]k. Húsfreyja kom heim um morguninn, ok var bóndi horfinn, ok vissi engi, hvat af honum var orðit. Liðu svá hin næstu misseri. En annan vetr eptir, vildi húsfreyja fara til tíða; bað hon húskarl sinn heima vera. Hann var tregr til; en bað hana ráða. Fór þar allt á s[o,]mu leið, sem fyrr, at húskarl var horfinn. Þetta þótti m[o,]nnum undarligt. Sáu menn þá blóðdrefjar n[o,]kkurar í útidyrum. Þóttuz menn þat vita, at óvættir mundu hafa tekit þá báða. Þetta fréttiz víða um sveitir. Grettir hafði spurn af þessu. Ok með því at honum var mj[o,]k lagit at koma af reimleikum eða aptrg[o,]ngum, þá gerði hann ferð sína til Bárðardals, ok kom atfangadag jóla til Sandha[u]ga. Hann duldiz ok nefndiz Gestr. Húsfreyja sá, at hann var furðu mikill vexti, en heimafólk var furðu hrætt við hann. Hann beiddiz þar gistingar. Húsfreyja kvað honum mat til reiðu, "en ábyrgz þik sjálfr." Hann kvað svá vera skyldu. "Mun ek vera heima," segir hann, "en þú far til tíða, ef þú vilt." Hon svarar: "Mér þykkir þú hraustr, ef þú þorir heima at vera." "Eigi læt ek mér at einu getit," sagði hann. "Illt þykkir mér heima at vera," segir hon, "en ekki komumz ek yfir ána." "Ek skal fylgja þér yfir," segir Gestr. Síðan bjóz hon til tiða, ok dóttir hennar með henni, lítil vexti. Hláka mikil var úti, ok áin í leysingum; var á henni jakaf[o,]r. Þá mælti húsfreyja: "Ófoert er yfir ána, bæði m[o,]nnum ok hestum." "V[o,]ð munu á vera," kvað Gestr; "ok verið eigi hræddar." {158} "Ber þú fyrst meyna," kvað húsfreyja, "hon er léttari." "Ekki nenni ek at gera tvær ferðir at þessu," segir Gestr, "ok mun ek bera þik á handlegg mér." Hon signdi sik ok mælti: "Þetta er ófoera; eða hvat gerir þú þá af meyjunni?" "Sjá mun ek ráð til þess," segir hann; ok greip þær upp báðar ok setti hina yngri í kné móður sinnar, ok bar þær svá á vinstra armlegg sér; en hafði lausa hina hoegri h[o,]nd ok óð svá, út á vaðit. Eigi þorðu þær at oepa, svá váru þær hræddar. En áin skall þegar upp á brjósti honum. Þá rak at honum jaka mikinn; en hann skaut við hendi þeiri, er laus var, ok hratt frá sér. Gerði þá svá djúpt, at strauminn braut á [o,]xlinni. Óð hann sterkliga, þar til er hann kom at bakkanum [o,]ðrum megin, ok fleygir þeim á land. Síðan sneri hann aptr, ok var þá hálfrøkkvit, er hann kom heim til Sandhauga; ok kallaði til matar. Ok er hann var mettr, bað hann heimafólk fara innar í stofu. Hann tók þá borð ok lausa viðu, ok rak um þvera stofuna, ok gerði bálk mikinn, svá at engi heimamaðr komz fram yfir. Engi þorði í móti honum at mæla, ok í engum skyldi kretta. Gengit var í hliðvegginn stofunnar inn við gaflhlaðit; ok þar þverpallr hjá. Þar lagðiz Gestr niðr ok fór ekki af klæðunum. Ljós brann í stofunni gegnt dyrum. Liggr Gestr svá fram á nóttina. Húsfreyja kom til Eyjardalsár til tíða, ok undruðu menn um ferðir hennar yfir ána. Hon sagðiz eigi vita, hvárt hana hefði yfir flutt maðr eða tr[o,]ll. Prestr kvað mann víst vera mundu, þóat fárra maki sé; "ok látum hljótt yfir," sagði hann; "má vera, at hann sé ætlaðr til at vinna bót á vandræðum þínum." Var húsfreyja þar um nóttina. Nú er frá Gretti þat at segja, at þá er dró at miðri nótt, heyrði hann út dynur miklar. Þvínæst kom inn í stofuna tr[o,]llkona mikil. Hon hafði í hendi trog, en annarri skálm, heldr mikla. Hon litaz um, er hon kom inn, ok sá, hvar Gestr lá, ok hljóp at honum, en hann upp í móti, ok réðuz á grimmliga ok sóttuz lengi í stofunni. Hon var sterkari, en hann fór undan koenliga. En allt þat, sem fyrir þeim varð, brutu þau, jafnvel þverþilit undan stofunni. Hon dró hann fram yfir dyrnar, ok svá í anddyrit; þar tók hann fast í móti. Hon {159} vildi draga hann út ór boenum, en þat varð eigi fyrr en þau leystu frá allan útidyraumbúninginn ok báru hann út á herðum sér. Þoefði hon þá ofan til árinnar ok allt fram at gljúfrum. Þá var Gestr ákafliga móðr, en þó varð annathvárt at gera: at herða sik, ella mundi hon steypa honum í gljúfrin. Alla nóttina sóttuz þau. Eigi þóttiz hann hafa fengiz við þvílíkan ófagnað fyrir afls sakir. Hon hafði haldit honum svá fast at sér, at hann mátti hvárigri hendi taka til n[o,]kkurs, útan hann helt um hana miðja k[ett]una. Ok er þau kómu á árgljufrit, bregðr hann flagðkonunni til sveiflu. Í því varð honum laus hin hoegri h[o,]ndin. Hann þreif þá skjótt til saxins, er hann var gyrðr með, ok bregðr því; høggr þá á [o,]xl tr[o,]llinu, svá at af tók h[o,]ndina hoegri, ok svá, varð hann lauss. En hon steyptiz í gljúfrin ok svá í fossinn. Gestr var þá bæði stirðr ok móðr, ok lá þar lengi á hamrinum. Gekk hann þá heim, er lýsa tók, ok lagðiz í rekkju. Hann var allr þrútinn ok blár. Ok er húsfreyja kom frá tíðum, þótti henni heldr raskat um hýbýli sín. Gekk hon þá til Gests ok spurði, hvat til hefði borit, er allt var brotit ok boelt. Hann sagði allt, sem farit hafði. Henni þótti mikils um vert, ok spurði, hverr hann var. Hann sagði þá til hit sanna, ok bað soekja prest ok kvaz vildu finna hann. Var ok svá g[o,]rt. En er Steinn prestr kom til Sandhauga, varð hann brátt þess víss, at þar var kominn Grettir Ásmundarson, er Gestr nefndiz. Prestr spurði, hvat hann ætlaði af þeim m[o,]nnum mundi vera orðit, er þar h[o,]fðu horfit. Grettir kvaz ætla, at í gljúfrin mundu þeir hafa horfit. Prestr kvaz eigi kunna at leggja trúnað á sagnir hans, ef engi merki mætti til sjá. Grettir segir, at sífðar vissi þeir þat gørr. Fór prestr heim. Grettir lá í rekkju margar nætr. Húsfreyja gerði við hann harðla vel; ok leið svá af jólin. Þetta er s[o,]gn Grettis, at tr[o,]llkonan steypðiz í gljúfrin við, er hon fekk sárit; en Bárðardalsmenn segja, at hana dagaði uppi, þá er þau glímdu, ok spryngi, þá er hann hjó af henni h[o,]ndina, ok standi þar enn í konu líking á bjarginu. Þeir dalbúarnir leyndu þar Gretti. Um vetrinn eptir jól var þat einn dag, at Grettir fór til Eyjardalsár. Ok er þeir Grettir funduz ok prestr, mælti Grettir: "Sé ek þat, prestr," segir hann, "at þú leggr lítinn {160} trúnað á sagnir mínar. Nú vil ek at þú farir með mér til árinnar, ok sjáir, hver líkendi þér þykkir á vera." Prestr gerði svá. En er þeir kómu til fossins, sáu þeir skúta upp undir bergit; þat var meitilberg svá mikit, at hvergi mátti upp komaz, ok nær tíu faðma ofan at vatninu. Þeir h[o,]fðu festi með sér. Þá mælti prestr: "Langt um ófoert sýniz mér þér niðr at fara." Grettir svarar: "Foert er víst; en þeim mun bezt þar, sem ágætismenn eru. Mun ek forvitnaz, hvat í fossinum er, en þú skalt geyma festar." Prestr bað hann ráða, ok keyrði niðr hæl á berginu, ok bar at grjót, [ok sat þar hjá]. Nú er frá Gretti at segja, at hann lét stein í festaraugat ok lét svá síga ofan at vatninu. "Hvern veg ætlar þú nú," segir prestr, "at fara?" "Ekki vil ek vera bundinn," segir Grettir, "þá er ek kem í fossinn; svá boðar mér hugr um." Eptir þat bjó hann sik til ferðar, ok var fáklæddr, ok gyrði sik með saxinu, en hafði ekki fleiri vápn. Síðan hljóp hann af bjarginu ok niðr í fossinn. Sá prestr í iljar honum, ok vissi síðan aldri, hvat af honum varð. Grettir kafaði undir fossinn, ok var þat torvelt, þvíat iða var mikil, ok varð hann allt til grunns at kafa, áðr en hann koemiz upp undir fossinn. Þar var forberg n[o,]kkut, ok komz hann inn þar upp á. Þar var hellir mikill undir fossinum, ok fell áin fram af berginu. Gekk hann þá inn í hellinn, ok var þar eldr mikill á br[o,]ndum. Grettir sá, at þar sat j[o,]tunn [o,]gurliga mikill; hann var hræðiligr at sjá. En er Grettir kom at honum, hljóp j[o,]tunninn upp ok greip flein einn ok hjó til þess, er kominn var, þvíat bæði mátti h[o,]ggva ok leggja með [honum]. Tréskapt var í; þat k[o,]lluðu menn þá heptisax, er þannveg var g[o,]rt. Grettir hjó á móti með saxinu, ok kom á skaptit, svá at í sundr tók. J[o,]tunninn vildi þá seilaz á bak sér aptr til sverðs, er þar hekk í hellinum. Í því hjó Grettir framan á brjóstit, svá at náliga tók af alla bringspelina ok kviðinn, svá at iðrin steyptuz ór honum ofan í ána, ok keyrði þau ofan eptir ánni. Ok er prestr sat við festina, sá hann, at slyðrur n[o,]kkurar rak ofan eptir strengnum blóðugar {161} allar. Hann varð þá lauss á velli, ok þóttiz nú vita, at Grettir mundi dauðr vera. Hljóp hann þá frá festarhaldinu ok fór heim. Var þá komit at kveldi, ok sagði prestr vísliga, at Grettir væri dauðr; ok sagði, at mikill skaði væri eptir þvílíkan mann. Nú er frá Gretti at segja; hann lét skamt h[o,]ggva í milli, þar til er j[o,]tunninn dó. Gekk Grettir þá innar eptir hellinum. Hann kveikti ljós ok kannaði hellinn. Ekki er frá því sagt, hversu mikit fé hann fekk í hellinum; en þat ætla menn, at verit hafi n[o,]kkut. Dvaldiz honum þar fram á nóttina. Hann fann þar tveggja manna bein, ok bar þau í belg einn. Leitaði hann þá ór hellinum ok lagðiz til festarinnar, ok hristi hana, ok ætlaði, at prestr mundi þar vera. En er hann vissi, at prestr var heim farinn, varð hann þá at handstyrkja upp festina, ok komz hann svá upp á bjargit. Fór hann þá heim til Eyjardalsár ok kom í forkirkju belginum þeim, sem beinin váru í, ok þar með rúnakefli því, er vísur þessar váru forkunnliga vel á ristnar: "Gekk ek í gljúfr et d[o,]kkva gein veltiflug steina, viþ hj[o,]rgæþi hríþar hlunns úrsv[o,]lum munni, fast lá framm á brjósti flugstraumr í sal naumu heldr kom á herþar skáldi h[o,]rþ fjón Braga kvónar." Ok en þessi: "Ljótr kom mér í móti mellu vinr ór helli; hann fekz, heldr at s[o,]nnu harþfengr, viþ mik lengi; harþeggjat lét ek h[o,]ggvit heptisax af skepti; Gangs klauf brjóst ok bringu bjartr gunnlogi svarta[298]." {162} Þar sagði svá, at Grettir hafi bein þessi ór hellinum haft. En er prestr kom til kirkju um morgininn, fann hann keflit ok þat sem fylgdi, ok las rúnarnar. En Grettir hafði farit heim til Sandhauga. En þá er prestr fann Gretti, spurði hann inniliga eptir atburðum; en hann sagði alla s[o,]gu um ferð sína, ok kvað prest ótrúliga hafa haldit festinni. Prestr lét þat á sannaz. Þóttuz menn þat vita, at þessar óvættir mundu valdit hafa mannahv[o,]rfum þar í dalnum. Varð ok aldri mein af aptrg[o,]ngum eða reimleikum þar í dalnum síðan. Þótti Grettir þar g[o,]rt hafa mikla landhreinsan. Prestr jarðaði bein þessi í kirkjugarði. TRANSLATION OF EXTRACTS FROM GRETTIS SAGA The _Grettis saga_ was first printed in the middle of the eighteenth century, in Iceland (Marcússon, _Nockrer Marg-frooder Sogu-þatter_, 1756, pp. 81-163). It was edited by Magnússon and Thordarson, Copenhagen, 1853, with a Danish translation, and again by Boer (_Altnordische Saga-bibliothek_, Halle, 1900). An edition was also printed at Reykjavik in 1900, edited by V. Ásmundarson. There are over forty MSS of the saga: _Cod. Arn. Mag. 551 a_ (quoted in the notes below as A) forms the basis of all three modern editions. Boer has investigated the relationship of the MSS (_Die handschriftliche überlieferung der Grettissaga, Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXI, 40-60), and has published, in an appendix to his edition, the readings of five of the more important, in so far as he considers that they can be utilized to amend the text supplied by A. The reader who consults the editions of both Magnússon and Boer will be struck by the differences in the text, although both are following the same MS. Many of these differences are, of course, due to the fact that the editors are normalizing the spelling, but on different principles: many others, however, are due to the extraordinary difficulty of the MS itself. Mr Sigfús Blöndal, of the Royal Library of Copenhagen, has examined _Cod. Arn. Mag. 551 a_ for me, and he writes: "It is the very worst MS I have ever met with. The writing is small, almost every word is abbreviated, and, worst of all, the writing is in many places effaced, partly by smoke (I suppose the MS needs must have been lying for years in some smoky and damp _baðstofa_) rendering the parchment almost as black as shoe-leather, but still more owing to the use of chemicals, which modern editors have been obliged to use, to make sure of what there really was in the text. By the use of much patience and a lens, one can read it, though, in most places. Unfortunately, this does not apply to the _Glámur_ episode, a big portion of which belongs to the very worst part of the MS, and the readings of that portion are therefore rather uncertain." The Icelandic text given above agrees in the main with that in the excellent edition of Boer, to whom, in common with all students of the {163} _Grettis saga_, I am much indebted: but I have frequently adopted in preference a spelling or wording nearer to that of Magnússon. In several of these instances (notably the spelling of the verses attributed to Grettir) I think Prof. Boer would probably himself agree. The words or letters placed between square brackets are those which are not to be found in _Cod. Arn. Mag. 551 a_. To Mr Blöndal, who has been at the labour of collating with the MS, for my benefit, both the passages given above, my grateful thanks are due. There are English translations of the _Grettis saga_ by Morris and E. Magnússon (1869, and in Morris' _Works_, 1911, vol. VII) and by G. A. Hight (_Everyman's Library_, 1914). For a discussion of the relationship of the _Grettis saga_ to other stories, see also Boer, _Zur Grettissaga_, in _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXX, 1-71. (_a_) _Glam episode_ (p. 146 above) There was a man called Thorhall, who lived at Thorhall's Farm in Shadow-dale. Shadow-dale runs up from Water-dale. Thorhall was son of Grim, son of Thorhall, son of Frithmund, who settled Shadow-dale. Thorhall's wife was called Guthrun: their son was Grim, and Thurith their daughter--they were grown up. [Sidenote: p. 147] Thorhall was a wealthy man, and especially in cattle, so that no man had as much live stock as he. He was not a chief, yet a substantial yeoman. The place was much haunted, and he found it hard to get a shepherd to suit him. He sought counsel of many wise men, what device he should follow, but he got no counsel which was of use to him. Thorhall rode each summer to the All-Thing; he had good horses. That was one summer at the All-Thing, that Thorhall went to the booth of Skapti Thoroddsson, the Law-man. Skapti was the wisest of men, and gave good advice if he was asked. There was this difference between Skapti and his father Thorodd: Thorodd had second sight, and some men called him underhanded; but Skapti gave to every man that advice which he believed would avail, if it were kept to: so he was called 'Better than his father.' Thorhall went to the booth of Skapti. Skapti greeted Thorhall well, for he knew that he was a prosperous man, and asked what news he had. Thorhall said, "I should like good counsel from thee." "I am little use at that," said Skapti. "But what is thy need?" {164} Thorhall said, "It happens so, that it is difficult for me to keep my shepherds: they easily get hurt, and some will not serve their time. And now no one will take on the task, who knows what is before him." Skapti answered, "There must be some evil being about, if men are more unwilling to look after thy sheep than those of other folk. Now because thou hast sought counsel of me, I will find thee a shepherd, who is named Glam, a Swede, from Sylgsdale, who came out to Iceland last summer. He is great and strong, but not much to everybody's taste." Thorhall said that he would not mind that, if he guarded the sheep well. Skapti said that if Glam had not the strength and courage to do that, there was no hope of anyone else. Then Thorhall went out; this was when the All-Thing was nearly ending. Thorhall missed two light bay horses, and he went himself to look for them--so it seems that he was not a great man. He went up under Sledge-hill and south along the mountain called Armannsfell. Then he saw where a man came down from Gothashaw, bearing faggots on a horse. They soon met, and Thorhall asked him his name, and he said he was called Glam. Glam [Sidenote: p. 148] was tall and strange in bearing, with blue[299] and glaring eyes, and wolf-grey hair. Thorhall opened his eyes when he saw him, but yet he discerned that this was he to whom he had been sent. "What work art thou best fitted for?" said Thorhall. Glam said he was well fitted to watch sheep in the winter. "Wilt thou watch my sheep?" said Thorhall. "Skapti gave thee into my hand." "You will have least trouble with me in your house if I go my own way, for I am hard of temper if I am not pleased," said Glam. "That will not matter to me," said Thorhall, "and I wish that thou shouldst go to my house." "That may I well do," said Glam, "but are there any difficulties?" {165} "It is thought to be haunted," said Thorhall. "I am not afraid of such phantoms," said Glam, "and it seems to me all the less dull." "Thou wilt need such a spirit," said Thorhall, "and it is better that the man there should not be a coward." After that they struck their bargain, and Glam was to come at the winter-nights [14th-16th of October]. Then they parted, and Thorhall found his horses where he had just been searching. Thorhall rode home and thanked Skapti for his good deed. Summer passed, and Thorhall heard nothing of his shepherd, and no one knew anything of him; but at the time appointed he came to Thorhall's Farm. The yeoman greeted him well, but all the others could not abide him, and Thorhall's wife least of all. Glam undertook the watching of the sheep, and it gave him little trouble. He had a great deep voice, and the sheep came together as soon as he called them. There was a church at Thorhall's Farm, but Glam would not go to it. He would have nothing to do with the service, and was godless; he was obstinate and surly and abhorred by all. Now time went on till it came to Yule eve. Then Glam rose early and called for meat. The yeoman's wife answered, "That is not the custom of Christian men to eat meat today, because tomorrow is the first day of Yule," said she, "and therefore it is right that we should first fast today." He answered, "Ye have many superstitions which I see are good for nothing. I do not know that men fare better now [Sidenote: p. 149] than before, when they had nought to do with such things. It seemed to me a better way when men were called heathen; and I want my meat and no tricks." The yeoman's wife said, "I know for a certainty that it will fare ill with thee today, if thou dost this evil thing." Glam bade her bring the meat at once, else he said it should be worse for her. She dared not do otherwise than he willed, and when he had eaten he went out, foul-mouthed. Now it had gone so with the weather that it was heavy all round, and snow-flakes were falling, and it was blowing loud, and grew much worse as the day went on. The shepherd {166} was heard early in the day, but less later. Then wind began to drive the snow, and towards evening it became a tempest. Then men came to the service, and so it went on to nightfall. Glam did not come home. Then there was talk whether search ought not to be made for him, but because there was a tempest and it was pitch dark, no search was attempted. That Yule night he did not come home, and so men waited till after the service [next, i.e. Christmas, morning]. But when it was full day, men went to search, and found the sheep scattered in the snow-drifts[300], battered by the tempest, or strayed up into the mountains. Then they came on a great space beaten down, high up in the valley. It looked to them as if there had been somewhat violent wrestling there, because the stones had been torn up for a distance around, and the earth likewise. They looked closely and saw where Glam lay a little distance away. He was dead, and blue like Hel and swollen like an ox. They had great loathing of him, and their souls shuddered at him. Nevertheless they strove to bring him to the church, but they could get him no further than the edge of a ravine a little below, and they went home leaving matters so, and told the yeoman what had happened. He asked what appeared to have been the death of Glam. They said that, from the trodden spot, up to a place beneath the rocks high in the valley, they had tracked marks as big as if a cask-bottom had been stamped down, and great drops of blood with them. So men concluded from this, that the evil thing which had been there before must have killed Glam, but Glam must have done it damage which had been enough, in that nought has ever happened since from that evil thing. The second day of Yule it was again essayed to bring Glam to the church. Beasts of draught were harnessed, but they could not move him where it was level ground and not down hill, so they departed, leaving matters so. The third day the priest went with them, and they searched [Sidenote: p. 150] all day, but Glam could not be found. The priest would go no {167} more, but Glam was found when the priest was not in the company. Then they gave up trying to carry him to the church, and buried him where he was, under a cairn. A little later men became aware that Glam was not lying quiet. Great harm came to men from this, so that many fell into a swoon when they saw him, and some could not keep their wits. Just after Yule, men thought they saw him at home at the farm. They were exceedingly afraid, and many fled away. Thereupon Glam took to riding the house-roofs at nights, so that he nearly broke them in. He walked almost night and day. Men hardly dared to go up into the dale, even though they had business enough. Men in that country-side thought great harm of this. In the spring Thorhall got farm-hands together and set up house on his land. Then the apparition began to grow less frequent whilst the sun's course was at its height; and so it went on till midsummer. That summer a ship came out to Hunawater. On it was a man called Thorgaut. He was an outlander by race, big and powerful; he had the strength of two men. He was in no man's service, and alone, and he wished to take up some work, since he had no money. Thorhall rode to the ship, and met Thorgaut. He asked him if he would work for him. Thorgaut said that might well be, and that he would make no difficulties. "But thou must be prepared," said Thorhall, "that it is no place for weaklings, by reason of the hauntings which have been going on for a while, for I will not let thee into a trap." Thorgaut answered, "It does not seem to me that I am undone, even though I were to see some little ghosts. It must be no easy matter for others if I am frightened, and I will not give up my place for that." So now they agreed well, and Thorgaut was to watch the sheep when winter came. Now the summer passed on. Thorgaut took charge of the sheep at the winter-nights. He was well-pleasing to all. Glam ever came home and rode on the roofs. Thorgaut thought it sporting, and said that the thrall would have to come nearer {168} in order to scare him. But Thorhall bade him keep quiet: "It is best that ye should not try your strength together." Thorgaut said, "Verily, your courage is shaken out of you: I shall not drop down with fear between day and night over such talk." Now things went on through the winter up to Yule-tide. On Yule evening the shepherd went out to his sheep. Then [Sidenote: p. 151] the yeoman's wife said, "It is to be hoped that now things will not go in the old way." He answered, "Be not afraid of that, mistress; something worth telling will have happened if I do not come back." Then he went to his sheep. The weather was cold, and it snowed much. Thorgaut was wont to come home when it was twilight, but now he did not come at that time. Men came to the service, as was the custom. It seemed to people that things were going as they had before. The yeoman wished to have search made for the shepherd, but the church-goers excused themselves, and said they would not risk themselves out in the hands of the trolls by night. And the yeoman did not dare to go, so the search came to nothing. On Yule-day, when men had eaten, they went and searched for the shepherd. They went first to Glam's cairn, because men thought that the shepherd's disappearance must have been through his bringing-about. But when they came near the cairn they saw great things, for there they found the shepherd with his neck broken and not a bone in him whole. Then they carried him to the church, and no harm happened to any man from Thorgaut afterwards; but Glam began to increase in strength anew. He did so much that all men fled away from Thorhall's Farm, except only the yeoman and his wife. Now the same cattle-herd had been there a long time. Thorhall would not let him go, because of his good-will and good service. He was far gone in age and was very unwilling to leave: he saw that everything went to waste which the yeoman had, if no one looked after it. And once after mid-winter it happened one morning that the yeoman's wife went to the byre to milk the cows as usual. It was quite light, because no one dared to go out before, except the cattle-herd: he went {169} out as soon as it dawned. She heard great cracking in the byre and a hideous bellowing. She ran back, crying out, and said she did not know what devilry was going on in the byre. The yeoman went out, and came to the cattle, and they were goring each other. It seemed to him no good to stay there, and he went further into the hay-barn. He saw where the cattle-herd lay, and he had his head in one stall and his feet in the next. He lay on his back. The yeoman went to him and felt him. He soon found that he was dead, and his back-bone broken in two; it had been broken over the partition slab. Now it seemed no longer bearable to Thorhall, and he left his farm with all that he could carry away; but all the live-stock [Sidenote: p. 152] left behind Glam killed. After that he went through all the dale and laid waste all the farms up from Tongue. Thorhall spent what was left of the winter with his friends. No man could go up into the dale with horse or hound, because it was slain forthwith. But when spring came, and the course of the sun was highest, the apparitions abated somewhat. Now Thorhall wished to go back to his land. It was not easy for him to get servants, but still he set up house at Thorhall's Farm. All went the same way as before. When autumn came on the hauntings began to increase. The yeoman's daughter was most attacked, and it fared so that she died. Many counsels were taken, but nothing was done. Things seemed to men to be looking as if all Water-dale must be laid waste, unless some remedies could be found. Now the story must be taken up about Grettir, how he sat at home at Bjarg that autumn, after he had parted from Barthi-of-the-Slayings at Thorey's Peak. And when it had almost come to the winter-nights, Grettir rode from home, north over the neck to Willow-dale, and was a guest at Authun's Farm. He was fully reconciled to Authun, and gave him a good axe, and they spake of their wish for friendship one with the other. (Authun dwelt long at Authun's Farm, and much goodly offspring had he. Egil was his son, who wedded Ulfheith, daughter of Eyjolf Guthmundson; and their son was Eyjolf, who was slain at the All-Thing. He was father of Orm, chaplain to {170} Bishop Thorlak.) Grettir rode north to Water-dale and came on a visit to Tongue. At that time Jokul Barthson lived there, Grettir's uncle. Jokul was a man great and strong and very proud. He was a seafaring man, and very over-bearing, yet of great account. He received Grettir well, and Grettir was there three nights. There was so much said about the apparitions of Glam that nothing was spoken of by men equally with that. Grettir inquired exactly about the events which had happened. Jokul said that nothing more had been spoken than had verily occurred. "But art thou anxious, kinsman, to go there?" Grettir said that that was the truth. Jokul begged him not to do so, "For that is a great risk of thy luck, and thy kinsmen have much at stake where thou art," said he, "for none of the young men seems to us to be equal to thee; but ill will come of ill where Glam is, and it is much better to have to do with mortal men than with evil creatures like that." Grettir said he was minded to go to Thorhall's Farm and [Sidenote: p. 153] see how things had fared there. Jokul said, "I see now that it is of no avail to stop thee, but true it is what men say, that good-luck is one thing, and goodliness another." "Woe is before one man's door when it is come into another's house. Think how it may fare with thee thyself before the end," said Grettir. Jokul answered, "It may be that both of us can see somewhat into the future, but neither can do aught in the matter." After that they parted, and neither was pleased with the other's foreboding. Grettir rode to Thorhall's Farm, and the yeoman greeted him well. He asked whither Grettir meant to go, but Grettir said he would stay there over the night if the yeoman would have it so. Thorhall said he owed him thanks for being there, "But few men find it a profit to stay here for any time. Thou must have heard what the dealings are here, and I would fain that thou shouldst have no troubles on my account; but though thou shouldst come whole away, I know for certain that thou {171} wilt lose thy steed, for no one who comes here keeps his horse whole." Grettir said there were plenty of horses, whatever should become of this one. Thorhall was glad that Grettir would stay there, and welcomed him exceedingly. Grettir's horse was strongly locked in an out-house. They went to sleep, and so the night passed without Glam coming home. Then Thorhall said, "Things have taken a good turn against thy coming, for every night Glam has been wont to ride the roofs or break up the doors, even as thou canst see." Grettir said, "Then must one of two things happen. Either he will not long hold himself in, or the wonted haunting will cease for more than one night. I will stay here another night and see how it goes." Then they went to Grettir's horse, and he had not been attacked. Then everything seemed to the yeoman to be going one way. Now Grettir stayed for another night, and the thrall did not come home. Then things seemed to the yeoman to be taking a very hopeful turn. He went to look after Grettir's horse. When he came there, the stable was broken into, and the horse dragged out to the door, and every bone in him broken asunder. Thorhall told Grettir what had happened, and bade him save his own life--"For thy death is sure if thou waitest for Glam." Grettir answered, "The least I must have in exchange for my horse is to see the thrall." The yeoman said that there was no good in seeing him: [Sidenote: p. 154] "For he is unlike any shape of man; but every hour that thou wilt stay here seems good to me." Now the day went on, and when bed-time came Grettir would not put off his clothes, but lay down in the seat over against the yeoman's sleeping-chamber. He had a shaggy cloak over him, and wrapped one corner of it down under his feet, and twisted the other under his head and looked out through the head-opening. There was a great and strong partition beam in front of the seat, and he put his feet against it. The {172} doorframe was all broken away from the outer door, but now boards, fastened together carelessly anyhow, had been tied in front. The panelling which had been in front was all broken away from the hall, both above and below the cross-beam; the beds were all torn out of their places, and everything was very wretched[301]. A light burned in the hall during the night: and when a third part of the night was past, Grettir heard a great noise outside. Some creature had mounted upon the buildings and was riding upon the hall and beating it with its heels, so that it cracked in every rafter. This went on a long time. Then the creature came down from the buildings and went to the door. When the door was opened Grettir saw that the thrall had stretched in his head, and it seemed to him monstrously great and wonderfully huge. Glam went slowly and stretched himself up when he came inside the door. He towered up to the roof. He turned and laid his arm upon the cross-beam and glared in upon the hall. The yeoman did not let himself be heard, because the noise he heard outside seemed to him enough. Grettir lay quiet and did not move. Glam saw that a heap lay upon the seat, and he stalked in up the hall and gripped the cloak wondrous fast. Grettir pressed his feet against the post and gave not at all. Glam pulled a second time much more violently, and the cloak did not move. A third time he gripped with both hands so mightily that he pulled Grettir up from the seat, and now the cloak was torn asunder between them. Glam gazed at the portion which he held, and wondered much who could have pulled so hard against him; and at that moment Grettir leapt under his arms and grasped him round {173} the middle, and bent his back as mightily as he could, reckoning that Glam would sink to his knees at his attack. But the thrall laid such a grip on Grettir's arm that he recoiled at the might of it. Then Grettir gave way from one seat to another. The beams[302] started, and all that came in their way was broken. [Sidenote: p. 155] Glam wished to get out, but Grettir set his feet against any support he could find; nevertheless Glam dragged him forward out of the hall. And there they had a sore wrestling, in that the thrall meant to drag him right out of the building; but ill as it was to have to do with Glam inside, Grettir saw that it would be yet worse without, and so he struggled with all his might against going out. Glam put forth all his strength, and dragged Grettir towards himself when they came to the porch. And when Grettir saw that he could not resist, then all at once he flung himself against the breast of the thrall, as powerfully as he could, and pressed forward with both his feet against a stone which stood fast in the earth at the entrance. The thrall was not ready for this, he had been pulling to drag Grettir towards himself; and thereupon he stumbled on his back out of doors, so that his shoulders smote against the cross-piece of the door, and the roof clave asunder, both wood and frozen thatch. So Glam fell backwards out of the house and Grettir on top of him. There was bright moonshine and broken clouds without. At times they drifted in front of the moon and at times away. Now at the moment when Glam fell, the clouds cleared from before the moon, and Glam rolled up his eyes; and Grettir himself has said that that was the one sight he had seen which struck fear into him. Then such a sinking came over Grettir, from his weariness and from that sight of Glam rolling his eyes, that he had no strength to draw his knife and lay almost between life and death. {174} But in this was there more power for evil in Glam than in most other apparitions, in that he spake thus: "Much eagerness hast thou shown, Grettir," said he, "to meet with me. But no wonder will it seem if thou hast no good luck from me. And this can I tell thee, that thou hast now achieved one half of the power and might which was fated for thee if thou hadst not met with me. Now no power have I to take that might from thee to which thou hast attained. But in this may I have my way, that thou shalt never become stronger than now thou art, and yet art thou strong enough, as many a one shall find to his cost. Famous hast thou been till now for thy deeds, but from now on shall exiles and manslaughters fall to thy lot, and almost all of thy labours shall turn to ill-luck and unhappiness. Thou shalt be outlawed and doomed ever to dwell alone, away from men; and then lay I this fate on thee, that these eyes of mine be ever before thy sight, and it shall seem grievous unto thee to be alone, and that shall drag thee to thy death." And when the thrall had said this, the swoon which had [Sidenote: p. 156] fallen upon Grettir passed from him. Then he drew his sword and smote off Glam's head, and placed it by his thigh. Then the yeoman came out: he had clad himself whilst Glam was uttering his curse, but he dare in no wise come near before Glam had fallen. Thorhall praised God for it, and thanked Grettir well for having vanquished the unclean spirit. Then they set to work and burned Glam to cold cinders. After, they put the ashes in a skin-bag and buried them as far as possible from the ways of man or beast. After that they went home, and by that time it was well on to day. Grettir lay down, for he was very stiff. Thorhall sent people to the next farm for men, and showed to them what had happened. To all those who heard of it, it seemed a work of great account; and that was then spoken by all, that no man in all the land was equal to Grettir Asmundarson for might and valour and all prowess. Thorhall sent Grettir from his house with honour, and gave him a good horse and fit clothing; for all the clothes which he had worn before were torn asunder. They parted great friends. Grettir rode thence to Ridge in Water-dale, and Thorvald greeted him well, and asked closely as to his meeting {175} with Glam. Grettir told him of their dealings, and said that never had he had such a trial of strength, so long a struggle had theirs been together. Thorvald bade him keep quiet, "and then all will be well, otherwise there are bound to be troubles for thee." Grettir said that his temper had not bettered, and that he was now more unruly than before, and all offences seemed worse to him. And in that he found a great difference, that he had become so afraid of the dark that he did not dare to go anywhere alone after night had fallen. All kinds of horrors appeared to him then. And that has since passed into a proverb, that Glam gives eyes, or gives "glam-sight" to those to whom things seem quite other than they are. Grettir rode home to Bjarg when he had done his errand, and remained at home during the winter. (_b_) _Sandhaugar episode_ (p. 156 above) There was a priest called Stein who lived at Eyjardalsá (Isledale River) in Barthardal. He was a good husbandman and rich in cattle. His son was Kjartan, a doughty man and well grown. There was a man called Thorstein the White who [Sidenote: p. 157] lived at Sandhaugar (Sandheaps), south of Isledale river; his wife was called Steinvor, and she was young and merry. They had children, who were young then. People thought the place was much haunted by reason of the visitation of trolls. It happened, two winters before Grettir came North into those districts, that the good-wife Steinvor at Sandhaugar went to a Christmas service, according to her custom, at Isledale river, but her husband remained at home. In the evening men went to bed, and during the night they heard a great rummage in the hall, and by the good-man's bed. No one dared to get up to look to it, because there were very few men about. The good-wife came home in the morning, but her husband had vanished, and no one knew what had become of him. The next year passed away. But the winter after, the good-wife wished again to go to the church-service, and she bade her {176} manservant remain at home. He was unwilling, but said she must have her own way. All went in the same manner as before, and the servant vanished. People thought that strange. They saw some splashes of blood on the outer door, and men thought that evil beings must have taken away both the good-man and the servant. The news of this spread wide throughout the country. Grettir heard of it; and because it was his fortune to get rid of hauntings and spirit-walkings, he took his way to Barthardal, and came to Sandhaugar on Yule eve. He disguised himself[303], and said his name was Guest. The good-wife saw that he was great of stature; and the farm-folk were much afraid of him. He asked for quarters for the night. The good-wife said that he could have meat forthwith, but "You must look after your own safety." He said it should be so. "I will be at home," said he, "and you can go to the service if you will." She answered, "You are a brave man, it seems to me, if you dare to remain at home." "I do not care to have things all one way[304]," said he. "It seems ill to me to be at home," said she, "but I cannot get over the river." "I will see you over," said Guest. Then she got ready to go to the service, and her small daughter with her. It was thawing, the river was in flood, and there were ice-floes in it. Then the good-wife said, "It is impossible for man or horse to get across the river." "There must be fords in it," said Guest, "do not be afraid." [Sidenote: p. 158] "Do you carry the child first," said the good-wife, "she is the lighter." "I do not care to make two journeys of it," said Guest, "and I will carry thee on my arm." She crossed herself and said, "That is an impossible way; what will you do with the child?" {177} "I will see a way for that," said he; and then he took them both up, and set the child on her mother's knee and so bore them both on his left arm. But he had his right hand free, and thus he waded out into the ford. They did not dare to cry out, so much afraid were they. The river washed at once up against his breast; then it tossed a great icefloe against him, but he put out the hand that was free and pushed it from him. Then it grew so deep that the river dashed over his shoulder; but he waded stoutly on, until he came to the bank on the other side, and threw Steinvor and her daughter on the land. Then he turned back, and it was half dark when he came to Sandhaugar and called for meat; and when he had eaten, he bade the farm folk go to the far side of the room. Then he took boards and loose timber which he dragged across the room, and made a great barrier so that none of the farm folk could come over it. No one dared to say anything against him or to murmur in any wise. The entrance was in the side wall of the chamber by the gable-end, and there was a dais there. Guest lay down there, but did not take off his clothes: a light was burning in the room over against the door: Guest lay there far into the night. The good-wife came to Isledale river to the service, and men wondered how she had crossed the river. She said she did not know whether it was a man or a troll who had carried her over. The priest said, "It must surely be a man, although there are few like him. And let us say nothing about it," said he, "it may be that he is destined to work a remedy for your evils." The good-wife remained there through the night. Now it is to be told concerning Grettir that when it drew towards midnight he heard great noises outside. Thereupon there came into the room a great giantess. She had in one hand a trough and in the other a short-sword, rather a big one. She looked round when she came in, and saw where Guest lay, and sprang at him; but he sprang up against her, and they struggled fiercely and wrestled for a long time in the room. She was the {178} stronger, but he gave way warily; and they broke all that was before them, as well as the panelling of the room. She dragged him forward through the door and so[305] into the porch, and he [Sidenote: p. 159] struggled hard against her. She wished to drag him out of the house, but that did not happen until they had broken all the fittings of the outer doorway and forced them out on their shoulders. Then she dragged him slowly down towards the river and right along to the gorge. By that time Guest was exceedingly weary, but yet, one or other it had to be, either he had to gather his strength together, or else she would have hurled him down into the gorge. All night they struggled. He thought that he had never grappled with such a devil in the matter of strength. She had got such a grip upon him that he could do nothing with either hand, except to hold the witch by the middle; but when they came to the gorge of the river he swung the giantess round, and thereupon got his right hand free. Then quickly he gripped his knife that he wore in his girdle and drew it, and smote the shoulder of the giantess so that he cut off her right arm. So he got free: but she fell into the gorge, and so into the rapids below. Guest was then both stiff and tired, and lay long on the rocks; then he went home when it began to grow light, and lay down in bed. He was all swollen black and blue. And when the good-wife came from the service, it seemed to her that things had been somewhat disarranged in her house. Then she went to Guest and asked him what had happened, that all was broken and destroyed[306]. He told her all that had taken place. She thought it very wonderful, and asked who he was. He told her the truth, and asked her to send for the priest, and said he wished to meet him; and so it was done. Then when Stein the priest came to Sandhaugar, he knew soon that it was Grettir Asmundarson who had come there, and who had called himself Guest. The priest asked Grettir what he thought must have become of those men who had vanished. Grettir said he thought they {179} must have vanished into the gorge. The priest said that he could not believe Grettir's saying, if no signs of it were to be seen. Grettir said that they would know more accurately about it later. Then the priest went home. Grettir lay many days in bed. The good-wife looked after him well, and so the Christmas-time passed. Grettir's account was that the giantess fell into the gulf when she got her wound; but the men of Barthardal say that day came upon her whilst they wrestled, and that she burst when he smote her hand off, and that she stands there on the cliff yet, a rock in the likeness of a woman[307]. The dwellers in the dale kept Grettir in hiding there. But after Christmas time, one day that winter, Grettir went to Isledale river. And when Grettir and the priest met, Grettir [Sidenote: p. 160] said "I see, priest, that you place little belief in my words. Now will I that you go with me to the river and see what the likelihood seems to you to be." The priest did so. But when they came to the waterfall they saw that the sides of the gorge hung over[308]: it was a sheer cliff so great that one could in nowise come up, and it was nearly ten fathoms[309] from the top to the water below. They had a rope with them. Then the priest said, "It seems to me quite impossible for thee to get down." Grettir said, "Assuredly it is possible, but best for those who are men of valour. I will examine what is in the waterfall, and thou shalt watch the rope." {180} The priest said it should be as he wished, drove a peg into the cliff, piled stones against it, and sat by it[310]. Now it must be told concerning Grettir that he knotted a stone into the rope, and so let it down to the water. "What way," said the priest, "do you mean to go?" "I will not be bound," said Grettir, "when I go into the water, so much my mind forebodes me." After that he got ready for his exploit, and had little on; he girded himself with his short sword, and had no other weapon. Then he plunged from the cliff down into the waterfall. The priest saw the soles of his feet, and knew no more what had become of him. Grettir dived under the waterfall, and that was difficult because there was a great eddy, and he had to dive right to the bottom before he could come up behind the waterfall. There was a jutting rock and he climbed upon it. There was a great cave behind the waterfall, and the river fell in front of it from the precipice. He went into the cave, and there was a big fire burning. Grettir saw that there sat a giant of frightful size. He was terrible to look upon: but when Grettir came to him, the giant leapt up and seized a pike, and hewed at the new-comer: for with the pike he could both cut and stab. It had a handle of wood: men at that time called a weapon made in such a way a _heptisax_. Grettir smote against it with his short sword, and struck the handle so that he cut it asunder. Then the giant tried to reach back for a sword which hung behind him in the cave. Thereupon Grettir smote him in the breast, and struck off almost all the lower part of his chest and his belly, so that the entrails gushed out of him down into the river, and were swept along the current. And as the priest sat by the rope he saw some lumps, clotted [Sidenote: p. 161] with blood, carried down stream. Then he became unsteady, and thought that now he knew that Grettir must be dead: and he ran from keeping the rope and went home. It was then evening, and the priest said for certain that Grettir was dead, and added that it was a great loss of such a man. Now the tale must be told concerning Grettir. He let little space go between his blows till the giant was dead. Then he {181} went further into the cave; he kindled a light and examined it. It is not said how much wealth he took in the cave, but men think that there was something. He stayed there far into the night. He found there the bones of two men, and put them into a bag. Then he left the cave and swam to the rope and shook it, for he thought that the priest must be there. But when he knew that the priest had gone home, then he had to draw himself up, hand over hand, and so he came up on to the cliff. Then he went home to Isledale river, and came to the church porch, with the bag that the bones were in, and with a rune-staff, on which these verses were exceedingly well cut: There into gloomy gulf I passed, O'er which from the rock's throat is cast The swirling rush of waters wan, To meet the sword-player feared of man. By giant's hall the strong stream pressed Cold hands against the singer's breast; Huge weight upon him there did hurl The swallower of the changing whirl[311]. And this rhyme too: The dreadful dweller of the cave Great strokes and many 'gainst me drave; Full hard he had to strive for it, But toiling long he wan no whit; For from its mighty shaft of tree The heft-sax smote I speedily; And dulled the flashing war-flame fair In the black breast that met me there. [Sidenote: p. 162] These verses told also that Grettir had taken these bones out of the cave. But when the priest came to the church in the morning he found the staff, and what was with it, and read the runes; but Grettir had gone home to Sandhaugar. But when the priest met Grettir he asked him closely as to what had happened: and Grettir told him all the story of his journey. And he added that the priest had not watched the rope faithfully. The priest said that that was true enough. Men thought for certain that these monsters must have caused the loss of men there in the dale; and there was never any loss from hauntings or spirit-walkings there afterwards. {182} Grettir was thought to have caused a great purging of the land. The priest buried these bones in the churchyard. * * * * * D. EXTRACTS FROM BJARKA RÍMUR (_Hrólfs saga Kraka og Bjarkarímur_ udgivne ved F. Jónsson, København, 1904) 58. Flestir [o,]muðu Hetti heldr, hann var ekki í máli sneldr, einn dag fóru þeir út af h[o,]ll, svó ekki vissi hirðin [o,]ll. 59. Hjalti talar er felmtinn fær, "f[o,]rum við ekki skógi nær, hér er sú ylgr sem etr upp menn, okkr drepr hún báða senn." 60. Ylgrin hljóp úr einum runn, ógurlig með gapanda munn, h[o,]rmuligt varð Hjalta viðr, á honum skalf bæði leggr og liðr. 61. Ótæpt Bjarki að henni gengr, ekki dvelr hann við það lengr, h[o,]ggur svó að í hamri stóð, hljóp úr henni ferligt blóð. 62. "Kjóstu Hjalti um kosti tvó," kappinn B[o,]ðvar talaði svó, "drekk nú blóð eða drep eg þig hér, dugrinn líz mér engi í þér." 63. Ansar Hjalti af ærnum móð, "ekki þori eg að drekka blóð, nýtir flest ef nauðigr skal, nú er ekki á betra val." 64. Hjalti gj[o,]rir sem B[o,]ðvar biðr, að blóði frá eg hann lagðist niðr, drekkur síðan drykki þrjá, duga mun honum við einn að rjá. IV, 58-64. {183} 4. Hann hefr fengið hjartað snjalt af h[o,]rðum móði, fekk hann huginn og aflið alt af ylgjar blóði. 5. Í grindur vandist grábj[o,]rn einn í garðinn Hleiðar, var sá margur vargrinn beinn og víða sveiðar. 6. Bjarka er kent, að hjarðarhunda hafi hann drepna, ekki er hónum allvel hent við ýta kepna. 7. Hrólfur býst og hirð hans [o,]ll að húna stýri, "Sá skal mestr í minni h[o,]ll er mætir dýri." 8. Beljandi hljóp bj[o,]rninn framm úr bóli krukku, veifar sínum vónda hramm, svó virðar hrukku. 9. Hjalti sér og horfir þá á, er hafin er róma, hafði hann ekki í h[o,]ndum þá nema hnefana tóma. 10. Hrólfur fleygði að Hjalta þá þeim hildar vendi, kappinn móti krummu brá og klótið hendi. 11. Lagði hann síðan bj[o,]rninn brátt við bóginn hægra, bessi fell í brúðar átt og bar sig lægra. 12. Vann hann það til frægða fyst og fleira síðar, hans var lundin l[o,]ngum byst í leiki gríðar. {184} 13. Hér með fekk hann Hjalta nafn hins hjartaprúða, Bjarki var eigi betri en jafn við býti skrúða. V, 4-13. 23. Aðals var glaðr afreksmaðr, austur þangað kómu, fyrðar þeir með fránan geir flengja þegar til rómu. 24. Ýtar býta engum frið, unnu vel til mála, þar fell Áli og alt hans lið ungr í leiki stála. 25. Hestrinn beztur Hrafn er kendr, hafa þeir tekið af Ála, Hildisvín er hjálmrinn vendr, hann kaus Bjarki í mála. 26. [O,]ðling bað þá eigi drafl eiga um n[o,]kkur skipti, það mun kosta kóngligt afl, hann kappann gripunum svipti. 27. Ekki þótti B[o,]ðvar betr, í burtu fóru þeir Hjalti, létust áðr en liðinn er vetr leita að Fróða malti. 28. Síðan ríða seggir heim og s[o,]gðu kóngi þetta, hann kveðst mundu handa þeim heimta slíkt af létta. VIII, 23-28. TRANSLATION OF EXTRACTS FROM BJARKA RÍMUR 58. Most [of Rolf's retainers] much tormented Hott [Hjalti]; he was not cunning in speech. One day Hjalti and Bothvar went out of the hall, in such wise that none of the retainers knew thereof. {185} 59. Hjalti spake in great terror, "Let us not go near the wood; here is the she-wolf who eats up men; she will kill us both together." 60. The she-wolf leapt from a thicket, dread, with gaping jaws. A great terror was it to Hjalti, and he trembled in every limb. 61. Without delay or hesitation went Bjarki towards her, and hewed at her so that the axe went deep; a monstrous stream of blood gushed from her. 62. "Choose now, Hjalti, of two things"--so spake Bothvar the champion--"Drink now the blood, or I slay thee here; it seems unto me that there is no valour in thee." 63. Hjalti replied stoutly enough, "I cannot bring myself to drink blood; but if I needs must, it avails most [to submit], and now is there no better choice." 64. Hjalti did as Bothvar bade: he stooped down to the blood; then drank he three sups: that will suffice him to wrestle with one man. IV, 58-64. 4. He [Hjalti] has gained good courage and keen spirit; he got strength and all valour from the she-wolf's blood. 5. A grey bear visited the folds at Hleithargarth; many such a ravager was there far and wide throughout the country. 6. The blame was laid upon Bjarki, because he had slain the herdsmen's dogs; it was not so suited for him to have to strive with men[312]. 7. Rolf and all his household prepared to hunt the bear; "He who faces the beast shall be greatest in my hall." 8. Roaring did the bear leap forth from out its den, swinging its evil claws, so that men shrank back. 9. Hjalti saw, he turned and gazed where the battle began; nought had he then in his hands--his empty fists alone. {186} 10. Rolf tossed then to Hjalti his wand of war [his sword]; the warrior put forth his hand towards it, and grasped the pommel. 11. Quickly then he smote the bear in the right shoulder; Bruin fell to the earth, and bore himself in more lowly wise. 12. That was the beginning of his exploits: many followed later; his spirit was ever excellent amid the play of battle. 13. Herefrom he got the name of Hjalti the stout-hearted: Bjarki was no more than his equal. V, 4-13. 23. Joyful was the valiant Athils when they [Bjarki and Rolf's champions] came east to that place [Lake Wener]; troops with flashing spears rode quickly forthwith to the battle. 24. No truce gave they to their foes: well they earned their pay; there fell Ali and all his host, young in the game of swords. 25. The best of horses, Hrafn by name, they took from Ali; Bjarki chose for his reward the helm Hildisvin. 26. The prince [Athils] bade them have no talk about the business; he deprived the champions[313] of their treasures--that will be a test of his power. 27. Ill-pleased was Bothvar: he and Hjalti departed; they declared that before the winter was gone they would seek for the treasure [the malt of Frothi]. 28. Then they rode home and told it to the king [Rolf]; he said it was their business to claim their due outright. VIII, 23-28. * * * * * E. EXTRACT FROM ÞÁTTR ORMS STÓRÓLFSSONAR (_Fornmanna S[o,]gur_, Copenhagen, 1827, III. 204 _etc._; _Flateyarbók_, Christiania, 1859-68, I. 527 _etc._) 7. Litlu síðarr enn þeir Ormr ok Ásbj[o,]rn h[o,]fðu skilit, fýstist Ásbj[o,]rn norðr í Sauðeyjar, fór hann við 4 menn ok 20 á skipi, heldr norðr fyrir Mæri, ok leggr seint dags at Sauðey {187} hinni ytri, gánga á land ok reisa tjald, eru þar um nóttina, ok verða við ekki varir; um morgininn árla rís Ásbj[o,]rn upp, klæðir sik, ok tekr vópn sín, ok gengr uppá land, en biðr menn sína bíða sín; en er nokkut svá var liðit frá því, er Ásbj[o,]rn hafði í brott gengit, verða þeir við þat varir, at ketta ógrlig var komin í tjaldsdyrnar, hon var kolsv[o,]rt at lit ok heldr grimmlig, þvíat eldr þótti brenna or n[o,]sum hennar ok munni, eigi var hon ok vel eyg; þeim brá mj[o,]k við þessa sýn, ok urðu óttafullir. Ketta hleypr þá innar at þeim, ok grípr hvern at [o,]ðrum, ok svá er sagt at suma gleypti hon, en suma rifi hon til dauðs með klóm ok t[o,]nnum, 20 menn drap hon þar á lítilli stundu, en 3 kvómust út ok undan ok á skip, ok héldu þegar undan landi; en Ásbj[o,]rn gengr þar til, er hann kemr at hellinum Brúsa, ok snarar þegar inn í; honum varð nokkut dimt fyrir augum, en skuggamikit var í hellinum; hann verðr eigi fyrr var við, enn hann er þrifinn álopt, ok færðr niðr svá hart, at Ásbirni þótti furða í, verðr hann þess þá varr, at þar er kominn Brúsi j[o,]tun, ok sýndist heldr mikiligr. Brúsi mælti þá: þó lagðir þú mikit kapp á at sækja híngat; skaltu nú ok eyrindi hafa, þvíat þú skalt hér lífit láta með svá miklum harmkvælum, at þat skal aðra letja at sækja mik heim með ófriði; fletti hann þá Ásbj[o,]rn klæðum, þvíat svá, var þeirra mikill afla munr, at j[o,]tuninn varð einn at ráða þeirra í milli; bálk mikinn sá Ásbj[o,]rn standa um þveran hellinn ok stórt gat á miðjum bálkinum; járnsúla stór stóð nokkut svá fyrir framan bálkinn. Nú skal prófa þat, segir Brúsi, hvárt þú ert nokkut harðari enn aðrir menn. Lítit mun þat at reyna, segir Ásbj[o,]rn.... Síðan lét Ásbj[o,]rn líf sitt með mikilli hreysti ok dreingskap. 8. Þat er at segja at þeir þrír menn, er undan kómust, sóttu knáliga róðr, ok léttu eigi fyrr enn þeir kómu at landi, s[o,]gðu þau tíðindi er gerzt h[o,]fðu í þeirra f[o,]rum, kvóðust ætla Ásbj[o,]rn dauðan, en kunnu ekki frá at segja, hversu at hefði borizt um hans líflát; kvómu þeir sér i skip með kaupm[o,]nnum, ok fluttust svá suðr til Danmerkr; spurðust nú þessi tíðindi víða, ok þóttu mikil. Þa var orðit h[o,]fðíngja skipti í Noregi, Hakon jarl dauðr, en Ólafr Tryggvason í land kominn, ok bauð [o,]llum rétta trú. Ormr Stórólfsson spurði út til Íslands um {188} farar ok líflát Ásbjarnar, er m[o,]nnum þótti sem vera mundi; þótti honum þat allmikill skaði, ok undi eigi lengr á Íslandi, ok tók sér far í Reyðarfirði, ok fór þar utan; þeir kvómu norðarliga við Noreg, ok sat hann um vetrinn í Þrándheimi; þá hafði Ólafr ráðit 3 vetr Noregi. Um vórit bjóst Ormr at fara til Sauðeya, þeir vóru því nærr margir á skipi, sem þeir Ásbj[o,]rn h[,]fðu verit; þeir l[o,]gðu at minni Sauðey síð um kveldit, ok tj[o,]lduðu á landi, ok lágu þar um náttina.... 9. Nú gengr Ormr þar til er hann kemr at hellinum, sér hann nú bjargit þat stóra, ok leizt úmátuligt nokkurum manni þat í brott at færa; þó dregr hann á sik glófana Menglaðarnauta, tekr síðan á bjarginu ok færir þat burt or dyrunum, ok þikist Ormr þá aflraun mesta sýnt hafa; hann gekk þá inní hellinn, ok lagði málajárn í dyrnar, en er hann var inn kominn, sá hann hvar kettan hljóp með gapanda ginit. Ormr hafði boga ok [o,]rvamæli, lagði hann þá [o,]r á streing, ok skaut at kettunni þremr [o,]rum, en hon hendi allar með hvoptunum, ok beit í sundr, hefir hon sik þá at Ormi, ok rekr klærnar framan í fángit, svá at Ormr kiknar við, en klærnar gengu í gegnum klæðin svá at í beini stóð; hon ætlar þá at bíta í andlit Ormi, finnr hann þá at honum mun eigi veita, heitir þá á sjálfan guð ok hinn heilaga Petrum postula, at gánga til Róms, ef hann ynni kettuna ok Brúsa, son hennar; síðan fann Ormr at mínkaðist afl kettunnar, tekr hann þá annarri hendi um kverkr henni, en annarri um hrygg, ok gengr hana á bak, ok brýtr ísundr í henni hrygginn, ok gengr svá af henni dauðri. Ormr sá þá, hvar bálkr stórr var um þveran hellinn; hann gengr þá innar at, en er hann kemr þar, sér hann at fleinn mikill kemr utar í gegnum bálkinn, hann var bæði digr ok lángr; Ormr grípr þá í móti fleininum, ok leggr af út; Brúsi kippir þá at sér fleininum ok var hann fastr svá at hvergi gekk; þat undraðist Brúsi, ok gægdist upp yfir bálkinn, en er Ormr sér þat, þrífr hann í skeggit á Brúsa báðum h[o,]ndum, en Brúsi bregzt við í [o,]ðrum stað, sviptast þeir þá fast um bálkinn. Ormr hafði vafit skegginu um h[o,]nd sér, ok rykkir til svá fast, at hann rífr af Brúsa allan skeggstaðinn, h[o,]kuna, kjaptana báða, vángafyllurnar upp alt at eyrum, gekk hér með holdit niðr at beini. Brúsi lét þá {189} síga brýnnar, ok grettist heldr greppiliga. Ormr st[o,]kkr þá innar yfir bálkinn, grípast þeir þá til ok glíma lengi, mæddi Brúsa þá fast blóðrás, tekr hann þá heldr at gángast fyrir, gefr Ormr þá á, ok rekr Brúsa at bálkinum ok brýtr hann þar um á bak aptr. Snemma sagði mér þat hugr, sagði Brúsi, at ek munda af þér nokkut erfitt fá, þegar ek heyrða þín getit, enda er þat nú fram komit, muntu nú vinna skjótt um, ok h[o,]ggva h[o,]fuð af mér, en þat var satt, at mj[o,]k pínda ek Ásbj[o,]rn prúða, þá er ek rakta or honum alla þarmana, ok gaf hann sik ekki við, fyrrenn hann dó. Illa gerðir þú þat, segir Ormr, at pína hann svá mj[o,]k jafnr[o,]skvan mann, skaltu ok hafa þess nokkurar menjar. Hann brá þá saxi ok reist blóð[o,]rn á baki honum, ok skar [o,]ll rifin frá hryggnum, ok dró þar út lúngun; lét Brúsi svá líf sitt með litlum dreingskap; síðan bar Ormr eld at, ok brendi upp til [o,]sku bæði Brúsa ok kettuna, ok er hann hafði þetta starfat, fór hann burt or hellinum með kistur tvær fullar af gulli ok silfri, en þat sem meira var fémætt, gaf hann í vald Menglaðar, ok svá eyna; skildu þau með mikilli vináttu, kom Ormr til manna sinna í nefndan tíma, héldu síðan til meginlands. Sat Ormr í Þrándheimi vetr annan. TRANSLATION OF EXTRACT FROM ÞÁTTR ORMS STÓRÓLFSSONAR 7. A little after Orm and Asbiorn had parted, Asbiorn wished to go north to Sandeyar[314]; he went aboard with twenty-four men, went north past Mæri, and landed late in the day at the outermost of the Sandeyar[314]. They landed and pitched a tent, and spent the night there, and met with nothing. Early in the morning Asbiorn arose, clothed himself, took his arms, went inland, and bade his men wait for him. But when some time had passed from Asbiorn's having gone away, they were aware that a monstrous[315] cat had come to the {190} door of the tent: she was coal-black in colour and very fierce, for it seemed as if fire was burning from her nostrils and mouth, and her eyes were nothing fair: they were much startled at this sight, and full of fear. Then the cat leapt within the tent upon them, and gripped one after the other, and so it is said that some she swallowed and some she tore to death with claws and teeth. Twenty men she killed in a short time, and three escaped aboard ship, and stood away from the shore. But Asbiorn went till he came to the cave of Brusi, and hastened in forthwith. It was dim before his eyes, and very shadowy in the cave, and before he was aware of it, he was caught off his feet, and thrown down so violently that it seemed strange to him. Then was he aware that there was come the giant Brusi, and he seemed to him a great one. Then said Brusi, "Thou didst seek with great eagerness to come hither--now shalt thou have business, in that thou shalt here leave thy life with so great torments that that shall stay others from attacking me in my lair." Then he stripped Asbiorn of his clothes, forasmuch as so great was their difference in strength that the giant could do as he wished. Asbiorn saw a great barrier standing across the cave, and a mighty opening in the midst of it; a great iron column stood somewhat in front of the barrier. "Now it must be tried," said Brusi, "whether thou art somewhat hardier than other men." "Little will that be to test," said Asbiorn.... [Asbiorn then recites ten stanzas, Brusi tormenting him the while. The first stanza is almost identical with No. 50 in the _Grettis saga_.] Then Asbiorn left his life with great valour and hardihood. 8. Now it must be told concerning the three men who escaped; they rowed strongly, and stopped not until they came to land. They told the tidings of what had happened in their journey, and said that they thought that Asbiorn was dead, but that they could not tell how matters had happened concerning his death. They took ship with merchants, and so went south to {191} Denmark: now these tidings were spread far and wide, and seemed weighty. There had been a change of rulers in Norway: jarl Hakon was dead, and Olaf Tryggvason come to land: and he proclaimed the true faith to all. Orm Storolfson heard, out in Iceland, about the expedition of Asbiorn, and the death which it seemed to men must have come upon him. It seemed to him a great loss, and he cared no longer to be in Iceland, and took passage at Reytharfirth and went abroad. They reached Norway far to the north, and he stayed the winter at Thrandheim: Olaf at that time had reigned three years in Norway. In the spring Orm made ready for his journey to Sandeyar, and there were nearly as many in the ship as the company of Asbiorn had been. They landed at Little Sandey late in the evening, and pitched a tent on the land, and lay there the night.... 9. Now Orm went till he came to the cave. He saw the great rock, and thought it was impossible for any man to move it. Then he drew on the gloves that Menglath had given him, and grasped the rock and moved it away from the door; this is reckoned Orm's great feat of strength. Then he went into the cave, and thrust his weapon against the door. When he came in, he saw a giantess (she-cat) springing towards him with gaping jaws. Orm had a bow and quiver; he put the arrow on the string, and shot thrice at the giantess. But she seized all the arrows in her mouth, and bit them asunder. Then she flung herself upon Orm, and thrust her claws into his breast, so that Orm stumbled, and her claws went through his clothes and pierced him to the bone. She tried then to bite his face, and Orm found himself in straits: he promised then to God, and the holy apostle Peter, to go to Rome, if he conquered the giantess and Brusi her son. Then Orm felt the power of the giantess diminishing: he placed one hand round her throat, and the other round her back, and bent it till he broke it in two, and so left her dead. Then Orm saw where a great barrier ran across the cave: he went further in, and when he came to it he saw a great shaft {192} coming out through the barrier, both long and thick. Orm gripped the shaft and drew it away; Brusi pulled it towards himself, but it did not yield. Then Brusi wondered, and peeped up over the barrier. But when Orm saw that, he gripped Brusi by the beard with both hands, but Brusi pulled away, and so they tugged across the barrier. Orm twisted the beard round his hand, and tugged so violently that he pulled the flesh of Brusi away from the bone--from chin, jaws, cheeks, right up to the ears. Brusi knitted his brows and made a hideous face. Then Orm leapt in over the barrier, and they grappled and wrestled for a long time. But loss of blood wearied Brusi, and he began to fail in strength. Orm pressed on, pushed Brusi to the barrier, and broke his back across it. "Right early did my mind misgive me," said Brusi, "even so soon as I heard of thee, that I should have trouble from thee: and now has that come to pass. But now make quick work, and hew off my head. And true it is that much did I torture the gallant Asbiorn, in that I tore out all his entrails--yet did he not give in, before he died." "Ill didst thou do," said Orm, "to torture him, so fine a man as he was, and thou shalt have something in memory thereof." Then he drew his knife, and cut the "blood eagle" in the back of Brusi, shore off his ribs and drew out his lungs. So Brusi died in cowardly wise. Then Orm took fire, and burned to ashes both Brusi and the giantess. And when he had done that, he left the cave, with two chests full of gold and silver. And all that was most of value he gave to Menglath, and the island likewise. So they parted with great friendship, and Orm came to his men at the time appointed, and then they sailed to the mainland. Orm remained a second winter at Thrandheim. * * * * * F. A DANISH DRAGON-SLAYING OF THE BEOWULF-TYPE Paa den Tid, da kong Gram Guldkølve regierede i Leire, vare der ved Hoffet to Ministre, Bessus og Henrik. Og da der paa samme Tid indkom idelige klager fra Indbyggerne i Vendsyssel, at et grueligt Udyr, som Bønderne kaldte Lindorm, ødelagde baade Mennesker og Kreaturer, gav Bessus det Raad, at Kongen skulde sende Henrik did hen, efterdi ingen i det ganske Rige kunde maale sig med ham in Tapperhed og Mod. Da svarede {193} Henrik, at han vel vilde paatage sig dette, dog tilføiede han, at han ansaae det for umuligt at slippe fra saadan Kamp med Livet. Og belavede han sig da strax til Reisen, tog rørende Afsked med sin Herre og Konge og sagde iblandt andet: "Herre! om jeg ikke kommer tilbage, da sørg for min kone og for mine Børn!" Da han derefter var kommen over til Vendsyssel, lod han sig af Bønderne vise det Sted, hvor Uhyret havde sit Leie, og fik da at vide, at Ormen endnu den samme Dag havde været ude af Hulen og borttaget en Hyrde og en Oxe, og at den efter Sædvane nu ikke vilde komme ud, førend om tre Timer, naar den skulde ned til Vandet for at drikke efter Maaltidet. Henrik iførte sig da sin fulde Rustning, og eftersom Ingen vovede at staae ham bi i dette Arbeide, lagde han sig ganske alene ved Vandet, dog saaledes, at Vinden ikke bar fra ham henimod Dyret. Da udsendte han først en vældig Piil fra sin Bue, men uagtet den rammede nøie det sted, hvortil han havde sigtet, tørnede den dog tilbage fra Ormens haarde Skæl. Herover blev Uhyret saa optændt af Vrede, at det strax gik henimod ham, agtende ham kun et ringe Maaltid; men Henrik havde iforveien hos en Smed ladet sig giøre en stor Krog med Gjenhold, hvilken han jog ind i Beestets aabne Gab, saa at det ikke kunde blive den qvit, ihvormeget det end arbeidede, og ihvorvel Jernstangen brast i Henriks Hænder. Da slog det ham med sin vældige Hale til Jorden, og skiøndt han havde fuldkommen Jernrustning paa, kradsede det dog med sine forfærdelige Kløer saa at han, næsten dødeligt saaret, faldt i Besvimelse. Men da han, efterat Ormen i nogen Tid havde haft ham liggende under sin Bug, endelig kom lidt til sin Samling igien, greb han af yderste Evne en Daggert, af hvilke han førte flere med sig i sit Bælte, og stak Dyret dermed i underlivet, hvor Sksællene vare blødest, saa at det tilsidst maate udpuste sin giftige Aande, medens han selv laae halv knust under dens Byrde. Da Bønderne i Vendsyssel som stode i nogen Afstand, under megen Frygt og lidet Haab omsider mærkede, at Striden sagtnede, og at begge Parter holdte sig rolige, nærmede de sig og fandt Hr. Henrik næsten livløs under det dræbte Udyr. Og efterat de i nogen Tid havde givet ham god Pleie, vendte han tilbage for at dø hos sin Konge, til hvem han gientagende anbefalede sin {194} Slægt. Fra ham nedstammer Familien Lindenroth, som til Minde om denne vældige Strid fører en Lindorm i sit Vaaben. _MS_ 222. 4^o. Stamme och Slectebog over den høiadelige Familie af Lindenroth, in _Danmarks Folkesagn_, samlede af J. M. Thiele, 1843, I, 125-7. A DANISH DRAGON-SLAYING OF THE BEOWULF-TYPE. _Translation._ In the days when King Gram Guldkølve ruled in Leire, there were two ministers at court, Bessus and Henry. And at that time constant complaints came to the court from the inhabitants of Vendsyssel, that a dread monster, which the peasants called a Drake, was destroying both man and beast. So Bessus gave counsel, that the king should send Henry against the dragon, seeing that no one in the whole kingdom was his equal in valour and courage. Henry answered that assuredly he would undertake it; but he added that he thought it impossible to escape from such a struggle with his life. And he made himself ready forthwith for the expedition, took a touching farewell of his lord and king, and said among other things: "My lord, if I come not back, care thou for my wife and my children." Afterwards, when he crossed over to Vendsyssel, he caused the peasants to show him the place where the monster had its lair, and learnt how that very day the drake had been out of its den, and had carried off a herdsman and an ox; how, according to its wont, it would now not come out for three hours, when it would want to go down to the water to drink after its meal. Henry clothed himself in full armour, and inasmuch as no one dared to stand by him in that task, he lay down all alone by the water, but in such wise that the wind did not blow from him toward the monster. First of all he sent a mighty arrow from his bow: but, although it exactly hit the spot at which he had aimed, it darted back from the dragon's hard scales. At this the monster was so maddened, that it attacked him forthwith, reckoning him but a little meal. But Henry had had a mighty barbed crook prepared by a smith beforehand, which he thrust into the beast's open mouth, so that it could {195} not get rid of it, however much it strove, although the iron rod broke in Henry's hands. Then it smote him to the ground with its mighty tail, and although he was in complete armour, clutched at him with its dread claws, so that he fell in a swoon, wounded almost to death. But when he came somewhat to his senses again, after the drake for some time had had him lying under its belly, he rallied his last strength and grasped a dagger, of which he carried several with him in his belt, and smote it therewith in the belly, where the scales were weakest. So the monster at last breathed out its poisoned breath, whilst he himself lay half crushed under its weight. When the Vendsyssel peasants, who stood some distance away, in great fear and little hope, at last noticed that the battle had slackened, and that both combatants were still, they drew near and found Henry almost lifeless under the slain monster. And after they for some time had tended him well, he returned to die by his king, to whom he again commended his offspring. From him descends the family Lindenroth, which in memory of this mighty contest carries a drake on its coat of arms. This story resembles the dragon fight in _Beowulf_, in that the hero faces the dragon as protector of the land, with forebodings, and after taking farewell; he attacks the dragon in its lair, single-handed; his first attack is frustrated by the dragon's scales; in spite of apparatus specially prepared, he is wounded and stunned by the dragon, but nevertheless smites the dragon in the soft parts and slays him; the watchers draw near when the fight is over. Yet these things merely prove that the two stories are of the same type; there is no evidence that this story is descended from _Beowulf_. * * * * * G. THE OLD ENGLISH GENEALOGIES. I. _THE MERCIAN GENEALOGY_. Of the Old English Genealogies, the only one which, in its stages _below_ Woden, immediately concerns the student of _Beowulf_ is the Mercian. This contains three names which also occur in _Beowulf_, though two of them in a corrupt form--Offa, Wermund (Garmund, _Beowulf_), and Eomær (Geomor, _Beowulf_). This Mercian pedigree is found in its best form in _MS Cotton Vesp. B. VI_, fol. 109 _b_,[316] and in the sister MS at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (_C.C.C.C._ 183)[317]. Both these MSS are of {196} the 9th century. They contain lists of popes and bishops, and pedigrees of kings. By noting where these lists stop, we get a limit for the final compilation of the document. It must have been drawn up in its present form between 811 and 814[318]. But it was obviously compiled from lists already existing, and some of them were even at that date old. For the genealogy of the Mercian kings, from Woden, is not traced directly down to this period 811-814, but in the first place only as far as Æthelred (reigning 675-704), son of Penda: that is to say, it stops considerably more than a century before the date of the document in which it appears. Additional pedigrees are then appended which show the subsequent stages down to and including Cenwulf, king of Mercia (reigning 796-821). It is difficult to account for such an arrangement except on the hypothesis that the genealogy was committed to writing in the reign of Æthelred, the monarch with whose name it terminates in its first form, and was then brought up to date by the addition of the supplementary names ending with Cenwulf. This is confirmed when we find that precisely the same arrangement holds good for the accompanying Northumbrian pedigree, which terminates with Ecgfrith (670-685), the contemporary of Æthelred of Mercia, and is then brought up to date by additional names. Genealogies which draw from the same source as the _Vespasian_ genealogies, and show the same peculiarities, are found in the _Historia Brittonum_ (§§ 57-61). They show, even more emphatically than do the _Vespasian_ lists, traces of having been originally drawn up in the time of Æthelred of Mercia (675-704) or possibly of his father Penda, and of having then been brought up to date in subsequent revisions[319]. One such revision must have been made about 796[320]: it is a {197} modification of this revision which is found in the _Historia Brittonum_. Another was that which, as we have seen, must have been made between 811-814, and in this form is found in _MS Cotton Vespasian B. VI_, _MS C.C.C.C._ 183, both of the 9th century, and in the (much later) _MS Cotton Tiberius B. V_. The genealogy up to Penda is also found in the _A.-S. Chronicle_ under the year 626 (accession of Penda). This Mercian list, together with the Northumbrian and other pedigrees which accompany it, can claim to be the earliest extant English historical document, having been written down in the 7th century, and recording historic names which (allowing thirty years for a generation) cannot be later than the 4th century A.D. In most similar pedigrees the earliest names are meaningless to us. But the Mercian pedigree differs from the rest, in that we are able from _Beowulf_, _Widsith_, Saxo Grammaticus, Sweyn Aageson and the _Vitae Offarum_, to attach stories to the names of Wermund and Offa. How much of these stories is history, and how much fiction, it is difficult to say--but, with them, extant English history and English poetry and English fiction alike have their beginning. MS Cotton Vesp. B. VI. MS C.C.C.C. 183. Aeðilred Peding Æðelred Pending Penda Pypbing Penda Pybbing Pypba Crioding Pybba Creoding Crioda Cynewalding Creoda Cynewalding Cynewald Cnebbing Cynewald Cnebbing Cnebba Icling Cnebba Icling Icil Eamering Icel Eomæring Eamer Angengeoting Eomær Angengeoting Angengeot Offing Angengiot Offing Offa Uærmunding Offa Wærmunding Uermund Uihtlaeging Wærmund Wihtlæging Uihtlaeg Wioðulgeoting Wihtlæg Wioþolgeoting Weoðulgeot Wodning Weoþolgiot Wodning Woden Frealafing Woden Frealafing {198} ------------------------------------------------------------------------ _Historia Brittonum_[321]. _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle._ MS Harl 3859. MSS Cotton Tib. A. VI. and B.I.[322] ---------------------------------------------------------------------- Penda Penda Pybbing Pubba Pybba Creoding Creoda Cynewalding Cynewald Cnebbing Cnebba Iceling Icel Eomæring Eamer Eomær Angelþeowing Ongen Angelþeow Offing Offa Offa Wærmunding Guerdmund Wærmund Wihtlæging Guithleg Wihtlæg Wodening Gueagon Guedolgeat [U]Uoden ------------------------------------------------------------------------ II. _THE STAGES ABOVE WODEN._ (1) _WODEN TO GEAT._ The stages above Woden are found in two forms: a short list which traces the line from Woden up to Geat: and a longer list which carries the line from Geat to Sceaf and through Noah to Adam. The line from Woden to Geat is found in the _Historia Brittonum_, not with the other genealogies, but in § 31, where the pedigree of the Kentish royal family is given, when the arrival of Hengest in Britain is recounted. Notwithstanding the dispute regarding the origin and date of the _Historia Brittonum_, there is a pretty general agreement that this _Woden to Geat_ pedigree is one of the more primitive elements, and is not likely to be much later than the end of the 7th century[323]. The original nucleus of the _Historia Brittonum_ was revised by {199} Nennius in the 9th century, or possibly at the end of the 8th[324]. The earliest MS of the _Historia_, that of Chartres, belongs to the 9th or 10th century--this is fragmentary and already interpolated; the received text is based upon _MS Harleian_ 3859, dating from the end of the 11th century[325], or possibly somewhat later. I give the pedigree in four forms: A. The critical text of the _Historia Brittonum_ as edited by Th. Mommsen (_Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auct. Antiq., Chronica Minora_, III, Berolini, 1898, p. 171). B. _MS Harl._ 3859, upon which Mommsen's text is based, fol. 180. C. The _Chartres MS._ D. Mommsen's critical text of the later revision, _Nennius interpretatus_, which he gives parallel to the _Historia Brittonum_. A B C D Hors et Hengist Hors & Hengist Cors et Haecgens Hors et Hengist filii Guictgils filii Guictgils filii Guictils filii Guictgils Guigta Guitta Guicta Guigta Guectha Guectha Gueta Guectha VVoden VVoden VVoden Voden Frealaf Frealaf Frelab Frealaf Fredulf Fredulf Freudulf Fredolf Finn Finn Fran Finn Frenn Fodepald Fodepald Folcpald Folcvald Geta Geta G[e]uta Gaeta qui fuit, qui fuit, qui sunt [_sic_], Vanli ut aiunt, ut aiunt, ut aiunt, Saxi filius dei filius dei filius dei Negua _MS Cotton Vespasian B. VI_ (9th century) contains a number of Anglo-Saxon genealogies and other lists revised up to the period 811-14[326]. The genealogy of the kings of Lindsey in this list has the stages from Woden to Geat. This genealogy is also found in the sister list in the 9th century MS at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (_MS C.C.C.C._ 183). {200} A similar list is to be found in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ (entered under the year 547). But there it is appended to the genealogy of the Northumbrian kings. This genealogy has been erased in the oldest MS (Parker, end of the 9th century) to make room for later additions, but is found in _MSS Cotton Tiberius A. VI_ and _B. I._ _Cotton (Vespasian) _Corpus MS._ _A.-S. Chronicle_ MS._ UUoden Frealafing Woden Frealafing Woden Freoþolafing Frealaf Frioðulfing Frealaf Frioþowulsing (sic) Freoþelaf Freoþulfing Frioðulf Finning Freoþowulf Godwulfing Friþulf Finning Finn Goduulfing Finn Godulfing Godulf Geoting Godwulf Geating Godulf Geating The _Fodepald_ or _Folcpald_ who, in the _Historia Brittonum_, appears as the father of Finn, is clearly the _Folcwalda_ who appears as Finn's father in _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_. The Old English _w_ ([wynn]) has been mistaken for _p_, just as in _Pinefred_ for _Winefred_ in the _Life of Offa II_. In the _Vespasian MS_ and in other genealogies Godwulf is Finn's father. It has been very generally held that Finn and his father Godwulf are mythical heroes, quite distinct from the presumably historic Finn, son of Folcwalda, mentioned in _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_: and that by confusion _Folcwald_ came to be written instead of _Godwulf_ in the genealogy, as given in the _Historia Brittonum_. I doubt whether there is sufficient justification for this distinction between a presumed historic Finn Folcwalding and a mythical Finn Godwulfing. Is it not possible that Godwulf was a traditional, probably historic, king of the Frisians, father of Finn, and that _Folcwalda_[327] was a _title_ which, since it alliterated conveniently, in the end supplanted the proper name in epic poetry? III. _THE STAGES ABOVE WODEN._ (2) _WODEN TO SCEAF._ The stages above Geat are found in the genealogy of the West-Saxon kings only[328]. This is recorded in the _Chronicle_ {201} under the year 855 (notice concerning Æthelwulf) and it was probably drawn up at the court of that king. Though it doubtless contains ancient names, it is apparently not so ancient as the _Woden-Geat_ list. It became very well known, and is also found in Asser and the _Textus Roffensis_. It was copied by later historians such as William of Malmesbury, and by the Icelandic genealogists[329]. The principal versions of this pedigree are given in tabular form below (pp. 202-3); omitting the merely second-hand reproductions, such as those of Florence of Worcester. * * * * * H. EXTRACT FROM THE CHRONICLE ROLL. This roll was drawn up in the reign of Henry VI, and its compiler must have had access to a document now lost. There are many copies of the roll extant--the "Moseley" Roll at University College, London (formerly in the Phillipps collection); at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (No. 98 A); at Trinity College, Cambridge; and in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris[330]; and one which recently came into the market in London. Steph | Steldius | Boerinus | ------------------------------------------------------------------- | | | | | | | | | Cinrinicius Gothus Iutus Wandalus Gethius Fresus Suethedus Dacus Geate {202} WEST-SAXON GENEALOGY--STAGES ABOVE WODEN /------------------------------------------------\ CHRONICLE PARKER MS ASSER TEXTUS ROFFENSIS I Woden Fribowalding Uuoden Woden Friþuwald Freawining Frithowald Friþewold Frealaf Friþuwulfing Frealaf Frealaf Friþuwulf Finning Frithuwulf Friþewulf Fin Godwulfing Fingodwulf Finn Godwulf Geating Godwulf Geat Tætwaing Geata* ... Geata* ... Tætwa Beawing Caetuua Teþwa Beaw Sceldwaing Beauu Beaw Sceldwea Heremoding Sceldwea Scaldwa Heremod Itermoning Heremod Heremod Itermon Hraþraing Itermod Iterman Hathra Haþra Huala Hwala Beduuig Bedwig se wæs geboren in þære Seth Scyf, se wæs in earce Noe etc. Noe, etc. ðam arken geboran [but son of Sem, not Noe] * quem Getam *ðene ða hæþena iamdudum pagani wuþedon for god pro deo venerabantur CHRONICLE ETHELWERD MSS COTT. TIB. A. VI [& B. I] Uuothen Woden Frealafing Frithouuald Frealaf Frithouulf Frealaf Fin[n]ing Fin Finn Godwulfing [Godulfing] Goduulfe Godulf Geat[t]ing Geat Geata [Geatt] Tætwaing Tetuua Tætwa Beawing Beo Beaw Sceldweaing [Scealdwaing] Scyld Scyldwa [Scealdwa] Heremoding Heremod Itermoning Itermon Haðraing Haðra Hwalaing Hwala Bedwiging Bedwig Sceafing, [i]d est filius Nóe, se Scef. Ipse Scef cum uno wæs geboren on þære earce Nóes dromone advectus est in insula oceani quae dicitur Scani, armis circundatus, eratque valde recens puer, et ab incolis illius terrae ignotus; attamen ab eis suscipitur et ut familiarem diligenti animo eum custodierunt et post in regem eligunt; de cuius prosapia ordinem trahit Athulf [i.e. Æthelwulf] rex. {203} /-------------------------------------- Chronicle MS Cott. Tib. B. IV Textus Roffensis II MS Cott. Tib. B. V Woden Frealafing Woden Frealafing Woden Frealafing Frealaf Finning Frealaf Finning Frealaf Finning Fin Godulfing Finn Godulfing Finn Godulfing Godulf Gating Godulf Eating Godulf Eating Geat Tætwaing Eata Teþwafing Eat Beawing Tætwa Beawing Teþwa Beawing Beaw Scealdwaing Beaw Scealdwaging Beaw Scealdwaging Scealdhwa Heremoding Scealwa Heremoding Scealwa Heremoding Heremod Itermoning Heremod Hermanning Heremod Itermanning Itermon Haðrahing Herman Haþraing Iterman Haðraing Haþra Haðra Hwalaing Haðra Bedwiging Hwala Beowung Hwala Bedwining Beowi Sceafing, id est Beadwig Sceafing Bedwig Sceafing filius Noe, se wæs Se Scef wæs Noes sunu se Scef wæs Nóes sunu geboren on þære arce and he wæs innan ðære and he wæs innan Nones ... earce geboren þære earce geboren ----------------------------------\ Langfeðgatal Flateyarbók Langebek, 1, 3 Christiania, 1860, 1, 27 Voden Voden, _er ver_ þan kollvm ver _kollum_ Odinn Oden Frealaf Frilafr, _e.v.k._ Bors Finn Burri, _e.v.k._ Finn Godvlfi Godolfr Eat Beaf Beaf, _e.v.k._ Biar Scealdna Skialldin, _e.v.k._ Skiolld Heremotr Heremoth, _e.v.k._ Hermod Itermann Trinaan Athra Atra Bedvig Beduigg Seskef vel Seseph Sescef William of Malmesbury. Wodenius fuit filius Fridewaldi, Fridewaldus Frelafii, Frelafius Finni, Finnus Godulfi, Godulfus Getii, Getius Tetii, Tetius Beowii, Beowius Sceldii, Sceldius Sceaf. Iste, ut ferunt, in quandam insulam Germaniae Scandzam ... appulsus, navi sine remige, puerulus, posito ad caput frumenti manipulo, dormiens, ideoque Sceaf nuncupatus, ab hominibus regionis illius pro miraculo exceptus et sedulo nutritus, adulta aetate regnavit in oppido quod tunc Slaswic, nunc vero Haithebi appellatur ... Sceaf fuit filius Heremodii, Heremodius Stermonii, Stermonius Hadrae, Hadra Gwalae, Gwala Bedwigii, Bedwegius Strephii; hic, ut dicitur, fuit filius Noae in arca natus. {204} The following marginal note occurs: Iste Steldius p_r_im_us_ inhabitator Germanie fuit. Que Germania sic dicta erat, quia instar ramor_um_ germina_n_ciu_m_ ab arbore, sic nome_n_ regnaq_ue_ germania nuncupa_n_tur. In nouem filiis diuisa a radice Boerini geminaueru_n_t. Ab istis nouem filiis Boerini descenderu_n_t nouem gentes septentrionalem p_ar_tem inhabitantes, qui quondam regnu_m_ Brita_n_nie inuaseru_n_t et optinueru_n_t, videlicet Saxones, Angli, Iuthi, Daci, Norwagences, Gothi, Wandali, Geathi et Fresi[331]. * * * * * I. EXTRACT FROM THE LITTLE CHRONICLE OF THE KINGS OF LEIRE From the _Annales Lundenses_. These Annals are comparatively late, going up to the year 1307; but the short _Chronicle of the Kings of Leire_, which is incorporated in them, is supposed to date from the latter half of the 12th century. The text is given in Langebek, _Scriptores Rerum Danicarum_, _I_, 224-6 (under the name of _Annales Esromenses_) from _Cod. Arn. Mag._ 841. There is a critical edition by Gertz, _Scriptores Minores historiæ Danicæ_, Copenhagen, 1917, based upon _Cod. Arn. Mag._ 843. The text given below is mainly that of Langebek, with corrections from Gertz's fine edition. See below, p. 216. Erat ergo Dan rex in Dacia[332] per triennium. Anno tandem tertio cognouit uxorem suam Daniam, genuitque ex ea filium nomine Ro. Qui post patris obitum hereditarie possidebat regnum. Patrem uero suum Dan colle apud Lethram tumulauit Sialandiæ, ubi sedem regni pro eo pater constituit, quam ipse post eum diuitiis multiplicibus ditauit. Tempore illo ciuitas magna erat in medio Sialandiæ, ubi adhuc mons desertus est, nomine Hekebiarch, ubi sita erat ciuitas quæ Høkekoping nuncupata est; ad quam ut mox Ro rex uidit, quod mercatores a nauibus in uia currus conducentes multum expenderent, a loco illo ciuitatem amoueri jussit ad portum, ubi tenditur Isæfiorth, et circa fontem pulcherrimum domos disponere. Ædificauit ibi Ro ciuitatem honestam, cui nomen partitiuum imposuit post se et Fontem, partem capiens fontis partemque sui, Roskildam Danice uocans, quæ hoc nomine uoca[bi]tur[333] in æternum. Uixit autem rex Ro ita pacifice, ut nullus ei aciem opponeret, nec ipse usquam expeditionem direxit[334]. Erat autem uxor eius {205} fecunda sobole, ex qua genuit duos filios, nomen primi Helhgi et secundi Haldan[335]. Cumque cepissent pueri robore confortari et crescere, obiit pater eorum Ro, et sepultus est tumulo quodam Læthræ, post cuius obitum partiti sunt regnum filii, quod in duas partes diuidentes, alter terras, alter mare possidebat. Rexit itaque terras Haldanus, et genuit filium nomine Siwardum, cognomine Album, qui patrem suum Haldanum Læthræ tumulauit mortuum. Helgi autem rex erat marinus, et multos ad se traxit malificos, nauali bello bene adeptus diuersas partes, quasdam pace, quasdam cum piratica classe[336] petisse perhibetur.... The Chronicle then tells how Rolf was born, the son of Helgi and Yrse or Ursula: also of the death and burial of Helgi. Filius autem eius et Ursulæ puer crescebat Rolf et fortitudine uigebat. Mater uero eius Ursula, uelo uiduitatis deposito, data est regi Suethiæ Athislo, qui ex ea filiam sibi genuit, Rolf uero ex matre eius sororem nomine Skuld. Interea dum hæc de rege marino Helgi agerentur, frater eius, rex Daciæ, mortuus est Haldanus. Post quem[337] rex Sweciæ Athisl a Danis suscepit tributum. Interea ... confortabatur filius Helgi, Rolff, cognomine Krake. Quem post mortem Snyo[338] Dani [in][339] regem assumpserunt. Qui Sialandiæ apud Lethram, sicut antecessores sui, sæpissime moratus est. Sororem suam nomine Sculd secum habuit, Athisli regis filiam, et suæ matris Ursulæ, de qua superius dictum est; quam fraterno amore dilexit. Cui provinciam Hornshæræth Sialandiæ ad pascendas puellas suas in expensam dedit, in qua uillam ædificauit, nomine Sculdelef, unde nomen suscepit. Hoc tempore erat quidam Comes Scaniæ, nomine Hiarwarth, Teotonicus genere, Rolf tributarius, qui ad eum procos misit, ut {206} sororem suam Sculd Hiarwardo daret uxorem. Quo nolente, propria ipsius uoluntate puellæ clanculo eam raptam sociauit sibi. Unde conspirauerunt inter se deliberantes Hiarwart et Sculd, quomodo Rolf interficeretur, et Hiarwardus superstes regni heres efficeretur. Non post multum vero temporis animosus ad uxoris exhortationem Hiarwart Sialandiam classe petiit. Genero suo Rolff tributum attulisse simulauit. Die quadam dilucescente ad Læthram misit, ut uideret tributum, Rolff nunciauit. Qui cum uidisset non tributum sed exercitum armatum, uallatus est Rolff militibus, et a Hyarwardo interfectus est. Hyarwardum autem Syalandenses et Scanienses, qui cum eo erant, in regem assumpserunt. Qui breui tempore, a mane usque ad primam, regali nomine potitus est. Tunc uenit Haky, frater Haghbardi, filius Hamundi; Hyarwardum interfecit et Danorum rex effectus est. Quo regnante, uenit quidam nomine Fritleff a partibus Septentrionalibus et filiam sibi desponsauit Rolff Crake, ex qua filium nomine Frothe genuit, cognomine Largus. * * * * * K. THE STORY OF OFFA IN SAXO GRAMMATICUS Book IV, ed. Ascensius, fol. xxxii b; ed. Holder, pp. 106-7. Cui filius Wermundus succedit. Hic prolixis tranquillitatis otiis felicissima temporum quiete decursis, diutinam domesticæ pacis constantiam inconcussa rerum securitate tractabat. Idem prolis expers iuuentam exegit; senior uero filium Uffonem sero fortunæ munere suscitauit, cum nullam ei sobolem elapsa tot annorum curricula peperissent. Hic Uffo coæuos quosque corporis habitu supergressus, adeo hebetis ineptique animi principio iuuentæ existimatus est, ut priuatis ac publicis rebus inutilis uideretur. Siquidem ab ineunte ætate nunquam Iusus aut ioci consuetudinem præbuit; adeoque humanæ delectationis uacuus fuit, ut labiorum continentiam iugi silentio premeret, et seueritatem oris a ridendi prorsus officio temperaret. Uerum ut incunabula stoliditatis opinione referta habuit, ita post modum conditionis contemptum claritate mutauit; et quantum inertiæ spectaculum fuit, tantum prudentiæ et fortitudinis exemplum euasit. {207} Book IV, ed. Ascensius, fol. xxxiv b; ed. Holder, pp. 113-7. Cumque Wermundus ætatis uitio oculis orbaretur, Saxoniæ rex, Daniam duce uacuam ratus, ei per legatos mandat, regnum, quod præter ætatis debitum teneat, sibi procurandum committat, ne nimis longa imperii auiditate patriam legibus armisque destituat. Qualiter enim regem censeri posse, cui senectus animum, cæcitas oculum pari caliginis horrore fuscauerit? Quod si abnuat, filiumque habeat, qui cum suo ex prouocatione confligere audeat, uictorem regno potiri permittat. Si neutrum probet, armis secum, non monitis agendum cognoscat, ut tandem inuitus præbeat, quod ultroneus exhibere contemnat. Ad hæc Wermundus, altioribus suspiriis fractus, impudentius se ætatis exprobratione lacerari respondit, quem non ideo huc infelicitatis senectus prouexerit, quod pugnæ parcus timidius iuuentam exegerit. Nec aptius sibi cæcitatis uitium obiectari, quod plerunque talem ætatis habitum talis iactura consequi soleat, potiusque condolendum calamitati quam insultandum uideatur. Iustius autem Saxoniæ regi impatientiæ notam afferri posse, quem potius senis fatum operiri, quam imperium poscere decuisset, quod aliquanto præstet defuncto succedere, quam uiuum spoliare. Se tamen, ne tanquam delirus priscæ libertatis titulos externo uideatur mancipare dominio, propria manu prouocationi pariturum. Ad hæc legati, scire se inquiunt, regem suum conserendæ cum cæco manus ludibrium perhorrere, quod tam ridiculum decernendi genus rubori quam honestati propinquius habeatur. Aptius uero per utriusque pignus et sanguinem amborum negotio consuli. Ad hæc obstupefactis animo Danis, subitaque responsi ignorantia perculsis, Uffo, qui forte cum ceteris aderat, responsionis a patre licentiam flagitabat, subitoque uelut ex muto uocalis euasit. Cumque Wermundus, quisnam talem a se loquendi copiam postularet, inquireret, ministrique eum ab Uffone rogari dixissent, satis esse perhibuit, ut infelicitatis suæ uulneribus alienorum fastus illuderet, ne etiam a domesticis simili insultationis petulantia uexaretur. Sed satellitibus Uffonem hunc esse pertinaci affirmatione testantibus, "Liberum ei sit," inquit, "quisquis est, cogitata profari." Tum Uffo, frustra ab eorum rege regnum appeti, inquit, quod tam proprii rectoris officio quam {208} fortissimorum procerum armis industriaque niteretur: præterea, nec regi filium nec regno successorem deesse. Sciantque, se non solum regis eorum filium, sed etiam quemcunque ex gentis suæ fortissimis secum adsciuerit, simul pugna aggredi constituisse. Quo audito legati risere, uanam dicti animositatem existimantes. Nec mora, condicitur pugnæ locus, eidemque stata temporis meta præfigitur. Tantum autem stuporis Uffo loquendi ac prouocandi nouitate præsentibus iniecit, ut, utrum uoci eius an fiduciæ plus admirationis tributum sit, incertum extiterit. Abeuntibus autem legatis, Wermundus, responsionis auctore laudato, quod uirtutis fiduciam non in unius, sed duorum prouocatione statuerit, potius se ei, quicunque sit, quam superbo hosti regno cessurum perhibuit. Uniuersis autem filium eius esse testantibus, qui legatorum fastum fiduciæ sublimitate contempserit, propius eum accedere iubet: quod oculis nequeat, manibus experturus. Corpore deinde eius curiosius contrectato, cum ex artuum granditate lineamentisque filium esse cognosset, fidem assertoribus habere coepit, percontarique eum, cur suauissimum uocis habitum summo dissimulationis studio tegendum curauerit, tantoque ætatis spatio sine uoce et cunctis loquendi commerciis degere sustinuerit, ut se linguæ prorsus officio defectum natiuæque taciturnitatis uitio obsitum credi permitteret? Qui respondit, se paterna hactenus defensione contentum, non prius uocis officio opus habuisse, quam domesticam prudentiam externa loquacitate pressam animaduerteret. Rogatus item ab eo, cur duos quam unum prouocare maluit, hunc iccirco dimicationis modum a se exoptatum respondit, ut Athisli regis oppressio, quæ, quod a duobus gesta fuerat, Danis opprobrio extabat, unius facinore pensaretur, nouumque uirtutis specimen prisca ruboris monumenta conuelleret. Ita antiquæ crimen infamiæ recentis famæ litura respergendum dicebat. Quem Wermundus iustam omnium æstimationem fecisse testatus, armorum usum, quod eis parum assueuisset, prædiscere iubet. Quibus Uffo oblatis, magnitudine pectoris angustos loricarum nexus explicuit; nec erat ullam reperire, quæ eum iusto capacitatis spatio contineret. Maiore siquidem corpore erat, quam ut alienis armis uti posset. Ad ultimum, cum paternam quoque {209} loricam uiolenta corporis astrictione dissolueret, Wermundus eam a læuo latere dissecari, fibulaque sarciri præcepit, partem, quæ clypei præsidio muniatur, ferro patere parui existimans. Sed et gladium, quo tuto uti possit, summa ab eo cura conscisci iussit. Oblatis compluribus, Uffo manu capulum stringens, frustatim singulos agitando comminuit; nec erat quisquam ex eis tanti rigoris gladius, quem non ad primæ concussionis motum crebra partium fractione dissolueret. Erat autem regi inusitati acuminis gladius, Skrep dictus, qui quodlibet obstaculi genus uno ferientis ictu medium penetrando diffinderet, nec adeo quicquam prædurum foret, ut adactam eius aciem remorari potuisset. Quem ne posteris fruendum relinqueret, per summam alienæ commoditatis inuidiam in profunda defoderat, utilitatem ferri, quod filii incrementis diffideret, ceteris negaturus. Interrogatus autem, an dignum Uffonis robore ferrum haberet, habere se dixit, quod, si pridem a se terræ traditum recognito locorum habitu reperire potuisset, aptum corporis eius uiribus exhiberet. In campum deinde perduci se iubens, cum, interrogatis per omnia comitibus, defossionis locum acceptis signorum indiciis comperisset, extractum cauo gladium filio porrigit. Quem Uffo nimia uetustate fragilem exesumque conspiciens, feriendi diffidentia percontatur, an hunc quoque priorum exemplo probare debeat, prius habitum eius, quam rem ferro geri oporteat, explorandum testatus. Refert Wermundus, si præsens ferrum ab ipso uentilando collideretur, non superesse, quod uirium eius habitui responderet. Abstinendum itaque facto, cuius in dubio exitus maneat. Igitur ex pacto pugnæ locus expetitur. Hunc fluuius Eidorus ita aquarum ambitu uallat, ut earum interstitio repugnante, nauigii duntaxat aditus pateat. Quem Uffone sine comite petente, Saxoniæ regis filium insignis uiribus athleta consequitur, crebris utrinque turbis alternos riparum anfractus spectandi auiditate complentibus. Cunctis igitur huic spectaculo oculos inferentibus, Wermundus in extrema pontis parte se collocat, si filium uinci contigisset, flumine periturus. Maluit enim sanguinis sui ruinam comitari, quam patriæ interitum plenis doloris sensibus intueri. Uerum Uffo, geminis iuuenum congressibus lacessitus, gladii diffidentia amborum ictus umbone {210} uitabat, patientius experiri constituens, quem e duobus attentius cauere debuisset, ut hunc saltem uno ferri impulsu contingeret. Quem Wermundus imbecillitatis uitio tantam recipiendorum ictuum patientiam præstare existimans, paulatim in occiduam pontis oram mortis cupiditate se protrahit, si de filio actum foret, fatum precipitio petiturus. Tanta sanguinis caritate flagrantem senem fortuna protexit. Uffo siquidem filium regis ad secum auidius decernendum hortatus, claritatem generis ab ipso conspicuo fortitudinis opere æquari iubet, ne rege ortum plebeius comes uirtute præstare uideatur. Athletam deinde, explorandæ eius fortitudinis gratia, ne domini sui terga timidius subsequeretur, admonitum fiduciam a regis filio in se repositam egregiis dimicationis operibus pensare præcepit, cuius delectu unicus pugnæ comes adscitus fuerit. Obtemperantem illum propiusque congredi rubore compulsum, primo ferri ictu medium dissecat. Quo sono recreatus Wermundus, filii ferrum audire se dixit, rogatque, cui potissimum parti ictum inflixerit. Referentibus deinde ministris, eum non unam corporis partem, sed totam hominis transegisse compagem, abstractum præcipitio corpus ponti restituit, eodem studio lucem expetens, quo fatum optauerat. Tum Uffo, reliquum hostem prioris exemplo consumere cupiens, regis filium ad ultionem interfecti pro se satellitis manibus parentationis loco erogandam impensioribus uerbis sollicitat. Quem propius accedere sua adhortatione coactum, infligendi ictus loco curiosius denotato, gladioque, quod tenuem eius laminam suis imparem uiribus formidaret, in aciem alteram uerso, penetrabili corporis sectione transuerberat. Quo audito Wermundus Screp gladii sonum secundo suis auribus incessisse perhibuit. Affirmantibus deinde arbitris, utrunque hostem ab eius filio consumptum, nimietate gaudii uultum fletu soluit. Ita genas, quas dolor madidare non poterat, lætitia rigauit. Saxonibus igitur pudore moestis, pugilumque funus summa cum ruboris acerbitate ducentibus, Uffonem Dani iocundis excepere tripudiis. Quieuit tum Athislanæ cædis infamia, Saxonumque obprobriis expirauit. Ita Saxoniæ regnum ad Danos translatum, post patrem Uffo regendum suscepit, utriusque imperii procurator effectus, {211} qui ne unum quidem rite moderaturus credebatur. Hic a compluribus Olauus est dictus, atque ob animi moderationem Mansueti cognomine donatus. Cuius sequentes actus uetustatis uitio solennem fefellere notitiam. Sed credi potest, gloriosos eorum processus extitisse, quorum tam plena laudis principia fuerint. * * * * * L. FROM SKIOLD TO OFFA IN SWEYN AAGESON In Langebek, _Scriptores_, i, 44-7; Gertz, I, 97. CAP. I. De primo Rege Danorum. Skiold Danis primum didici præfuisse. Et ut eius alludamus uocabulo, idcirco tali functus est nomine, quia uniuersos regni terminos regiæ defensionis patrocinio affatim egregie tuebatur. A quo primum, modis Islandensibus, "Skioldunger" sunt reges nuncupati. Qui regni post se reliquit hæredes, Frothi uidelicet et Haldanum. Successu temporum fratribus super regni ambitione inter se decertantibus, Haldan, fratre suo interempto, regni monarchiam obtinuit. Hic filium, scilicet Helghi, regni procreauit hæredem, qui ob eximiam uirtutum strenuitatem, pyraticam semper exercuit. Qui cum uniuersorum circumiacentium regnorum fines maritimos classe pyratica depopulatus, suo subiugasset imperio, "Rex maris" est cognominatus. Huic in regno successit filius Rolf Kraki, patria virtute pollens, occisus in Lethra, quæ tunc famosissima Regis extitit curia, nunc autem Roskildensi uicina ciuitati, inter abiectissima ferme uix colitur oppida. Post quem regnauit filius eius Rökil cognomento dictus "Slaghenback." Cui successit in regno hæres, agilitatis strenuitate cognominatus, quem nostro uulgari "Frothi hin Frökni" nominabant. Huius filius et hæres regni extitit Wermundus, qui adeo prudentiæ pollebat uirtute, ut inde nomen consequeretur. Unde et "Prudens" dictus est. Hic filium genuit Uffi nomine, qui usque ad tricesimum ætatis suæ annum fandi possibilitatem cohibuit, propter enormitatem opprobrii, quod tunc temporis Danis ingruerat, eo quod in {212} ultionem patris duo Dani in Sueciam profecti, patricidam suum una interemerunt. Nam et tunc temporis ignominiosum extitit improperium, si solum duo iugularent; præsertim cum soli strenuitati tunc superstitiosa gentilitas operam satagebat impendere. Præfatus itaque Wermundus usque ad senium regni sui gubernabat imperium; adeo tandem ætate consumptus, ut oculi eius præ senio caligarent. Cuius debilitatis fama cum apud transalpinas[340] partes percrebuisset, elationis turgiditate Teotonica intumuit superbia, utpote suis nunquam contenta terminis. Hinc furoris sui rabiem in Danos exacuit Imperator, se iam Danorum regno conquisito sceptrum nancisci augustius conspicatus. Delegantur itaque spiculatores, qui turgidi principis jussa reportent præfato Danorum regi, scilicet Wermundo, duarum rerum præfigentes electionem, quarum pars tamen neutra extitit eligenda. Aut enim regnum jussit Romano resignare imperio, et tributum soluere, aut athletam inuestigare, qui cum Imperatoris campione monomachiam committere auderet. Quo audito, regis extitit mens consternata; totiusque regni procerum legione corrogata, quid facto opus sit, diligenti inquisitione percontabatur. Perplexam se namque regis autumabat autoritas, utpote cui et ius incumbebat decertandi, et qui regno patrocinari tenebatur. Uultum coecitas obnubilauerat, et regni heres elinguis factus, desidia torpuerat, ita ut in eo, communi assertione, nulla prorsus species salutis existeret. Nam ab infantia præfatus Uffo uentris indulgebat ingluuiei, et Epicuræorum more, coquinæ et cellario alternum officiose impendebat obsequium. Corrogato itaque coetu procerum, totiusque regni placito[341] celebrato, Alamannorum regis ambitionem explicuit, quid in hac optione haud eligenda facturus sit, indagatione cumulata senior sciscitatur. Et dum uniuersorum mens consternaretur angustia, cunctique indulgerent silentio, præfatus Uffo in media concione surrexit. Quem cum cohors uniuersa conspexisset, satis nequibat admirari, ut quid elinguis uelut orationi gestus informaret. Et quia omne rarum dignum nouimus admiratione, omnium in se duxit intuitum. Tandem sic orsus coepit: "Non nos minæ moueant lacessentium, cum {213} ea Teotonicæ turgiditati innata sit conditio, ut uerborum ampullositate glorientur, minarumque uentositate pusillanimes et imbecilles calleant comminatione consternare. Me etenim unicum et uerum regni natura produxit heredem, cui profecto nouistis incumbere, ut monomachiæ me discrimini audacter obiiciam, quatenus uel pro regno solus occumbam, uel pro patria solus uictoriam obtineam. Ut ergo minarum cassetur ampullositas, hæc Imperatori referant mandata, ut Imperatoris filius et heres imperii, cum athleta præstantissimo, mihi soli non formidet occurrere." Dixit, et hæc verba dictauit voce superba. Qui dum orationem complesset, a collateralibus senior sciscitabatur, cuiusnam hæc fuisset oratio? Cum autem a circumstantibus intellexisset, quod filius suus, prius veluti mutus, hunc effudisset sermonem, palpandum eum jussit accersiri. Et cum humeros lacertosque, et clunes, suras atque tibias, cæteraque membra organica crebro palpasset: "Talem," ait, "me memini in flore extitisse iuuentutis." Quid multa? Terminus pugnæ constituitur et locus. Talique responso percepto, ad propria legati repedabant. CAP. II. De duello Uffonis. Superest ergo, ut arma nouo militi congrua corrogentur. Allatisque ensibus, quos in regno præstantiores rex poterat inuestigare, Uffo singulos dextra uibrans, in partes confregit minutissimas. "Hæccine arma sunt," inquit, "quibus et uitam et regni tuebor honorem?" Cuius cum pater uiuidam experiretur uirtutem, "Unicum adhuc," ait, "et regni et uitæ nostræ superest asylum." Ad tumulum itaque ducatum postulauit, in quo prius mucronem experientissimum occultauerat. Et mox intersigniis per petrarum notas edoctus, gladium jussit effodi præstantissimum. Quem illico dextra corripiens, "Hic est," ait, "fili, quo numerose triumphaui, et qui mihi infallibile semper tutamen extitit." Et hæc dicens, eundem filio contradidit. Nec mora; terminus ecce congressioni præfixus arctius {214} instabat. Tandem, confluentibus undique phalangis innumerabilibus, in Egdoræ fluminis mediamne[342] locus pugnæ constituitur: ut ita pugnatores ab utriusque coetus adminiculo segregati nullius opitulatione fungerentur. Teotonicis ergo ultra fluminis ripam in Holsatia considentibus, Danis uero citra amnem dispositis, rex pontis in medio sedem elegit, quatenus, si unigenitus occumberet, in fluminis se gurgitem præcipitaret, ne pariter nato orbatus et regno cum dolore superstes canos deduceret ad inferos. Deinde emissis utrinque pugilibus, in medio amne conuenerunt. Ast ubi miles noster egregius Uffo, duos sibi conspexit occurrere, tanquam leo pectore robusto infremuit, animoque constanti duobus electis audacter se opponere non detrectauit, illo cinctus mucrone, quem patrem supra meminimus occuluisse, et alterum dextra strictum gestans. Quos cum primum obuios habuisset, sic singillatim utrumque alloquitur, et quod raro legitur accidisse, athleta noster elegantissimus, cuius memoria in æternum non delebitur, ita aduersarios animabat ad pugnam: "Si te," inquit, "regni nostri stimulat ambitio, ut nostræ opis, potentiæque, opumque capessere uelis opulentias, comminus te clientem decet præcedere, ut et regni tui terminos amplifices, et militibus tuis conspicientibus, strenuitatis nomen nanciscaris." Campionem uero hunc in modum alloquitur: "Uirtutis tuæ experientiam jam locus est propagare, si comminus accesseris, et eam, quam pridem Alamannis gloriam ostendisti, Danis quoque propalare non cuncteris. Nunc ergo famam tuæ strenuitatis poteris ampliare, et egregiæ munificentiæ dono ditari, si et dominum præcedas, et clypeo defensionis eum tuearis. Studeat, quæso, Teotonicis experta strenuitas variis artis pugillatoriæ modis Danos instruere, ut tandem optata potitus uictoria, cum triumphi ualeas exultatione ad propria remeare." Quam quum complesset exhortationem, pugilis cassidem toto percussit conamine, ita ut, quo feriebat, gladius in duo dissiliret. Cuius fragor per uniuersum intonuit exercitum. Unde cohors Teotonicorum exultatione perstrepebat: sed contra Dani desperationis consternati tristitia, gemebundi murmurabant. Rex uero, ut audiuit, quod filii ensis dissiliuisset, in margine se pontis jussit {215} locari. Uerum Uffo, subito exempto, quo cinctus erat, gladio, pugilis illico coxam cruentauit, nec mora, et caput pariter amputauit. Sic ergo ludus fortunæ ad instar lunæ uarius, nunc his, nunc illis successibus illudebat, et quibus iamiam exultatione fauebat ingenti, eos nouercali mox uultu, toruoque conspexit intuitu. Hoc cognito, senior jam confidentius priori se jussit sede locari. Nec jam anceps diu extitit uictoria. Siquidem Uffo ualide instans, ad ripam amnis pepulit hæredem imperii, ibique eum haud difficulter gladio iugulauit. Sicque duorum solus uictor existens, Danis irrogatam multis retro temporibus infamiam gloriosa uirtute magnifice satis aboleuit. Atque ita Alamannis cum improperii uerecundia, cassatisque minarum ampullositatibus, cum probris ad propria remeantibus, postmodum in pacis tranquillitate præcluis Uffo regni sui regebat imperium. * * * * * M. NOTE ON THE DANISH CHRONICLES The text of Saxo Grammaticus, given above, is based upon the magnificent first edition printed by Badius Ascensius (Paris, 1514). Even at the time when this edition was printed, manuscripts of Saxo had become exceedingly scarce, and we have now only odd leaves of MS remaining. One fragment, however, discovered at Angers, and now in the Royal Library at Copenhagen, comes from a MS which had apparently received additions from Saxo himself, and therefore affords evidence as to his spelling. Holder's edition (Strassburg, 1886) whilst following in the main the 1514 text of Badius Ascensius, is accordingly revised to comply with the spelling of the Copenhagen fragments, and with any other traces of MS authority extant. I doubt the necessity for such revision. If the text were extant in MS, one might feel bound to follow the spelling of the MS, as in the case of the old English MSS of the _Vitae Offarum_ below: but seeing that Saxo, with the exception of a few pages, is extant only in a 16th century printed copy, the spelling of which is almost identical with that now current in Latin text books, it seems a pity to restore conjecturally mediæval spellings likely {216} to worry a student. Accordingly I have followed the printed text of 1514, modernizing a very few odd spellings, and correcting some obvious printers errors[343]. A translation of the first nine books of Saxo by Prof. O. Elton has been published by the Folk-Lore Society (No. XXXIII, 1893). Saxo completed his history in the early years of the 13th century. His elder contemporary, Sweyn Aageson, had already written a _Brief History of the Kings of Denmark_. Sweyn's _History_ must have been completed not long after 1185, to which date belongs the last event he records. The extracts given from it (pp. 211-15) are taken from Langebek's collection, with modifications of spelling. Langebek follows the first edition (Stephanius, 1642); the MS used in this edition had been destroyed in 1728. _Cod. Arn. Mag. 33_, recently printed by Gertz, although very corrupt, is supposed to give the text of Sweyn's _History_ in a form less sophisticated than that of the received text (see Gertz, _Scriptores Minores Historiæ Danicæ_, 1917, p. 62). The _Little Chronicle of the Kings of Leire_ is probably earlier than Sweyn's _History_. Gertz dates it c. 1170, and thinks it was written by someone connected with the church at Roskilde. It covers only the early traditional history. See above, pp. 17, 204. For comparison, the following lists, as given in the roll of kings known as _Langfeðgatal_, in the _Little Chronicle_, in Sweyn, and in Saxo may be useful: | _Little_ | | |Names as given _Langfeðgatal_ |_Chronicle_ |_Sweyn_ | _Saxo_ | in _Beowulf_ | Dan | | Dan | | | | {Humblus | | | | {Lotherus | ? = Heremod Skioldr ... | | Skiold | Skioldus | Scyld {217} | | | Gram | | | | Hadingus | | | {Frothi | Frotho I | ?= Beowulf I Halfdan | | {Haldanus | {Haldanus I | Healfdene | Ro | | {Roe I | | | | {Scato | {Hroar | {Haldan | | {Roe II | Hrothgar {Helgi | {Helgi | Helghi | {Helgo | Halga Rolf Kraki | Rolf Krake | Rolf Kraki | Roluo Krage | Hrothulf | Hiarwarth | | Hiarthuarus | Heoroweard | | | . . . . | Hrærekr | | Rökil | Røricus | Hrethric * * * * * N. THE LIFE OF OFFA I, WITH EXTRACTS FROM THE LIFE OF OFFA II. EDITED FROM TWO MSS IN THE COTTONIAN COLLECTION The text is given from _MS Cotton Nero D. I_ (quoted in the footnotes as A), collated with _MS Claudius E. IV_ (quoted as B). Minor variations of B are not usually noted. The two MSS agree closely. The _Nero_ MS is the more elaborate of the two, and is adorned with very fine drawings. _Claudius_, however, offers occasionally a better text; it has been read by a corrector whose alterations--contrary to what is so often the ease in mediæval MSS--seem to be authoritative. The _Lives of the Offas_ were printed by Wats in his edition of Matthew Paris (1639-40) from MS A. Miss Rickert has printed extracts from the two lives, in _Mod. Phil._ II, 14 _etc._, following MS A, "as Wats sometimes takes liberties with the text." INCIPIT HISTORIA DE OFFA PRIMO Q_U_I STRENUITATE SUA S_IB_I ANGLIE MAXIMA_M_ P_AR_TE_M_ S_U_BEG_I_T. CUI SIMILLIM_US_ FUIT S_E_C_UN_D_U_S OFFA[344]. [Sidenote: Fol. 2 _a_] Inter occidentalium Anglorum reges illustrissimos, precipua co_m_mendac_i_onis laude celebratur Rex Warmundus, ab hiis qui historias Angloru_m_ no_n_ solum relatu proferre, set eciam scriptis inserere consueuerant. Is fundator erat cui_us_dam urbis a seip_s_o denominate, que lingua Anglicana Warwic, id est curia Warmundi, nuncupatur. Qui usq_ue_ ad annos seniles absq_ue_ liberis extitit, pret_er_ unicum filiu_m_; q_ue_m, ut estimabat, regni sui heredem _et_ successorem puerilis debilitatis incomodo labora_n_tem, constituere non ualebat. Licet enim idem unic_us_ filius eius, Offa uel Offanus no_m_i_n_e, statura fuisset procer_us_, {218} corpore integer, _et_ elegantissime forme iuuenis existeret, perma_n_sit t_ame_n a natiuitate uisu priuatus usq_ue_ ad annu_m_ septimu_m_, mutus autem _et_ u_er_ba humana n_on_ proferens usq_ue_ ad annu_m_ etatis sue tricesimum. Huius debilitatis incomodum no_n_ solum rex, s_ed_ eciam regni proceres, supra q_u_am dici potest moleste sustinuerunt. Cum eni_m_ imineret p_at_ri etas senilis, _et_ ignoraret diem mortis sue, nesciebat q_ue_m alium sibi[345] _con_stitueret heredem _et_ regni successore_m_. Quidam au_tem_ p_r_imari_us_ regni, cui nomen Riganus[346], cu_m_ quoda_m_ suo co_m_plice Mitunno no_m_i_n_e, ambic_i_osus cu_m_ ambic_i_oso, seductor cu_m_ proditore uidens regem decrepitu_m_, _et_ sine spe prolis procreande senio fatiscente_m_, de se p_re_sumens, cepit ad regie dignitatis culmen aspirare, conte_m_ptis aliis regni primatib_us_, se solum p_re_ cet_er_is ad h_oc_ dignu_m_ reputando. Iccirco diebus singulis regi molestus nimis, proterue eum aggreditur, ut se h_er_edis loco adoptaret. Aliq_u_ando cor regis blande alliciens, interi_m_ aspere minis _et_ terroribus prouocans, persuadere no_n_ cessat regi q_uo_d optabat[347]. Suggerebat eciam regi per uiros potentes, _com_plices cupiditatis _et_ malicie sue, se regni sui su_m_mu_m_ apice_m_, uiolentia _et_ terrorib_us_ et ui extorquere, nisi arbitrio uoluntatis sue rex ip_s_e pareret, faciendo uirtute_m_ de necessitate. Super h_oc_ itaq_ue et_ aliis regni negociis, euocato semel concilio, proteruus ille a rege reprobatus discessit a curie p_re_sentia, iracundie calore freme_n_s in semetip_s_o, pro repulsa q_u_am sustinuit. [Illustration: Riganus (or Aliel) comes before King Warmundus to claim that he should be made King in place of the incompetent Offa _From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 2 a._ ] {219} [Sidenote: Fol. 2 _b_] Nec mora, accitis m_u_ltis qui cont_r_a regis i_m_p_er_ium parte_m_ sua_m_ _con_fouebant, infra paucos dies, copiosum i_m_mo infinitu_m_ exc_er_citu_m_ _con_gregauit: _et_ sub spe uictorie uirilit_e_r optinende, regem _et_ suos ad hostile p_re_lium prouocauit. Rex au_tem_ confectus senio, time_n_s rebellare, declinauit aliquocie_n_s impet_us_ adu_er_sarior_um_. Tandem uero, co_n_uocatis i_n_ unum p_r_incipib_us_ _et_ magnatib_us_ suis, delib_er_are cep_i_t q_u_o f_a_c_t_o opus h_abe_ret. Dum igit_ur_ t_r_actarent i_n_ co_m_mune per aliq_u_ot dies, secu_m_ deliberantes instantissime nec_es_citatis articulu_m_, affuit int_er_ _ser_moci|nantes natus _et_ unigenitus regis, eo usq_ue_ elinguis _et_ absq_ue_ sermone, s_ed_ aure purgata, singulorum uerba discernens. Cum aute_m_ p_at_ris seniu_m_, _et_ se ip_su_m ad regni negocia q_u_asi inutilem _et_ min_us_ efficacem despici _et_ reprobari ab om_n_ib_us_ perpenderet, contritus est _et_ humiliatus in semetip_s_o, usq_ue_ in lac_r_imarum aduberem profusionem. _Et_ exitus aq_u_arum dedux_er_unt oculi eius; _et_ estuabat dolore cordis intrinsecus amarissimo. Et q_u_a_m_ u_er_bis no_n_ pot_er_at, deo aff_e_c_t_u int_r_inseco p_re_cordial_it_er suggerebat, ingemiscens, repone_n_sq_ue_ lac_r_imabilem q_ue_relam coram ip_s_o, orabat ut a spiritu s_an_c_t_o reciperet consolac_i_on_em_, a p_at_re luminu_m_ fortitudinem, _et_ a filio p_at_ris unigenito sapi_enci_e salutaris donatiuum. In breui igitur, _con_t_r_iti cordis uota prospiciens, is, cui nuda _et_ aperta sunt omnia, resoluit os adolescentis in u_er_ba discreta _et_ manifeste articulata. Sicq_ue_ de regni principatu tumide _et_ minaciter contra se _et_ p_at_rem suu_m_ perstrepentes, subito _et_ ex insp_er_ato alloquitur: "Quid adhuc me _et_ p_at_re meo sup_er_stite contra leges _et_ iura uobis uendicatis regni iudicium enormiter cont_re_ctare: _et_ me excluso, herede geneali, alium degen_er_em facinorosu_m_ _ec_iam in minas _et_ diffiduciac_i_onem sup_er_be nimis prorumpente_m_, subrogare ut uos no_n_ immerito iniquitatis _et_ prodic_i_onis arguere valeam_us_. Quid, inq_u_am, ext_er_i, q_u_id ex_tr_anei cont_ra_ nos agere debeant, cu_m_ nos affines _et_ domestici n_ost_ri a p_at_ria q_u_am hactenus gen_er_is n_ost_ri successio iure possedit hereditario, uelitis expellere?" Et dum hec Offanus uel Offa (hoc eni_m_ nomen adolescentulo erat) qui ia_m_ n_un_c primo et_er_no nomine cu_m_ b_e_n_e_d[_i_]c[_i_]onis memoria meruit intitulari, ore facundo, s_er_mone rethorico, uultu sereno prosequeret_ur_, omniu_m_ audientium plus q_u_am dici potest attonitoru_m_ oculos facies _et_ corda in se conu_er_tit. Et prosequens inceptum s_er_mone_m_, _con_tinuando r_ati_onem, ait (intuens ad superna): "Deum testor, om_ne_sq_ue_ celestis curie primates, quod tanti sceleris _et_ discidii incentores, (n_is_i qui cep_er_int titubare, uiriliter eriganter in uirtute_m_ p_r_istinam roborati) inde_m_pnes (pro ut desides _et_ formidolosi promerueru_n_t) ac impunitos, no_n_ paciar. Fideles autem, ac strenuos, omni honore proseq_u_ar [et] co_n_fouebo." Audito _i_gi_tur_ adolescentis sermone, q_ue_m mutum estimabant vanu_m_ _et_ inutilem, _con_st_er_nati admodum _et_ conterriti, ab ei_us_ {220} p_re_sencia discesseru_n_t, q_u_i cont_r_a p_at_rem suu_m_ _et_ ip_su_m, mota sedic_i_one, ausu temerario co_n_spirau_er_ant. Rigan_us_ t_ame_n, co_n_tumax _et_ superbus, comitante Mittunno cu_m_ aliis complicibus suis, qui iam iram in odium _con_u_er_t_er_ant, minas minis recessit cumulando, rege_m_q_ue_ delirum cu_m_ filio suo inutili ac vano murione, frontose diffiduciauit. Econt_r_a, naturales ac fideles regis, ipsius minas paruipende_n_tes, i_m_mo [Sidenote: Fol. 3 _a_] | uilipendentes, inestimabili gaudio perfusi, regis _et_ filii sui pedibus incuruati, sua suor_um_q_ue_ corpora ad uindicandam regis iniuriam exponunt gratanter uniu_er_si. Nec mora, rex in sua _et_ filii sui presentia generali edicto eos qui parti sue fauebant iubet assistere, uolens co_m_muni eor_um_ consilio edoceri, q_u_aliter in agendis suis procedere _et_ negocia sua exequi habeat conuenienter. Qui super hiis diebus aliquot deliberantes, inprimis consulu_n_t regi ut filium suu_m_ morib_us_ _et_ etate ad h_oc_ maturu_m_, militari cingulo faciat insigniri: vt ad bellum procedens, hostibus suis horrori fieret _et_ formidini. Rex aute_m_ sano et salubri co_n_silio suoru_m_ obtemperans, celebri[348] ad hoc co_n_dicto die, cu_m_ solle_m_pni _et_ regia pompa, gladio filium suum accinxit; adiunctis tirocinio suo strenuis adolescentib_us_ gen_er_osis, quos rex ad dec_us_ _et_ gloriam filii sui militarib_us_ indui fecit, _et_ honorari. Cum aute_m_ post h_ec_[349], aliq_u_andiu cu_m_ sociis suis decertans, instrumenta tiro Offanus experiretur, omnes eum strenuissimu_m_ _et_ singulos sup_er_ante_m_ uehement_er_[350] admirabant_ur_. Rex igit_ur_ in_de_ maiore_m_ assumens audaciam, _et_ in spem erectus alacriorem, co_m_municato cu_m_ suis consilio, co_n_t_r_a hostes regni sui insidiatores, i_m_mo iam manifeste _contr_a regnu_m_ suu_m_ insurgentes, _et_ inito c_er_tami_n_e adu_er_santes, resu_m_pto sp_irit_u bellum instaurari p_re_cep_i_t. Potentissim_us_ aut_em_ ille, q_u_i regnu_m_ sibi usurpare moliebatur, cu_m_ filiis suis iuuenib_us_ duob_us_, uidelicet tironib_us_ strenuissimis Otta _et_ Milione nominatis, ascita quoq_ue_ no_n_ minima multitudine, n_ich_ilomin_us_ audact_er_ ad rebellandum, se suosq_ue_ p_re_munire cepit, alacer _et_ imp_er_t_er_rit_us_. Et preliandi diem _et_ locum, hinc in_de_ rex _et_ eius emulus det_er_minarunt. Congregato itaq_ue_ ut_r_obiq_ue_ copiosissimo _et_ formidabili nimis exc_er_citu, parati ad congressum, fixerunt tentoria e regione, nichilq_ue_ int_er_erat nisi fluui_us_ torrens in medio, qui {221} utrumq_ue_ exc_er_citu_m_ sequestrabat. Et aliq_u_andiu hinc in_de_ meticulosi _et_ co_n_sternati, rapidi fluminis alueum int_er_positu_m_ (qui uix erat homini uel equo t_r_ansmeabil_is_) transire distulerunt. Tela tamen sola, cu_m_ crebris co_m_minac_i_onibus _et_ conuiciis, transuolarunt. Tande_m_ indignatus Offa _et_ egre ferens probrose more dispendia, electis de exc_er_citu suo robustiorib_us_ _et_ bello magis strenuis, q_u_os _eciam_ credebat fideliores, subitus _et_ improuisus flumen raptim p_er_transiens, f_a_c_t_o impetu uehementi[351] _et_ repentino, hostes ei obuiam occurre_n_tes, preocupatos t_ame_n circa ripam flum_in_is, plurimos de adu_er_sarior_um_ exc_er_citu cont_r_iuit, _et_ i_n_ ore gladii trucidauit. Primosq_ue_ om_ne_s t_r_ibunos _et_ p_r_imicerios potenter dissipauit. Cu_m_ t_ame_n sui co_m_militones, forte uolentes p_re_scire in Offa p_re_uio Martis fortuna_m_, segnit_er_ amne_m_ t_r_ansmearent, q_u_i latus suu_m_ tenebantur suffulcire, _et_[352] pocius [Sidenote: Fol. 3 _b_] | circumuallando roborare, et resu_m_pto sp_irit_u uiuidiore, reliquos om_ne_s, hinc in_de_ ad modu_m_ nauis uelificantis _et_ equora uelocit_er_ sulcantis, impetuosissime diuisit, ense t_er_ribilit_er_ fulminante, _et_ hostiu_m_ cruore sepius inebriato, don_e_c sue om_ne_s acies ad ip_su_m illese _et_ inde_m_pnes t_r_ansmear_en_t. Quo cu_m_ p_er_uenirent sui co_m_militones, congregati ci_r_ca ip_su_m do_mi_n_u_m suu_m_, exc_er_citu_m_ magnu_m_ et fortem co_n_flau_er_unt. Duces aute_m_ _con_t_r_arii exc_er_citus, sese densis agminib_us_ _et_ consertis aciebus, uiolent_er_ opponu_n_t aduentantib_us_. Et congressu inito cruentissimo, acclamatu_m_ _est_ utrobiq_ue_ et exhortatu_m_, ut res agatur pro capite, _et_ c_er_tamen pro sua _et_ uxoru_m_ suar_um_, _et_ lib_er_or_um_ suor_um_, _et_ possessionu_m_ lib_er_ac_i_one, i_n_ea_n_t iustissimu_m_, auxilio diuino p_ro_tegente. P_er_strepunt igitur tube cu_m_ lituis, clamor exhortantiu_m_, equor_um_ hinnit_us_, morientiu_m_ _et_ uulnerator_um_ gemitus, fragor lancearum, gladioru_m_ tinnit_us_, ictuu_m_ tumultus, aera p_er_t_ur_bare uidebant_ur_. Adu_er_sarii tandem Offe legiones deiciunt, _et_ i_n_ fugam dissipatas _con_u_er_tunt. Quod cum videret Offa strenuissim_us_, _et_ ex hostiu_m_ cede cruent_us_, hausto sp_irit_u alac_r_iori, in hostes, more leonis _et_ leene sublatis catulis, irruit truculent_er_, gladiu_m_ suu_m_ cruore hostili inebriando. Quod cu_m_ uiderent t_r_ucida_n_di, fugitiui _et_ meticulosi pudore confusi, reuersi su_n_t sup_er_ hostes, et ut famam redim_er_ent, ferociores in obstantes fulminant _et_ debacant_ur_. {222} Multoq_ue_ temp_or_e t_r_uculent_er_ nimis dec_er_tatu_m_ est, _et_ utrobiq_ue_ suspensa est uictoria; tandem p_ost_ multor_um_ ruinam, hostes fatigati pedem retulerunt, ut respirarent _et_ pausare_n_t p_ost_ co_n_flictu_m_. Similit_er eciam et_ exc_er_citus Offani. Quod t_ame_n moleste nimis tulit Offan_us_, cui_us_ sanguis in ulc_i_one_m_ estuabat, _et_ i_n_defessus propugnator cessare erubescebat. Hic casu Offe obuiant duo filii diuitis illi_us_, qui regnu_m_ p_at_ris ei_us_ sibi atte_m_ptauit usurpare. Nomen p_r_imogenito Brutus [sive Hildebrandus][353] _et_ iuniori Sueno. Hii probra _et_ u_er_ba turpia in Offam irreu_er_enter ingesserunt, _et_ iuueni pudorato i_n_ _con_sp_ec_tu exc_er_cituum, no_n_ min_us_ s_er_monib_us_ q_u_am armis, molesti extit_er_unt. Offa igit_ur_, mag_is_ lacessitus, _et_ calore audacie scintillans, _et_ iracundia us_que_ ad fremitu_m_ succensus, in impetu sp_iritu_s sui i_n_ eosde_m_ audact_er_ irruit. Et eor_um_ alteru_m_, videlic_et_ Brutu_m_, unico gladii ictu percussit, amputatoq_ue_ galee cono, craneu_m_ usq_ue_ ad cerebri medulla_m_ p_er_forauit, _et_ i_n_ morte singultante_m_ sub eq_u_inis pedib_us_ pot_e_nt_er_ p_re_cipitauit. Alteru_m_ u_er_o, qui h_oc_ uiso fugam iniit, repentin_us_ inseq_ue_ns, uuln_er_e letali sauciatu_m_, _con_te_m_psit _et_ prostratu_m_. Post h_ec_[354] deseuie_n_s in cet_er_os _con_t_r_arii exc_er_citus duces, gladi_us_ Offe q_u_icq_u_id obuiam h_ab_uit prost_er_nendo deuorauit, exc_er_citu ip_s_i_us_ tali exemplo recenci_us_ i_n_ hostes insurgente, _et_ iam gloriosius t_r_iu_m_phante. [Sidenote: Fol. 4 _a_] Pat_er_, uero, p_re_d_i_c_t_or_um_ iuuenu_m_, pert_er_rit_us_ _et_ dolore i_n_t_r_inseco sauciatus, subt_er_fugiens amne_m_ oppositu_m_, nitebat_ur_| pert_r_ansire: s_ed_ interf_e_c_t_oru_m_ sanguine torre_n_s fluuius, eum loricatu_m_ _et_ armor_um_ pond_er_e grauatu_m_ _et_ multipl_icite_r fatigatum, cum multis de suo excercitu simili incomodo p_re_peditis, ad ima subm_er_sit, _et_ sine uuln_er_ib_us_, miseras animas exalarunt proditores, toti posteritati sue probra relinq_ue_ntes. Amnis aute_m_ a Rigano ibi subm_er_so sorciebatur uocabulum, _et_ Riganburne, vt f_act_i uiuat perpetuo memoria, nuncupat_ur_. [Hiic alio no_m_i_n_e Auene dicit_ur_.][355] Reliqui aute_m_ om_ne_s de exc_er_citu Rigani [qui _et_ Aliel dicebatur][355] qui sub ducatu Mitunni regebantur, in abissu_m_ desperac_i_onis dem_er_si, _et_ timore effeminati, cum eorum duce i_n_ q_u_o {223} magis Rigan_us_ confidebat, in noctis crepusculo trucidati, cu_m_ uictoria gloriosa campu_m_ Offe strenuissimo (i_n_ nulla parte corporis sui deformit_er_ mutilato, nec _eciam_ uel letaliter uel periculose uuln_er_ato, licet ea die multis se letiferis opposuiss_et_ p_er_iculis) reliquerunt[356]. Sicq_ue_ Offe circa iuuentutis sue primicias, a Domino data est uictoria in bello nimis ancipiti, ac cruentissimo, _et_ int_er_ alienigenas uirtutis _et_ indust_r_ie sue nomen celebre ipsius uentilatum, _et_ odor longe lateq_ue_ bonitatis ac ciuilitatis, n_e_c no_n_ _et_ st_r_enuitatis ei_us_ circumfusus, nomen ei_us_ ad sidera subleuauit. Porro in crastinu_m_ post uictoria_m_, hostiu_m_ spolia int_er_fector_um_ _et_ fugitiuor_um_ magnifice co_n_te_m_pnens, n_e_c sibi uolens aliq_u_atenus usurpare, ne q_u_omodolib_et_ auaricie turpit_er_ redargueretur, militibus suis stipendiariis, _et_ naturalib_us_ suis hominib_us_ (p_re_cipue[357] hiis quos nou_er_at indigere) liberalit_er_ dereliq_u_it. Solos t_ame_n magnates, quos ip_s_emet i_n_ prelio cep_er_at, sibi retinuit incarc_er_andos, redime_n_dos, u_e_l iudicialiter puniendos. Iussitq_ue_ ut int_er_fector_um_ duces _et_ p_r_incipes, quor_um_ fama titulos magnificauit, _et_ p_re_cipue eor_um_ qui in p_re_lio magnifice ac fidelit_er_ se habuerant (licet ei[358] adu_er_sarentur) seorsum honorifice i_n_tumulare_n_t_u_r, f_a_c_t_is eis obsequiis, cu_m_ lamentac_i_onib_us_. Exc_er_citus au_tem_ popularis cadau_er_a, in arduo _et_ eminenti loco, ad post_er_itatis memoriam, t_r_adi iussit sepulture ignobiliori. Vnde locus ille hoc no_m_i_n_e Anglico Q_u_almhul[359], a strage uidelicet _et_ sepultura interfectorum m_er_ito meruit intitulari. Multor_um_ eciam et magnor_um_ lapidum super eos struem excercitus Offe, uoce p_re_conia iussus, congessit eminentem. Totaq_ue_ circumiacens planicies[360] ab ip_s_o cruentissimo c_er_tamine _et_ notabili sepultura nomen _et_ titulum indelebilem est sortita, et Blodiweld[361] a sa_n_guine int_er_fector_um_ deno_m_i_n_abat_ur_. Deletis igitur _et_ confusis hostib_us_, Offa cum ingenti t_r_iumpho ac tripudio _et_ gloria reu_er_tit_ur_ ad propria. Pater uero Warmu_n_d_us_, q_u_i sese recep_er_at in locis tucioribus rei euentu_m_ exp_e_ctans, s_ed_ iam fausto nuncio c_er_tificatus, comperiensq_ue_ _et_ securus de carissimi filii sui uictoria, cu_m_ ingenti leticia ei {224} procedit obuius[362]: et in a_m_plexus eius diutissime _com_moratus, _con_ceptu_m_ [Sidenote: Fol. 4 _b_] | interius de filii sui palma gaudium teg_er_e non uolens set n_e_c ualens, hui_us_ cum lac_ri_mis exultac_i_onis prorupit in vocem: "Euge fili dulcissime, quo affectu, quaue mentis leticia, laudes tuas prout dignu_m_ est prosequar? Tu eni_m_ es spes mea _et_ subditor_um_ iubilus ex i_n_sp_er_ato _et_ exultac_i_o. In te spes inopinata meis reuixit temporibus; in sinu tuo leticia mea, i_m_mo spes pocius toci_us_ regni est reposita. Tu pop_u_li toci_us_ firmamentum, tu pacis _et_ lib_er_tatis mee basis _et_ stabile, deo aspirante, fundamentum. Tibi debetur ruina prot_e_rui proditoris illi_us_, q_u_ondam publici hostis n_ost_ri, qui regni fastigium quod m_ih_i _et_ de genere meo propagatis iure debetur h_er_editario, tam impudent_er_ q_u_am imprudenter, cont_r_a leges _et_ ius gentium usurpare moliebatur. S_ed_ uultus d_omi_ni super eu_m_ _et_ co_m_plices suos facientes mala, ut perderet de terra memoriam eoru_m_, Deus ulcionu_m_ Domin_us_ dissipau_i_t consilium ipsius. Ip_su_m q_u_o_que_ Riganu_m_ in sup_er_bia rigente_m_, _et_ i_m_mite_m_ Mitunnu_m_ _com_militone_m_ ipsius, cum exc_er_citu eor_um_ proiecit in flumen rapacissimu_m_. Descendunt q_u_asi plu_m_bum i_n_ aq_u_is uehem_en_tib_us_; deuorauit gladi_us_ tuus hostes n_ost_ros fulmina_n_s _et_ cruentat_us_, hostili sanguine magnifice i_n_ebriatus; non degen_er_ es fili mi genealis, s_ed_ pat_r_issans, patrum tuor_um_ uestigia seq_ue_ris magnificorum. Sepult_us_ i_n_ inf_er_no n_oste_r hostis _et_ adu_er_sarius, fructus viarum suaru_m_ condignos iam colligit, quos uiu_us_ promerebatur. Luctum _et_ miseriam q_u_am senectuti mee malignus ille inf_er_re disposuerat, u_er_sa uice, clementia diuina conuertit in tripudium[363]. Quamobre_m_ in p_re_senti accipe, quod tuis m_er_itis exigentib_us_ debetur, eciam si filius meus non esses, _et_ si m_ih_i iure h_er_editario non succederes; ecce iam, cedo, _et_ regnu_m_ Anglor_um_ uoluntatis tue arbitrio deinceps committo; etas enim mea fragilis _et_ iam decrepita, regni ceptrum ulterius sustinere no_n_ sufficit. Iccirco te fili desid_er_atissime, uicem meam supplere te co_n_uenit, _et_ corpus meu_m_ senio _con_fectum, donec morientis oculos clauseris, quieti t_r_ad_er_e liberiori, vt a curis _et_ secularib_us_ sollicitudinibus, quib_us_ discerpor lib_er_atus, p_re_cibus uacem _et_ _con_te_m_plac_i_oni. Armis hucusq_ue_ mat_er_ialib_us_ dimicaui: restat {225} ut de cet_er_o uita mea q_ue_ sup_er_est, militia sit sup_er_ t_er_ram _con_t_r_a hostes sp_irit_uales. "Ego u_er_o pro incolumitate tua _et_ regni statu, q_uo_d strenuitati tue, O anime mee dimidiu_m_, ia_m_ _com_misi, preces quales mea, sci[t][364] simplicitas _et_ potest i_m_becillitas, Deo fundam indefessas. S_ed_ q_uia_ temp_us_ perbreue amodo m_ih_i restat, _et_ corpori meo solum s_upe_rest sepulchru_m_, aure_m_ benigna_m_ meis accomoda salutaribus consiliis, _et_ cor credulu_m_ meis monitis i_n_clina magnificis. Uerum ip_s_os qui nobiscum c_ontr_a hostes publicos, Riganu_m_ videlicet _et_ Mitunnu_m_ [Sidenote: Fol. 5 _a_] | _et_ eor_um_ complices emulos n_ost_ros fidelit_er_ steter_un_t, _et_ periculoso discrimini pro nobis se opposuer_un_t, p_ate_rno amore t_ib_i co_m_mendo, diligendos, honorandos, promouendos. Eos aute_m_ qui dec_r_epite sen_e_ctutis mee membra[365] debilia _con_te_m_ptui h_abe_re ausi s_un_t, asserentes u_er_ba mea _et_ regalia p_re_cepta e_ss_e sinilia delirame_n_ta, p_re_sumentes tem_er_e apice regali me priuato te exheredare, susp_e_ctos habe _et_ co_n_te_m_ptibiles, si qui sint elapsi ab hoc bello, _et_ a tuo gladio deuorante, eciam cu_m_ eor_um_ post_er_itate: ne cu_m_ in ramusculos uir_us_ pullulet, a radice aliquid _con_simile t_ib_i gen_er_etur in posteru_m_. No_n_ eni_m_ recolo me talem eor_um_ promeruisse, q_u_i me _et_ te filiu_m_ meu_m_ gratis oderunt, persecuc_i_one_m_. Similit_er_ eos, quos d_i_c_t_i proditores pro eo q_uo_d nobis fideliter adhes_er_ant, exulare coeg_er_unt, u_e_l qui impote_n_tes rabiem eor_um_ fugiendo resist_er_e, ad horam declinau_er_unt, cu_m_ omni mansuetudi_n_e studeas reuocare, _et_ honores eor_um_ cu_m_ possessionib_us_ ex innata t_ib_i regali munific_e_ntia, graci_us_ ampliare. Laus industrie tue _et_ fame p_re_conia, _et_ strenuitatis tue titulus, q_ue_ adolesc_e_nciam tuam diuinit_us_ illustraru_n_t, in posterum de te maiora p_ro_m_i_ttu_n_t. Desid_er_anti animo sicient_er_ affecto, ip_su_mq_ue_ Deu_m_, qui te t_ib_i, sua mera gr_aci_a reddidit _et_ restaurauit, dep_re_cor affectuose, vt has iuuentutis tue primicias, h_oc_ i_n_opinato t_r_iumpho subarratas, melior semp_er_ ac splendidior op_er_um gl_ori_a subseq_u_atur. Et procul dubio post morte_m_ meam (que non longe abest, iubente D_omi_no) fame tue magnitudo per orbem uniu_er_su_m_ dilatabitur, _et_ felix suscipiet inc_r_ementu_m_. Et q_ue_ D_e_o placita sunt, opere felici consumabis, q_ue_ diuinitus p_ro_sp_er_abunt_ur_." {226} Hec aute_m_ filius deuotus _et_ mansuet_us_, licet magnific_us_ t_r_iumphator exaudiss_et_ _et_ intenta aure intellexiss_et_, flexis genib_us_ _et_ iunctis manib_us_, _et_ exundantib_us_ oculis, p_at_ri suo grates[366] rettulit accumulatas. Rex itaq_ue_ per fines Anglie missis nunciis expeditissimis, q_u_i ma_n_data regia detuler_un_t, tocius dicionis sue conuocat nobilitatem. Que conuocata ex reg_is_ precepto, _et_ persuasione, Offano filio suo unigenito ligiam fecerunt fidelitatem _et_ homagiu_m_ in p_at_ris presencia. Quod _et_ om_ne_s, animo uolenti, i_m_mo gaudenti, co_m_munit_er_ perfec_er_unt. Rex igitur q_ue_m pocius prona voluntas, q_u_a_m_ uigor prouexit corporalis, per climata regni sui proficiscitur secur_us_ _et_ letabundus, nullo _contr_adicente, u_e_l impediente, ut regni munic_i_o_ne_s _et_ varias possessiones, diu per inimicos suos alienatas _et_ iniuste ac uiolent_er_ possessas, ad sue dic_i_onis reacciperet iure potestate_m_. Que o_mn_ia sibi sunt s_i_n_e_ difficultate u_e_l more dispendio restituta. Statimq_ue_ p_ate_r filium eoru_m_ possessionib_us_ corporaliter inuestiuit; _et_ p_ate_rno contulit aff_e_c_t_u ac gratuito, proc_er_ib_us_ [Sidenote: Fol. 5 _b_] co_n_gaude_n_|tib_us_ super hoc uniuersis. Post hec autem, Rex filio suo Offano erarium suum adaperiens, auru_m_ suu_m_ _et_ argentu_m_, uasa co_n_cupiscibilia, gemmas, oloserica omnia, sue subdidit potestati. Sicq_ue_ subactis _et_ subt_r_actis hostibus[367] cunctis, aliquandiu per uniu_er_sum regnu_m_ uiguit pax _et_ securitas diu desiderabilis. Rex igitur filii sui prosperitate gauisus, qui _eciam_ diatim de bono i_n_ melius gradatim ascendit, aliquo tempore uite sue metas distulit naturales: iubilus quoq_ue_ in corde senis conceptus languores seniles plurimu_m_ mitigauit. Tandem Rex plenus dierum, cu_m_ b_e_n_e_dicc_i_one omniu_m_, qui ip_su_m _eciam_ a remotis[368] partib_us_ p_er_ fama_m_ cognou_er_unt[369], nature debita persoluens decessit. Et decedens, filio suo apice_m_ regni sui pacatum _et_ quietu_m_ reliquit: Offan_us_ aute_m_ oculos p_at_ris sui pie claudens, lamentaciones mensurnas cum magnis eiulatibus, lac_r_imis _et_ specialib_us_ planctib_us_ (prout moris t_un_c erat principibus magnificis) lugubriter pro tanto funere continuauit. Obsequiisq_ue_ cu_m_ exequiis, magnifice tam in ecc_lesi_a q_u_am in locis forinsecis conpletis, apparatu regio _et_ loco celeberrimo _et_ nominatissimo. {227} regibus _con_digno, videlicet i_n_ eminenc_i_ori ecc_lesi_a penes Glou_er_nia_m_ urbem egregiam, eidem exhiberi iubet sepulturam. Offanus aute_m_ cu_m_ morib_us_ o_mn_ibus foret redimitus, elegans corp_or_e, armis strenuus, munificus _et_ benignus, post obitum p_at_ris sui magnifici Warmundi[370], cui_us_ mores tractatus exigit speciales, plenarie o_mn_iu_m_ p_r_incipum Regni d_omi_nium suscipit, _et_ debitu_m_ cum omni deuoc_i_one, _et_ mera uoluntate, famulatu_m_. Cum igitur cui_us_dam sole_m_pnitatis arrid_er_et serenitas, Offanus cu_m_ solle_m_pni t_r_ipudio o_mn_ib_us_ applaudentibus _et_ faustum omen acclama_n_tibus, Anglie diademate feliciter est i_n_signit_us_. Adquiescens _i_gi_tur_ senior_um_ co_n_siliis _et_ sapientum persuasionib_us_, cepit tocius regni irrep_re_h_e_nsibil_ite_r, immo laudabiliter, habenas[371] modernanter _et_ sapient_er_ gubernare. Sic igitur, subactis hostib_us_ regni uniu_er_sis, uiguit pax secura _et_ firmata i_n_ finib_us_ Anglor_um_, p_er_ te_m_pora longa; precipue t_ame_n p_er_ spaciu_m_ temp_or_is qui_n_q_ue_nnale. Erat au_tem_ iam t_r_iginta q_u_atuor annos etatis attingens, annis prospere pubescentib_us_. Et cum Rex, more iuuenili, venatus gr_aci_a per nemora frequent_er_, cu_m_ suis ad h_oc_ conuocatis uenatorib_us_ _et_ canibus sagacib_us_, expeditus peragrasset, contigit die quada_m_ quod aere turbato, longe a suor_um_ cat_er_ua semotus, solus p_er_ nemoris opaca penitus ipsoru_m_ locor_um_, n_e_cnon _et_ fortune ignar_us_, casu deambulabat. Du_m_ aute_m_ sic per ignota diu_er_ticula i_n_caucius oberraret, _et_ per inuia, uocem lac_r_imabilem _et_ miserabiliter q_ue_rulam haut longe a se audiuit. Cui_us_ sonitu_m_ secutus, int_er_ densos frutices [Sidenote: Fol. 6 _a_] | virginem singularis forme _et_ regii apparat_us_, s_ed_ decore uenustissimam, ex insperato repperit. Rex uero rei euentu_m_ admirans, que ibi ageret et querele causas, eam blande alloq_ue_ns, cepit sciscitari. Que ex imo pectoris flebilia t_r_ahens suspiria, regi respondit (neq_u_aq_u_am in auctorem s_ed_ in seip_s_am reatum retorquens): "Peccatis meis" inquit "exigentib_us_ infortunii hui_us_ calamitas m_ih_i accidit." Erat aute_m_ reguli cui_us_dam filia q_u_i Eboracensibus preerat. Hui_us_ inco_m_parabilis pulchritudinis singulare_m_ eminentiam p_ate_r admirans, amatorio demone seductus, cep_i_t ea_m_ incestu libidinoso concupisc_er_e, _et_ ad amorem illicitu_m_ sepe sollicitare ipsam puellam, {228} minis, pollicitis, blanditiis, atq_ue_ mun_er_ibus adolescentule temptans emollire _con_stantiam. Illa autem op_er_i nephario nullatenus adquiescens, cum p_ate_r t_ame_n minas minis exaggeraret[372], _et_ promissa promissis accumularet, mun_er_a mun_er_ib_us_ adaugeret, iuxta illud poeticu_m_: Imperium, promissa, preces, confudit in unu_m_: elegit magis incidere i_n_ manus ho_m_i_n_u_m_, _et_ eciam ferarum qualiumcunq_ue_, vel gladii subire sent_e_ntiam, q_u_am D_e_i offensam incurrere, p_ro_ tam g_r_aui culpa manifestam. Pater itaq_ue_ ipsam sibi parere _con_stanter renuentem, euocatis quibusdam maligne me_n_tis hominib_us_ quos ad hoc elegerat, p_re_cepit eam i_n_ desertum solitudinis remote duci, u_e_l pocius t_r_ahi, _et_ crudelissima morte conde_m_pnata_m_, bestiis i_b_id_em_ d_e_relinq_u_i. Qui cum in locu_m_ horroris _et_ vaste solitudinis p_er_uenissent, trahentes eam seductores illi, Deo ut creditur inspirante, miserti pulch_r_itudinis[373] illius eam ibidem sine t_r_ucidac_i_one _et_ me_m_b_r_or_um_ mutilac_i_one, uiuam, s_ed_ t_ame_n sine aliquoru_m_ uictualiu_m_ alimento (exceptis talib_us_ qui de radicibus _et_ frondib_us_ uel h_er_bis colligi, urgente ultima fame, possunt) dimiserunt. Cum hac rex aliq_u_andiu habens sermonem, comitem itineris sui illam habuit, don_e_c solitarii cui_us_da_m_ habitac_i_one_m_ reperissent, ubi nocte s_upe_rueniente quiescentes pernoctau_er_unt. In c_r_astinu_m_ autem solitarius ille uiarum _et_ semitaru_m_ peritus, regem cu_m_ comite sua usq_ue_ ad fines domesticos, _et_ loca regi no_n_ ignota[374] conduxit. Ad suos itaq_ue_ rex rediens, desolate illius q_u_am nup_er_ inuenerat curam gerens, familiarib_us_ _et_ domesticis generis sui sub diligenti custodia co_m_misit. Post hec aliq_u_ot annis elapsis, cu_m_ rex celibem age_n_s uitam, mente castus _et_ corpore perseueraret, proceres dic_i_onis sue, no_n_ solum de tunc p_re_senti, s_ed_ de fut_ur_o sibi periculo precauentes, _et_ nimiru_m_ multum solliciti, d_omi_n_u_m suum de uxore ducenda unanimiter _con_uenerunt: ne sibi _et_ regno successorem _et_ heredem no_n_ habens, post obitum ipsi_us_ iminens p_er_iculum generaret. Etatis eni_m_ iuuenilis pubertas, moru_m_ maturitas, _et_ urgens regni necessitas, n_e_cno_n_ _et_ honoris dignitas, itide_m_ postularu_n_t. [Sidenote: Fol. 6 _b_] | Et cum super hoc negocio, sepius regem {229} sollicitarentur, _et_ alloquerentur, ipse multociens ioculando, _et_ talia u_er_ba asserendo int_er_ludia fuisse uanitatis, procerum suoru_m_ constantiam dissimulando differendoq_ue_ delusit. Quod quidam adu_er_tentes, co_m_municato cu_m_ aliis consilio, regem ad nubendu_m_ incuntabiliter urgere ceperunt. Rex uero more optimi principis, cui_us_ primordia iam bene subarrauerat, nolens uoluntati magnatu_m_ suor_um_ resistere, diu secum de thori socia, libra profunde r_ati_onis, studiose cepit deliberare. Cu_m_q_ue_ hoc in mente sua sollicicius tractaret, uen_i_t forte i_n_ mente_m_ suam illius iuuencule memoria, q_u_am dudum inter uenandum i_n_uenit uagabundam, solam, feris _et_ predonibus miserabiliter expositam: quam ad tuciora ducens, familiaribus gen_er_is sui co_m_mis_er_at alendam, ac carius custodiendam. Que, ut rex audiuit, morib_us_ laudabiliter redimita, decoris existens exp_ec_tabilis, omnibus sibi cognitis amabilem exhibuit _et_ laudabilem; hec igit_ur_ sola, relictis multis, _eciam_ regalis stematis sibi oblatis, complacuit; illamq_ue_ solam i_n_ matrimoniu_m_ sibi adoptauit. Cum aute_m_ eam duxisset in uxorem, non int_er_ueniente m_u_lta mora, elegantissime forme utriusq_ue_ sexus liberos ex eadem procreauit. Itaq_ue_ cum p_r_ius e_ss_et rex propria seueritate subditis suis formidabilis, magnates eius, n_e_cnon _et_ populus eius uniu_er_sus, heredum _et_ successor_um_ apparentia animati, regni robur _et_ leticiam geminar_un_t. Rex q_u_o_que_ ab uniu_er_sis suis, _et_ no_n_ solum prope positis, i_m_mo alienigenis _et_ remotis, extit_i_t honori, uen_er_ac_i_oni, ac dilecc_i_oni. Et cu_m_ inter se in Britannia, (q_ue_ tunc temporis in plurima regna multiphariam diuisa fuisset) reg_u_li sibi finitimi hostilit_er_ se impet_er_ent, solus Rex Offa pace regni sui potitus felicit_er_, se sibiq_ue_ s_u_bditos in pace regebat _et_ lib_er_tate. Unde _et_ adiacencium prouinciarum reges ei_us_ mendicabant auxilium, _et_ i_n_ necc_ess_itatis articulo, consiliu_m_. Rex itaq_ue_ Northamhi_m_bror_um_, a barbara Scotor_um_ gente, _et eciam_ aliquib_us_ suor_um_, _gr_auit_er_ _et_ usq_ue_ f_er_me ad int_er_nec_i_onem percussus, _et_ proprie defensionis auxilio destitutus, ad Offam regem potentem legatos destinat; _et_ pacificum supplicans, ut p_re_sidii eius solacio cont_r_a hostes suos roboretur. Tali mediante _con_dic_i_one, ut Offe filiam sibi matrimonio copularet, _et_ non se proprii regni, _sed_ Offam, primarium ac {230} principem preferr_et_, _et_ se cu_m_ suis om_n_ib_us_ ip_s_i subiugaret. Nichil itaq_ue_ dotis cum Offe filia rogitauit, hoc sane contentus premio, ut a regni sui finibus barbaros illos potenter _et_ frequenter experta fugaret strenuitate. Cum autem legatorum uerba rex Offa succepisset, consilio suorum fretus [Sidenote: Fol. 7 _a_] sup|plicantis uoluntati ac precibus adquieuit si t_ame_n rex ille pactum huiusmodi, tactis sac_ro_s_an_c_t_is euuangeliis[375], _et_ obsidum tradic_i_one, fideliter tenendum confirmaret. Sic igitur Rex Offa, super hiis condic_i_onib_us_ sub c_er_ta forma co_n_firmatus, _et_ ad plenum certificatus, in partes illas cu_m_ equitum numerosa multitudine proficiscitur. Cum autem illuc perueniss_et_, timore eius consternata pars aduersa cessit, fuge presidio se saluando. Quam t_ame_n rex Offa audacter prosecutus, non prius destitit fugare fugientem, donec eam ex integro contriuisset; s_ed_ nec eo contentus, ulteri_us_ progreditur, barbaros expugnaturus. Int_er_ea ad patriam suam nunciu_m_ i_m_p_er_itu_m_ destinau_i_t, ad primates et precipuos regni sui, quib_us_ tocius dic_i_onis sue regimen commendau_er_at, et lit_er_as regii sigilli sui munimine co_n_signatas[376], eidem nunc_i_o commisit, deferendas. Q_u_i autem destinatus fuit, iter arripiens u_er_sus Offe regnum, ut casu accidit int_er_ eundu_m_, hospitandi gr_aci_a aulam regiam introiuit illi_us_ regis, cuius filiam Offa sibi m_at_rimo_n_io copulau_er_at. Rex au_tem_ ille, cum de statu _et_ causa itineris sui subdole requirendo cognouisset, uultus sui serenitate animi u_er_suciam mentitus, specie ten_us_ illum amantissime suscepit: _et_ uelamen sceleris sui querens, a conspectu publico sub quodam dilecc_i_onis pretexu, ad regii thalami secreta penetralia ip_su_m nuncium nichil sinist_r_i suspicantem introduxit: magnoq_ue_ studio elaborauit, ut ip_su_m, uino estuanti madentem, redderet temulentum, et ip_s_o nuncio uel dormiente uel aliquo alio modo ignorante, mandata d_omi_ni sui regis Offe tacit_us_ ac subdolus apertis _et_ explicatis lit_er_is persc_r_utabatur; cepitq_ue_ perniciose immutare et p_er_uertere sub Offe nomine sigillu_m_ adultera_n_s, fallacesq_ue_ _et_ perniciosas literas loco inuentarum occultauit. Forma autem adulterinar_um_ [l_ite_rar_um_][377] hec est q_ue_ subscribitur[378]: {231} [379]"Rex Offa, maioribus et p_re_cipuis regni sui, salutis et prosperitatis augmentu_m_. Uniu_er_sitati u_est_re notum facio, i_n_ itin_er_e quod arripui infortunia _et_ adu_er_sa plurima tam michi q_u_am subditis meis accidisse, _et_ maiores excercitus mei, non ignauia propria, u_e_l hostium oppugnantium uirtute, set pocius peccatis n_ost_ris iusto Dei iudicio interisse. Ego autem instantis periculi causam p_er_tracta_n_s, _et_ consciencie mee intima perscrutatus, i_n_ memetip_s_o nichil aliud conicio altissimo displicere, nisi quod perditam _et_ maleficam illa_m_ absq_ue_ meorum consensu uxorem imperito _et_ infelici duxi matrimonio. Ut ergo de malefica memorata, uoluntati u_est_re ad plenum q_u_a_m_ temere offendi satisfiat, asportetur cum lib_er_is ex ea genitis ad loca deserta, ho_m_i_ni_b_us_ i_n_cognita[380], [Sidenote: Fol. 7 _b_] | feris _et_ auib_us_ aut siluestribus predonibus frequentata: ubi cum pueris suis puerpera, truncata manus et pedes, exemplo pereat inaudito." Nuncius autem mane facto, uino quo maduerat digesto, co_m_pos iam sui effectus, discessit: et post aliquot dies perueniens ad propria, magnatib_us_ qui regno regis Offe p_re_erant literas do_mi_ni sui sigillo signatas exposuit. In quar_um_ auditu perlecta mandati serie, in stuporem _et_ uehementissimam admirac_i_one_m_ uniu_er_si, plus q_u_am dici possit, rapiuntur. Et super hiis, aliquot diebus co_m_municato cum magnatibus consilio deliberantes, periculosum ducebant[381] mandatis ac iussionib_us_ regiis non obtemperare. Misera _i_gi_tur_ seducta, deducta est in remotissimu_m_ _et_ i_n_habitabilem locum horroris et uaste solitudinis: cu_m_ qua eciam liberi ei_us_ miseri _et_ miserabiles queruli _et_ uagientes, absq_ue_ mi_sericordi_a, ut cu_m_ ea t_r_ahere_n_t_ur_ occidendi, iudiciu_m_ acceperu_n_t. Nec mora, memorati apparitores matre_m_ cu_m_ pignorib_us_ suis in des_er_tu_m_ uastissimu_m_ t_r_aheba_n_t. Mat_r_i uero p_ro_pt_er_ ei_us_ forma_m_ admirabile_m_ p_ar_ce_n_tes, lib_er_os ei_us_, n_e_c forme, n_e_c sexui, etati u_e_l _con_dic_i_oni p_ar_c_e_ntes, d_e_truncarunt menbratim, i_m_mo poci_us_ frustatim[382] crudeliter in bestialem feritate_m_ seuientes. Completaq_ue_ tam crudeli sente_n_cia, cruenti apparitores ocius reuertunt_ur_. Nec mora, solitarius quidam uitam in omni s_an_c_t_itate, uigiliis assiduis, ieiuniis crebris, _et_ continuis {232} or_ati_onib_us_, ducens heremiticam, circa noctis crepusculum eo p_er_t_r_ansie_n_s, mulieris cuiusdam luctus lac_r_imabiles _et_ querelas usq_ue_ ad intima cordis _et_ ossuum[383] medullas penetratiuas, quas D_omi_n_u_s ex mortuorum corporib_us_ licet lac_er_atis elicuit, audiuit. Infantulorumq_ue_ uagitus lugubres nimis cu_m_ doloris ululatibus quasi in materno sinu audiendo similiter annotauit. Mis_er_icordia autem s_an_c_tus_ Dei motus, usq_ue_ ad lacrimaru_m_ aduberem effusionem, quo ipsa uox ip_su_m uocabat, Domino ducente peruenit. Et cu_m_ illuc peruenisset, nec aliud q_u_am corp_or_a humana in frusta detruncata reperisset, cognouit[384] in sp_irit_u ip_s_a alicuius innocentis corp_us_, uel aliquorum i_n_nocentiu_m_ corpuscula extitisse, que tam inhumanam sentenciam subierunt. Nec sine martirii palma, ipsos quorum hee fuerunt exuuie, ab h_oc_[385] sec_u_lo t_r_ansmigrasse suspicabatur. Auxiliu_m_ t_ame_n pro D_e_i amore _et_ caritatis intuitu postulatu_m_ non denegans, se pro illorum reparac_i_one prostrauit in deuotissima_m_ cum lacrimis or_aci_onem, maxime propter uocem celitus emissam, quam profecto cognou_i_t[384] p_er_ D_eu_m li_n_g_u_as cadau_er_u_m_ p_ro_tulisse. Piis _i_gi_tur_ s_an_c_tu_s _com_mot_us_ uisc_er_ib_us_, igneq_ue_ succe_n_s_us_ caritatis, ex cognic_i_one[386] ei_us_, q_u_am, ut ia_m_ d_i_c_tu_m, dudu_m_ uiderat, h_ab_uit, f_a_c_tus_ hilarior, pro ipsis [Sidenote: Fol. 8 _a_] | flexis genib_us_, inundantibus oculis, iunctisq_ue_ palmis orauit, dicens: "D_omi_ne Jesu Ch_rist_e, q_u_i Lazarum quatriduanu_m_ ac fetidum resuscitasti, immo qui omniu_m_ n_ostro_r_u_m corpora i_n_ ext_r_emo examine suscitabis, u_est_ram oro mis_er_icordiam, ut non habens ad me peccatorem, s_ed_ ad horum innocentum pressuras respectu_m_ piissimu_m_, corpuscula h_ec_ iubeas resuscitari, ad laudem _et_ gloriam tuam i_n_ se_m_pit_er_nu_m_, vt om_ne_s qui mortis horum causam _et_ forma_m_ audierint, te glorificent Deum _et_ Dominum mundi Saluatorem." Sic igitur s_an_c_tu_s iste, D_omi_ni de fidei sue[387] uirtute i_n_ Domino presumens _et_ co_n_fidens, int_er_ orandum, membra p_re_cisa recollige_n_s, _et_ sibi particulas adaptans _et_ coniungens, _et_ i_n_ q_u_antum potuit redintegrans, in parciu_m_ q_u_amplurimu_m_, set in integritate_m_ pocius delectat_us_, Domino rei consummac_i_onem q_u_i mortificat _et_ uiuificat co_m_mendauit. Coniuncta igitur corpora, signo crucis triumphali consignauit. Mira fidei uirtus et {233} efficacia, signo c_r_ucis uiuifice et or_ati_onis ac fidei serui D_e_i uirtute, no_n_ solu_m_ m_at_ris orbate anim_us_ reparat_ur_, s_ed_ _et_ filior_um_ corp_us_cula in pristinu_m_ _et_ integrum nature sunt reformata decorem, necnon _et_ anime mortuor_um_ ad sua pristina domicilia sunt reuerse. Ad mansiuncule igitur sue septa (a qua elongatus fuerat, gr_aci_a lignor_um_ ad pulmentaria deq_u_oquenda colligendor_um_) ip_s_e senex: qui prius detruncati fuerant, Domino iubente integ_r_i uiui _et_ alacres sunt reuersi, ducem s_an_c_tu_m suum sequentes pedetentim. Ubi more patris, ip_s_am desolatam cum liberis sibi ip_s_is restitutis, alimentis quibus potuit, _et_ q_ue_ ad manum habuit, pie ac misericordit_er_ _con_fouebat. Nesciens _er_go quo migraret regina, cu_m_ suis infantulis intra uastissimam heremum cum memorato solitario, diu moram ibidem or_ati_onib_us_, uigiliis, ac aliis s_an_c_ti_s operibus eius intenta _et_ iamiam conuenienter informata, _et_ edulio siluestri sustentata, co_n_tinuabat. Post duoru_m_ uero mensium curricula, Rex Offa uictoriosissimus domu_m_ let_us_ remeauit, spolia deuictorum suis magnatib_us_ regali munificentia gloriose distribuendo; uerunt_ame_n, ne lacrime gaudia regis, _et_ eoru_m_ q_u_i cum eo aduen_er_ant, miserabilit_er_ int_er_rump_er_ent, consiliarii regii q_u_e de regina _et_ lib_er_is ei_us_ accid_er_a_n_t, diu sub silenc_i_o caute dissimulando, _et_ causas absencie eius fictas annectendo, _con_celabant. Tandem cu_m_ rex uehement_er_ admiraretur ubinam regina delituisset, q_ue_ ip_s_i regi ab ancipiti bello reu_er_tenti occurrisse gaudenter teneretur, _et_ in oscul_is_ _et_ amplexib_us_ ceteris gaudentius t_r_iumphatore_m_ aduentante_m_ suscepisse, sciscitabatur instanti_us_, _et_ toruius _et_ p_ro_t_er_uius, quid de ip_s_a fieret uel euenisset. Suspicabatur eni_m_ eam morbo detenta_m_, ipsa_m_q_ue_ cu_m_ lib_er_is [Sidenote: Fol. 8 _b_] | suis, regis _et_ aliorum hominu_m_, ut quieti uacaret, frequentiam declinasse. Tande_m_ cum iratus nullatenus se uelle ampli_us_ ignorare, cu_m_ iuramento, q_u_id de uxore sua _et_ lib_er_is euenisset, uultu toruo asseruisset, unus ex edituis omnia q_ue_ accid_er_ant, de tirannico ei_us_ mandato, _et_ mandati plenaria execuc_i_one, seriatim enarrauit. Hiis auditis, risus in luctu_m_, gaudium i_n_ lamenta, iubilus in singultus flebilit_er_ conu_er_tuntur, totaq_ue_ regia ululatibus personuit _et_ merorib_us_. Lugensq_ue_ rex diu ta_m_ i_m_mane infortuniu_m_, induit se sacco cilicino, aspersum cin_er_e, ac multiplicit_er_ {234} deformatum. Tandem monitu suorum, qui dicebant n_on_ uiror_um_ magnificor_um_ s_ed_ pocius effeminator_um_, dolorem int_er_iecto solacio nolle temperare[388], e_ss_e propriu_m_ _et_ _con_suetudine_m_, rex cepit respirare, _et_ dolori modu_m_ imponere. Consilio igitur p_er_itorum, qui nouerant regem libent_er_ i_n_ te_m_pore p_ro_sp_er_o in studio uenatico plurimu_m_ delectari, conuocantur uenatores, ut rex spaciaturus uenando, dolorem suu_m_ diminueret _et_ luctu_m_ solacio demulceret. Qui int_er_ uenandum dum p_er_ siluaru_m_ abdita, Deo misericordiaru_m_ _et_ toci_us_ co_n_solac[_i_]onis ducente, felicit_er_ solus per inuia oberrauit, _et_ tandem ad heremitoriu_m_ memorati h_er_emite directe peruenit, eiusq_ue_ exiguu_m_ domicilium subintrans, humaniss[_im_]e _et_ cu_m_ su_m_mo gaudio receptus _est_. Et cu_m_ humili residens sedili, membra[389] fatigata quieti daret ad horam, recolens qual_ite_r uxore_m_ sua_m_ ibidem quonda_m_ diuinitus reperisset, _et_ feliciter educasset, _et_ educatam duxisset i_n_ uxorem, _et_ q_u_am elegantem ex ea prolem p_ro_tulisset, eruperunt lacrime cu_m_ gemitibus, _et_ in querelas lugubres ora resoluens, hospiti suo sinistru_m_ de uxore sua q_u_i[390] infausto sidere nup_er_ euen_er_at qua_m_ _et_ ip_s_e q_u_onda_m_ viderat, enarrauit. At senex sereno uultu, factus ex intrinsecus concepto gaudio alacrior, consolatus est regem, et in uocem exultac_i_o_n_is eminus prorumpens: "Eia d_omi_ne mi rex, eia, ait; uere Deus misericordiar_um_, D_omi_n_u_s, famulos suos quasi p_ate_r filios in omni t_r_ibulacione p_ost_ pressuras consolatur, percutit _et_ medetur, deicit ut gloriosius eleuet pregrauatum. Uiuit uxor tua, cum lib_er_is tuis in o_mn_i sospitate restauratis: non meis m_er_itis, s_ed_ poci_us_ tuis, integritati, sanitati _et_ leticie pleni_us_ qui trucidabantur restituunt_ur_. Recognosce[391] q_u_anta fecit t_ib_i D_omi_n_u_s, _et_ in laudes et gr_aci_ar_um_ acciones tot_us_ exurge." Tunc prosiliens s_an_c_tu_s pre gaudio, euocauit reginam, que in int_er_iori diu_er_ticulo, pueros suos balneo micius m_ate_rno studio _con_fouebat. Que cu_m_ ad regem int_r_oisset, uix se [Sidenote: Fol. 9 _a_] | gaudio capiens, pedibus mariti sui p_ro_uoluta, in lacrimis exultac_i_onis inundauit. In cuius amplexus desid_er_atissimos rue_n_s rex, ipsam in maius q_u_am dici possit gaudiu_m_ suscepit. Interi_m_ senex, pueros elegantissimos _et_ ex abluc_i_one elegantiores, uestit, comit, _et_ p_ate_rno more _et_ aff_e_c_t_u componit, _et_ ad p_re_sentiam p_at_ris _et_ matris int_r_oducit. Quos p_ate_r int_r_a {235} b_r_achia suscipiens, _et_ ad pectus arctiorib_us_ amplexib_us_ applicans, roseis uultib_us_ infantu_m_ oscula i_m_p_r_imit m_u_ltiplicata; quos t_ame_n rore lac_r_imarum, p_re_ nimia mentis exultac_i_one, madefecit. Et cu_m_ diucius eor_um_ colloquiis pasceret_ur_, co_n_u_er_sus rex ad senem, ait: "O p_ate_r s_anct_e, p_ate_r dulcissime[392], me_n_tis mee reparator, _et_ gaudii cordis mei restaurator, qua merita u_est_ra, caritatis officia, pietatisq_ue_ beneficia, p_ro_seq_u_ar remun_er_ac[_i_]one? Accipe _er_go, licet m_u_lto maiora exigant m_er_ita tua, q_u_icq_u_id erarium meu_m_ ualet effund_er_e; me, meos, et mea, tue expono uoluntati." At s_anctu_s, "D_omi_ne mi rex, non decet me peccatore_m_ conu_er_su_m_ ad Do_mi_n_u_m, ad insanias quas reliqui falsas respicere. Tu uero pocius pro a_n_i_m_ab_us_ p_at_ris tui _et_ matris tue, quib_us_ q_u_andoq_ue_ car_us_ fuera_m_ ac familiaris, _et_ tua, _et_ uxoris tue, _et_ lib_er_or_um_ tuor_um_ corporali sanitate, _et_ salute sp_irit_uali, regni tui soliditate, _et_ successor_um_ tuor_um_ p_ro_sp_er_itate, Deo gratus, qui tot in te congessit beneficia, cenobium quodda_m_ fundare, u_e_l aliquod dirutu_m_ studeas restaurare: in quo digne _et_ laudabiliter Deo in perpetuum s_er_uiatur; _et_ tui memoria cu_m_ p_re_cib_us_ ad D_omi_n_u_m fusis, cu_m_ b_e_n_e_diccionib_us_ semp_er_ recenter recolatur." Et _con_u_er_sus ad reginam, ait, "Et tu, filia, q_u_amuis mulier, no_n_ t_ame_n muliebrit_er_, ad hoc regem accendas _et_ admoneas diligenter, filiosq_ue_ tuos instrui facias, ut[393] _et_ D_omi_n_u_m D_eu_m, qui eos uite reparauit, studeant g_r_atant_er_ honorare, _et_ eidem fidelit_er_ famulando fundandi cenobii possessiones ampliare, _et_ tueri libertates." Desc_e_nsus ad sec_un_d_u_m Offa_m_. Sanctus autem ad cellam reu_er_sus, post paucu_m_ temporis ab i_n_colatu h_uiu_s mundi migrauit ad D_omi_n_u_m, m_er_cedem et_er_nam pro labore temporali recepturus. Rex au_tem_, cito monita ipsius salubria da_n_s obliuioni _et_ incurie, ex tunc ocio ac paci uacauit: prolemq_ue_ copiosam utriusq_ue_ sexus expectabilis pulch_r_itudinis procreauit. Unde semen regium a latere _et_ descensu felix suscepit incrementu_m_. Qui co_m_pleto vite sue tempore, post etatem bonam q_u_ieuit in pace, _et_ regaliter sepultus, appositus _est_ ad patres suos; in eo multu_m_ redarguend_us_, quod cenobium[394] uotiuo aff_ect_u repromissu_m_, thesauris parcendo no_n_ construxit. Post {236} uictorias eni_m_ a D_omin_o[395] sibi collatas, amplexib_us_ _et_ ignauie n_e_cno_n_ auaricie plus equo indulsit. P_ro_speritas eni_m_ secularis, animos, licet [Sidenote: Fol. 9 _b_] uir|iles, solet frequenter effeminare. Ueru_n_tamen hoc onus humeris filii sui moritu_r_us apposuit: qui cum deuota assercione, illud sibi suscepit. S_ed_ nec ipse Deo auerso pollicita, prout p_at_ri suo promiserat, compleuit; set filio suo huius uoti obligac_i_onem i_n_ fine uite sue dereliquit. Et sic memorati uoti uinculum, sine efficacia complementi de p_at_re in filium descendens, usq_ue_ ad temp_or_a Pineredi filii Tuinfreth suspendebatur. Quibus pro pena negligentie, tale euenit i_n_fortuniu_m_, ut om_ne_s principes, quos Offa magnificus edomuerat, a subiecc_i_one ipsius Offe _et_ posteritatis sue procaciter recesseru_n_t, _et_ ip_su_m moriente_m_ despexerunt. Quia ut p_re_d_i_c_tu_m est, ad morte_m_ u_er_gens, deliciis _et_ senii ualitudine marcuit eneruatus. De ortu secundi Offe. Natus est igitur memorato Tuinfred[o][396] (_et_ qui de stemate regum fuit) filius, videlicet Pineredus, usq_ue_ ad annos adolescentie i_n_utilis, poplitib_us_ cont_r_actis, qui n_e_c oculor_um_ uel aurium plene officio naturali fung_er_et_ur_. Unde p_at_ri suo Tuin_fredo_ _et_ m_at_ri sue Marcelline, oneri fuit no_n_ honori, _con_fusioni _et_ n_on_ exultac_i_oni. Et licet unic_us_ eis fuisset, mallent prole caruisse, q_u_a_m_ talem habuisse. Uer_un_t_ame_n memorie reducentes euentu_m_ Offe magni, qui in ten_er_a etate penitus erat inutilis, _et_ postea, Deo propicio, penit_us_ sibi restitutus, mirabili strenuitate om_ne_s suos edomuit adu_er_sarios, _et_ bello p_re_pote_n_s, gloriose multociens de magnis hostib_us_ t_r_iu_m_phauit: spem conceperunt, quod eodem medico medente (Chr_ist_o uidelicet, qui _eciam_ mortuos suscitat, p_ro_piciatus) posset similiter uisitari _et_ sibi restitui. Pater igitur ei_us_ _et_ m_ate_r ip_s_um pueru_m_ inito salubri consilio, i_n_ templo presentaru_n_t Domino, votiua deuoc_i_one firmit_er_ promitte_n_tes: "Ut si ip_su_m Deus restauraret, q_uo_d parentes eius negligenter omiserunt, ip_s_e puer cu_m_ se facultas offerret fidelit_er_ adimpleret": videl_icet_ de cenobio[397], cui_us_ mencio p_re_libata est, honorifice construendo: uel de diruto restaurando. Et cum h_ec_ tam puer q_u_am p_ate_r _et_ m_ate_r deuotissime postularent, exaudita est or_ati_o eorum a Deo, qui se nu_n_q_u_am difficilem exhibet precib_us_ iustis supplicantium, hoc modo. {237} Q_u_om_od_o p_ro_sp_er_abat_ur_. Erat in eadem regione (Mercior_um_ uidelic_et_) quidam tirannus, pocius dest_r_uens _et_ dissipans regni nobilitatem, q_u_a_m_ rege_n_s, no_m_i_n_e Beormredus[398]. Hic gen_er_osos, quos regius sanguis preclaros [fecerat][399], usq_ue_ ad int_er_necionem subdole perseq_ue_batur, relegauit, _et_ occulta nece p_er_didit iugulandos. Sciebat eni_m_, q_uo_d uniu_er_sis de regno m_er_ito extitit odiosus; et ne aliq_u_is loco ipsius subrogaret_ur_ (_et_ p_re_s_er_tim de sang_u_ine regio propagatus) uehementer formidabat. Tetendit insuper laq_ue_os Tuinfredo _et_ uxori eius, ut ip_s_os de t_er_ra expelleret, u_e_l poci_us_ p_er_d_er_et t_r_ucidatos. [Sidenote: Fol. 10 _a_] | Puerum autem Pinefredum[400] spreuit, n_e_c ip_su_m querere ad perdendum dignabatur; reputa_n_s eu_m_ inutilem _et_ ualitudinariu_m_. Fugientes igitur memorat_us_ T_uinfredus_ _et_ uxor ei_us_ _et_ familia a facie p_er_seq_ue_ntis, sese in locis tucioribus receperunt, ne gen_er_ali calu_m_pnie inuolu_er_entur. Quod comp_er_iens Pinefredus adolescens, q_u_asi a g_r_aui so_m_pno expergefactus, erexit se: _et_ co_m_pagib_us_ neruor_um_ laxatis, _et_ miraculose prot_e_nsis, sese de longa desidia redarguens, fecit alices, b_r_achia, crura, pedes, extendendo. Et aliquocie_n_s oscitans, cum loqui conaretur, solutum _est_ uinculum lingue eius, _et_ loquebatur recte, u_er_ba proferens ore facundo pro_m_pci_us_ articulata. Quid plura? de cont_r_acto, muto, _et_ ceco, fit elegans corpore, eloquens s_er_mone, acie p_er_spicax oculor_um_. Qui temp_or_e modico in tantam floruit ac uiguit strenuitatem, ut null_us_ in regno M_er_cior_um_, ip_s_i in morib_us_ _et_ probitate m_u_ltiplici ualuit co_m_parari, unde ip_s_i Mercii, s_e_c_un_d_u_m Offam, _et_ n_on_ Pinefredu_m_, iam no_m_i_n_antes (q_uia_ a Deo respectus _et_ electus fuisset, eode_m_ m_od_o quo _et_ rex Offa filius regis Warmundi) cep_er_unt ip_s_i quasi D_omi_no uniu_er_salit_er_ adherere; ip_su_mq_ue_ ia_m_ f_a_c_tu_m milite_m_, _contra_ regem Beormredu_m_ _et_ eius insidias, potenter ac prudent_er_ protegere, dantes ei dextras, _et_ fed_us_ cu_m_ ip_s_o, prestitis iuramentis, ineuntes. Quod audiens Beormredus, doluit, _et_ dolens timuit sibi vehement_er_. Penituitq_ue_ eu_m_ amarissime, ip_su_m Pinefredum[400] (qui iam Offa nominabat_ur_) cum cet_er_is fraudulenter no_n_ int_er_emisse.... {238} [Sidenote: Fol. 11 _a_] Qualiter Offa rex uxore_m_ dux_er_it. Diebus itaq_ue_ sub eisde_m_, regnante in Francia Karolo rege magno ac uictoriosissimo, queda_m_ puella, facie uenusta, s_ed_ mente nimis i_n_honesta, ip_s_i regi co_n_sanguinea, pro quoda_m_ q_u_od pat_r_au_er_at c_r_imine flagiciosissimo, addicta est iudicialiter morti ignominiose; ueru_m_, ob regie dignitatis reuerentiam, igni uel ferro tradenda n_on_ iudicatur, s_ed_ in nauicula armamentis carente, apposito uictu tenui, uentis _et_ mari, eor_um_q_ue_ ambiguis casib_us_ exponitur _con_de_m_pnata. Que diu uariis[401] p_ro_cellis exagitata, tande_m_ fortuna trahente, litori Britonu_m_ est appulsa, et cu_m_ in t_er_ra subiecta potestati regis Offe memorata ci_m_ba applicuiss_et_, co_n_sp_e_ctui regis p_ro_tin__us__ p_re_sentat_ur_. Int_er_ogata au_tem_ q_ue_nam e_ss_et, respondens, p_at_ria lingua affi_r_mauit, se Karolo regi F_r_ancor_um_ fuisse _con_sa_n_guinitate p_ro_pi_n_q_u_am, Dridamq_ue_ no_m_i_n_ata_m_, s_ed_ p_er_ tirannide_m_ [Sidenote: Fol. 11 _b_] | quor_un_dam ignobiliu_m_ (quor_um_ nuptias ne degeneraret, spreuit) tali fuisse disc_r_imini adiudicatam, abortisq_ue_ lac_r_imis addidit dice_n_s, "Deus aute_m_ qui innocentes a laq_ue_is insidia_n_tiu_m_ lib_er_at, me captiuam ad alas tue p_ro_tec_i_onis, o regum serenissime, felicit_er_ transmisit, vt meu_m_ infortuniu_m_, i_n_ auspicium fortunatu_m_ t_r_ansmutet_ur_, _et_ beatior i_n_ exilio q_u_a_m_ in natali p_at_ria, ab o_mn_i p_re_dicer post_er_itate." Rex au_tem_ u_er_bor_um_ suor_um_ ornatu_m_ _et_ eloq_ue_ntiam, _et_ corporis puellaris cultu_m_ _et_ elegantia_m_ considerans[402], motus pietate, precepit ut ad comitissa_m_ Marcellin[am][403] matre_m_ sua_m_ tucius duceretur alenda, ac mitius sub tam honeste matrone custodia, don_e_c regiu_m_ mandatu_m_ audiret, co_n_fouenda. Puelle igitur infra paucos dies, macie _et_ pallore per alimenta depulsis, rediit decor pristinus, ita ut mulieru_m_ pulch_er_ima censeretur. S_ed_ cito in u_er_ba iactantie _et_ elac_i_onis (s_e_c_un_d_u_m p_at_rie sue co_n_suetudine_m_) proru_m_pens, d_omi_ne sue comitisse, q_ue_ m_ate_rno aff_e_c_t_u eam dulcit_er_ educau_er_at, molesta nimis fuit, ip_s_am procaciter conte_m_pnendo. S_ed_ comitissa, pro amore filii sui regis, o_mn_ia pacienter tolerauit: licet _et_ ip_s_a d_i_c_t_a puella, int_er_ comite_m_ _et_ comitissam u_er_ba discordie seminasset. Una igitur dieru_m_, cu_m_ rex ip_s_am causa uisitac_i_onis adiens, u_er_b_is_ _con_solatoriis {239} alloq_ue_retur, incidit i_n_ retia amoris illius; erat eni_m_ iam sp_eci_es illius co_n_cupiscibilis. Clandestino _i_gi_tur_ ac repentino m_at_rimonio ip_s_am sibi, i_ncon_sultis p_at_re _et_ m_at_re, n_e_cno_n_ _et_ magnatib_us_ suis uniu_er_sis, copulauit. Unde ut_er_q_ue_ parentu_m_, dolore ac tedio i_n_ etate senili _con_tabescens, dies uite abreuiando, sue mortis horam lugubrit_er_ anticiparu_n_t; sciebant eni_m_ ipsam mulierculam fuisse _et_ regalibus amplexibus prorsus indignam; perpendebantq_ue_ iamiam ueracissime, n_on_ sine causa exilio lacrimabili, ipsam, ut pr_e_d_i_c_tu_m _est_, fuisse conde[_m_]pnatam. Cu_m_ aut_em_ annos longeue senectutis vixisset[404] comes T_uinfredus_, _et_ p_re_ senectute caligasse_n_t oculi ei_us_, data filio suo regi b_e_n_e_d_i_c_i_one, nature debita persoluit; cui_us_ corpus magnifice, p_ro_ut decuit, tradidit sepulture. Anno q_u_o_que_ sub eode_m_ uxor ei_us_ comitissa M_arcellina_, m_ate_r uidelic_et_ regis, valedicens filio, ab huius incolatu seculi feliciter tra_n_smigrauit.... [Sidenote: Fol. 19_a_] De s_anct_o Ælb_er_to[405] cui t_er_cia filia regis Offe t_r_ad_e_nda fuit nuptui. Erat quoq_ue_ quida_m_ iuuenis, cui rex Offa regnu_m_ Orientalium Anglor_um_, q_uo_d eu_m_ iure sanguinis _con_ti_n_gebat, co_n_cesserat, no_m_i_n_e Ælbertus. De cui_us_ virtutibus[406] q_u_ida_m_ u_er_sificator, solitus regu_m_ laudes _et_ gesta describ_er_e, elegant_er_ ait; Ælb_er_tus iuuenis fuerat rex, fortis ad arma, Pace pius, pulch_er_ corpore, me_n_te sagax. Cu_m_q_ue_ Hu_m_b_er_t_us_ Archiep_is_c_opus_ Lichefeld_e_nsis, _et_ Vnwona Ep_is_c_opus_ Legrecestr_en_sis, uiri s_anct_i _et_ discreti, et de nobili stirpe M_er_cior_um_ oriundi, speciales essent regis _con_siliarii, _et_ semp_er_ q_ue_ honesta era_n_t _et_ iusta atq_ue_ utilia, regi Offe suggessissent, i_n_uidebat eis regina uxor Offe, q_ue_ p_r_ius Drida, postea u_er_o Quendrida, id est regina Drida, q_uia_ regi ex insp_er_ato nupsit, est app_e_llata: sicut i_n_ p_re_cedentib_us_ pleni_us_ enarrat_ur_. Mulier auara et subdola, sup_er_biens, eo q_uo_d ex stirpe Karoli origine_m_ duxerat, et i_n_exorabili odio uiros memoratos p_er_seq_ue_batur, tende_n_s eis muscipulas muliebres. Porro cu_m_ ip_s_i reges sup_r_ad_i_c_t_os regi Offe in sp_irit_u consilii salubrit_er_ re_con_ciliassent, _et_ ut eide_m_ regi fed_er_e m_at_rimoniali speciali_us_ _con_iungerent_ur_, dilig_e_nt_er_ _et_ efficacit_er_ p_ro_curassent, ip_s_a mulier f_a_c_t_a eor_um_ {240} nitebat_ur_ i_n_ irritu_m_ reuocare, n_e_c pot_er_at, quib_us_ acriter inuidebat. Ip_s_as eni_m_ puellas filias suas, ultramarinis, alienigenis, in regis supplantac_i_one_m_ et regni M_er_c_i_or_um_ p_er_niciem, credidit t_r_adidisse marita_n_das. Cui_us_ rei p_re_scii d_i_c_t_i Ep_iscop_i, muliebre co_n_siliu_m_ prudencie repagulis impediebant. Uerum et adhuc tercia filia regis Offe i_n_ thalamo regine remansit maritanda, Ælfleda no_m_i_n_e. Procurantib_us_ _i_gi_tur_ sup_r_ad_i_c_t_is ep_iscop_is, inclinatu_m_ est[407] cor regis ad co_n_sensum, lic_et_ _contr_adic_er_et regina, ut _et_[408] h_ec_ regi Ælb_er_to nuptui trad_er_et_ur_: ut _et_ sic speciali_us_ regi O_ffe_ teneretur i_n_ fidelitate dilec_i_onis obligatus. Uocat_us i_gi_tur_ rex Ælb_er_t_us_, a rege O_ffa_, ut filiam sua_m_ desponsaret, affuit festiu_us_ [Sidenote: Fol. 19_b_] | et gaudens, ob honorem sibi a tanto rege oblatum. Cui amicabiliter rex occurrens aduentanti, recepit ip_su_m in osculo _et_ p_ate_rno amplexu, dicens: "Prospere ueneris fili _et_ gen_er_, ex h_oc_, iuuenis amantissime, te in filiu_m_ adopto specialem." S_ed_ h_ec_ postq_u_am eff_er_ate regine plenius i_n_notuer_i_t[409], plus accensa est liuore ac furore, dole_n_s eu_m_ pietatis i_n_ manu[410] regis _et_ suor_um_ fidelium prosperari. Vide_n_sq_ue_ sue neq_u_icie argumenta minime p_re_ualere, n_e_c hanc salte_m_ t_er_ciam filiam sua_m_, ad uolu_n_tatem suam alic_u_i t_r_ansmarino amico suo, i_n_ regni subu_er_sione_m_ (q_uo_d c_er_tissime sperauerat) dare nuptui, cu_m_ n_on_ p_re_ualuisset i_n_ d_i_c_t_os ep_iscop_os h_uius_ rei auctores emin_us_ malignari, i_n_ Ælb_er_tu_m_ regem uir_us_ sue malicie truculent_er_ euomuit, hoc m_od_o. Fraus mulieb_ri_s c_r_udelissima. Rex hui_us_ rei ignarus tanta_m_ latitasse fraude_m_ n_on_ credebat, i_m_mo poci_us_ credebat h_ec_ ip_s_i o_mn_ia placit_ur_a. Cu_m_ igit_ur_ rex piissim_us_ ipsa_m_ sup_er_ p_re_missis[411] secreci_us_ co_n_ueniret, _con_siliu_m_ q_ue_rens q_u_al_ite_r _et_ q_u_ando forent _com_plenda, h_ec_ respondit: "Ecce t_r_adidit D_eu_s hodie inimicu_m_ tuu_m_, t_ib_i caute, si sapis, t_r_ucidandu_m_, qui sub specie sup_er_ficiali, uenenu_m_ prodic_i_o_n_is i_n_ te _et_ regnu_m_ tuu_m_ ex_er_cende, neq_u_it_er_, ut fertur, occultauit. Et te cupit iam senesc_e_nte_m_, cu_m_ sit iuuenis _et_ elegans, de regno supplanta_n_do precipitare; _et_ posteru_m_ suor_um_, i_m_mo _et_ multoru_m_, ut iactitat, quos regnis _et_ possessionibus uiolent_er_ {241} _et_ iniuste spoliasti, iniurias ui_n_dicare. In cui_us_ rei fidem, michi a meis amicis significatu_m_ est, quod regis Karoli multis mun_er_ibus _et_ nu_n_ciis ocultis int_er_meantib_us_, implorat ad h_oc_ patrociniu_m_: se sponde_n_s ei fore tributariu_m_. Illo igitur, dum se t_ib_i fortuna p_re_bet fauorabile_m_, extincto latent_er_, regnu_m_ ei_us_ in ius tuu_m_ _et_ successor_um_ tuor_um_ t_r_anseat in et_er_nu_m_." Cui rex mente nimiu_m_ p_er_turbatus, _et_ de u_er_bis quib_us_ credidit i_n_e_ss_e ueraciter falsitate_m_ _et_ fraude_m_, cu_m_ indignacione ipsam i_n_crepando, respondit: "Quasi una d_e_ stultis mulierib_us_ locuta es! Absit a me, absit, tam detestabile f_a_c_tu_m! Quo perpetrato, m_ih_i meisq_ue_ successorib_us_ foret obprobriu_m_ sempit_er_nu_m_, et p_e_cc_atu_m i_n_ gen_us_ meu_m_ c_um_ g_r_aui uind_i_c_t_a diuci_us_ propagabile." Et hiis d_i_c_t_is, rex iratus ab ea recessit; detestans ta_n_tos ac tales occultos laq_ue_os in muliere latitasse. Interea mentis p_er_turbac_i_one paulati_m_ deposita, _et_ hiis ciuilit_er_ dissimulatis, reges co_n_sederunt ad me_n_sam pransuri: ubi regalib_us_ esculentis _et_ poculentis refecti, in ti_m_panis, citharis, _et_ choris, diem totu_m_ in i_n_genti gaudio expleu_er_unt. S_ed_ regina malefica, int_er_im a ferali p_ro_posito n_on_ recedens, iussit i_n_ dolo thalamu_m_ more regio pallis sericis _et_ auleis solle_m_pnit_er_ adornari, i_n_ q_u_o rex Ælb_er_tus nocturnu_m_ caperet so_m_pnu_m_; iuxta stratu_m_ quoq_ue_ regium sedile p_re_parari fecit, cultu nobilissimo ext_r_uctu_m_, _et_ cortinis undiq_ue_ redimitu_m_. Sub q_u_o _eciam_ fossam p_re_parari fecit profunda_m_, [Sidenote: Fol. 20_a_] | ut nephandu_m_ propositu_m_ perduc_er_et ad eff_e_c_tu_m. De martirio S_an_c_t_i Ælb_er_ti, regis innocentissimi. Regina uero uultu sereno _con_ceptu_m_ scelus pallians, intrauit i_n_ palatiu_m_, ut tam regem Offanu_m_ q_u_am rege_m_ Ælb_er_tu_m_ exhilararet. Et int_er_ iocandu_m_, co_n_u_er_sa ad Ælb_er_tum, n_ih_il sinistri[412] suspicantem, ait, "Fili, ueni uisendi causa puellam t_ib_i nuptu copulanda_m_, te i_n_ thalamo meo sicient_er_ exp_e_ctante_m_, ut s_er_monib_us_ g_r_atissimis amores subarres profut_ur_os." Surge_n_s _i_gi_tur_ rex Ælb_er_tus, secut_us_ est regina_m_ i_n_ thalamu_m_ i_n_grediente_m_: rege Offano remanente, q_u_i nil mali formidabat. Ingresso _i_gi_tur_ rege Æ_lberto_ cu_m_ regina, exclusi su_n_t om_ne_s qui eundem e uestigio seq_ue_bant_ur_ sui co_m_militones. Et cu_m_ puellam exp_e_ctasset, ait regina: "Sede fili du_m_ ueniat aduocata." {242} Et cu_m_ in memorato sedili residisset, cu_m_ ip_s_a sella in fosse corruit profunditate_m_. In q_u_a, subito a lictorib_us_ quos regina no_n_ procul abscond_er_at, rex innocens suffocatus expirauit. Na_m_ ilico cu_m_ corruisset, proiec_er_unt sup_er_ eu_m_ regina _et_ sui _com_plices nepha_n_dissimi puluinaria cu_m_ uestib_us_ _et_ cortinis, ne clamans ab aliq_u_ib_us_ audiret_ur_. Et sic elegantissimus iuuenis rex _et_ martir Æ_lbertus_, innoce_n_t_er_ _et_ sine noxa extinctus, accepit corona_m_ uite, [q_ua_m][413] ad i_n_star Joh_ann_is Bapt_iste_ mulieris laq_ue_is irretitus, meruit optinere. Puella u_er_o regis filia Ælfleda ui_r_guncula uen_us_tissima, cu_m_ h_ec_ audisset, no_n_ t_antu_m mat_r_is detestata facinora, s_ed_ toci_us_ seculi pomp_am_ relinq_ue_ns, h_ab_itu_m_ suscep_i_t religio_n_is, u_t_ ui_r_go martiris uestigia seq_ue_ret_ur_. [_P_]orro[414] ad augmentu_m_[415] muliebris tirannidis[416], decollatu_m_ _est_ corp_us_culu_m_ exanime q_uia_ adhuc palpitans uidebatur. Clam _i_gi_tur_ delatum est corpus cu_m_ capite, usq_ue_ ad partes remociores ad occultandum sub profundo t_er_re, et dum spiculator c_r_uentus ista ferret, caput obiter amissu_m_ est feliciter: nox eni_m_ erat, _et_ festinabat lictor, _et_ ap_er_to ore sacci, caput cecidit euolutu_m_, ignorante h_oc_ portitore. Corpus au_tem_ ab ip_s_o carnifice sine aliquo teste conscio ignobilit_er_ est humatu_m_. Contigit au_tem_, D_e_o sic disponente, u_t_ quida_m_ cecus eadem via g_r_aderetur, baculo semitam p_re_te_m_ptante. Habens au_tem_ caput memoratu_m_ pro pedu_m_ offendiculo, mirabatur q_u_idna_m_ esset: erat eni_m_ pes ei_us_ irretitus i_n_ cincinnis capitis flauis _et_ prolixis. Et palpans c_er_cius cognouit[417] e_ss_e caput hominis decollati. Et datu_m est_ ei i_n_ sp_irit_u intelligere, q_uo_d alicui_us_ s_an_c_t_i caput e_ss_et, ac iuuenis. Et cu_m_ maduissent man_us_ ei_us_ sanguine, apposuit _et_ sang_u_inem faciei sue: _et_ loco ubi q_ua_n_do_q_ue_ oculi ei_us_ extit_er_ant, et ilico restitutus est ei uisus; et quod habuerat p_ro_ pedum offendiculo, factum est ei felix luminis restitucio. S_ed_ et in eodem loco q_u_o caput s_an_c_tu_m iacuerat, fons erupit lucidissimus. Quod cum celebriter[418] fuerat diuulgatum, comp_er_tu_m_ _est_ hoc fuisse caput s_an_c_t_i adolescentis Æ_lberti_, q_ue_m regina i_n_ thalamo neq_u_iter fec_i_t sugillari ac decollari. Corp_us_ au_tem_ ubinam locorum occultatu_m_ fuerat, penit_us_ ignorat_ur_. H_oc_ cu_m_ _con_staret Hu_m_b_er_to Archiep_iscop_o, f_act_a capside ex auro _et_ argento, illud iussit in tesauro recondi p_re_c_i_oso in Ecc_lesi_a Herefordensi. [Illustration: Drida (Thryth) entraps Albertus (Æthelberht) of East Anglia, and causes him to be slain _From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 19 b._ hraþe seoþðan wæs æfter mund-[gh]ripe m[=e]ce [gh]epin[gh]ed. (_Beowulf_, ll. 1937-8.) ] {243} De p_re_d_ict_i facinoris ul_ci_one. Cuius tande_m_ detestabilis sceleris a regina perpetrati, ad co_m_militonu_m_ b_eat_i re_gis_ _et_ Ma_rti_ris aures cum[419] p_er_ueniss_et_, fama celeri_us_ ante luce_m_ aurore diei seq_ue_ntis clanculo recesserunt, ne de ipsis simile fieret iudiciu_m_ metuentes. Unde dolens regina, in thalamo ficta i_n_firmitate decubans, q_u_asi uulpecula latitabat. Rex u_er_o Offa cu_m_ de co_m_misso facinore c_er_titudine_m_ co_m_perisset, sese lugens, in cenac_u_lo int_er_iori recludens, pe[_r_][420] tres dies cibum penit_us_ no_n_ gustauit, anima_m_ sua_m_ lac_r_imis, lamentac_i_o_n_ib_us_, _et_ ieiunio uehement_er_ affligens. Et execrans mulieris impietate_m_, eam iussit om_n_ib_us_ uite sue dieb_us_ inclusam i_n_ loco remota_m_ secrec_i_ori pecc_at_a sua deplorare, si forte s_i_bi celitus collata gr_aci_a, penite_n_do tanti co_m_missi facinoris maculam posset abolere. Rex au_tem_ ip_s_am postea ut sociam lat_er_is in lecto suo dormire quasi susp_e_cta_m_ n_on_ p_er_misit[421]. De morte illi_us_ facinorose regine. In loco igitur sibi d_e_putato, co_m_morante regina annis aliq_u_ot, insidiis latronu_m_ preuenta, auro _et_ argento quo multu_m_ habundabat spoliata[422], in puteo suo prop_r_io p_re_cipitata, spiritu_m_ exalauit; iusto d_e_i iudic_i_o sic _con_de_m_pnata, ut sicut regem Ælb_er_tu_m_ innocente_m_ in foueam fecit p_re_cipitari, _et_ p_re_cipitatum suffocari, sic i_n_ putei profunditate s_u_bm_er_sa, uita_m_ mis_er_a_m_ t_er_minaret. * * * * * O. _WIDSITH_, ll. 18, 24-49 18. Ætla, w[=e]old H[=u]num, Eormanr[=i]c [GH]otum, * * * * * * Þ[=e]odr[=i]c w[=e]old Froncum, þyle Rondin[gh]u_m_, 25. Breoca Brondin[gh]u_m_, Billin[gh] Wernum. [=O]swine w[=e]old [=E]owum _ond_ [=Y]tum [GH]efwulf, {244} Fin Folcwaldin[gh] Fr[=e]sna cynne. Si[gh]ehere len[gh]est S[=æ]-Denum w[=e]old, Hnæf H[=o]cin[gh]um, Helm Wulfin[gh]u_m_, 30. Wald W[=o]in[gh]um, W[=o]d Þyrin[gh]u_m_, S[=æ]ferð Syc[gh]um, Sw[=e]om On[gh]endþ[=e]ow, Sceafthere Ymbrum, Sc[=e]afa Lon[gh]-Beardu_m_, H[=u]n Hætwerum, _ond_ Holen Wrosnum. Hrin[gh]weald wæs h[=a]ten Herefarena cyning. 35. Offa w[=e]old Ongle, Alew[=i]h Denu_m_: s[=e] wæs þ[=a]ra manna m[=o]d[gh]ast ealra; n[=o]hwæþre h[=e] ofer Offan eorlscype fremede, ac Offa [gh]esl[=o][gh] [=æ]rest monna cniht wesende cyner[=i]ca m[=æ]st; 40. n[=æ]ni[gh] efen-eald him eorlscipe m[=a]ran on [=o]rette [=a]ne sweorde: merce [gh]em[=æ]rde wið Myr[gh]in[gh]u_m_ b[=i] F[=i]feldore; h[=e]oldon forð siþþan En[gh]le _ond_ Sw[=æ]fe, sw[=a] hit Offa [gh]esl[=o][gh]. 45. Hr[=o]þwulf _ond_ Hr[=o]ð[gh][=a]r h[=e]oldon len[gh]est sibbe ætsomne suhtorfædran, siþþan h[=y] forwr[=æ]con w[=i]cin[gh]a cynn _ond_ In[gh]eldes ord forb[=i][gh]dan, forh[=e]owan æt Heorote Heaðo-Beardna þrym. * * * * * {245} PART III THE FIGHT AT FINNSBURG SECTION I. THE FINNSBURG FRAGMENT The _Finnsburg Fragment_ was discovered two centuries ago in the library of Lambeth Palace by George Hickes. It was written on a single leaf, which was transcribed and published by Hickes: but the leaf is not now to be found. This is to be regretted for reasons other than sentimental, since Hickes' transcript is far from accurate[423]. The _Fragment_ begins and breaks off in the middle of a line: but possibly not much has been lost at the beginning. For the {246} first lines of the fragment, as preserved, reveal a well-loved opening motive--the call to arms within the hall, as the watcher sees the foes approach. It was with such a call that the _Bjarkamál_, the poem on the death of Rolf Kraki, began: "a good call to work" as a fighting king-saint thought it[424]. It is with a similar summons to business that the _Finnsburg Fragment_ begins. The watchman has warned the king within the hall that he sees lights approaching--so much we can gather from the two and a half words which are preserved from the watchman's speech, and from the reply made by the "war-young" king: "This is not the dawn which is rising, but dire deeds of woe; to arms, my men." And the defending warriors take their posts: at the one door Sigeferth and Eaha: at the other Ordlaf and Guthlaf, and Hengest himself[425]. Then the poet turns to the foes, as they approach for the attack. The text as reported by Hickes is difficult: but it seems that Garulf[426] is the name of the warrior about to lead the assault on the hall. Another warrior, Guthere, whether a friend, kinsman, or retainer[427] we do not know, is dissuading him, urging him not to risk so precious a life in the first brunt. But Garulf pays no heed; he challenges the champion on guard: "Who is it who holds the door?" "Sigeferth is my name," comes the reply, "Prince I am of the Secgan: a wandering champion known far and wide: many a woe, many a hard fight have I endured: from me canst thou have what thou seekest." So the clash of arms begins: and the first to fall is Garulf, son of Guthlaf: and many a good man round him. "The swords flashed as if all Finnsburg were afire." {247} Never, we are told, was there a better defence than that of the sixty champions within the hall. "Never did retainers repay the sweet mead better than his bachelors did unto Hnæf. For five days they fought, so that none of the men at arms fell: but they held the doors." After a few more lines the piece breaks off. There are many textual difficulties here. But these, for the most part, do not affect the actual narrative, which is a story of clear and straightforward fighting. It is when we try to fit this narrative into relationship with the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_ that our troubles begin. Within the _Fragment_ itself one difficulty only need at present be mentioned. Guthlaf is one of the champions defending the hall. Yet the leader of the assault, Garulf, is spoken of as Guthlaf's son. Of course it is possible that we have here a tragic incident parallel to the story of Hildebrand and Hadubrand: father and son may have been separated through earlier misadventures, and now find themselves engaged on opposite sides. This would harmonize with the atmosphere of the _Finnsburg_ story, which is one of slaughter breaking out among men near of kin, so that afterwards an uncle and a nephew are burnt on the same pyre. And it has been noted[428] that Garulf rushes to the attack only after he has asked "Who holds the door?" and has learnt that it is Sigeferth: Guthlaf had gone to the opposite door. Can Garulf's question mean that he knows his father Guthlaf to be inside the hall, and wishes to avoid conflict with him? Possibly; but I do not think we can argue much from this double appearance of the name Guthlaf. It is possible that the occurrence of Guthlaf as Garulf's father is simply a scribal error. For, puzzling as the tradition of _Finnsburg_ everywhere is, it is peculiarly puzzling in its proper names, which are mostly given in forms that seem to have undergone some alteration. And even if _G[=u]ðl[=a]fes sunu_ be correctly written, it is possible that the Guthlaf who is father of Garulf is not to be identified with the Guthlaf whom Garulf is besieging within the hall[429]. {248} One or other of these rather unsatisfactory solutions must unfortunately be accepted. For no theory is possible which will save us from admitting that, according to the received text, Guthlaf is fighting on the one side, and a "son of Guthlaf" on the other. * * * * * SECTION II. THE EPISODE IN BEOWULF Further details of the story we get in the _Episode_ of _Finnsburg_, as recorded in _Beowulf_ (ll. 1068-1159). Beowulf is being entertained in the court of the king of the Danes, and the king's harper tells the tale of Hengest and Finn. Only the main events are enumerated. There are none of the dramatic speeches which we find in the _Fragment_. It is evident that the tale has been reduced in scope, in order that it may be fitted into its place as an episode in the longer epic. The tone, too, is quite different. Whereas the _Fragment_ is inspired by the lust and joy of battle, the theme of the _Episode_, as told in _Beowulf_, is rather the pity of it all; the legacy of mourning and vengeance which is left to the survivors: For never can true reconcilement grow Where wounds of deadly hate have struck so deep. It is on this note that the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_ begins: with the tragic figure of Hildeburh. Hildeburh is closely related to both contending parties. She is sister to Hnæf, prince of the "Half-Danes," and she is wedded to Finn, king of the Frisians. Whatever may be obscure in the story, it is clear that a fight has taken place between the men of Hnæf and those of Finn, and that Hnæf has been slain: probably by Finn directly, though perhaps by his followers[430]. A son of Finn has also fallen. With regard to the peoples concerned there are difficulties. Finn's Frisians are presumably the main Frisian race, dwelling in and around the district still known as Friesland; for in the Catalogue of Kings in _Widsith_ it is said that "Finn Folcwalding {249} ruled the kin of the Frisians[431]." Hnæf and his people are called Half-Danes, Danes and Scyldings; Hnæf is therefore presumably related to the Danish royal house. But, in no account which has come down to us of that house, are Hnæf or his father Hoc ever mentioned as kings or princes of Denmark, and their connection with the family of Hrothgar, the great house of Scyldings who ruled Denmark from the capital of Leire, remains obscure. In _Widsith_, the people ruled over by Hnæf are called "children of Hoc" (_H[=o]cingum_), and are mentioned immediately after the "Sea-Danes[432]." Then there is a mysterious people called the _Eotens_, upon whom is placed the blame of the struggle: "Verily Hildeburh had little reason to praise the good faith of the Eotens." This is the typical understatement of Old English rhetoric: it can only point to deliberate treachery on the part of the Eotens. Our interpretation of the poem will therefore hinge largely upon our interpretation of this name. There have been two views as to the Eotens. The one view holds them to be Hnæf's Danes, and consequently places on Hnæf the responsibility for the aggression. This theory is, I think, quite wrong, and has been the cause of much confusion: but it has been held by scholars of great weight[433]. The other view regards the Eotens as subjects {250} of Finn and foes of Hnæf. This view has been more generally held, and it is, as I shall try to show, only along these lines that a satisfactory solution can be found. The poet continues of the woes of Hildeburh. "Guiltless, she lost at the war those whom she loved, child and brother. They fell as was fated, wounded by the spear, and a sad lady was she. Not for naught did the daughter of Hoc [i.e. Hildeburh] bewail her fate when morning came, when under the sky she could behold the murderous bale of her kinsfolk...." Then the poet turns to the figure of Finn, king of the Frisians. His cause for grief is as deep as that of Hildeburh. For he has lost that body of retainers which to a Germanic chief, even as to King Arthur, was dearer than a wife[434]. "War swept away all the retainers of Finn, except some few." What follows is obscure, but as to the general drift there is no doubt. After the death of their king Hnæf, the besieged Danes are led by Hengest. Hengest must be Hnæf's retainer, for he is expressly so called (_þ[=e]odnes þegn_) "the king's thegn." So able is the defence of Hengest, and so heavy the loss among Finn's men, that Finn has to come to terms. Peace is made between Finn and Hengest, and the terms are given fully in the _Episode_. Unfortunately, owing to the confusion of pronouns, we soon lose our way amidst the clauses of this treaty, and it becomes exceedingly difficult to say who are the people who are alluded to as "they." This is peculiarly unlucky because here again the critical word _Eotena_ occurs, but amid such a tangle of "thems" and "theys" that it is not easy to tell from this passage to which side the Eotens belong[435]. But one thing in the treaty is indisputable. In the midst of these complicated clauses, it is said of the Danes, the retainers {251} of Hnæf, that they are not to be taunted with a certain fact: or perhaps it may be that they are not, when speaking amongst themselves, to remind each other of a certain fact. However that may be, what _is_ clear is the _fact_, the mention of which is barred. Nothing is to be said of it, even though "_they were following the slayer (bana) of their lord, being without a prince, since they were compelled so to do_." Here, at least, are two lines about the interpretation of which we can be certain: and I shall therefore return to them. We must be careful, however, to remember that the word _bana_, "slayer," conveys no idea of fault or criminality. It is a quite neutral word, although it has frequently been mistranslated "murderer," and has thus helped to encourage the belief that Finn slew Hnæf by treachery. Of course it conveys no such implication: _bana_ can be applied to one who slays another in self-defence: it implies neither the one thing nor the other. Then the poet turns to the funeral of the dead champions, who are burned on one pyre by the now reconciled foes. The bodies of Hnæf and of the son (or sons)[436] of Hildeburh are placed together, uncle and nephew side by side, whilst Hildeburh stands by lamenting. Then, we are told, the warriors, deprived of their friends, departed to Friesland, to their homes and to their high-city. Hengest still continued to dwell for the whole of that winter with Finn, and could not return home because of the winter storms. But when spring came and the bosom of the earth became fair, there came also the question of Hengest's departure: but he thought more of vengeance than of his sea-journey: "If he might bring about that hostile meeting which he kept in his mind concerning the child (or children) of the Eotens." Here again the word _Eotena_ is used ambiguously, but, I think, this time not without some indication of its meaning. It has indeed been urged that the child or children of the Eotens are Hnæf, and any other Danes who may have fallen with him, and that when it is said that Hengest keeps them in mind, it is meant that he is remembering his fallen comrades with a view to taking {252} vengeance for them. But this would be a queer way of speaking, as Hengest and his living comrades would on this theory be also themselves children of the Eotens[437]. We should therefore need the term to be further defined: "children of the Eotens _who fell at Finnsburg_." It seems far more likely, from the way in which the expression is used here, that the children of the Eotens are the people _upon_ whom Hengest intends to take vengeance. Then, we are further told, Hunlafing places in the bosom of Hengest a sword of which the edges were well known amongst the Eotens. Here again there has been ambiguity, dispute and doubt. Hunlafing has been even bisected into a chief "Hun," and a sword "Lafing" which "Hun" is supposed to have placed in the bosom of Hengest (or of someone else). Upon this act of "Hun" many an interpretation has been placed, and many a theory built. Fortunately it has become possible, by a series of rather extraordinary discoveries, such as we had little reason to hope for at this time of day, to put Hunlafing together again. We now know (and this I think should be regarded as outside the region of controversy) that the warrior who put the sword into Hengest's bosom _was_ Hunlafing. And about Hunlafing we gather, though very little, yet enough to help us. He is apparently a Dane, the son of Hunlaf, and Hunlaf is the brother of the two champions Guthlaf and Ordlaf[438]. Now Guthlaf and Ordlaf, as we know from the _Fragment_, were in the hall together {253} with Hengest: it was "Guthlaf, Ordlaf and Hengest himself" who undertook the defence of one of the doors against the assailants. Guthlaf and Ordlaf were apparently sons of the king of Denmark. As Scyldings they would be Hnæf's kinsmen, and accompanied him to his meeting with Finn. Hunlafing, then, is a nephew of two champions who were attacked in the hall, and it is possible, though we cannot prove this, that his father Hunlaf was himself also in the hall, and was slain in the struggle[439]. At any rate, when Hunlaf's son places a sword in the bosom of Hengest, this can only mean one thing. It means mischief. The placing of the sword, by a prince, in the bosom of another, is a symbol of war-service. It means that Hengest has accepted obligations to a Danish lord, a Scylding, a kinsman of the dead Hnæf, and consequently that he means to break the troth which he has sworn to Finn. Further, we are told concerning the sword, that its edges were well known amongst the Eotens. At first sight this might seem, and to many has seemed, an ambiguous phrase, for a sword may be well known amongst either friends or foes. The old poets loved nothing better than to dwell upon the adornments of a sword, to say how a man, by reason of a fine sword which had been given to him, was honoured amongst his associates at table[440]. But if this had been the poet's meaning here, he would surely have dwelt, not upon the edges of the sword, but upon its gold-adorned hilt, or its jewelled pommel. When he says the _edges_ of the sword were well known amongst the Eotens, this seems to convey a hostile meaning. We know that the ill-faith of the Eotens was the cause of the trouble. The phrase about the sword seems therefore to mean that Hengest used this sword in order to take vengeance on the Eotens, presumably for their treachery. The _Eotenas_, therefore, far from being the men of Hnæf and Hengest, must have been their foes. Then the poet goes on to tell how "Dire sword-bale came upon the valiant Finn likewise." The Danes fell upon Finn at {254} his own home, reddened the floor of his hall with the life-blood of his men, slew him, plundered his town, and led his wife back to her own people. Here the _Episode_ ends. * * * * * SECTION III. MÖLLER'S THEORY Now our first task is to find what is the relation between the events told in the _Fragment_ and the events told in the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_. It can, I think, be shown that the events of the _Fragment_ precede the events of the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_; that is to say that the fight in the hall, of which we are told in the _Fragment_, is the same fight which has taken place before the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_ begins, the fight which has resulted in the slaughter over which Hildeburh laments, and which necessitates the great funeral described in the first part of the _Episode_ (ll. 1108-24). How necessary it is to place the _Fragment_ here, before the beginning of the _Episode_, will be best seen, I think, if we examine the theory which has tried to place it elsewhere. This is the theory, worked out elaborately and ingeniously by Möller[441], a theory which has had considerable vogue, and many of the assumptions of which have been widely accepted. According to Möller and his followers, the story ran something like this: "Finn, king of the Frisians, had carried off Hildeburh, daughter of Hoc (1076), probably with her consent. Her father Hoc seems to have pursued the fugitives, and to have been slain in the fight which ensued on his overtaking them. After the lapse of some twenty years, the brothers Hnæf and Hengest, Hoc's sons, were old enough to undertake the duty of avenging their father's death. They make an inroad into Finn's country." Up to this, all is Möller's hypothesis, unsupported by any evidence, either in the _Fragment_ or the _Episode_. It is based, so far as it has any real foundation, upon a mythical interpretation of Finn, and upon parallels with the Hild-story, the Gudrun-story, and a North Frisian folk-tale[442]. Some of the {255} parallels are striking, but they are not sufficient to justify Möller's reconstruction. The authenticity of large portions of the folk-tale is open to doubt[443]: and these portions are vital to any parallel with the story of _Finnsburg_; whilst we have no right to read into the Finn story details from the Hild or Gudrun stories, unless we can show that they are really versions of the same tale: and this cannot be shown. Möller's suppositions as to the events before the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_ opens, must therefore be dismissed. Möller's reconstruction then gets into relation with the real story, as narrated in _Beowulf_: "A battle takes place in which many warriors, among them Hnæf and a son of Finn (1074, 1079, 1115), are killed. Peace is therefore solemnly concluded, and the slain warriors are burnt (1068-1124). As the year is too far advanced for Hengest to return home (ll. 1130 ff.), he and those of his men who survive remain for the winter in the Frisian country with Finn. But Hengest's thoughts dwell constantly on the death of his brother Hnæf, and he would gladly welcome any excuse to break the peace which has been sworn by both parties. His ill-concealed desire for revenge is noticed by the Frisians, who anticipate it by themselves taking the initiative and attacking Hengest and his men whilst they are sleeping in the hall. _This is the night attack described in the Fragment._ It would seem that after a brave and desperate resistance Hengest himself falls in this fight[444], but two of his retainers, Guthlaf and Oslaf[444], succeed in cutting their way through their enemies and in escaping to their own land. They return with fresh troops, attack and slay Finn, and carry his queen Hildeburh off with them (1125-1159)[445]." Now the difficulties of this theory will, I think, be found to be insuperable. Let us look at some of them. Möller's view rests upon his interpretation of the Eotens as the men of Hnæf[446]. Since the Eotens are the aggressors, he _has_ consequently to invent the opening, which makes Hnæf and Hengest the invaders of Finn's country: and he _has_ therefore to relegate the _Fragment_ (in which Hnæf's men are clearly not the attacking party but the attacked) to a later stage in the story. But we have already seen that this interpretation of the Eotens as the men of Hnæf is not the natural one. Further, the assumption that Hnæf and Hengest are brothers, though still frequently met with[447], is surely not justifiable. {256} There is nothing which demands any such relationship, and there is much which definitely excludes it. _After Hnæf's death_, Hengest is described as the thegn of Hnæf: an expression without parallel or explanation, if he was really his brother and successor. Again, we are expressly told in the _Episode_ that the Danish retainers make terms with Finn, _the slayer of their lord, being without a prince_. How could this be said, if Hengest was now their lord and prince? These lines are, as we have seen, one of the few clear and indisputable things in the poem. An interpretation which contradicts them flatly, by making Hengest the lord of the Danish retainers, seems self-condemned. Again, in _Beowulf_, the poet dwells upon the blameless sorrows of Hildeburh. We gather that she wakes up in the morning to find that the kinsfolk whom she loves have, during the night, come to blows. "Innocent, she lost son and brother[448]--a sad lady she." Are such expressions natural, if Hildeburh had eloped with Finn, and her father had in consequence been slain by him some twenty years before? If she has taken that calmly, and continued to live happily with Finn, would her equanimity be so seriously disturbed by the slaughter of a brother in addition? But these difficulties are nothing compared to the further difficulties which Möller's adherents have to face when they proceed to find a place for the night attack as told in the _Fragment_, in the middle of the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_, i.e. between lines 1145 and 1146. In the first place we have no right to postulate that such important events could have been passed over in silence in the summary of the story as given in _Beowulf_. For Möller has to assume that after the reconciliation between Hengest and Finn, Finn broke his pledges, attacked Hengest by night, slew most of the men who were with him, including perhaps Hengest himself; and that the _Beowulf_-poet nevertheless omitted all reference to these events, though they occur in the midst of the story, and are essential to an understanding of it. But even apart from this initial difficulty, we find that by no process of explaining _can_ we make the night attack narrated {257} in the _Fragment_ fit in at the point where Möller places it. In the night attack the men are called to arms by a "war-young king." This "war-young king" cannot be, as Möller supposes, Hengest, for the simple reason that Hengest, as I have tried to show above, far from being the brother of Hnæf, and his successor as king, is his servant and thegn. The king can only be Hnæf. But Hnæf has already been slain before the _Episode_ begins: and this makes it impossible to place the _Fragment_ (in which Hnæf appears) in the middle of the _Episode_. Further, it is said in the _Fragment_ that never did retainers repay a lord better than did his men repay Hnæf. Now these words would only be possible if the retainers were fighting for their lord; that is, either defending him alive or avenging him dead. But Möller's theory assumes that we are dealing with a period when the retainers have definitely left the service of their lord Hnæf, after his death, and have entered the service of his slayer, Finn. They have thus dissolved all bonds with their former lord: they have taken Finn's money and become _his_ men. If Finn then turns upon his new retainers and treacherously tries to slay them, it might be said that the retainers defended their own lives stoutly: but it would be far-fetched to say that in doing so they repaid their lord Hnæf. Their lord, according to Möller's view, is no longer Hnæf, but Finn, who is seeking their lives. Against such difficulties as these it is impossible to make headway, and we must therefore turn to some more possible view of the situation[449]. * * * * * SECTION IV. BUGGE'S THEORY Let us therefore examine the second theory, which is more particularly associated with the name of Bugge, though it was the current theory before his time, and has been generally accepted since. According to this view, the _Eotenas_ are the men of Finn, and since upon them is placed the blame for the trouble, it {258} must be Finn that makes a treacherous attack upon his wife's brother Hnæf, who is his guest in Finnsburg[450]. This is the fight of which the _Fragment_ gives us the beginning. Hnæf is slain, and then follow the events as narrated in the _Episode_: the treaty which Finn makes with Hengest, the leader of the survivors: and the ultimate vengeance taken upon Finn by these survivors. Here I think we are getting nearer to facts, nearer to a view which can command general acceptance: at any rate, in so far as the fight narrated in the _Fragment_ is placed before the beginning of the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_. Positive evidence that this is the right place for the _Fragment_ is scanty, yet not altogether lacking. After all, the fight in the _Fragment_ is a night attack, and the fight which precedes the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_, as I have tried to show, is a night attack[451]. But our reason for putting the _Fragment_ before the commencement of the _Episode_ is mainly negative: it lies in the insuperable difficulties which meet us when we try to place it anywhere else. But, it will be objected, there are difficulties also in placing the _Fragment_ before the _Episode_. Perhaps: but I do not think these difficulties will be found to survive examination. The first objection to supposing that the _Fragment_ narrates the same fight as precedes the _Episode_ is, that the fight in the _Fragment_ takes place at Finnsburg[452], whilst the fight which precedes the _Episode_ apparently takes place away from Finn's capital: for after the fighting is over, the dead burned, and the treaty made, the warriors depart "to see Friesland, their homes, and their high-town (_h[=e]a-burh_)[453]." {259} But I do not see that this involves us in any difficulty. It is surely quite reasonable that Finnsburg--Finn's castle--where the first fight takes place, is not, and was never meant to be, the same as Finn's capital, his _h[=e]aburh_, his "own home." After all, when a king's name is given to a town, the presumption is rather that the town is _not_ his capital, but some new settlement built in a newly acquired territory. _[=E]adwinesburh_ was not the capital of King Eadwine: it was the stronghold which he held against the Picts on the outskirts of his realm. Aosta was not the capital of Augustus, nor Fort William of William III, nor Harounabad of Haroun al Raschid. So here: we know that the chief town of the Frisians was not Finnsburg, but Dorestad: "Dorostates of the Frisians[454]." The fight may have taken place at some outlying castle built by Finn, and named after him _Finnsburg_: then he returned, we are told, to his _h[=e]aburh_: and it is here, _æt his sylfes h[=a]m_, "in his own home" (the poet himself seems to emphasize a distinction) that destruction in the end comes upon him. There is surely no difficulty here. A second discrepancy has often been indicated. In the _Fragment_ the fight lasts five days before any one of the defenders fall: in the _Episode_ (it is argued) Hildeburh in the morning finds her brother slain[455]. Even were this so, I do not know that it need trouble us much. In a detail like this, which {260} does not go to the heart of the story, there might easily be a discrepancy between two versions[456]. But the whole difficulty merely arises from reading more into the words of the _Episode_ than the text will warrant. It is not asserted in the _Episode_ that Hildeburh found her kinsfolk dead in the morning, but that in the morning she found "murderous bale amid her kinsfolk." Hildeburh woke up to find a fight in progress: how long it went on, the _Episode_ does not say: but that it was prolonged we gather from ll. 1080-5: and there is no reason why the deadly strife which Hildeburh found in the morning might not have lasted five days or more, before it culminated in the death of Hnæf. Thirdly, the commander in the _Fragment_ is called a "war-young king." This, it has been said, is inapplicable to Hnæf, since he is brother of Hildeburh, who is old enough to have a son slain in the combat. But an uncle may be very young. Beowulf speaks of his uncle Hygelac as young, even though he seems to imply that his own youth is partly past[457]. And no advantage, but the reverse, is gained, even in this point, if, following Möller's hypothesis, and assuming that the fight narrated in the _Fragment_ takes place after the treaty with Finn, we make the "war-young king" Hengest. For those who, with Möller, suppose Hengest to be brother of Hnæf, will have to admit the avuncular difficulty in him also. * * * * * SECTION V. SOME DIFFICULTIES IN BUGGE'S THEORY We may then, I think, accept as certain, that first come the events narrated in the _Fragment_, then those told in the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_. But we are not out of our troubles yet. There are difficulties in Bugge's view which have still to be faced. The cause of the struggle, according to Bugge and his adherents, is a treacherous attack made by Finn upon his {261} brother-in-law Hnæf. According to the _Episode_, it is the Eotens who are treacherous; so Eotens must be another name for the Frisians. The word occurs three times in the genitive, _Eotena_; once in the dative, _Eotenum_: as a common noun it means "giant," "monster": earlier in _Beowulf_ it is applied to Grendel and to the other misbegotten creatures descended from Cain. But how "giant" can be applied to the Frisians, or to either of the contending parties in the Finnsburg fight, remains inexplicable[458]. _Eotena_ must rather be the name of some tribe. But what tribe? The only people of whom we know, possessing a name at all like this, are the people who colonized Kent, whom Bede calls Jutes, but whose name would in Anglian be in the genitive _[=E]otna_, but in the dative _[=E]otum_, or perhaps occasionally _[=E]otnum_, _[=E]otenum_[459]. Now a scribe transliterating a poem from an Anglian dialect into West-Saxon should, of course, have altered these forms into the corresponding West-Saxon forms _[=Y]tena_ and _[=Y]tum_. But nothing would have been more likely than that he would have misunderstood the tribal name as a common noun, and retained the Anglian forms (altering _eotum_ or _eotnum_ into _eotenum_) supposing the word to mean "giants." After all, the common noun _eotenum_, "giants," was quite as like the tribal name _[=E]otum_, which the scribe presumably had before him, as was the correct West-Saxon form of that name, _[=Y]tum_. It is difficult therefore to avoid the conclusion that the "Eotens" are Jutes: and this is confirmed by three other pieces of evidence, not convincing in themselves, but helpful as subsidiary arguments[460]. {262} (1) We should gather from _Widsith_ that the Jutes were concerned in the _Finnsburg_ business. For in that poem generally (though not always) tribes connected in story are grouped together; and the Jutes and Frisians are so coupled: [=Y]tum [weold] Gefwulf Fin Folcwalding Fr[=e]sna cynne. (2) There is another passage in _Beowulf_ in which _Eotenas_ is possibly used in the sense of "Jutes." We have seen above[461] that according to a Scandinavian tradition Lotherus was exiled _in Jutiam_: and Heremod, who has been held to be the counterpart of Lotherus _mid Eotenum_ wearð on f[=e]onda geweald forð forl[=a]cen. But the identification of Lotherus and Heremod is too hypothetical to carry the weight of much argument. (3) Finn comes into many Old English pedigrees, which have doubtless borrowed from one another. But the earliest in which we find him, and the only one in which we find his father Folcwald, is that of the Jutish kings of Kent[462]. Here, too, the name Hengest meets us. The view that the name "Eoten" in the _Finnsburg_ story is a form of the word "Jute" is, then, one which is very difficult to reject. It is one which has in the past been held by many scholars and is, I think, held by all who have recently expressed any opinion on the subject[463]. But this renders very difficult the assumption of Bugge and his followers that the word "Eoten" is synonymous with "Frisian[464]." For Frisians were not Jutes. {263} The tribes were closely related; but the two words were not synonymous. The very lines in _Widsith_, which couple Jutes and Frisians together, as if they were related in story, show that the names were regarded as those of distinct tribes. And this evidence from _Widsith_ is very important, because the compiler of that list of names clearly knew the story of Finn and Hnæf. But this is not the only difficulty in Bugge's interpretation of the Eotens as Frisians. The outbreak of war, we are told, is due to the treachery of the Eotens. This Bugge and his followers interpret as meaning that Finn must have treacherously attacked Hnæf. Yet the poet speaks of "the warriors of Finn when the sudden danger fell upon them": _þ[=a] h[=i][=e] se f[=æ]r begeat_. It is essential to _f[=æ]r_ that it signifies a sudden and unexpected attack[465]: and the unexpected attack must have come, not upon the assailants but upon the assailed. Yet this difficulty, though it has been emphasized by Möller[466] and other opponents of Bugge's view, is not insuperable[467], and I hope to show below that there is no real difficulty. But it leads us to a problem not so easily surmounted. If Finn made a treacherous attack upon Hnæf, and slew him, how did it come that Hengest, and Hnæf's other men, made terms with their murderous host? In the primitive heathen days it had been a rule that the retainer must not survive his vanquished lord[468]. The ferocity of this rule was subsequently softened, and, in point of fact, we _do_ often hear, after some great leader has been slain, of his followers accepting quarter from a chivalrous foe, without being {264} therefore regarded as having acted disgracefully[469]. But, if Finn had invited Hnæf and Hnæf's retainers to be his guests, and had fallen upon them by treachery, the action of the retainers in coming to terms with Finn, in entering his service, and stipulating how much of his pay they shall receive, would be contrary to all standards of conduct as understood in the Heroic Age, and would deprive Hnæf's men of any sympathy the audience might feel for them. But Hnæf's men are not censured: they are in fact treated most sympathetically in the _Episode_, and in the _Fragment_, at an earlier point in the story, they are enthusiastically applauded[470]. It is strange enough in any case that Hnæf's retainers should make terms with the slayer of their lord. But it is not merely strange, it is absolutely unintelligible, if we are to suppose that Finn has not merely slain Hnæf, but has lured him into his power, and then slain him while a guest. It is to the credit of Bugge that he felt this difficulty: but his attempt to explain it is hardly satisfactory. He fell back upon a parallel between the story of the death of Rolf Kraki and the story of _Finnsburg_. We have already seen that the resemblance is very close between the _Bjarkamál_, which narrates the death of Rolf, and the opening of the _Finnsburg Fragment_. The parallel which Bugge invoked comes from the sequel to the Rolf story[471] which tells how Hiarwarus, the murderer of Rolf Kraki, astonished by the devotion of Rolf's retainers, lamented their death, and said how gladly he would have given quarter to such men, and taken them into his service. Thereupon Wiggo, the one survivor, who had previously vowed to avenge his lord, and had concealed himself with that object, came forward and offered to accept these terms. Accordingly he placed his hand upon the hilt of his new master's drawn sword, as if about to swear fealty to him: but instead of swearing, he ran him through. "Glorious and ever memorable hero, who valiantly kept his vow," says Saxo[472]. Whether or no we share the exultation of {265} that excellent if somewhat bloodthirsty ecclesiastic, we must admit that Wiggo's methods were sensible and practical. If, singlehanded, he was to keep his vow, and avenge his lord, he could only hope to do it by some such stratagem. Bugge tries to explain Hengest's action on similar lines: "He does not hesitate to enter the service of Finn in order thereby to carry out his revenge[473]." But the circumstances are entirely different. Wiggo was left alone, the only survivor of Rolf's household, to face a whole army. But Hengest is no single survivor: he and his fellows have made so good a defence that Finn cannot overcome them by conflict on the _meðel-stede_. Not only so, but, if we accept the interpretation that almost every critic and editor has put upon the passage (ll. 1184-5), Hengest's position is even stronger. Finn has lost almost all his thegns; the usual interpretation puts him at the mercy of Hengest: at best it is a draw[474]. If, then, Hengest wants vengeance upon Finn, why does he not pursue it? Instead of which, according to Bugge, he enters Finn's service in order that he may get an opportunity for revenge. And note, that Wiggo did not swear the oath of fealty to the murderer of his master Rolf: he merely put himself in the posture to do so, and then, instead, ran the tyrant through forthwith. But Hengest _does_ swear the oath, and _does not_ forthwith slay the tyrant. He spends the winter with him, receives a sword from Hunlafing, after which his name does not occur again. Finn is ultimately slain, but the names which are found in that connection are those of Guthlaf and Oslaf [Ordlaf]. So Bugge's explanation comes to this: Hengest is fighting with success against Finn, but he refrains from vengeance: instead, he treacherously enters his service in order that he may take an opportunity of vengeance, which opportunity, however, it is never made clear to us that he takes. Had Hengest been a man of that kind, he would not have been a hero of Old English heroic song. * * * * * {266} SECTION VI. RECENT ELUCIDATIONS. PROF. AYRES' COMMENTS It is one of the merits of Bugge's view--one of the proofs of its general soundness--that it admits of successive improvements at the hands of succeeding commentators. No one has done more in this way than has Prof. Ayres to clear up the story, particularly the latter part of the _Episode_. Ayres evolves unity out of what had been before "a rapid-fire of events that hit all around a central tragic situation and do not once touch it." Hengest does not, Ayres thinks, enter the service of Finn with any such well-formed plan of revenge as Bugge had attributed to him. Hengest was in a difficult situation. It is his mental conflict, "torn between his oath to Finn and his duty to the dead Hnæf," which gives unity to all that follows. It is a tragedy of Hengest, hesitating, like Shakespeare's Hamlet, over the duty of revenge. Prof. Ayres' statement here is too good to summarize; it must be quoted at length: "How did he feel during that long, blood-stained winter? He naturally thought about home (_eard gemunde_, 1129), but there was no question of sailing then, no need yet of decision while the storm roared outside. By and by spring came round, as it has a way of doing. How did he feel then? Then, like any other Northerner, he wanted to put to sea: fundode wrecca, gist of geardum. That is what he would naturally do. He would speak to Finn and be off; in the spring his business was on the sea. That is all right as to Finn, but as to the dead Hnæf it is very like running away; it is postponing vengeance sadly. Will he prove so unpregnant of his cause as that? No; though he would like to go to sea, he thought _rather_ of vengeance, and staid in the hope of managing a successful surprise against Finn and his people: h[=e] t[=o] gyrn-wræce sw[=i]ðor þ[=o]hte þonne t[=o] s[=æ]-l[=a]de, gif h[=e] torn-gem[=o]t þurht[=e]on mihte, þæt h[=e] Eotena b[=e]arn inne gemunde. All this says clearly that Hengest was thinking things over, whether he should or should not take vengeance upon Finn; it tells us also very clearly, with characteristic anticipation of the outcome of the story, that in the end desire for vengeance carried the day: Sw[=a] h[=e] ne-forwyrnde worold-r[=æ]denne, he did not _thus_ prove recreant to his duty. But we have not been told the steps by which Hengest arrived at his decision. That seems {267} to be what we should naturally want to know at this point, and that is precisely what we are about to be told. Occasions gross as earth informed against him[475]." Then Ayres goes on to explain the "egging," through the presentation of a sword by Hunlafing. This feature of the story is now pretty generally so understood; but Ayres has an interpretation of the part played by Guthlaf and Oslaf, which is new and enlightening. "Hengest's almost blunted purpose was not whetted by Hunlafing alone. The latter's uncles, Guðlaf and Oslaf [Ordlaf] took occasion to mention to Hengest the fierce attack (the one, presumably, in which Hnæf had fallen); cast up to him all the troubles that had befallen them ever since their disastrous sea-journey to Finnsburg; they had plenty of woes to twit him with: siððan grimne gripe G[=u]ðl[=a]f and [=O]sl[=a]f æfter s[=æ]-s[=i]ðe sorge m[=æ]ndon, ætwiton w[=e]ana d[=æ]l. The effect of all this on Hengest is cumulative. Where he was before in perfect balance, he is now wrought to action by the words of his followers; he can control himself no longer; the balance is destroyed. The restless spirit (Hengest's in the first instance, but it may be thought of as referring to the entire attacking party, now of one mind) could no longer restrain itself within the breast: ne meahte w[=æ]fre m[=o]d forhabban in hreðre. Vengeance wins the day[476]." By this interpretation Ayres has, as he claims, "sharpened some of the features" of the current interpretation of the Finn story. For, as he says, "in some respects the current version was very unsatisfactory; there seemed to be little relation between the presentation of the sword to Hengest and the spectacle of Guðlaf and Oslaf howling their complaints in the face of Finn." That Ayres' interpretation enhances the coherency of the story is beyond dispute: that it does so at the cost of putting some strain upon the text in one or two places may perhaps be urged[477]. But that in its main lines it is correct seems to me certain: the story of Finnsburg is the tragedy of Hengest--his hesitation and his revenge. Keeping this well in view, many of the difficulties disappear. * * * * * {268} SECTION VII. PROBLEMS STILL OUTSTANDING Many of the difficulties disappear: but the two big ones remain. Firstly, if "Eoten" means "Jute," as it is usually agreed that it does, why should the Frisians be called Jutes, seeing that a Frisian is not a Jute? Secondly, when Hengest and the other thegns of Hnæf enter the service of the slayer of their lord, they are not blamed for so doing, but rather excused, _þ[=a] him sw[=a] geþearfod wæs_. Such a situation is unusual; but it becomes incredible if that slayer, whose service they enter, had fallen upon and slain their lord by treachery, when his guest. It seems to me that neither of these difficulties is really inherent in the situation, but rather accidental, and owing to the way Bugge's theory, right enough in its main lines, has been presented both by Bugge and his followers. For it is not necessary to assume that Frisians _are_ called _Eotenas_ or Jutes. All that we are justified in deducing from the text is that Frisians and _Eotenas_ are both under the command of Finn. If we suppose what the text demands, _and no more_, we are at one stroke relieved of both our difficulties. Though "Jute" can hardly have been synonymous with "Frisian," nothing is more probable, as I shall try to show[478], than that a great Frisian king should have had a tribe of Jutes subject to him, or should have had in his pay a band of Jutish mercenaries. Now if the trouble was due to these "Eotens"--and we are told that it was[479]--our second difficulty is also solved. It would be much more natural for Hengest to come to terms with Finn, albeit the _bana_ of his lord, if Finn's conduct had not been stained by treachery, and if the blame for the original attack did not rest with him. And, as I have said, there is nothing in the text which justifies us in assuming that _Eotenas_ means "Frisians" and that therefore _Eotena tr[=e]owe_ refers to Finn's breach of faith. It has indeed been argued that _Eotenas_ and Frisians are synonymous, {269} because in the terms of peace, whilst it is stipulated that Hengest and his comrades are to have equal control with the _Eotena bearn_, it is further stipulated that Finn is to give Hengest's men gifts equal to those which he gives to the _Fr[=e]sena cynn_[480]. Here then _Eotena bearn_ and _Fr[=e]sena cynn_ are certainly parallel, and are both contrasted with Hengest and his troops. But surely this in no wise proves _Eotena bearn_ and _Fr[=e]sena cynn_ synonymous: they may equally well be different sections of Finn's host, just as in _Brunanburh_ the soldiers of Athelstan are spoken of first as _Westseaxe_, and then as _Myrce_. Are we to argue that West-Saxons are Mercians? So in the account of Hygelac's fatal expedition[481] the opponents are called Franks, Frisians, _H[=u]gas_, _Hetware_. A reader ignorant of the story might suppose these all synonymous terms for one tribe. But we know that they are not: the _Hetware_ were the people immediately attacked--the Frankish overlord hastened to the rescue, and was apparently helped by the neighbouring Frisians, who although frequently at this date opposed to the Franks, would naturally make common cause against the pirate from overseas[482]. It was quite natural that the earlier students of the _Finnsburg Episode_, thinking of the two opposing forces as two homogeneous tribes, and finding mention of three tribal names, Danes, Eotens and Frisians, should have assumed that the Eotens must be exactly synonymous with _either_ Danes _or_ Frisians. But it is now recognized that the conditions of the time postulate not so much tribes as groups of tribes[483]. In the _Fragment_ we have, on the side of the Danes, _Sigeferth_, prince of the _Secgan_. The _Secgan_ are not necessarily Danes, because their lord is fighting on the Danish side. Neither need the _Eotenas_ be Frisians, because they are fighting on the Frisian side. We cannot, then, argue that two tribes are identical, because engaged in fighting a common foe: still less, because they are {270} mentioned with a certain parallelism[484]. And anyway, it is impossible to find in the use of the expression _Eotena bearn_ in l. 1088 any support for the interpretation which makes _Eotena tr[=e]owe_ signify the treachery of Finn himself. For, assuredly, the proviso that Hengest and his fellows are to have half control as against the _Eotena bearn_ does not mean that they are to have half control as against Finn himself. For the very next lines make it clear that they are to enter Finn's service and become his retainers. That Hengest and his men are to have equal rights with Finn's Jutish followers (_Eotena bearn_) is reasonable enough: but they obviously have not equal rights with Finn, their lord whom they are now to follow. _Eotena bearn_ in l. 1088, then, does _not_ include Finn: how _can_ it then be used as an argument that _Eotena tr[=e]owe_ must refer to _Finn's_ faith and his breach of it? Finn, then, is the _bana_ of Hnæf, but there is nothing in the text which compels us to assume that he is the slayer of his guest. The reader may regard my zeal to clear the character of Finn as excessive. But it is always worth while to understand a good old tale. And it is only when we withdraw our unjust aspersions upon Finn's good faith that the tale becomes intelligible. This, I know, has been disputed, and by the scholars whose opinion I most respect. The poet tells us that Finn was the _bana_ of Hnæf, so, says Ayres, "it is hard to see how it helps matters[485]" to argue that Finn was not guilty of treachery. And Lawrence argues in the same way: "How is it possible to shift the blame for the attack from Finn to the Eotenas when Finn is called the _bana_ of Hnæf? It does not matter whether he killed him with his own hands or not; he is clearly held responsible; the lines tell us it was regarded as disgraceful for the {271} Danes to have to follow him, and the revenge at the end falls heavily upon him. The insult and hurt to Danish pride would be very little lessened by the assumption that someone else started the quarrel; and for this assumption, too, the lines give no warrant[486]." Let us take these objections in turn. I do not see how the fact that Finn is called the _bana_ of Hnæf can prove _anything_ as to "the blame for the attack." Of course the older editors may have thought so. Kemble translates _bana_ "slaughterer," which implies brutality, and perhaps culpability. Bosworth-Toller renders _bana_ "murderer," which certainly implies blame for attack. But we know that these are mere mistranslations. Nothing as to "blame for attack" is implied in the term _bana_: "_bana_ 'slayer' is a perfectly neutral word, and must not be translated by 'murderer,' or any word connoting criminality. A man who slays another in self-defence, or in righteous execution of the law, is still his 'bane'[487]." Everyone admits this to be true: and yet at the same time _bana_ is quoted to prove that Finn is to blame; because, for want of a better word, we half-consciously render _bana_ "murderer": and "murderer" _does_ imply blame. "Words," says Bacon, "as a Tartar's bow, do shoot back upon the understanding of the wisest." Lawrence continues: "The lines tell us that it was regarded as disgraceful for the Danes to have to follow him." But surely this is saying too much. That the Frisians are not to taunt the Danes with following the slayer of their lord is only one of two possible interpretations of the ll. 1101-3. And even if we accept this interpretation, it does not follow that the Danes are regarded as having done anything with which they can be _justly_ taunted. It is part of the settlement between Gunnar and Njal, that Njal's sons are not to be taunted: if a man repeats the taunts he shall fall unavenged[488]. Surely a man may be touchy about being taunted, without being regarded as having done anything disgraceful. Indeed, in our case, the poet implies that taunts would _not_ be just, _þ[=a] him sw[=a] geþearfod wæs_. But, as I try to show below, no _þearf_ could have excused the submission of retainers to a foe who had just slain their lord by deliberate treachery. {272} "The revenge at the end falls heavily upon Finn." It does; as so often happens where the feud is temporarily patched up, it breaks out again, as in the stories of Alboin, Ingeld or Bolli. But this does not prove that the person upon whom the revenge ultimately falls heavily had been a guest-slayer. The possibility of even temporary reconciliation rather implies the reverse. "The insult and hurt to Danish pride would be very little lessened by the assumption that someone else [than Finn] started the quarrel; and for this assumption, too, the lines give no warrant." But they _do_: for they tell us that it was due to the bad faith of the Eotens. Commentators may argue, if they will, that "Eotens" means Finn. But the weight of proof lies on them, and they have not met it, or seriously attempted to meet it. * * * * * SECTION VIII. THE WEIGHT OF PROOF: THE EOTENS Finn is surely entitled to be held innocent till he can be proved guilty. And the argument for his guilt comes to this: the trouble was due to the bad faith of the Eotens: "Eotens" means "Jutes": "Jutes" means "Frisians": "Frisians" means "Finn": therefore the trouble was due to the treachery of Finn. Now I agree that it is probable that _Eotenas_ means Jutes; and, as I have said, there is nothing improbable in a Frisian king having had a clan of Jutes, or a body of Jutish mercenaries, subject to him. But that the Frisians as a whole should be called Jutes is, _per se_, exceedingly improbable, and we have no shadow of evidence for it. Lawrence tries to justify it by the authority of Siebs: "Siebs, perhaps the foremost authority on Frisian conditions, conjectures that ... the occupation by the Frisians of Jutish territory after the conquest of Britain assisted the confusion between the two names." But _did_ the Frisians occupy Jutish territory? When we ask what is Siebs' authority for the hypothesis that Frisians occupied Jutish territory, we find it to be this: that because in _Beowulf_ "Jute" means "Frisian," some such event must have taken place to account for this nomenclature[489]. So it comes to this: the Frisians must have been called Jutes, because they occupied {273} Jutish territory: the Frisians must have occupied Jutish territory because they are called Jutes. I do not think we could have a better example of what Prof. Tupper calls "philological legend." Siebs rejects Bede's statement, which places the Jutes in what is now Jutland: he believes them to have been immediately adjacent to the Frisians. For this belief that the Jutes were immediate neighbours of the Frisians there is, of course, some support, though not of a very convincing kind: but the belief that the Frisians occupied the territory of these adjacent Jutes rests, so far as I know, solely upon this identification of the _Eotenas_-Jutes with the Frisians, which it is then in turn used to prove. But if by Jutes we understand (following Bede) a people dwelling north of the Angles, in or near the peninsula of Jutland, then it is of course true that (at a much later date) a colony of Frisians _did_ occupy territory which is near Jutland, and which is sometimes included in the name "Jutland." But, as I have tried to show above, this "North Frisian" colony belongs to a period much later than that of the Finn-story: we have no reason whatever to suppose that the Frisians of the Finn story are the North Frisians of Sylt and the adjoining islands and mainland--the _Frisiones qui habitabant Juthlandie_[490]. And when we have assumed, without evidence, that, at the period with which we are dealing, Frisians had occupied Jutish territory, we are then further asked to assume that, from this settlement in Jutish territory, such Frisians came to be called Jutes. Now this is an hypothesis _per se_ conceivable, but very improbable. Throughout the whole Heroic Age, for a thousand years after the time of Tacitus, Germanic tribes were moving, and occupying the territory of other people. During this period, how many instances can we find in which a tribe took the name of the people whose territory it occupied? Even where the name of the new home is adopted, the old tribal name is _not_ adopted. For instance, the Bavarians occupied the territory of the Celtic Boii, but they did not call themselves Boii, but Bai(haim)varii, "the dwellers in the land of the Boii"--a very {274} different thing. In the same way the Jutes who settled in the land of the Cantii did not call themselves _Kente_, but _Cantware_, "dwellers in Cantium." Of course, where the old name of a country survives, it does often _in the long run_ come to be applied to its new inhabitants; but this takes many ages. It was not till a good thousand years after the English had conquered the land of the Britons, that Englishmen began to speak and think of themselves as "Britons." In feudal or 18th century days all the subjects of the ruler of Britain, Prussia, Austria, may come to be called British, Prussians, Austrians. But this is no argument for the period with which we are dealing. The assumption, then, that a body of Frisians, simply because they inhabited land which had once been inhabited by Jutes, should have called themselves Jutes, is so contrary to all we know of tribal nomenclature at this date, that one could only accept it if compelled by very definite evidence to do so. And of such evidence there is no scrap[491]. Neither is there a scrap of evidence for the underlying hypothesis that any Frisians _were_ settled at this date in Jutish territory. And as if this were not hypothetical enough, a further hypothesis has then to be built upon it: viz., that this name "Jutes," belonging to such of the Frisians as had settled in Jutish territory, somehow became applicable to Frisians as a whole. Now this might conceivably have happened, but only as a result of certain political events. If the Jutish Frisians had become the governing element in Frisia, it would be conceivable. But after all, we know something about Frisian history, and I do not {275} think we are at liberty to assume any such changes as would have enabled the Frisian people, as a whole, to be called Jutes. How is it that we never get any hint anywhere of this Jutish preponderance and Jutish ascendancy? The argument that the "treachery of the Jutes" means the treachery of Finn, King of the Frisians, has, then, no support at all. One further argument there is, for attributing treason to Finn. It has been urged that in other stories a husband entraps and betrays the brother of his wife. But we are not justified in reading pieces of one story into another, unless we believe the two stories to be really connected. The Signy of the _V[o,]lsunga Saga_ has been quoted as a parallel to Hildeburh[492]. Signy leaves the home of her father Volsung and her brother Sigmund to wed King Siggeir. Siggeir invites the kin of his wife to visit him, and then slays Volsung and all his sons, save Sigmund. But it is the difference of the story, rather than its likeness, which is striking. No hint is ever made of any possibility of reconciliation between Siggeir and the kin of the men he has slain. The feud admits of no atonement, and is continued to the utterance. Siggeir's very wife helps her brother Sigmund to his revenge. How different from the attitude of Sigmund and Signy is the willingness of Hengest to come to terms, and the merely passive and elegiac bearing of Hildeburh! These things do not suggest that we ought to read a King Siggeir treachery into the story of Finn. Again, the fact that Atli entices the brother of his wife into his power, has been urged as a parallel. But surely it is rather unfair to erect this into a kind of standard of conduct for the early Germanic brother-in-law, and to assume as a matter of course that, because Finn is Hnæf's brother-in-law, therefore he must have sought to betray him. The whole atmosphere of the Finn-Hnæf story, with its attempted reconciliation, is as opposed to that of the story of Atli as it is to the story of Siggeir. {276} The only epithet applied to Finn is _ferhð-freca_, "valiant in soul." Though _freca_ is not necessarily a good word, and is applied to the dragon as well as to Beowulf, yet it denotes grim, fierce, almost reckless courage. It does not suggest a traitor who invites his foes to his house, and murders them by night. I interpret the lines, then, as meaning that the trouble arose from the Jutes, and, since the context shows that these Jutes were on Finn's side, and against the Danes, we must hold them to be a body of Jutes in the service of Finn[493]. * * * * * SECTION IX. ETHICS OF THE BLOOD FEUD But, as we have seen, it is objected that this interpretation of the situation, absolving Finn from any charge of treachery or aggression, does not "help matters[494]." Or, as Prof. Lawrence puts it, "the hurt to Danish pride [in entering the service of Finn] would be very little lessened by the assumption that someone else [than Finn] started the quarrel." These objections seem to me to be contrary to the whole spirit of the old heroic literature. I quite admit that there is a stage in primitive society when the act of slaying is everything, and the circumstances, or motives, do not count. In the Levitical Law, it is taken for granted that, if a man innocently causes the death of another, as for instance if his axe break, and the axe-head accidentally kill his comrade, then the avenger of blood will seek to slay the homicide, just as much as if he had been guilty of treacherous murder. To meet such cases the Cities of Refuge are established, where the homicide may flee till his case can be investigated; but even though found innocent, the homicide may be at once slain by the avenger, should he step outside the City of Refuge. And this "eye for eye" vengeance yields slowly: it took long to establish legally in our own country the distinction between murder and homicide. {277} For "The thought of man" it was held "shall not be tried: as the devil himself knoweth not the thought of man." Nevertheless, even the Germanic _wer-gild_ system permits consideration of circumstances: it often happens that no _wer-gild_ is to be paid because the slain man has been unjust, or the aggressor[495], or no _wer-gild_ will be accepted because the slaying was under circumstances making settlement impossible. Doubtless in Germanic barbarism there was once a stage similar to that which must have preceded the establishment of the Cities of Refuge in Israel[496]; but that stage had passed before the period with which we are dealing; in the Heroic Age the motive _did_ count for a very great deal. Not but what there were still the literal people who insisted upon "an eye for an eye," without looking at circumstances; and these people often had their way; but their view is seldom the one taken by the characters with whom the poet or the saga-man sympathises. These generally hold a more moderate creed. One may almost say that the leading motive in heroic literature is precisely this difference of opinion between the people who hold that under any circumstances it is shameful to come to an agreement with the _bana_ of one's lord or friend or kinsman, and the people who are willing _under certain circumstances_ to come to such an agreement. It happens not infrequently that after some battle in which a great chief has been killed, his retainers are offered quarter, and accept it; but I do not remember any instance of their doing this if, instead of an open battle, it is a case of a treacherous attack. The two most famous downfalls of Northern princes afford typical examples: after the battle of Svold, Kolbjorn Stallari accepts quarter from Eric, the chivalrous _bani_ of his lord Olaf[497]; but Rolf's men refuse quarter after the treacherous murder of their lord by Hiarwarus[498]. {278} That men, after a fair fight, could take quarter from, or give it to, those who had slain their lord or closest kinsman, is shown by abundant references in the sagas and histories. For instance, when Eric, after the fight with the Jomsvikings, offers quarter to his prisoners, that quarter is accepted, even though their leaders, their nearest kin, and their friends have been slain. The first to receive quarter is young Sigurd, whose father Bui has just been killed: yet the writer obviously does not the less sympathize with Sigurd, or with the other Jomsviking survivors, and feels the action to be generous on the part of Eric, and in no wise base on the part of the Jomsvikings[499]. But this is natural, because the Jomsvikings have just been defeated by Eric in fair fight. It would be impossible, if Eric were represented as a traitor, slaying the Jomsvikings by a treacherous attack, whilst they were his guests. Is it to be supposed that Sigurd, under such circumstances, would have taken quarter from the slayer of Bui his father? In the _Laxdæla Saga_, Olaf the Peacock, in exacting vengeance for the slaying of his son Kjartan, shows no leniency towards the sons of Osvif, on whom the moral responsibility rests. But he accepts compensation in money from Bolli, who had been drawn into the feud against his will. Yet Bolli was the actual slayer of Kjartan, and he had taken the responsibility as such[500]. And Olaf is not held to have lowered himself by accepting a money payment as atonement from the slayer of his son--on the contrary "he was considered to have grown in reputation" from having thus spared Bolli. But after Olaf's death, the feud bursts out again, and revenge in the end falls heavily upon Bolli[501], as it does upon Finn. On this question a fairly uniform standard of feeling will be found from the sixth century to the thirteenth. That it _does_ make all the difference in composing a feud, whether the slaying from which the feud arises was treacherous or not, can be abundantly proved from many documents, from Paul the Deacon, and possibly earlier, to the Icelandic Sagas. Such composition of feuds may or may not be lasting; it may or may {279} not expose to taunt those who make it; but the questions which arise are precisely these: Who started the quarrel? Was the slaying fair or treacherous? Upon the answer depends the possibility of atonement. There may be some insult and hurt to a man's pride in accepting atonement, even in cases where the other side has much to say for itself. But if the slaying has been fair, composition is felt to be possible, though not without danger of the feud breaking out afresh. Prof. Lawrence has suggested that perhaps, in the original version of the _Finnsburg_ story, the Danes were reduced to greater straits than is represented to be the case in the extant _Beowulf Episode_. He thinks that it is "almost incomprehensible" that Hengest should make terms with Finn, if he had really reduced Finn and his thegns to such a degree of helplessness as the words of the _Episode_ state. It seems to me that the matter depends much more upon the treachery or the honesty of Finn. If Finn was guilty of treachery and slaughter of his guests, then it _is_ "unintelligible" that Hengest should spare him: but if Finn was really a respectable character, then the fact that Hengest was making headway against him is rather a reason why Hengest should be moderate, than otherwise. To quote the _Laxdæla Saga_ again: though Olaf the Peacock lets off Bolli, the _bani_ of his son Kjartan, with a money payment, he makes it clear that he is master of the situation, before he shows this mercy. Paradoxical as it sounds, it was often easier for a man to show moderation in pursuing a blood feud, just _because_ he was in a strong position. It is so again in the _Saga of Thorstein the White_. But the adversary must be one who deserves to be treated with moderation. Of course it is quite possible that Prof. Lawrence is right, and that in some earlier and more correct version the Danes may have been represented as so outnumbered by the Frisians that they had no choice except to surrender to Finn, and enter his service, or else to be destroyed. But, whether this be so or no, all parallel incidents in the old literature show that their choice between these evil alternatives will depend upon whether Finn, the _bana_ of their lord, slew that lord by deliberate and premeditated treachery whilst he was his guest, or whether he {280} was embroiled with him through the fault of others, under circumstances which were perfectly honourable. If the latter is the case, then Hnæf's men _might_ accept quarter. Their position is comparable with that of Illugi at the end of the _Grettis Saga_[502]. Illugi is a prisoner in the hands of the slayers of Grettir and he charges them with having overcome Grettir, when already on the point of death from a mortifying wound, which they had inflicted on him by sorcery and enchantment. The slayers propose to Illugi terms parallel to those made to the retainers of Hnæf. "I will give thee thy life," says their leader, "if thou wilt swear to us an oath not to take vengeance on any of those who have been in this business." Now, note the answer of Illugi: "That might have seemed to me a matter to be discussed, if Grettir had been able to defend himself, and if ye had overcome him with valour and courage; but now it is not to be looked for that I will save my life by being such a coward as art thou. In a word, no man shall be more harmful to thee than I, if I live, _for never can I forget how it was that ye have vanquished Grettir_. Much rather, then, do I choose to die." Now of course it would have been an "insult and hurt" to the pride of Illugi, or of any other decent eleventh century Icelander, to have been compelled to swear an oath not to avenge his brother, even though that brother had been slain in the most chivalrous way possible; and it would doubtless have been a hard matter, even in such a case, for Illugi to have kept his oath, had he sworn it. But the treachery of the opponents puts an oath out of the question, just as it must have done in the case of the followers of King Cynewulf[503] or of Rolf Kraki, and as it must have done in the case of the followers of Hnæf, had the slaying of Hnæf been a premeditated act of treachery on the part of Finn. In the _Njáls Saga_, Flosi has to take up the feud for the slain Hauskuld. Flosi is a moderate and reasonable man, so the first thing he does is to enquire into the _circumstances_ under which Hauskuld was slain. Flosi finds that the circumstances, and the outrageous conduct of the slayers, give him no choice {281} but to prosecute the feud. So in the end he burns Njal's hall, and in it the child of Kari. Now to have burned a man's child to death might well seem a deed impossible of atonement. Yet in the end Flosi and Kari are reconciled by a full atonement, _the father of the slain child actually taking the first step_[504]. And all this is possible because Flosi and Kari recognise that each has been trying to play his part with justice and fairness, and that each is dragged into the feud through the fault of others. When Flosi has said of his enemy, "I would that I were altogether such a man as Kari is," we feel that reconciliation is in sight. Very similar is the reconciliation between Alboin and Thurisind in Longobard story, but with this difference, that here it is Alboin who seeks reconciliation by going to the hall of the man whose son he has slain, thus reversing the parts of Flosi and Kari; and reconciliation is possible--just barely possible. Again, when Bothvar comes to the hall of Rolf, and slays one of Rolf's retainers, the other retainers naturally claim full vengeance. Rolf insists upon investigating the _circumstances_. When he learns that it was his own man who gave the provocation, he comes to terms with the slayer. Of course it was a difficult matter, and one involving a sacrifice of their pride, for the retainers of Hnæf to come to any composition with the _bana_ of their lord; but it is not unthinkable, if the quarrel was started by Finn's subordinates without his consent, and if Finn himself fought fair. But had the slaying been an act of premeditated treachery on the part of Finn, the atonement would, I submit, have been not only difficult but impossible. If the retainers of Hnæf had had such success as our poem implies, then their action under such circumstances is, as Lawrence says, "almost incomprehensible." If they did it under compulsion, and fear of death, then their action would be contrary to all the ties of Germanic honour, and would entirely deprive them of any sympathy the audience might otherwise have felt for them. Yet it is quite obvious that the retainers of Hnæf are precisely the people with whom the audience is expected to sympathise[505]. {282} In any case, the feud was likely enough to break out again as it did in the case of Alboin and Thurisind, and equally in that of Hrothgar and Ingeld. Indeed, the different versions of the story of the feud between the house of Hrothgar and the house of Froda are very much to the point. Much the oldest version--probably in its main lines quite historical--is the story as given in _Beowulf_. Froda has been slain by the Danes in pitched battle. Subsequently Hrothgar, upon whom, as King of the Danes, the responsibility for meeting the feud has devolved, tries to stave it off by wedding his daughter Freawaru to Ingeld, son of Froda. The sympathy of the poet is obviously with the luckless pair, Ingeld and Freawaru, involved as they are in ancient hatreds which are not of their making. For it is foreseen how some old warrior, who cannot forget his loyalty to his former king, will stir up the feud afresh. But Saxo Grammaticus tells the story differently. Froda (Frotho) is treacherously invited to a banquet, and then slain. By this treachery the whole atmosphere of the story is changed. Ingeld (Ingellus) marries the daughter of his father's slayer, and, for this, the old version reproduced by Saxo showers upon him literally scores of phrases of scorn and contempt. The whole interest of the story now centres not in the recreant Ingeld or his wife of treacherous race, but in the old warrior Starkad, whose spirit and eloquence is such that he can bring Ingeld to a sense of his "vast sin[506]," can burst the bonds of his iniquity, and at last compel him to take vengeance for his father. In the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_ the story of Froda is still further changed. It is a tale not only of treachery but also of slaying of kin. Consequently the idea of any kind of atonement, however temporary, has become impossible; there is no hint of it. Now the whole atmosphere of the Hengest-story in _Beowulf_ is parallel to that of the _Beowulf_ version of the Ingeld-story: agreement is possible, though it does not prove to be permanent. There is room for much hesitation in the minds of Hengest and of Ingeld: they remain the heroes of the story. But if Finn had, as is usually supposed, invited Hnæf to his fort and then {283} deliberately slain him by treachery, the whole atmosphere would have been different. Hengest could not then be the hero, but the foil: the example of a man whose spirit fails at the crisis, who does the utterly disgraceful thing, and enters the service of his lord's treacherous foe. The hero of the story would be some other character--possibly the young Hunlafing, who, loyal in spite of the treachery and cowardice of his leader Hengest, yet, remaining steadfast of soul, is able in the end to infuse his own courage into the heart of the recreant Hengest, and to inspire all the perjured Danish thegns to their final and triumphant revenge on Finn. But that is not how the story is presented. * * * * * SECTION X. AN ATTEMPT AT RECONSTRUCTION The theory, then, which seems to fit in best with what we know of the historic conditions at the time when the story arose, and which fits in best with such details of the story as we have, is this: Finn, King of Frisia, has a stronghold, Finnsburg, outside the limits of Frisia proper. There several clans and chieftains are assembled[507]: Hnæf, Finn's brother-in-law, prince of the Hocings, the Eotens, and Sigeferth, prince of the Secgan; whether Sigeferth has his retinue with him or no is not clear. But the treachery of the Eotens causes trouble: they have some old feud with Hnæf and his Danes, and attack them by surprise in their hall. There is no proof that Finn has any share in this treason. It is therefore quite natural that in the _Episode_--although the treachery of the Eotens is censured--Finn is never blamed; and that in the _Fragment_, Finn has apparently no share in the attack on the hall, at any rate during those first five days to which the account in the _Fragment_ is limited. The attack is led by Garulf (_Fragment_, l. 20), presumably the prince of the Eotens: and some friend or kinsman is urging Garulf not to hazard so precious a life in the first attack. And {284} here, too, the situation now becomes clearer: if Garulf is the chief of the attacking people, we can understand one of his kinsmen or friends expostulating thus: but if he is merely one of a number of subordinates despatched by Finn to attack the hall, the position would not be so easily understood. Garulf, however, does not heed the warning, and falls, "first of all the dwellers in that land." The _Fragment_ breaks off, but the fight goes on: we can imagine that matters must have proceeded much as in the great attack upon the hall in the _Nibelungen lied_[508]. One man after another would be drawn in, by the duty of revenge, and Finn's own men would wake to find a battle in progress. "The sudden bale (_f[=æ]r_) came upon them." Finn's son joins in the attack, perhaps in order to avenge some young comrade in arms; and is slain, possibly by Hnæf. Then Finn _has_ to intervene, and Hnæf in turn is slain, possibly, though not certainly, by Finn himself. But Hengest, the thegn of Hnæf, puts up so stout a defence, that Finn is unable to take a full vengeance upon all the Danes. He offers them terms. What are Hengest and the thegns to do? Finn has slain their lord. But they are Finn's guests, and they have slain Finn's son in his own house. Finn himself is, I take it, blameless. _It is here that the tragic tension comes in._ We can understand how, even if Hengest had Finn in his power, he might well have stayed his hand. So peace is made, and all is to be forgotten: solemn oaths are sworn. And Finn keeps his promise honestly. He resumes his position of host, making no distinction between Eotens, Frisians and Danes, who are all, for the time at least, his followers. I think we have here a rational explanation of the action of Hengest and the other thegns of Hnæf, in following the slayer of their lord. The situation resembles that which takes place when Alboin seeks hospitality in the hall of the man whose son he has slain, or when Ingeld is reconciled to Hrothgar. Very similar, too, {285} is the temporary reconciliation often brought about in an Icelandic feud by the feeling that the other side has something to say for itself, and that both have suffered grievously. The death of Finn's son is a set off against the death of Hnæf[509]. But, as in the case of Alboin and of Ingeld, or of many an Icelandic Saga, the passion for revenge is too deep to be laid to rest permanently. This is what makes the figure of Hengest tragic, like the figure of Ingeld: both have plighted their word, but neither can keep it. The assembly breaks up. Finn and his men go back to Friesland, and Hengest accompanies them: of the other Danish survivors nothing is said for the moment: whatever longings they may have had for revenge, the poet concentrates all for the moment in the figure of Hengest. Hengest spends the winter with Finn, but he cannot quiet his conscience: and in the end, he accepts the gift of a sword from a young Danish prince Hunlafing, who is planning revenge. The uncles of Hunlafing, Guthlaf and Oslaf [Ordlaf], had been in the hall when it was attacked, and had survived. It is possible that the young prince's father, Hunlaf, was slain then, and that his son is therefore recognised as having the nominal leadership in the operations of vengeance[510]. Hengest, by accepting the sword, promises his services in the work of revenge, and makes a great slaughter of the treacherous Eotens. Perhaps he so far respects his oath that he leaves the simultaneous attack upon Finn to Guthlaf and Oslaf [Ordlaf]. Here we should have an explanation of _swylce_: "in like wise[511]"; and also an explanation of the omission of Hengest's name from the final act, the slaying of Finn himself. Hengest made the Eotens {286} feel the sharpness of his sword: and in like wise Guthlaf and Oslaf conducted their part of the campaign. Of course this is only a guess: but it is very much in the manner of the Heroic Age to get out of a difficulty by respecting the letter of an oath whilst breaking its spirit--just as Hogni and Gunnar arrange that the actual slaying of Sigurd shall be done by Guttorm, who had not personally sworn the oath, as they had. * * * * * SECTION XI. GEFWULF, PRINCE OF THE JUTES Conclusive external evidence in favour of the view just put forward we can hardly hope for: for this reason, amongst others, that the names of the actors in the Finn tragedy are corrupted and obscured in the different versions. Hnæf and Hengest are too well known to be altered: but most of the other names mentioned in the _Fragment_ do not agree with the forms given in other documents. Sigeferth is the Sæferth of _Widsith_: the Ordlaf (correct) of the _Fragment_ is the Oslaf of the _Episode_. The first Guthlaf is confirmed by the Guthlaf of the _Episode_: the other names, the second Guthlaf, Eaha and Guthere, we cannot control from other sources: but they have all, on various grounds, been suspected. Tribal names are equally varied. Sigeferth's people, the Secgan, are called Sycgan in _Widsith_. And he would be a bold man who would deny (what almost all students of the subject hold) that _Eotena, Eotenum_ in the _Episode_ is yet another scribal error: the copyist had before him the Anglian form, _eotna, eotnum_, and miswrote _eotena, eotenum_, when he should have written the West-Saxon equivalent of the tribal name, _[=Y]tena, [=Y]tum_--the name we get in _Widsith_: [=Y]tum [weold] Gefwulf Fin Folcwalding Fr[=e]sna cynne. But in _Widsith_ names of heroes and tribes are grouped together (often, but not invariably) according as they are related in story. Consequently Gefwulf is probably (not certainly) a hero of the Finn story. What part does he play? If, as I have been trying to show, the Jutes are the aggressors, then, as their chief, Gefwulf would probably be the leader of the attack upon the hall. {287} This part, in the _Fragment_, is played by Garulf. Now _G[=a]rulf_ is not _Gefwulf_, and I am not going to pretend that it is. But _G[=a]rulf_ is very near _Gefwulf_: and (what is important) more so in Old English script than in modern script[512]. It stands to _Gefwulf_ in exactly the same relation as _Hereg[=a]r_ to _Heorog[=a]r_ or _Sigeferð_ to _S[=æ]ferð_ or _Ordl[=a]f_ to _[=O]sl[=a]f_: that is to say the initial letter and the second element are identical. And no serious student, I think, doubts that _Hereg[=a]r_ and _Heorog[=a]r_, or _Sigeferð_ and _S[=æ]ferð_, or _Ordl[=a]f_ and _[=O]sl[=a]f_ are merely corruptions of one name. And if it be admitted to be probable that _Gefwulf_ is miswritten for _G[=a]rulf_, then the theory that Garulf was prince of the Jutes, and the original assailant of Hnæf, in addition to being the only theory which satisfactorily explains the internal evidence of the _Fragment_ and the _Episode_, has also powerful external support. * * * * * SECTION XII. CONCLUSION But, apart from any such confirmation, I think that the theory offers an explanation of the known facts of the case, and that it is the only theory yet put forward which does. It enables us to solve many minor difficulties that hardly otherwise admit of solution. But, above all, it gives a tragic interest to the story by making the actions of the two main characters, Finn and Hengest, intelligible and human: they are both great chiefs, placed by circumstances in a cruel position. Finn is no longer a treacherous host, plotting the murder of his guests, without even having the courage personally to superintend the dirty work: and Hengest is not guilty of the shameful act of entering the service of a king who had slain his lord by treachery when a guest. The tale of _Finnsburg_ becomes one of tragic misfortune besetting great heroes--a tale of the same type as the stories of Thurisind or Ingeld, of Sigurd or Theodric. * * * * * {288} FRISIA IN THE HEROIC AGE It is now generally recognised that loose confederacies of tribes were, at the period with which we are dealing, very common. Lawrence says this expressly: "The actors in this drama are members of two North Sea tribes, or _rather groups of tribes_[513]"; and again[514]: "At the time when the present poem was put into shape, we surely have to assume for the Danes and Frisians, not compact and unified political units, but groups of tribes held somewhat loosely together, and sometimes known by tribal names." This seems to me a quite accurate view of the political situation in the later Heroic Age. The independent tribes, as they existed at the time of Tacitus, tended to coalesce, and from such coalition the nations of modern Europe are gradually evolved. In the seventh and eighth centuries a great king of Northumbria or Frisia is likely to be king, not of one only, but of many allied tribes. I cannot therefore quite understand why some scholars reject so immediately the idea that the Eotens are not necessarily Frisians, but rather a tribe in alliance with the Frisians. For if, as they admit, we are dealing not with two compact units, but with two groups of tribes, why must we assume, as earlier scholars have done, that _Eotenas_ must be synonymous either with Frisians or Danes? That assumption is based upon the belief that we _are_ dealing with two compact units. It has no other foundation. I can quite understand Kemble and Ettmüller jumping at the conclusion that the Eotens _must_ be identical with the one side or the other. But once we have recognised that confederacies of tribes, rather than individual tribes, are to be expected in the period with which we are dealing, then surely no such assumption should be made. I think we shall be helped if we try to get some clear idea of the nationalities concerned in the struggle. For to judge by the analogy of other contemporary Germanic stories, there probably is some historic basis for the _Finnsburg_ story: and even if the fight is purely fictitious, and if Finn Folcwalding never existed, still the Old English poets would represent the fictitious Frisian king in the light of what they knew of contemporary kings. Now the Frisians were no insignificant tribe. They were a power, controlling the coasts of what was then called the "Frisian Sea[515]." Commerce was in Frisian hands. Archaeological evidence points to a lively trade between the Frisian districts and the coast of Norway[516]. From about the sixth century, when "Dorostates of the Frisians" is mentioned by the Geographer of Ravenna (or the source from which he drew) in a manner which shows it to have been known even in Italy as a place of peculiar {289} importance[517], to the ninth century, when it was destroyed by repeated attacks of the Vikings, the Frisian port of Dorestad[518] was one of the greatest trade centres of Northern Europe[519]. By the year 700 the Frisian power had suffered severely from the constant blows dealt to it by the Frankish Mayors of the Palace. Yet evidence seems to show that even at that date the Frisian king ruled all the coast which intervened between the borders of the Franks on the one side and of the Danes on the other[520]. When a zealous missionary demonstrated the powerlessness of the heathen gods by baptizing three converts in the sacred spring of Fosetisland, he was carried before the King of Frisia for judgement[521]. At a later date the "Danes" became the controlling power in the North Sea; but in the centuries before the Viking raids began, the Frisians appear to have had it all their own way. Finn, son of Folcwald, found his way into some English genealogies[522] just as the Roman Emperor did into others. This also seems to point to the Frisian power having made an impression on the nations around. We should expect all this to be reflected in the story of the great Frisian king. How then would a seventh or eighth century Englishman regard Finn and his father Folcwalda? Probably as paramount chiefs, holding authority over the tribes of the South and East coast of the North Sea, similar to that which, for example, a Northumbrian king held over the tribes settled along the British coast. Indeed, the whole story of the Northumbrian kings, as given in Bede, deserves comparison: the relation with the subordinate tribes, the alliances, the feuds, the attempted assassinations, the loyalty of the thegns--this is the atmosphere amid which the Finn story grew up in England, and if we want to understand the story we must begin by getting this point of view. But, if this be a correct estimate of tribal conditions at the time the _Finnsburg_ story took form, we no longer need far-fetched explanations to account for Finnsburg not being in Friesland. It is natural that it should not be, just as natural as that the contemporary Eadwinesburg should be outside the ancient limits of Deira. Nor do we need any far-fetched explanations why the Frisians should be called _Eotenas_. That the King of Frisia should have had Jutes under his rule is likely enough. And this is all that the words of the _Episode_ demand. * * * * * {290} {291} PART IV APPENDIX A. A POSTSCRIPT ON MYTHOLOGY IN _BEOWULF_ (1) _Beowulf the Scylding and Beowulf son of Ecgtheow_ It is now ten years since Prof. Lawrence attacked the mythological theories which, from the time when they were first enunciated by Kemble and elaborated by Müllenhoff, had wielded an authority over _Beowulf_ scholars which was only very rarely disputed[523]. Whilst in the main I agree with Prof. Lawrence, I believe that there _is_ an element of truth in the theories of Kemble. It would, indeed, be both astonishing and humiliating if we found that a view, accepted for three-quarters of a century by almost every student, had no foundation. What is really remarkable is, not that Kemble should have carried his mythological theory too far, but that, with the limited information at his disposal, he at once saw certain aspects of the truth so clearly. The mythological theories involve three propositions: (_a_) That some, or all, of the supernatural stories told of Beowulf the Geat, son of Ecgtheow (especially the Grendel-struggle and the dragon-struggle), were originally told of Beowulf the Dane, son of Scyld, who can be identified with the Beow or Beaw[524] of the genealogies. {292} (_b_) That this Beow was an ancient "god of agriculture and fertility." (_c_) That therefore we can allegorize Grendel and the dragon into culture-myths connected with the "god Beow." Now (_c_) would not necessarily follow, even granting (_a_) and (_b_); for though a hero of story be an ancient god, many of his most popular adventures may be later accretion. However, these two propositions (_a_) and (_b_) would, together, establish a very strong probability that the Grendel-story and the dragon-story were ancient culture-myths, and would entitle to a sympathetic hearing those who had such an interpretation of them to offer. That Beow is an ancient "god of agriculture and fertility," I believe to be substantially true. We shall see that a great deal of evidence, unknown to Kemble and Müllenhoff, is now forthcoming to show that there _was_ an ancient belief in a corn-spirit Beow: and this Beow, whom we find in the genealogies as son of Scyld or Sceldwa and descendant of Sceaf, is pretty obviously identical with Beowulf, son of Scyld Scefing, in the _Prologue_ of _Beowulf_. So far as the _Prologue_ is concerned, there is, then, almost certainly a remote mythological background. But before we can claim that this background extends to the supernatural adventures attributed to Beowulf, son of Ecgtheow, we must prove our proposition (_a_): that these adventures were once told, not of Beowulf, son of Ecgtheow, but of Beowulf or Beow, son of Scyld. When it was first suggested, at the very beginning of _Beowulf_-criticism, that Beowulf was identical with the Beow of the genealogies, it had not been realized that there were in the poem _two_ persons named Beowulf: and thus an anonymous scholar in the _Monthly Review_ of 1816[525], not knowing that Beowulf the slayer of Grendel is (at any rate in the poem as it stands) distinct from Beowulf, son of Scyld, connected both with Beow, son of Scyld, so initiating a theory which, for almost a century, was accepted as ascertained fact. {293} Kemble's identification was probably made independently of the work of this early scholar. Unlike him, Kemble, of course, realized that in our poem Beowulf the Dane, son of Scyld, is a person distinct from, is in fact not related to, Beowulf son of Ecgtheow. But he deliberately identified the two: he thought that two distinct traditions concerning the same hero had been amalgamated: in one of these traditions Beowulf may have been represented as son of Scyld, in the other as son of Ecgtheow, precisely as the hero Gunnar or Gunter is in one tradition son of Gifica (Giuki), in another son of Dankrat. Of course such duplication as Kemble assumed is conceivable. Kemble might have instanced the way in which one and the same hero reappears in the pages of Saxo Grammaticus, with somewhat different parentage or surroundings, as if he were a quite different person. The _Lives of the Two Offas_ present another parallel: the adventures of the elder Offa have been transferred to the younger, so that, along with much that is historical or semi-historical, we have much in the _Life of Offa II_ that is simply borrowed from the story of Offa I. In the same way it is conceivable that reminiscences of the mythical adventures of the elder Beowulf (Beow) might have been mingled with the history of the acts of the younger Beowulf, king of the Geatas. A guarantee of the intrinsic reasonableness of this theory lies in the fact that recently it has been put forward again by Dr Henry Bradley. But it is not enough that a theory should be conceivable, and be supported by great names. I cannot see that there is any positive evidence for it at all. The arguments produced by Kemble are not such as to carry conviction at the present day. The fact that Beowulf the Geat, son of Ecgtheow, "is represented throughout as a protecting and redeeming being" does not necessarily mean that we must look for some god or demigod of the old mythology--Frey or Sceaf or Beow--with whom we can identify him. This characteristic is strongly present in many Old English monarchs and magnates of historic, Christian, times: Oswald or Alfred or Byrhtnoth. Indeed, it might with much plausibility be argued that we are to see in this "protecting" character {294} of the hero evidence of Christian rather than of heathen influence[526]. Nor can we argue anything from the absence of any historic record of a king Beowulf of the Geatas; our records are too scanty to admit of argument from silence: and were such argument valid, it would only prove Beowulf fictitious, not mythological--no more necessarily an ancient god than Tom Jones or Mr Pickwick. There remains the argument of Dr Bradley. He points out that "The poem is divided into numbered sections, the length of which was probably determined by the size of the pieces of parchment of which an earlier exemplar consisted. Now the first fifty-two lines, which are concerned with Scyld and his son Beowulf, stand outside this numbering. It may reasonably be inferred that there once existed a written text of the poem that did not include these lines. Their substance, however, is clearly ancient. Many difficulties will be obviated if we may suppose that this passage is the beginning of a different poem, the hero of which was not Beowulf the son of Ecgtheow, but his Danish namesake[527]." In this Bradley sees support for the view that "there were circulated in England two rival poetic versions of the story of the encounters with supernatural beings: the one referring them to Beowulf the Dane" [of this the _Prologue_ to our extant poem would be the only surviving portion, whilst] "the other (represented by the existing poem) attached them to the legend of the son of Ecgtheow." But surely many objections have to be met. Firstly, as Dr Bradley admits, the mention of Beowulf the Dane is not confined to the _Prologue_; this earlier Beowulf "is mentioned at the beginning of the first numbered section" and consequently Dr Bradley has to suppose that "the opening lines of this section have undergone alteration in order to bring them into connection with the prefixed matter." And why should we assume that the "passus" of _Beowulf_ correspond to pieces of {295} parchment of various sizes of which an earlier exemplar consisted? These "passus" vary in length from 43 lines to 142, a disproportion by no means extraordinary for the sections of one and the same poem, but very awkward for the pages of one and the same book, however roughly constructed. One of the "passus" is just twice the average length, and 30 lines longer than the one which comes next to it in size. Ought we to assume that an artificer would have made his book clumsy by putting in this one disproportionate page, when, by cutting it in two, he could have got two pages of just about the size he wanted? Besides, the different "passus" do not seem to me to show signs of having been caused by such mechanical reasons as the dimensions of the parchment upon which they were written. On the contrary, the 42 places where sections begin and end almost all come where a reader might reasonably be expected to pause: 16 at the beginning or end of a speech: 18 others at a point where the narrative is resumed after some digression or general remark. Only eight remain, and even with these, there is generally some pause in the narrative at the point indicated. In only two instances does a "passus" end at a flagrantly inappropriate spot; in one of these there is strong reason to suppose that the scribe may have caused the trouble by beginning with a capital where he had no business to have done so[528]. Generally, there seems to be some principle governing the division of chapter from chapter, even though this be not made as a modern would have made it. But, if so, is there anything extraordinary in the first chapter, which deals with events three generations earlier than those of the body of the poem, being allowed to stand outside the numbering, as a kind of prologue? The idea of a preface or prologue was quite familiar in Old English times. The oldest MSS[529] of Bede's _History_ have, at the end of the preface, _Explicit praefatio incipiunt capitula_. So we have in one of the two oldest MSS[530] of the _Pastoral Care_ "Ðis is seo forespræc." On the other hand, the prologue or preface might be left without any heading or colophon, and the next {296} chapter begin as No. I. This is the case in the other MS of the _Pastoral Care_[531]. Is there, then, such difficulty in the dissertation on the glory of the ancient Danish kings being treated as what, in fact, it is: a prologue or preface; and being, as such, simply left outside the numbering? Still less can we argue for the identification of our hero, the son of Ecgtheow, with Frotho, and through him with Beow, from the supposed resemblances between the dragon fights of Beowulf and Frotho. Such resemblances have been divined by Sievers, but we have seen that it is the dissimilarity, not the resemblance, of the two dragon fights which is really noteworthy[532]. To prove that Beow was the original antagonist of Grendel there remains, then, only the mention in the charter of a _Grendles mere_ near a _B[=e]owan hamm_[533]. Now this was not known to Kemble at the time when he formed his theory that the original slayer of Grendel was not Beowulf, but Beow. And if the arguments upon which Kemble based his theory had been at all substantial, this charter would have afforded really valuable support. But the fact that two names occur near each other in a charter cannot confirm any theory, unless that theory has already a real basis of its own. (2) _Beow_ Therefore, until some further evidence be discovered, we must regard the belief that the Grendel and the dragon stories were originally myths of Beow, as a theory for which sufficient evidence is not forthcoming. But note where the theory breaks down. It seems indisputable that Beowulf the Dane, son of Scyld Scefing, is identical with Beo(w) of the genealogies: for Beo(w) is son of Scyld[534] or Sce(a)ldwa[535], who is a Scefing. But here we must stop. There is, as we have seen, no evidence that the Grendel or dragon adventures were transferred from him to their present hero, {297} Beowulf the Geat, son of Ecgtheow. It would, of course, be quite possible to accept such transference, and _still_ to reject the mythological interpretation of these adventures, just as it would be possible to believe that Gawain was originally a sun-hero, whilst rejecting the interpretation as a sun-myth of any particular adventure which could be proved to have been once told concerning Gawain. But I do not think we need even concede, as Boer[536] and Chadwick[537] do, that adventures have been transferred from Beowulf the Dane to Beowulf the Geat. We have seen that there is no evidence for such transference, however intrinsically likely it may be. Till evidence _is_ forthcoming, it is useless to build upon Kemble's conjecture that Beowulf the Scylding sank into Beowulf the Wægmunding[538]. But it is due to Kemble to remember that, while he only put this forward as a tentative conjecture, what he _was_ certain about was the identity of Beowulf the Scylding with Beow, and the divinity of these figures. And here all the evidence seems to justify him. "The divinity of the earlier Beówulf," Kemble wrote, "I hold for indisputable.... Beo or Beow is ... in all probability a god of agriculture and fertility.... It strengthens this view of the case that he is the grandson of Sceáf, _manipulus frumenti_, with whom he is perhaps in fact identical[539]." Whether or no Beow and Sceaf were ever identical, it is certain that Beow (grain) the descendant of Sceaf (sheaf) suggests a corn-myth, some survival from the ancient worship of a corn-spirit. Now _b[=e]ow_, 'grain, barley,' corresponds to Old Norse _bygg_, just as, corresponding to O.E. _tr[=i]ewe_, we have O.N. _tryggr_, or corresponding to O.E. _gl[=e]aw_, O.N. _gl[o,]ggr_. Corresponding to the O.E. proper name _B[=e]ow_, we might expect an O.N. name, the first letters in which would be _Bygg(v)-_. And pat he comes, like the catastrophe of the Old Comedy. When Loki strode into the Hall of Ægir, and assailed with clamour and scandal the assembled gods and goddesses, there were present, among the major gods, also Byggvir and his wife {298} Beyla, the servants of Frey, the god of agriculture and fertility. Loki reviles the gods, one after the other: at last he exchanges reproaches with Frey. To see his lord so taunted is more than Byggvir can endure, and he turns to Loki with the words: Know thou, that were my race such as is that of Ingunar-Frey, and if I had so goodly a seat, finer than marrow would I grind thee, thou crow of ill-omen, and pound thee all to pieces[540]. Byggvir is evidently no great hero: he draws his ideas from the grinding of the homely hand-mill, with which John Barleycorn has reason to be familiar: A miller used him worst of all, For he crushed him between two stones[541]. Loki, who has addressed by name all the other gods, his acquaintances of old, professes not to know who is this insignificant being: but his reference to the hand-mill shows that in reality he knows quite well: What is that little creature that I see, fawning and sneaking and snuffling: ever wilt thou be at the ears of Frey, and chattering at the quern[542]. Byggvir replies with a dignity which reminds us of the traditional characteristics of Sir John Barleycorn, or Allan O'Maut. For: Uskie-bae ne'er bure the bell Sae bald as Allan bure himsel[543]. {299} Byggvir adopts the same comic-heroic pose: Byggvir am I named, and all gods and men call me hasty; proud am I, by reason that all the children of Odin are drinking ale together[544]. But any claims Byggvir may make to be a hero are promptly dismissed by Loki: Hold thou silence, Byggvir, for never canst thou share food justly among men: thou didst hide among the straw of the hall: they could not find thee, when men were fighting[545]. Now the taunts of Loki, though we must hope for the credit of Asgard that they are false, are never pointless. And such jibes as Loki addresses to Byggvir _would_ be pointless, if applied to one whom we could think of as in any way like our Beowulf. Later, Beyla, wife of Byggvir, speaks, and is silenced with the words "Hold thy peace--wife thou art of Byggvir." Byggvir must have been a recognized figure of the old mythology[546], but one differing from the monster-slaying Beow of Müllenhoff's imagination. Byggvir is a little creature (_et lítla_), and we have seen above[547] that Scandinavian scholars have thought that they have discovered this old god in the Pekko who "promoted the growth of barley" among the Finns in the sixteenth century, and who is still worshipped among the Esthonians on the opposite side of the gulf as a three year old child; the form _Pekko_ being derived, it is supposed, from the primitive Norse form *_Beggwuz_. This is a corner of a very big subject: the discovery, among the Lapps and Finns, of traces of the heathendom of the most {300} ancient Teutonic world, just as Thomsen has taught us to find in the Finnish language traces of Teutonic words in their most antique form. The Lappish field has proved the most successful hunting ground[548]: among the Finns, apart from the Thunder-god, connection with Norse beliefs is arguable mainly for a group of gods of fruitfulness[549]. The cult of these, it is suggested, comes from scattered Scandinavian settlers in Finland, among whom the Finns dwelt, and from whom they learnt the worship of the spirits of the seed and of the spring, just as they learnt more practical lessons. First and foremost among these stands Pekko, whom we know to have been especially the god of barley, and whose connection with Beow or Byggvir (*_Beggwuz_) is therefore a likely hypothesis enough[550]. Much less certain is the connection of Sämpsä, the spirit of vegetation, with any Germanic prototype; he may have been a god of the rush-grass[551] (Germ. _simse_). Runkoteivas or Rukotivo was certainly the god of rye, and the temptation to derive his name from Old Norse (_rugr-tivorr_, "rye-god") is great[552]. But we have not evidence for {301} the worship among Germanic peoples of such a rye-god, as we have in the case of the barley-god Byggvir-Beow. These shadowy heathen gods, however, do give each other a certain measure of mutual support. And, whether or no Pekko be the same as Byggvir, his worship is interesting as showing how the spirit of vegetation may be honoured among primitive folk. His worshippers, the Setukese, although nominally members of the Greek Orthodox Church, speak their own dialect and often hardly understand that of their Russian priests, but keep their old epic and lyric traditions more than almost any other section of the Finnish-Esthonian race. Pekko, who was honoured among the Finns in the sixteenth century for "promoting the growth of barley," survives among the present-day peasantry around Pskoff, not only as a spirit to be worshipped, but as an actual idol, fashioned out of wax in the form of a child, sometimes of a three year old child. He lives in the corn-bin, but on certain occasions is carried out into the fields. Not everyone can afford the amount of wax necessary for a Pekko--in fact there is usually only one in a village: he lodges in turn with different members of his circle of worshippers. He holds two moveable feasts, on moonlight nights--one in spring, the other in autumn. The wax figure is brought into a lighted room draped in a sheet, there is feasting, with dancing hand in hand, and singing round Pekko. Then they go out to decide who shall keep Pekko for the next year--his host is entitled to special blessing and protection. Pekko is carried out into the field, especially to preside over the sowing[553]. I doubt whether, in spite of the high authorities which support it, we can as yet feel at all certain about the identification of Beow and Pekko. But I think we can accept with fair certainty the identification of Beow and Byggvir. And we can at any rate use Pekko as a collateral example of the way in which a grain-spirit is regarded. Now in either case we find no support whatever for the supposition that the activities of {302} Beow, the spirit of the barley, could, or would, have been typified under the guise of battles such as those which Beowulf the Geat wages against Grendel, Grendel's mother, and the dragon. In Beowulf the Geat we find much that suggests the hero of folk-tale, overlaid with much that belongs to him as the hero of an heroic poem, but nothing suggestive of a corn-myth. On the other hand, so long as we confine ourselves to Beow and his ancestor Sceaf, we _are_ in touch with this type of myth, however remotely. The way that Sceaf comes over the sea, as recorded by William of Malmesbury, is characteristic. That "Sheaf" should be, in the language of Müllenhoff, "placed in a boat and committed to the winds and waves in the hope that he will return new-born in the spring" is exactly what we might expect, from the analogy of harvest customs and myths of the coming of spring. In Sætersdale, in Norway, when the ice broke up in the spring, and was driven ashore, the inhabitants used to welcome it by throwing their hats into the air, and shouting "Welcome, Corn-boat." It was a good omen if the "Corn-boats" were driven high and dry up on the land[554]. The floating of the sheaf on a shield down the Thames at Abingdon[555] reminds us of the Bulgarian custom, in accordance with which the venerated last sheaf of the harvest was floated down the river[556]. But every neighbourhood is not provided with convenient rivers, and in many places the last sheaf is merely drenched with water. This is an essential part of the custom of "crying the neck." The precise ritual of "crying the neck" or "crying the mare" was confined to the west and south-west of England[557]. But there is no such local limitation about the custom of drenching the {303} last sheaf, or its bearers and escort, with water. This has been recorded, among other places, at Hitchin in Hertfordshire[558], in Cambridgeshire[559], Nottinghamshire[560], Pembrokeshire[561], Wigtownshire[562] as well as in Holstein[563], Westphalia[564], Prussia[565], Galicia[566], Saxon Transsylvania[567], Roumania[568] and perhaps in ancient Phrygia[569]. Now it is true that drenching the last sheaf with water, as a rain charm, is by no means the same thing as floating it down the river, in the expectation that it will come again in the spring. But it shows the same sense of the continued existence of the corn-spirit. That the _seed_, when sown, should be sprinkled with water as a rain charm (as is done in places) seems obvious and natural enough. But when the _last sheaf_ of the preceding harvest is thus sprinkled, to ensure plenteous rain upon the crops of next year, we detect the same idea of continuity which we find expressed when Sceaf comes to land from over the sea: the spirit embodied in the sheaf of last year's harvest returning, and bringing the renewed power of vegetation. The voyage of the Abingdonian sheaf on the Thames was conducted upon a shield, and it may be that the "vessel without a rower" in which "Sheaf" came to land was, in the original version, a shield. There would be precedent for this. The shield was known by the puzzling name of "Ull's ship" in Scaldic poetry, presumably because the god Ull used his shield as a boat. Anyway, Scyld came to be closely connected with Sceaf and Beow. In Ethelwerd he is son of the former and father of the latter: but in the _Chronicle_ genealogies five names intervene between Scyld and Sceaf, and the son of Sceaf is Bedwig, or as he is called in one version, Beowi. _Bedwig_ and _Beowi_ are probably derived from _Beowius_, the Latinized {304} form of _Beow_. A badly formed _o_ might easily be mistaken for a _d_, and indeed _Beowius_ appears in forms much more corrupt. In that case it would appear that while some genealogies made Beow the son of Scyld, others made him son of Sceaf, and that the compiler of the pedigree got over the difficulty in the usual way, by adding the one version to the other[570]. But all this is very hypothetical; and how and when Scyld came to be connected with Sceaf and with Beow we cannot with any certainty say. At any rate we find no trace of such connection in Danish traditions of the primitive King Skjold of the Danes. But we can say, with some certainty, that in Beowulf the Dane, the son of Scyld Scefing, in our poem, we have a figure which is identical with Beow, son of Scyld or of Sceldwa and descendant of Sceaf, in the genealogies, and that this Beow is likely to have been an ancient corn-spirit, parallel to the Scandinavian Byggvir. That amount of mythology probably _does_ underlie the _Prologue_ to _Beowulf_, though the author would no doubt have been highly scandalized had he suspected that his pattern of a young prince was only a disguised heathen god. But I think that any further attempt to proceed, from this, to mythologize the deeds of Beowulf the Great, is pure conjecture, and probably quite fruitless conjecture. I ought not to conclude this note without reference to the admirable discussion of this subject by Prof. Björkman in _Englische Studien_[571]. This, with the elucidation of other proper names in _Beowulf_, was destined to be the last big contribution to knowledge made by that ripe and good scholar, whose premature loss we all deplore; and it shows to the full those qualities of wide knowledge and balanced judgment which we have all learnt to admire in him. * * * * * B. GRENDEL It may be helpful to examine the places where the name of Grendel occurs in English charters. {305} A.D. 708. Grant of land at Abbots Morton, near Alcester, co. Worcester, by Kenred, King of the Mercians, to Evesham (extant in a late copy). _[=Æ]rest of grindeles pytt on w[=i]ðimære; of w[=i]ðimære on þæt r[=e]ade sl[=o]h ... of ð[=e]re d[=i]ce on þene blace p[=o]l; of þ[=a]m p[=o]le æfter long pidele in t[=o] þ[=a]m mersce; of þ[=a]m mersce þ[=a] æft on grindeles pytt[572]._ The valley of the Piddle Brook is about a mile wide, with hills rising on each side till they reach a height of a couple of hundred feet above the brook. The directions begin in the valley and run "From Grindel's 'pytt' to the willow-mere; from the willow-mere to the red morass"; then from the morass the directions take us up the hill and along the lea, where they continue among the downs till we again make our descent into the valley, "from the ditch to the black pool, from the pool along the Piddle brook to the marsh, and from the marsh back to Grindel's 'pytt.'" In modern English a "pit" is an artificial hole which is generally dry: but the word is simply Latin _puteus_, "a well," and is used in this sense in the Gospel translations. Here it is a hole, and we may be sure that, with the willow-mere and the red slough on the one side, and the black pool and the marsh on the other, the hole was full of water. A.D. 739. Grant of land at Creedy, co. Devon, by Æthelheard, King of Wessex, to Bishop Forthhere. _of doddan hrycge on grendeles pyt; of grendeles pytte on ifigbearo_ (ivy-grove)...[573]. The spot is near the junction of the rivers Exe and Creedy, with Dartmoor in the distance. The neighbourhood bears uncanny names, _C[=a]ines æcer, egesan tr[=e]ow_. If, as has been suggested by Napier and Stevenson, a trace of this pit still survives in the name Pitt farm, the mere must have been in the uplands, about 600 feet above sea level. {306} A.D. 931. Grant of land at Ham in Wiltshire by Athelstan to his thane Wulfgar. Quoted above, p. 43. It is in this charter that _on B[=e]owan hammes hecgan, on Grendles mere_[574] occur. "Grendel pits or meres" are in most other cases in low-lying marshy country: but this, like (perhaps) the preceding one, is in the uplands--it must have been a lonely mere among the hills, under Inkpen Beacon. _Circa_ A.D. 957. A list of boundaries near Battersea[575]. _Ðis synd ð[=a] landgem[=æ]re t[=o] Batriceseie. [=Æ]rst at h[=e]gefre; fram h[=e]gefre to gætenesheale; fram gæteneshæle to gryndeles syllen; fram gryndeles sylle to russemere; fram ryssemere to bælgenham...._ All this is low-lying land, just south of the Thames. _H[=e]gefre_ is on the river; _Bælgenham_ is Balham, co. Surrey. "From Grendel's mire to the rushy mere" harmonizes excellently with what we know of the swampy nature of this district in early times. A.D. 958. Grant of land at Swinford, on the Stour, co. Stafford, by King Eadred to his thane Burhelm[576]. _Ondlong bæces wið neoþan eostacote; ondlong d[=i]ces in grendels-mere; of grendels-mere in st[=a]nc[=o]fan; of st[=a]nc[=o]fan ondlong d[=u]ne on stiran mere...._ A.D. 972. Confirmation of lands to Pershore Abbey (Worcester) by King Edgar[577]. _of Grindles bece sw[=a] þæt gem[=æ]re ligð...._ A.D. 972. Extract from an account of the descent of lands belonging to Westminster, quoting a grant of King Edgar[578]. _andlang hagan to grendeles gatan æfter kincges mearce innan brægentan...._ The property described is near Watling Street, between Edgware, Hendon, and the River Brent. It is a low-lying {307} district almost surrounded by the hills of Hampstead, Highgate, Barnet, Mill Hill, Elstree, Bushey Heath and Harrow. The bottom of the basin thus formed must have been a swamp[579]. What the "gate" may have been it is difficult to say. A foreign scholar has suggested that it may have been a narrow mountain defile or possibly a cave[580]: but this suggestion could never have been made by anyone who knew the country. The "gate" is likely to have been a channel connecting two meres--or it might have been a narrow piece of land between them--one of those _enge [=a]npaðas_ which Grendel and his mother had to tread. Anyway, there is nothing exceptional in this use of "gate" in connection with a water-spirit. Necker, on the Continent, also had his "gates." Thus there is a "Neckersgate Mill" near Brussels, and the name "Neckersgate" used also to be applied to a group of houses near by, surrounded by water[581]. All the other places clearly point to a water-spirit: two meres, two pits, a mire and a beck: for the most part situated in low-lying country which must in Anglo-Saxon times have been swampy. All this harmonizes excellently with the _fenfreoðo_ of _Beowulf_ (l. 851). Of course it does not in the least follow that these places were named after the Grendel of our poem. It may well be that there was in England a current belief in a creature Grendel, dwelling among the swamps. Von Sydow has compared the Yorkshire belief in Peg Powler, or the Lancashire Jenny Greenteeth. But these aquatic monsters are not exactly parallel; for they abide in the water, and are dangerous only to those who attempt to cross it, or at any rate venture too near the bank[582], whilst Grendel and even his mother are capable of excursions of some distance from their fastness amid the fens. {308} Of course the mere-haunting Grendel _may_ have been identified only at a comparatively late date with the spirit who struggles with the hero in the house, and flees below the earth in the folk-tale. At any rate belief in a Grendel, haunting mere and fen, is clearly demonstrable for England--at any rate for the south and west of England: for of these place-names two belong to the London district, one to Wiltshire, one to Devonshire, two to Worcester and one to Stafford. The place-name _Grendele_ in Yorkshire is too doubtful to be of much help. (_Domesday Book_, I, 302.) It is the modern village Grindale, four miles N.W. of Bridlington. From it, probably, is derived the surname _Grindle, Grindall_ (Bardsley). Abroad, the nearest parallel is to be found in Transsylvania, where there is a _Grändels môr_ among the Saxons of the Senndorf district, near Bistritz. The Saxons of Transsylvania are supposed to have emigrated from the neighbourhood of the lower Rhine and the Moselle, and there is a _Grindelbach_ in Luxemburg which may possibly be connected with the marsh demon[583]. Most of the German names in _Grindel-_ or _Grendel-_ are connected with _grendel_, "a bar," and therefore do not come into consideration here[584]: but the Transsylvanian "Grendel's marsh[585]," anyway, reminds us of the English "Grendel's marsh" or "mere" or "pit." Nevertheless, the local story with which the Transsylvanian swamp is connected--that of a peasant who was ploughing with six oxen and was swallowed up in the earth--is such that it requires considerable ingenuity to see any connection between it and the _Beowulf-Grendel_-tale[586]. {309} The Anglo-Saxon place-names may throw some light upon the meaning and etymology of "Grendel[587]." The name has generally been derived from _grindan_, "to grind"; either directly[588], because Grendel grinds the bones of those he devours, or indirectly, in the sense of "tormentor[589]." Others would connect with O.N. _grindill_, "storm," and perhaps with M.E. _gryndel_, "angry[590]." It has recently been proposed to connect the word with _grund_, "bottom": for Grendel lives in the _mere-grund_ or _grund-wong_ and his mother is the _grund-wyrgin_. Erik Rooth, who proposes this etymology, compares the Icelandic _grandi_, "a sandbank," and the common Low German dialect word _grand_, "coarse sand[591]." This brings us back to the root "to grind," for _grand_, "sand" is simply the product of the grinding of the waves[592]. Indeed the same explanation has been given of the word "ground[593]." However this may be, the new etymology differs from the old in giving Grendel a name derived, not from his grinding or tormenting others, but from his dwelling at the bottom of the lake or marsh[594]. The name would have a parallel in the Modern English _grindle_, _grundel_, German _grundel_[595], a fish haunting the bottom of the water. The Old English place-names, associating Grendel as they do with meres and swamps, seem rather to support this. As to the Devonshire stream _Grendel_ (now the Grindle or Greendale Brook), it has been suggested that this name is also {310} connected with the root _grand_, "gravel," "sand." But, so far as I have been able to observe, there is no particular suggestion of sand or gravel about this modest little brook. If we follow the River Clyst from the point where the Grindle flows into it, through two miles of marshy land, to the estuary of the Exe, we shall there find plenty. But it is clear from the charter of 963 that the name was then, as now, restricted to the small brook. I cannot tell why the stream should bear the name, or what, if any, is the connection with the monster Grendel. We can only note that the name is again found attached to water, and, near the junction with the Clyst, to marshy ground. Anyone who will hunt Grendel through the shires, first on the 6-in. ordnance map, and later on foot, will probably have to agree with the Three Jovial Huntsmen This huntin' doesn't pay, But we'n powler't up an' down a bit, an' had a rattlin' day. But, if some conclusions, although scanty, can be drawn from place-names in which the word _grendel_ occurs, nothing can be got from the numerous place-names which have been thought to contain the name _B[=e]ow_. The clearest of these is the _on B[=e]owan hammes hecgan_, which occurs in the Wiltshire charter of 931. But we can learn nothing definite from it: and although there are other instances of strong and weak forms alternating, we cannot even be quite certain that the Beowa here is identical with the Beow of the genealogies[596]. The other cases, many of which occur in _Domesday Book_ are worthless. Those which point to a weak form may often be derived from the weak noun _b[=e]o_, "bee": "The Anglo-Saxons set great store by their bees, honey and wax being indispensables to them[597]." _B[=e]as br[=o]c_, _B[=e]as feld_ (_Bewes feld_) occur in charters: but here a connection with _b[=e]aw_, "horsefly," is possible: for parallels, one has only to consider the long list of places enumerated by Björkman, the names of which are derived from those of beasts, {311} birds, or insects[598]. And in such a word as _B[=e]ol[=e]ah_, even if the first element be _b[=e]ow_, why may it not be the common noun "barley," and not the name of the hero at all? No argument can therefore be drawn from such a conjecture as that of Olrik, that _B[=e]as br[=o]c_ refers to the water into which the last sheaf (representing Beow) was thrown, in accordance with the harvest custom, and in the expectation of the return of the spirit in the coming spring[599]. * * * * * C. THE STAGES ABOVE WODEN IN THE WEST-SAXON GENEALOGY The problems to which this pedigree gives rise are very numerous, and some have been discussed above. There are four which seem to need further discussion. (I) A "Sceafa" occurs in _Widsith_ as ruling over the Longobards. Of course we cannot be certain that this hero is identical with the Sceaf of the genealogy. Now there is no one in the long list of historic or semi-historic Longobard kings, ruling after the tribe had left Scandinavia, who bears a name at all similar. It seems therefore reasonable to suppose that Sceafa, if he is a genuine Longobard king at all, belongs to the primitive times when the Longobardi or Winnili dwelt in "Scadan," before the historic or semi-historic times with which our extant list deals. And Old English accounts, although making Sceaf an ancestor of the Saxon kings, are unanimous in connecting him with Scani or Scandza. Some scholars[600] have seen a serious difficulty in the weak form "Sceafa," as compared with "Sceaf." But we have the exactly parallel cases of _Horsa_[601] compared with _Hors_[602], and _Hr[=æ]dla_[603] compared with _Hr[=æ]del_[604], _Hr[=e]ðel_. Parallel, but not quite so certain, are _Sceldwa_[605] and _Scyld_[606], _G[=e]ata_[607] and _G[=e]at_[608], _B[=e]owa_[609] and _B[=e]aw, B[=e]o(w)_[610]. {312} I do not think it has ever been doubted that the forms _Hors_ and _Horsa_, or _Hr[=e]ðel_ and _Hr[=æ]dla_, relate to one and the same person. Prof. Chadwick seems to have little or no doubt as to the identity of _Scyld_ and _Sceldwa_[611], or _B[=e]o_ and _B[=e]owa_[612]. Why then should the identity of _Sc[=e]af_ and _Sc[=e]afa_ be denied because one form is strong and the other weak[613]? We cannot demonstrate the identity of the figure in the genealogies with the figure in _Widsith_; but little difficulty is occasioned by the weak form. (II) Secondly, the absence of the name _Sc[=e]af_ from the oldest MS of the _Chronicle_ (the _Parker MS_, _C.C.C.C._ 173) has been made the ground for suggesting that when that MS was written (_c._ 892) Sceaf had not yet been invented (Möller, _Volksepos_, 43; Symons in _Pauls Grdr_. (2), III, 645; Napier, as quoted by Clarke, _Sidelights_, 125). But Sceaf, and the other names which are omitted from the _Parker MS_, are found in the other MSS of the _Chronicle_ and the allied pedigrees, which are known to be derived independently from one and the same original. Now, unless the names were older than the _Parker MS_, they could not appear in so many independent transcripts. For, even though these transcripts are individually later, their _agreement_ takes us back to a period earlier than that of the _Parker MS_ itself[614]. An examination of the different versions of the genealogy, given on pp. 202-3, above, and of the tree showing the connection between them, on p. 315, will, I think, make this clear. The versions of the pedigree given in the _Parker MS_ of the _Chronicle_, in Asser and in _Textus Roffensis I_, all contain the stages _Friþuwald_ and _Friþuwulf_. Asser and _Roff. I_ are connected by the note about _G[=e]ata_: but _Roff. I_ is not derived from that text of Asser which has come down to us, as that {313} text has corrupted _Fin_ and _Godwulf_ into one name and has substituted _Seth_ for _Sc[=e]af_ ["Seth, _Saxonice_ Sceaf": Florence of Worcester]. _Roff. I_ is free from both these corruptions. Ethelwerd is obviously connected with a type of genealogy giving the stages _Friþuwald_ and _Friþuwulf_, but differs from all the others in giving no stages between _Scyld_ and _Sc[=e]f_. None of the other versions contain the names _Friþuwald_ and _Friþuwulf_. They are closely parallel, but fall into groups showing special peculiarities. _MSS Tib. A. VI_ and _Tib. B. I_ of the _Chronicle_ show only trifling differences of spelling. The MSS belong respectively to about the years 1000 and 1050, and are both derived from an Abingdon original of about 977[615]. _MS Cott. Tib. B. IV_ is derived from a copy of the _Chronicle_ sent North about 892[616]. _MS Cott. Tib. B. V_ and _Textus Roffensis II_ are closely connected, but neither is derived from the other. For _Roff. II_ preserves _Teþwa_ and _Hw[=a]la_, who are lost in _Tib. B. V; Tib. B. V_ preserves _Iterman_, who is corrupted in _Roff. II._ Both _Tib. B. V_ and _Roff. II_ carry the pedigree down to Edgar, mentioning his three sons _[=E]adweard and [=E]admund and Æþelred æðelingas syndon [=E]adg[=a]res suna cyninges_. The original therefore apparently belongs to some date before 970, when Edmund died (cf. Stevenson's Asser, 158, note). Common features of _MS Cott. Tib. B. V_ and _Roff. II_ are (1) _Eat(a)_ for _Geat(a)_, (2) the omission of _d_ from _Scealdwa_, and (3) the expression _se Sc[=e]f_, "this Scef." Features (1) and (3) are copied in the Icelandic pedigrees. _Scealdwa_ is given correctly there, but the Icelandic transcriber could easily have got it from _Scealdwaging_ above. The Icelandic was, then, ultimately derived either from _Tib. B. V_ or from a version so closely connected as not to be worth distinguishing. Accordingly _Cott. Tib. B. V_, _Textus Roffensis II_, _Langfeðgatal_ and _Flateyarbók_ form one group, pointing to an archetype _c._ 970. {314} The pedigrees can accordingly be grouped on the system shown on the opposite page[617]. (III) Prof. Chadwick, in his _Origin of the English Nation_, draws wide deductions from the fact that the Danes traced the pedigree of their kings back to Skjold, whilst the West-Saxons included Sceldwa (Scyld) in their royal pedigree: "Since the Angli and the Danes claimed descent from the same ancestor, there can be no doubt that the bond was believed to be one of blood[618]." This belief, Prof. Chadwick thinks, went back to exceedingly early times[619], and he regards it as well-founded: "It is true that the Angli of Britain seem never to have included themselves among the Danes, but the reason for this may be that the term _Dene_ (_Danir_) had not come into use as a collective term before the invasion of Britain[620]." Doubtless the fact that the name of a Danish king _Scyld_ or _Sceldwa_ is found in a pedigree of West-Saxon kings, as drawn up at a period certainly not later than 892, points to a belief, at that date, in some kind of a connection. But we have still to ask: How close was the connection supposed to be? And how old is the belief? Firstly as to the closeness of the connection. Finn also occurs in the pedigree--possibly the Frisian king: Sceaf occurs, possibly, though not certainly, a Longobard king. Noah and Adam occur; are we therefore to suppose that the compiler of the _Genealogy_ believed his kings to be of one blood with the Hebrews? Certainly he did: but only remotely, as common descendants of Noah. And the occurrence of Sceldwa and Sceaf and Finn in the genealogies--granting the identity of these heroes with Skjold of the Danes, Sceafa of the Longobards and Finn of the Frisians, might only prove that the genealogist believed in their common (Germanic) race. {315} 900 950 1000 | | | | A. Chron | _| Parker MS ______________________________| / | c. 890-900 | / | Asser / | MS Cott. /______________________________________| Otho A.XII, / \ | c. 1000 / \__________________________ / | B. Chron. Transcript of \ ................ | MS Cott. Chronicle from Copy sent to Abingdon, : presumed : | Tib. A. VI, which all kept there till c. 977__: Abingdon :/| c. 1000 extant \ : copy, c. 977 :\ MSS are \ :..............: \____________ derived \____________ Copy sent to Ripon\ \ \_______________________________ \ \ | Common original \_| compiled about _ | 970 \ \ \______ \ \ | Genealogy \_| MS Cott. | Tib. B. V,_ | c. 1000 ......................................................................... 1050 1100 1125 | | | | W. Chron. | MS Cott, Otho B. XI, 2. | c. 1025 ___________________________________| Textus Roffensis I, | c. 1120 | C. Chron. _______| MS Cott. Tib. B. I, | c. 1050 | D. Chron. _______| MS Cott. Tib. B. IV, | c. 1050 ___________________________________| Textus Roffensis II, | c. 1120 ___________________________________| Icelandic | Genealogies ==> {316} Secondly, how old is the belief? The Anglian genealogies (Northumbrian, Mercian and East Anglian), as reproduced in the _Historia Brittonum_ and in the _Vespasian MS_, form part of what is doubtless, as is said above, the oldest extant English historical document. But in this document _there is no mention of Scyld_. Indeed, it contains no pedigree of the West-Saxon kings at all. From whatever cause, the West-Saxon genealogy is not extant from so early a date as are the pedigrees of the Northumbrian, Mercian, East Anglian and Kentish kings[621]. Still, this may well be a mere accident, and I am not prepared to dispute that the pedigree which traces the West-Saxon kings to Woden dates back, like the other genealogies connecting Old English kings with Woden, to primitive and heathen times. Now the West-Saxon pedigree is found in many forms: some which trace the royal house only to Woden, and some which go beyond Woden and contain a list of names by which Woden is connected with Sceaf, and then with Noah and Adam. (1) The nucleus of the whole pedigree is to be found in the names between Cynric or Cerdic and Woden. These occur in every version. The pedigree in this, its simplest form, is found twice among the entries in the _Chronicle_ which deal with the events of heathen times, under 552 and 597. These names fall into verse: [Cynr[=i]c Cerdicing], Cerdic Elesing, Elesa Esling, Esla GiWising, GiWis W[=i]ging, W[=i]g Fr[=e]awining, Fr[=e]awine Friðug[=a]ring, Friðug[=a]r Bronding, Brond B[=æ]ldæging, B[=æ]ldæg W[=o]dening. Like the mnemonic lists in _Widsith_, these lines are probably very old. Their object is clearly to connect the founder of the West-Saxon royal house with Woden. Note, that not only do the names alliterate, but the alliteration is perfect. Every line attains double alliteration in the first half, with one alliterating word only in the second half. The lines must go back to times when lists of royal ancestors, both real and imaginary, had to {317} be arranged in correct verse; times when such things were recorded by memory rather than by writing. They are pre-literary, and were doubtless chanted by retainers of the West-Saxon kings in heathen days. (2) An expanded form of this genealogy occurs in _MSS C.C.C.C._ 183 and _Cotton Tib. B. V_. Woden is here furnished with a father Frealaf. We know nothing of any Frealaf as father of the All-Father in heathen days, though Frealaf is found in this capacity in other genealogies written down in the ages after the conversion. Frealaf breaks the correct alliterative system. In both MSS the pedigree is brought down to King Ine (688-726): both MSS are ultimately, no doubt, derived from a list current in the time of that king, that is to say less than a century after the conversion of Wessex. (3) A further expansion, which Prof. Napier has held on linguistic grounds[622] to have been written down as early as 750, is incorporated in a genealogical and chronological note regarding the West-Saxon kings, which is extant in many MSS[623]. _In its present form_ this genealogical note is a recension, under Alfred, of a document coming down to the death of his father Æthelwulf. It traces the pedigree of Æthelwulf to Cerdic, but it keeps this district from the rhythmical nucleus, in which it traces Cerdic to Woden, and no further. (4) Then, in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, under the year 855, the pedigree is given in its most elaborate form. There the genealogy of Æthelwulf is traced in one unbroken series, not merely through Cerdic to Woden, but from Woden through a long line of Woden's ancestors, including Frealaf, Geat, Sceldwa and Sceaf, to Noah and Adam. It has been noted above[624] that none of the _Chronicle_ pedigrees {318} stop at Sceaf. The _Chronicle_, in the stages above Woden, recognizes as stopping places only Geat (Northumbrian pedigree, anno 547) or Adam (West-Saxon pedigree, anno 855). (5) The Chronicle of Ethelwerd (_c._ 1000) does, however, stop at Scef[625]. Now it has been argued that Ethelwerd's pedigree is merely abbreviated from the pedigree in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ under 855, and that, in making Scef the final stage, and in what he tells us about that hero, Ethelwerd is merely adapting what he had read in _Beowulf_ about Scyld[626]. But this seems hardly possible. Ethelwerd, it is true, borrows most of his facts from the _Chronicle_, from Bede, and other known sources: but there are some passages which show that he had access to a source now lost. Ethelwerd was a member of the West-Saxon royal house, and he wrote his Chronicle for a kinswoman, Matilda, in order, as he says, to explain their common stock and race. They were both descended from Æthelwulf, the chronicler being great-great-grandson of Æthelred, and the lady to whom he dedicates his work being great-great-granddaughter of Alfred. So he writes to tell "who and whence were their kin, so far as memory adduces, and our parents have taught us." Accordingly, though he begins his Chronicle with the Creation, the bulk of it is devoted to the deeds of his or Matilda's ancestors. Is it credible that he would have cut out all the stages in their common pedigree between Scyld and Scef, that he would have sacrificed all the ancestors of Scef, thus severing relations with Noah and Adam, and that he would have attributed to Scef the story which in _Beowulf_ is attributed to Scyld, all this simply in order to bring his English pedigree into some harmony with what is told about the Danish pedigree in _Beowulf_--a poem of which we have no evidence that he had ever heard? To suppose him to have done this, is to make him sacrifice, _without any reason_, just that part of the pedigree in the _Chronicle_ under 855 which, from all we know of Ethelwerd, was most likely to have interested him: that which connected his race with Noah and Adam. Further, it is to suppose him to have reproduced just those stages in the pedigree which on critical {319} grounds modern scholars can show to be the oldest, and to have modified or rejected just those which on critical grounds modern scholars can show to be later accretion. When Brandl supposes Ethelwerd to have produced his pedigree by comparing together merely the materials which have come down to us to-day, namely _Beowulf_ and the _Chronicle_, he is, in reality, attributing to him the mind and acumen of a modern critic. An Anglo-Saxon alderman could only have detected and rejected the additions by using some material which has _not_ come down to us. What more natural than that Ethelwerd, who writes as the historian of the West-Saxon royal family, should have known of a family pedigree which traced the line up to Sceaf and his arrival in the boat, and that he should have (rightly) thought this to be more authoritative than the pedigree in the _Chronicle_ under the year 855, which had been expanded from it? Prof. Chadwick, it seems to me, is here quite justified in holding that Ethelwerd had "acquired the genealogy from some unknown source, in a more primitive form than that contained in the _Chronicle_[627]." But, because the source of Ethelwerd's pedigree is more primitive than that contained in the _Chronicle_ under the year 855, it does not follow that it goes back to heathen times. Wessex had been converted more than two centuries earlier. We are now in a position to make some estimate of the antiquity of Scyld and Sceaf in the West-Saxon pedigree. The nucleus of this pedigree is to be found in the verses connecting Cynric and Cerdic with Woden. (Even as late as Æthelwulf and Alfred this nucleus is often kept distinct from the later, more historic stages connecting Cerdic with living men.) Pedigrees of other royal houses go to Woden, and many stop there; however, in times comparatively early, but yet Christian, we find Woden provided with five ancestors: later, Ethelwerd gives him ten: the _Chronicle_ gives him twenty-five. It is evidently a process of accumulation. Now, if the name of Scyld had occurred in the portion of the pedigree which traces the West-Saxon kings up to Woden, {320} it would possess sufficient authority to form the basis of an argument. But Scyld, like Heremod, Beaw and Sceaf, occurs in the fantastic development of the pedigree, by which Woden is connected up with Adam and Noah. The fact that these heroes occur _above_ Woden makes it almost incredible that their position in the pedigree can go back to heathen times. Those who believed in Woden as a god can hardly have believed at the same time that he was a descendant of the Danish king Scyld. This difficulty Prof. Chadwick admits: "It is difficult to believe that in heathen times Woden was credited with five generations of ancestors, as in the _Frealaf-Geat_ list." Still less is it credible that he was credited with 25 generations of ancestors, as in the _Frealaf-Geat-Sceldwa-Sceaf-Noe-Adam_ list. The obvious conclusion seems to me to be that the names above Woden were added in Christian times to the original list, which in heathen times only went back to Woden, and _which is still extant in this form_. A Christian, rationalizing Woden as a human magician, would have no difficulty in placing him far down the ages, just as Saxo Grammaticus does[628]. Obviously _Noe-Adam_ must be an addition of Christian times, and the same seems to me to apply to all the other names above Woden, which, though ancient and Germanic, are not therefore ancient and Germanic in the capacity of ancestors of Woden. And even if these extraordinary ancestors of Woden were really believed in in heathen times, they cannot have been regarded as the special property of any one nation. For it was never claimed that the West-Saxon kings had any unique distinction in tracing their ancestry to Woden, such as would give them a special claim upon Woden's forefathers. How then can the ancient belief (if indeed it _were_ an ancient belief) that Woden was descended from Scyld, King of Denmark, prove that the Anglo-Saxons regarded _themselves_ as specially related to the Danes? For any such relationship derived through Woden must have been shared by all descendants of the All-Father. Prof. Chadwick avoids this difficulty by supposing that Woden did not originally occur in the pedigree, but is a later {321} insertion[629]. But how can this be so when, of the two forms in which the West-Saxon pedigree appears, one (and, so far as our evidence goes, much the older one) traces the kings to Woden _and stops there_. The _object_ of this pedigree is to connect the West-Saxon kings with Woden. The expanded pedigrees, which carry on the line still further, from Woden to Sceldwa, Sceaf and Adam, though very numerous, are all traceable to one, or at most two, sources. It is surely not the right method to regard Woden as an interpolation (though he occurs in that portion of the pedigree which is common to all versions, some of which we can probably trace back to primitive times), and to regard as the original element Scyld and Sceaf (though they form part of the continuation of the pedigree found only in, at most, two families of MSS which we cannot trace back beyond the ninth century). Besides, there is the strongest external support for Woden in the very place which he occupies in the West-Saxon pedigree. That pedigree is traced in all its texts up to one Baldæg and his father Woden. Those texts which further give Woden's ancestry make him a descendant of Frealaf--they generally make Woden son of Frealaf, though some texts insert an intermediate Frithuwald. Now the very ancient Northumbrian pedigree also goes up, by a different route, to "Beldæg," and gives him Woden for a father. In some versions (e.g. the _Historia Brittonum_) the Northumbrian pedigree stops there: in others (e.g. the _Vespasian MS_) Woden has a father Frealaf. How then _can_ it be argued, contrary to the unanimous evidence of all the dozen or more MSS of the West-Saxon pedigree, that _Woden_, standing as he does between his proper father and his proper son, is an interpolation? There is no evidence whatsoever to support such an argument, and everything to disprove it. The fact that Sceaf, Sceldwa and Beaw occur above Woden, that some versions of the pedigree stop at Woden, and that in heathen times presumably all must have stopped when they reached the All-Father, seems to me a fatal argument--not against the antiquity of the legends of Sceaf, Sceldwa, and {322} Beaw, but against the antiquity of these characters in the capacity (given to them in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_) of ancestors of the West-Saxon kings, and against the vast deduction concerning the origin of the English nation which Prof. Chadwick draws from this supposed antiquity. (IV) Precisely the same argument--that Sceaf, Sceldwa and Beaw are found _above Woden_ in the pedigree of the English kings, and are not likely to have occupied that place in primitive heathen times, is fatal to the attempt to draw from this pedigree any argument that the myths of these heroes were specially and exclusively Anglo-Saxon. The argument of Müllenhoff and other scholars for an ancient, _purely Anglo-Saxon_ Beowa-myth[630] falls, therefore, to the ground. * * * * * D. EVIDENCE FOR THE DATE OF _BEOWULF_. THE RELATION OF _BEOWULF_ TO THE CLASSICAL EPIC A few years ago there was a tendency to exaggerate the value of grammatical forms in fixing the date of Old English poetry, and attempts were made to arrange Old English poems in a chronological series, according to the exact percentage of "early" to "late" forms in each. There has now been a natural reaction against the assumption that, granting certain forms to be archaic, these would necessarily be found in a percentage diminishing exactly according to the dates of composition of the various poems in which they occur. The reaction has now gone to the other extreme, and grammatical facts are in danger of being regarded as not being "in any way valid or helpful indications of dates[631]." Schücking[632], in an elaborate recent monograph on the date of _Beowulf_, rejects the grammatical evidence as valueless, and proceeds to date the poem about two centuries later than has usually been held, placing its composition at the court of some christianized Scandinavian monarch in England, about 900 A.D. {323} But it surely does not follow that, because grammatical data have been misused, therefore no use can be made of them. And, if _Beowulf_ was composed about the year 900, from stories current among the Viking settlers, how are we to account for the fact that the proper names in _Beowulf_ are given, not in the Scandinavian forms of the Viking age, nor in corruptions of such forms, but in the correct English forms which we should expect, according to English sound laws, if the names had been brought over in the sixth century, and handed down traditionally[633]? For example, King Hygelac no doubt called himself _Hugilaikaz_. The _Chochilaicus_ of Gregory of Tours is a good--if uncouth--shot at reproducing this name. The name became, in Norse, _Hugleikr_ and in Danish _Huglek_ (_Hugletus_ in Saxo): traditional kings so named are recorded, though it is difficult to find that they have anything in common with the King Hygelac in _Beowulf_[634]. Had the name been introduced into England in Viking times, we should expect the Scandinavian form, not _Hygel[=a]c_[635]. Even in the rare cases where the character in _Beowulf_ and his Scandinavian equivalent bear names which are not phonologically identical, the difference does not point to any corruption such as might have arisen from borrowing in Viking days[636]. We have only to contrast the way in which the names of Viking chiefs are recorded in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, to be convinced that the Scandinavian stories recorded in _Beowulf_ are due to contact during the age when Britain was being conquered, not during the Viking period three or four centuries later[637]. And the arguments from literary and political history, which Schücking adduces to prove his late date, seem to me to point in exactly the opposite direction, and to confirm the orthodox view which would place _Beowulf_ nearer 700 than 900. {324} Schücking urges that, however highly we estimate the civilizing effect of Christianity, it was only in the second half of the seventh century that England was thoroughly permeated by the new faith. Can we expect already, at the beginning of the eighth century, a courtly work, showing, as does _Beowulf_, such wonderful examples of tact, modesty, unselfishness and magnanimity? And this at the time when King Ceolwulf was forced by his rebellious subjects to take the cowl. For Schücking[638], following Hodgkin[639], reminds us how, in the eighth century, out of 15 Northumbrian kings, five were dethroned, five murdered; two abdicated, and only three held the crown to their death; and how at the end of the century Charlemagne called the Northumbrian Angles "a perfidious and perverse nation, murderers of their lords." But surely, at the base of all this argument, lies the same assumption which, as Schücking rightly holds, vitiates so many of the grammatical arguments; the assumption that development must necessarily be in steady and progressive proportion. We may take Penda as a type of the unreclaimed heathen, and Edward the Confessor of the chaste and saintly churchman; but Anglo-Saxon history was by no means a development in steady progression, of diminishing percentages of ruffianism and increasing percentages of saintship. The knowledge of, and interest in, heathen custom shown in _Beowulf_, such as the vivid accounts of cremation, would lead us to place it as near heathen times as other data will allow. So much must be granted to the argument of Prof. Chadwick[640]. But the Christian tone, so far from leading us to place _Beowulf_ late, would _also_ lead us to place it near the time of the conversion. For it is precisely in these times just after the conversion, that we get the most striking instances in all Old English history of that "tact, modesty, generosity, and magnanimity" which Schücking rightly regards as characteristic of _Beowulf_. King Oswin (who was slain in 651) was, Bede tells us, handsome, courteous of speech and bearing, bountiful both to great {325} and lowly, beloved of all men for his qualities of mind and body, so that noblemen came from all over England to enter his service--yet of all his endowments gentleness and humility were the chief. We cannot read the description without being reminded of the words of the thegns in praise of the dead Beowulf. Indeed, I doubt if Beowulf would have carried gentleness to those around him quite so far as did Oswin. For Oswin had given to Bishop Aidan an exceptionally fine horse--and Aidan gave it to a beggar who asked alms. The king's mild suggestion that a horse of less value would have been good enough for the beggar, and that the bishop needed a good horse for his own use, drew from the saint the stern question "Is that son of a mare dearer to thee than the Son of God?" The king, who had come from hunting, stood warming himself at the fire, thinking over what had passed; then he suddenly ungirt his sword, gave it to his squire, and throwing himself at the feet of the bishop, promised never again to grudge anything he might give in his charities. Of course such conduct was exceptional in seventh century Northumbria--it convinced Aidan that the king was too good to live long, as indeed proved to be the case. But it shows that the ideals of courtesy and gentleness shown in _Beowulf_ were by no means beyond the possibility of attainment--were indeed surpassed by a seventh century king. I do not know if they could be so easily paralleled in later Old English times. And what is true from the point of view of morals is true equally from that of art and learning. In spite of the misfortunes of Northumbrian kings in the eighth century, the _first third_ of that century was "the Golden Age of Anglo-Saxon England[641]." And not unnaturally, for it had been preceded by half a century during which Northumbria had been free both from internal strife and from invasion. The empire won by Oswiu over Picts and Scots in the North had been lost at the battle of Nectansmere: but that battle had been followed by the twenty years reign of the learned Aldfrid, whose scholarship did not prevent him from nobly retrieving the state of the kingdom[642], though he could not recover the lost dominions. {326} Now, whatever we may think of _Beowulf_ as poetry, it is remarkable for its conscious and deliberate art, and for the tone of civilization which pervades it. And this half century was distinguished, above any other period of Old English history, precisely for its art and its civilization. Four and a half centuries later, when the works of great Norman master builders were rising everywhere in the land, the buildings which Bishop Wilfrid had put up during this first period of conversion were still objects of admiration, even for those who had seen the glories of the great Roman basilicas[643]. Nor is there anything surprising in the fact that this "golden age" was not maintained. On the contrary, it is "in accordance with the phenomena of Saxon history in general, in which seasons of brilliant promise are succeeded by long eras of national eclipse. It is from this point of view quite in accordance with natural likelihood that the age of conversion was one of such stimulus to the artistic powers of the people that a level of effort and achievement was reached which subsequent generations were not able to maintain. The carved crosses and the coins certainly degenerate in artistic value as the centuries pass away, and the fine barbaric gold and encrusted work is early in date[644]." Already in the early part of the eighth century signs of decay are to be observed. At the end of his _Ecclesiastical History_, Bede complains that the times are so full of disturbance that one knows not what to say, or what the end will be. And these fears were justified. A hundred and forty years of turmoil and decay follow, till the civilization of the North and the Midlands was overthrown by the Danes, and York became the uneasy seat of a heathen jarl. How it should be possible to see in these facts, as contrasted with the Christian and civilized tone of _Beowulf_, any argument for late date, I cannot see. On the contrary, because of its Christian civilization combined with its still vivid, if perhaps not always quite exact, recollection of heathen customs, we should be inclined to put _Beowulf_ in the early Christian ages. {327} A further argument put forward for this late date is the old one that the Scandinavian sympathies of _Beowulf_ show it to have been composed for a Scandinavian court, the court, Schücking thinks, of one of the princes who ruled over those portions of England which the Danes had settled[645]. Of course Schücking is too sound a scholar to revive at this time of day the old fallacy that the Anglo-Saxons ought to have taken no interest in the deeds of any but Anglo-Saxon heroes. But how, he asks, are we to account for such _enthusiasm_ for, such a burning interest in, a people of alien dialect and foreign dynasty, such as the Scyldings of Denmark? The answer seems to me to be that the enthusiasm of _Beowulf_ is not for the Danish nation as such: on the contrary, _Beowulf_ depicts a situation which is most humiliating to the Danes. For twelve years they have suffered the depredations of Grendel; Hrothgar and his kin have proved helpless: all the Danes have been unequal to the need. Twice at least this is emphasized in the most uncompromising, and indeed insulting, way[646]. The poet's enthusiasm is not, then, for the Danish race as such, but for the ideal of a great court with its body of retainers. Such retainers are not necessarily native born--rather is it the mark of the great court that it draws men from far and wide to enter the service, whether permanently or temporarily, even as Beowulf came from afar to help the aged Hrothgar in his need. It is this ideal of personal valour and personal loyalty, rather than of tribal patriotism, which pervades _Beowulf_, and which certainly suits the known facts of the seventh and early eighth centuries. The bitterest strife in England in the seventh century had been between the two quite new states of Northumbria and Mercia, both equally of Anglian race. Both these states had been built up by a combination of smaller units, and not without violating the old local patriotisms of the diverse elements from which they had been formed. At first, at any rate, no such thing as Northumbrian or Mercian patriotism can have existed. Loyalty was personal, to the king. Neither the kingdom nor the _comitatus_ was homogeneous. We have seen {328} that Bede mentions it as a peculiar honour to a Northumbrian prince that _from all parts of England_ nobles came to enter his service. We must not demand from the seventh or eighth century our ideals of exclusive enthusiasm for the land of one's birth, ideals which make it disreputable for a "mercenary" to sell his sword. The ideal is, on the contrary, loyalty to a prince whose service a warrior _voluntarily_ enters. And the Danish court is depicted as a pattern of such loyalty--before the Scyldings began to work evil[647], by the treason of Hrothulf. Further, the fact that the Danish court at Leire had been a heathen one might be matter for regret, but it would not prevent its being praised by an Englishman about 700. For England was then entirely Christian. In the process of conversion no single Christian had, so far as we know, been martyred. There had been no war of religion. If Penda had fought against Oswald, it had been as the king of Mercia against the king of Northumbria. Penda's allies were Christian, and he showed no antipathy to the new faith[648]. So that at this date there was no reason for men to feel any deep hostility towards a heathendom which had been the faith of their grandfathers, and with which there had never been any embittered conflict. But in 900 the position was quite different. For more than a generation the country had been engaged in a life-and-death struggle between two warring camps, the "Christian men" and the "heathen men." The "heathen men" were in process of conversion, but were liable to be ever recruited afresh from beyond the sea. It seems highly unlikely that _Beowulf_ could have been written at this date, by some English poet, for the court of a converted Scandinavian prince, with a view perhaps, as Schücking suggests, to educating his children in the English speech. In such a case the one thing likely to be avoided by the English poet, with more than two centuries of Christianity behind him, would surely have been the praise of that Scandinavian heathendom, from which his patron had freed himself, and from which his children were to be weaned. The martyrdom of S. Edmund might have seemed a more appropriate theme[649]. {329} The tolerant attitude towards heathen customs, and the almost antiquarian interest in them, very justly, as it seems to me, emphasized by Schücking[650], is surely far more possible in A.D. 700 than in A.D. 900. For between those dates heathendom had ceased to be an antiquarian curiosity, and had become an imminent peril. If those are right who hold that _Beowulf_ is no purely native growth, but shows influence of the classical epic, then again it is easier to credit such influence about the year 700 than 900. At the earlier date we have scholars like Aldhelm and Bede, both well acquainted with Virgil, yet both interested in vernacular verse. It has been urged, as a _reductio ad absurdum_ of the view which would connect _Beowulf_ with Virgil, that the relation to the _Odyssey_ is more obvious than that to the _Æneid_. Perhaps, however, some remote and indirect connection even between _Beowulf_ and the _Odyssey_ is not altogether unthinkable, about the year 700. At the end of the seventh century there was a flourishing school of Greek learning in England, under Hadrian and the Greek Archbishop Theodore, both "well read in sacred _and in secular_ literature." In 730 their scholars were still alive, and, Bede tells us, could speak Greek and Latin as correctly as their native tongue. Bede himself knew something about the _Iliad_ and the _Odyssey_. Not till eight centuries have passed, and we reach Grocyn and Linacre, was it again to be as easy for an Englishman to have a first-hand knowledge of a Greek classic as it was about the year 700. What scholarship had sunk to by the days of Alfred, we know: and we know that all Alfred's patronage did not produce any scholar whom we can think of as in the least degree comparable to Bede. So that from the point of view of its close touch with heathendom, its tolerance for heathen customs, its Christian magnanimity and gentleness, its conscious art, and its learned tone, all historic and artistic analogy would lead us to place _Beowulf_ in the great age--the age of Bede. This has brought us to another question--more interesting to many than the mere question of date. Are we to suppose {330} any direct connection between the classical and the Old English epic? As nations pass through their "Heroic Age," similar social conditions will necessarily be reflected by many similarities in their poetry. In heroic lays like _Finnsburg_ or _Hildebrand_ or the Norse poems, phrases and situations may occur which remind us of phrases and situations in the _Iliad_, without affording any ground for supposing classical influence direct or indirect. But there is much more in _Beowulf_ than mere accidental coincidence of phrase or situation. A simple-minded romancer would have made the _Æneid_ a biography of Æneas from the cradle to the grave. Not so Virgil. The story begins with mention of Carthage. Æneas then comes on the scene. At a banquet he tells to Dido his earlier adventures. Just so _Beowulf_ begins, not with the birth of Beowulf and his boyhood, but with Heorot. Beowulf arrives. At the banquet, in reply to Unferth, he narrates his earlier adventures. The _Beowulf_-poet is not content merely to tell us that there was minstrelsy at the feast, but like Virgil or Homer, he must give an account of what was sung. The epic style leads often to almost verbal similarities. Jupiter consoling Hercules for the loss of the son of his host says: stat sua cuique dies, breve et inreparabile tempus omnibus est vitae; sed famam extendere factis hoc virtutis opus[651]. In the same spirit and almost in the same words does Beowulf console Hrothgar for the loss of his friend: [=U]re [=æ]ghwylc sceal ende geb[=i]dan worolde l[=i]fes; wyrce s[=e] þe m[=o]te d[=o]mes [=æ]r d[=e]aþe; þæt biþ drihtguman unlifgendum æfter s[=e]lest. On the other hand, though we are often struck by the likeness in spirit and in plan, it must be allowed that there is no tangible or conclusive proof of borrowing[652]. But the influence may have been none the less effective for being indirect: nor is {331} it quite certain that the author, had he known his Virgil, would necessarily have left traces of direct borrowing. For the deep Christian feeling, which has given to _Beowulf_ its almost prudish propriety and its edifying tone, is manifested by no direct and dogmatic reference to Christian personages or doctrines. I sympathize with Prof. Chadwick's feeling that a man who knew Virgil would not have disguised his knowledge, and would probably have lacked both inclination and ability to compose such a poem as _Beowulf_[653]. But does not this feeling rest largely upon the analogy of other races and ages? Is it borne out by such known facts as we can gather about this period? The reticence of _Beowulf_ with reference to Christianity does not harmonize with one's preconceived ideas; and Bishop Aldhelm gives us an even greater surprise. Let anyone read, or try to read, Aldhelm's _Epistola ad Acircium, sive liber de septenario et de metris_. Let him then ask himself "Is it possible that this learned pedant can also have been the author of English poems which King Alfred--surely no mean judge--thought best of all he knew?" These poems may of course have been educated and learned in tone. But we have the authority of King Alfred for the fact that Aldhelm used to perform at the cross roads as a common minstrel, and that he could hold his audiences with such success that they resorted to him again and again[654]. Only after he had made himself popular by several performances did he attempt to weave edifying matter into his verse. And the popular, secular poetry of Aldhelm, his _carmen triviale_, remained current among the common people for centuries. Nor was Aldhelm's classical knowledge of late growth, something superimposed upon an earlier love of popular poetry, for he had {332} studied under Hadrian as a boy[655]. Later we are told that King Ine imported two Greek teachers from Athens for the help of Aldhelm and his school[656]; this may be exaggeration. Everything seems to show that about 700 an atmosphere existed in England which might easily have led a scholarly Englishman, acquainted with the old lays, to have set to work to compose an epic. Even so venerable a person as Bede, during his last illness, uttered his last teaching not, as we should expect on _a priori_ grounds, in Latin hexameters, but in English metre. The evidence for this is conclusive[657]. But, at a later date, Alcuin would surely have condemned the minstrelsy of Aldhelm[658]. Even King Alfred seems to have felt that it needed some apology. It would have rendered Aldhelm liable to severe censure under the Laws of King Edgar[659]; and Dunstan's biographer indignantly denies the charge brought against his hero of having learnt the heathen songs of his forefathers[660]. The evidence is not as plentiful as we might wish, but it rather suggests that the chasm between secular poetry and ecclesiastical learning was more easily bridged in the first generations after the conversion than was the case later. But, however that may be, it assuredly does not give any grounds for abandoning the old view, based largely upon grammatical and metrical considerations, which would make _Beowulf_ a product of the early eighth century, and substituting for it a theory which would make our poem a product of mixed Saxon and Danish society in the early tenth century. * * * * * {333} E. THE "JUTE-QUESTION" REOPENED The view that the Geatas of _Beowulf_ are the Jutes (Iuti, Iutae) of Bede (i.e. the tribe which colonized Kent, the Isle of Wight and Hampshire) has been held by many eminent scholars. It was dealt with only briefly above (pp. 8-9) because I thought the theory was now recognized as being no longer tenable. Lately, however, it has been maintained with conviction and ability by two Danish scholars, Schütte and Kier. It therefore becomes necessary once more to reopen the question, now that the only elaborate discussion of it in the English language favours the "Jute-theory," especially as Axel Olrik gave the support of his great name to the view that "the question is still open[661]" and that "the last word has not been said concerning the nationality of the Geatas[662]." As in most controversies, a number of rather irrelevant side issues have been introduced[663], so that from mere weariness students are sometimes inclined to leave the problem undecided. Yet the interpretation of the opening chapters of Scandinavian history turns upon it. Supporters of the "Jute-theory" have seldom approached the subject from the point of view of Old English. Bugge[664] perhaps did so: but the "Jute-theory" has been held chiefly by students of Scandinavian history, literature or geography, like Fahlbeck[665], Steenstrup[666], Gering[667], Olrik[668], Schütte[669] and Kier[670]. But, now that the laws of Old English sound-change have been {334} clearly defined, it seldom happens that anyone who approaches the subject primarily as a student of the Anglo-Saxon language holds the view that the Geatas are Jutes. And this is naturally so: for, from the point of view of language, the question is not disputable. The _G[=e]atas_ phonologically are the _Gautar_ (the modern Götar of Southern Sweden). It is admitted that the words are identical[671]. And, equally, it is admitted that the word _G[=e]atas_ cannot be identical with the word _Iuti_, _Iutae_, used by Bede as the name of the Jutes who colonized Kent[671]. Bede's _Iuti_, _Iutae_, on the contrary, would correspond to a presumed Old English _*[=I]uti_ or _*[=I]utan_[672], current in his time in Northumbria. This in later Northumbrian would become _[=I]ote_, _[=I]otan_ (though the form _[=I]ute_, _[=I]utan_ might also survive). The dialect forms which we should expect (and which we find in the genitive and dative) corresponding to this would be: Mercian, _[=E]ote_, _[=E]otan_; Late West-Saxon, _[=Y]te_, _[=Y]tan_ (through an intermediate Early West-Saxon _*[=I]ete_, _*[=I]etan_, which is not recorded). If, then, the word _G[=e]atas_ came to supplant the correct form _[=I]ote_, _[=I]otan_ (or its Mercian and West-Saxon equivalents _[=E]ote_, _[=E]otan_, _[=Y]te_, _[=Y]tan_), this can only have been the result of confusion. Such confusion is, on abstract grounds, conceivable: it is always possible that the name of one tribe may come to be attached to another. "Scot" has ceased to mean "Irishman," and has come to mean "North Briton"; and there is no intrinsic impossibility in the word _G[=e]atas_ having been transferred by Englishmen, from the half-forgotten Gautar, to the Jutes, and having driven out the correct name of the latter, _[=I]ote_, _[=I]otan_. For example, there might have been an exiled Geatic family among the Jutish invaders, which might have become so prominent as to cause {335} the name _G[=e]atas_ to supplant the correct _[=I]ote_, _[=E]ote_, etc. But, whoever the Geatas may have been, _Beowulf_ is their chief early record: indeed, almost all we know of their earliest history is derived from _Beowulf_. In _Beowulf_, therefore, if anywhere, the old names and traditions should be remembered. The word _G[=e]at_ occurs some 50 times in the poem. The poet obviously wishes to use other synonyms, for the sake of variety and alliteration: hence we get _Weder-G[=e]atas_, _Wederas_, _S[=æ]-G[=e]atas_, _G[=u]ð-G[=e]atas_. Now, if these Geatas are the Jutes, how comes it that the poet _never_ calls them such, never speaks of them under the correct tribal name of _[=E]ote_, etc., although this was the current name at the time _Beowulf_ was written, and indeed for centuries later? For, demonstrably, the form _[=E]ote_, etc., _was_ recognized as the name of the Jutes till at least the twelfth century. Then it died out of current speech, and only Bede's Latin _Iuti_ (and the modern "Jute" derived therefrom) remained as terms used by the historians. The evidence is conclusive: (_a_) Bede, writing about the time when _Beowulf_, in its present form, is supposed to have been composed, uses _Iuti_, _Iutae_, corresponding to a presumed contemporary Northumbrian _*[=I]uti_, _*[=I]utan_. (_b_) In the O.E. translation of Bede, made in Mercia perhaps two centuries after Bede's time, we do indeed in one place find "Geata," "Geatum" used to translate "Iutarum," "Iutis," instead of the correctly corresponding Mercian form "Eota," "Eotum." Only two MSS are extant at this point. But since both agree, and since they belong to different types, it is probable that "Geata" here is no mere copyist's error, but is due to the translator himself[673]. But, later, when the translator {336} has to render Bede's "Iutorum," he gives, not "Geata," but the correct Mercian "Eota." There can be no possible doubt here, for five MSS are extant at this point, and all give the correct form--four in the Mercian, "Eota," whilst one gives the West-Saxon equivalent, "Ytena." Now the _G[=e]ata_-passage in the Bede translation is the chief piece of evidence which those who would explain the Geatas of _Beowulf_ as "Jutes" can call: and it does not, in fact, much help them. What they have to prove is that the _Beowulf_-poet could _consistently and invariably_ have used _G[=e]atas_ in the place of _[=E]ote_. To produce an instance in which the two terms are both used by the same translator is very little use, when what has to be proved is that the one term had already, at a much earlier period, entirely ousted the other. All our other evidence is for the invariable use of the correct form _[=I]ote_, _[=I]otan_, etc. in Old English. (_c_) The passage from Bede was again translated, and inserted into a copy of the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, which was sent quite early to one of the great abbeys of Northumbria[674]. In this, "Iutis, Iutarum" is represented by the correct Northumbrian equivalent, "Iutum," "Iotum"; "Iutna." (_d_) This Northumbrian Chronicle, or a transcript of it, subsequently came South, to Canterbury. There, roughly about the year 1100, it was used to interpolate an Early West-Saxon copy of the Chronicle. Surely at Canterbury, the capital of the old Jutish kingdom, people must have known the correct form of the Jutish name, whether _G[=e]atas_ or _[=I]ote_. We find the forms "Iotum," "Iutum"; "Iutna." (_e_) Corresponding to this Northumbrian (and Kentish) form _[=I]ote_, Mercian _[=E]ote_, the Late West-Saxon form should be _[=Y]te_. Now _MS Corpus Christi College, Cambridge_, 41, gives us "the Wessex version of the English Bede" and is written by a scribe who knew the Hampshire district[675]. In this MS the "Eota" of the Mercian original has been transcribed as "Ytena," "Eotum" as "Ytum," showing that the scribe understood the tribal name and its equivalent correctly. This was about the {337} time of the Norman Conquest, but the name continued to be understood till the early twelfth century at least. For Florence of Worcester records that William Rufus was slain _in Noua Foresta quae lingua Anglorum Ytene nuncupatur_; and in another place he speaks of the same event as happening _in prouincia Jutarum in Noua Foresta_[676], which shows that Florence understood that "Ytene" was _[=Y]tena land_, "the province of the Jutes." It comes, then, to this. The "Jute-hypothesis" postulates not only that, at the time _Beowulf_ was composed, _G[=e]atas_ had come to mean "Jutes," but also that it had so completely ousted the correct old name _[=I]uti, [=I]ote, [=E]ote, [=Y]te_, that none of the latter terms are ever used in the poem as synonyms for Beowulf's people[677]. Yet all the evidence shows that _[=I]uti_ etc. was the recognized name when Bede wrote, and we have evidence at intervals showing that it was so understood till four centuries later. But not only was _[=I]uti_, _[=I]ote_ never superseded in O.E. times; there is no real evidence that _G[=e]atas_ was ever _generally_ used to signify "Jutes." The fact that one translator in one passage (writing probably some two centuries after _Beowulf_ was composed) uses "Geata," "Geatum," where he should have used "Eota," "Eotum," does not prove the misnomer to have been general--especially when the same translator subsequently uses the correct form "Eota." I do not think sufficient importance has been attached to what seems (to me) the vital argument against the "Jute-theory." It is not merely that _G[=e]atas_ is the exact phonological equivalent of _Gautar_ (Götar) and cannot be equivalent to Bede's _Iuti_. This difficulty may be got over by the assumption that somehow the _Iuti_, or some of them, had adopted the name _G[=e]atas_: and we are not in a position to disprove such assumption. But the advocates of the "Jute-theory" have further to assume that, at the date when _Beowulf_ was written, the correct name _Iuti_ (Northumbrian _[=I]ote_, Mercian _[=E]ote_, West-Saxon _[=Y]te_) must have so passed into disuse that it could not be once used as a {338} synonym for Beowulf's people, by our synonym-hunting poet. And this assumption we _are_ in a position to disprove. The Jute-theory would therefore still be untenable on the ground of the name, even though it were laboriously proved that, from the historical and geographical standpoint, there was more to be said for it than had hitherto been recognized. But even this has not been proved: quite the reverse. As I have tried to show above, historical and geographical considerations, though in themselves not absolutely conclusive, point emphatically to an identification with the Götar, rather than with the Jutes[678]. The relations of Beowulf and the Geatas with the kings of Denmark and of Sweden are the constant topic of the poem. Now the land of the Götar _was_ situated between Denmark and Sweden. But if the Geatas be Jutes, their neighbours were the Danes on the east and the Angles on the south; farther away, across the Cattegat lay the Götar, and beyond these the Swedes. If the Geatas be Jutes, why should their immediate neighbours, the Angles, never appear in _Beowulf_ as having any dealings with them? And why, above all, should the Götar never be mentioned, whilst the Swedes, far to the north, play so large a part? Even if Swedes and Götar had at this time been under one king, the Götar could not have been thus ignored, seeing that, owing to their position, the brunt of the fighting must have fallen on them[679]. But we know that the Götar were independent. The strictly contemporary evidence of Procopius shows quite conclusively that they were one of the strongest of the Scandinavian kingdoms[680]. How then could warfare be carried on for three generations between Jutes and Swedes without concerning the Götar, whose territory lay in between? Again, in the "Catalogue of Kings" in _Widsith_, the Swedes are named with their famous king Ongentheow. The Jutes (_[=Y]te_) are also mentioned, with _their_ king. And their king is {339} not Hrethel, Hæthcyn, Hygelac or Heardred, but a certain Gefwulf, whose name does not even alliterate with that of any known king of the Geatas[681]. Again, in the (certainly very early) _Book on Monsters_, Hygelac is described as _Huiglaucus qui imperavit Getis_. Now Getis can mean Götar[682], but can hardly mean Jutes. The geographical case against the identification of Geatas and Götar depends upon the assumption that the western sea-coast of the Götar in ancient times must have coincided with that of West Gothland (Vestra-Götland) in mediæval and modern times. Now as this coast consists merely of a small strip south of the river Götaelv, it is argued that the Götar could not be the maritime Geatas of _Beowulf_, capable of undertaking a Viking raid to the mouth of the Rhine. But the assumption that the frontiers of the Götar about A.D. 500 were the same as they were a thousand years later, is not only improbable on _a priori_ grounds, but, as Schück has shown[683], can be definitely disproved. Adam of Bremen, writing in the eleventh century, speaks of the river Gothelba (Götaelv) as running through the midst of the peoples of the Götar. And the obvious connection between the name of the river and the name of the people seems to make it certain that Adam is right, and that the original Götar must have dwelt around the river Götaelv. But, if so, then they were a maritime folk: for the river Götaelv is merely the outlet which connects Lake Wener with the sea, running a course almost parallel with the shore and nowhere very distant from it[684]. But even when Adam wrote, the {340} Götar to the north of the river had long been politically subject to Norway[685]: and the _Heimskringla_ tells us how this happened. Harold Fairhair, King of Norway (a contemporary of King Alfred), attacked them: they had staked the river Götaelv against him, but he moored his ships to the stakes[686] and harried _on either shore_: he fought far and wide in the country, had many battles _on either side of the river_, and finally slew the leader of the Götar, Hrani Gauzki (the Götlander). Then he annexed to Norway all the land north of the river and west of Lake Wener. Thenceforward the Götaelv was the boundary between Norway and West Gothland, though the country ultimately became Swedish, as it now is. But it is abundantly clear from the _Heimskringla_ that Harold regarded as hostile all the territory north of the Götaelv, and between Lake Wener and the sea[687] (the old Ránriki and the modern Bohuslän). But, if so, then the objection that the Götar are not a sufficiently maritime people becomes untenable. For precisely to this region belong the earliest records of maritime warfare to be found in the north of Europe, possibly the earliest in Europe. The smooth rocks of Bohuslän are covered with incised pictures of the Bronze age: and the favourite subject of these is ships and naval encounters. About 120 different pictures of ships and sea fights are reproduced by one scholar alone[688]. And at the present day this province of Göteborg and Bohus is the most important centre in Sweden both of fishery and shipping. Indeed, more than one quarter of the total tonnage of the modern Swedish mercantile marine comes from this comparatively tiny strip of coast[689]. {341} It is surely quite absurd to urge that the men of this coast could not have harried the Frisians in the manner in which Hygelac is represented as doing. And surely it is equally absurd to urge that the people of this coast would not have had to fear a return attack from the Frisians, after the downfall of their own kings. The Frisians seem to have been "the chief channel of communication between the North and West of Europe[690]" before the rise of the Scandinavian Vikings, and to have been supreme in the North Sea. The Franks were of course a land power, but the Franks, _when in alliance with the Frisians_, were by no means helpless at sea. Gregory of Tours tells us that they overthrew Hygelac on land, and _then in a sea fight annihilated his fleet_. Now the poet says that the Geatas may expect war when the Franks _and Frisians_ hear of Beowulf's fall. The objection that, because they feared the Franks, the Geatas must have been reachable by land, depends upon leaving the "and Frisians" out of consideration. "Now we may look for a time of war" says the messenger "when the fall of our king is known among the Franks and Frisians": then he gives a brief account of the raid upon the land of the Frisians and concludes: "Ever since then has the favour of the Merovingian king been denied us[691]." What is there in this to indicate whether the raiders came from Jutland, or from the coast of the Götar across the Cattegat, 50 miles further off? The messenger goes on to anticipate hostility from the Swedes[692]. To this, at any rate, the Götar were more exposed than the Jutes. Further, he concludes by anticipating the utter overthrow of the Geatas[693]: and the poet expressly tells us that these forebodings were justified[694]. There must therefore be a reference to some famous national catastrophe. Now the Götar _did_ lose their independence, and _were_ incorporated into the Swedish kingdom. When did the Jutes suffer any similar downfall at the hands of either Frisians, Franks, or Swedes? The other geographical and historical arguments urged in favour of the Jutes, when carefully scrutinized, are found either {342} equally indecisive, or else actually to tell against the "Jute-theory." Schütte[695] thinks that the name "Wederas" (applied in _Beowulf_ to the Geatas) is identical with the name _Eudoses_ (that of a tribe mentioned by Tacitus, who _may_[696] have dwelt in Jutland). But this is impossible phonologically: _Wederas_ is surely a shortened form of _Weder-G[=e]atas_, "the Storm-Geatas." Indeed, we have, in favour of the Götar-theory, the fact that the very name of the Wederas survives on the Bohuslän coast to this day, in the Wäder Öar and the Wäder Fiord. Advocates of the "Jute-theory" lay great stress upon the fact that Gregory of Tours and the _Liber Historiae Francorum_ call Hygelac a Dane[697]: _Dani cum rege suo Chochilaico_. Now, when Gregory wrote in the sixth century, either the Jutes were entirely distinct from, and independent of, the Danes, or they were not. If they were distinct, how do Gregory's words help the "Jute-theory"? He must be simply using "Dane," like the Anglo-Saxon historians, for "Scandinavian." But if the Jutes were not distinct from the Danes, then we have an argument against the "Jute-theory." For we know from _Beowulf_ that the Geatas _were_ quite distinct from the Danes[698], and quite independent of them[699]. It is repeatedly urged that the Geatas and Swedes fight _ofer s[=æ]_[700]. But _s[=æ]_ can mean a great fresh-water lake, like Lake Wener, just as well as the ocean[701]: and as a matter of fact we know that the decisive battle did take place on Lake Wener, _in stagno Waener, á Vænis ísi_[702]. Lake Wener is an obvious battle place for Götar and Swedes. They were separated by the great and almost impassable forests of "Tived" and "Kolmård," and the lake was their simplest way of meeting[703]. But it does not equally fit Jutes and Swedes. It is repeatedly objected that the Götar are remote from the Anglo-Saxons[704]. Possibly: but remoteness did not prevent {343} the Anglo-Saxons from being interested in heroes of the Huns or Goths or Burgundians or Longobards, who were much more[705] distant. And the absence of any direct connection between the history of the Geatas and the historic Anglo-Saxon records, affords a strong presumption that the Geatas _were_ a somewhat alien people. If the people of Beowulf, Hygelac, and Hrethel, were the same people as the Jutes who colonized Kent and Hampshire, why do we never, in the Kentish royal genealogies or elsewhere, find any claim to such connection? The Mercians did not so forget their connection with the old Offa of Angel, although a much greater space of time had intervened. The fact that we have no mention among the ancestors of Beowulf and Hygelac of any names which we can connect with the Jutish genealogy affords, therefore, a strong presumption that they belonged to some other tribe. The strongest historical argument for the "Jute-theory" was that produced by Bugge. The _Ynglinga tal_ represents Ottar (who is certainly the Ohthere of _Beowulf_) as having fallen in Vendel, and this Vendel was clearly understood as being the district of that name in North Jutland. The body of this Swedish king was torn asunder by carrion birds, and he was remembered as "the Vendel-crow," a mocking nickname which pretty clearly goes back to primitive times. Other ancient authors attributed this name, not to Ottar, but to his father, who can be identified with the Ongentheow of _Beowulf_. This would seem to indicate that the hereditary foes of Ongentheow and the Swedish kings of his house were, after all, the Jutes of Vendel. But Knut Stjerna has shown that the Vendel from which "Ottar Vendel-crow" took his name was probably not the Vendel of Jutland at all, but the place of that name north of Uppsala, famous for the splendid grave-finds which show it to have been of peculiar importance during our period[706]. And subsequent research has shown that a huge grave-mound, near this Vendel, is mentioned in a record of the seventeenth century as King {344} Ottar's mound, and is still popularly known as the mound of Ottar Vendel-crow[707]. But, if so, this story of the Vendel-crow, so far from supporting the "Jute-hypothesis," tells against it: nothing could be more suitable than Vendel, north of Uppsala, as the "last ditch" to which Ongentheow retreated, if we assume his adversaries to have been the Götar: but it would not suit the Jutes so well. An exploration of the mound has proved beyond reasonable doubt that it _was_ raised to cover the ashes of Ottar Vendel-crow, the Ohthere of _Beowulf_[708]. That Ohthere fell in battle against the Geatas there is nothing, in _Beowulf_ or elsewhere, to prove. But the fact that his ashes were laid in mound at Vendel in Sweden makes it unlikely that he fell in battle against the Jutes, and is quite incompatible with what we are told in the _Ynglinga saga_ of his body having been torn to pieces by carrion fowl on a mound in Vendel in Jutland. It now becomes clear that this story, and the tale of the crow of wood made by the Jutlanders in mockery of Ottar, is a mere invention to account for the name Vendel-crow: the name, as so often, has survived, and a new story has grown up to give a reason for the name. What "Vendel-crow" originally implied we cannot be quite sure. Apparently "Crow" or "Vendel-crow" is used to this day as a nickname for the inhabitants of Swedish Vendel. Ottar may have been so called because he was buried (possibly because he lived) in Vendel, not, like other members of his race, his son and his father, at Old Uppsala. But however that may be, what is clear is that, as the name passed from the Swedes to those Norwegian and Icelandic writers who have handed it down {345} to us, Vendel of Sweden was naturally misunderstood as the more familiar Vendel of Jutland. Stjerna's conjecture is confirmed. The Swedish king's nickname, far from pointing to ancient feuds between Jute and Swede, is shown to have nothing whatsoever to do with Jutland. It appears, then, that _G[=e]atas_ is phonologically the equivalent of "Götar," but not the equivalent of "Jutes"; that what we know of the use of the word "Jutes" (_[=I]ote_, etc.) in Old English makes it incredible that a poem of the length of _Beowulf_ could be written, concerning their heroes and their wars, without even mentioning them by their correct name; that in many respects the geographical and historical evidence fits the Götar, but does _not_ fit the Jutes; that the instances to the contrary, in which it is claimed that the geographical and historical evidence fits the Jutes but does not fit the Götar, are all found on examination to be either inconclusive or actually to favour the Götar. * * * * * F. _BEOWULF_ AND THE ARCHÆOLOGISTS The peat-bogs of Schleswig and Denmark have yielded finds of the first importance for English archæology. These "moss-finds" are great collections, chiefly of arms and accoutrements, obviously deposited with intention. The first of these great discoveries, that of Thorsbjerg, was made in the heart of ancient Angel: the site of the next, Nydam, also comes within the area probably occupied by either Angles or Jutes; and most of the rest of the "moss-finds" were in the closest neighbourhood of the old Anglian home. The period of the oldest deposits, as is shown by the Roman coins found among them, is hardly before the third century A.D., and some authorities would make it considerably later. An account of these discoveries will be found in Engelhardt's _Denmark in the Early Iron Age_[709], 1866: a volume which {346} summarizes the results of Engelhardt's investigations during the preceding seven years. He had published in Copenhagen _Thorsbjerg Mosefund_, 1863; _Nydam Mosefund_, 1865. Engelhardt's work at Nydam was interrupted by the war of 1864: the finds had to be ceded to Germany, and the exploration was continued by German scholars. Engelhardt consoled himself that these "subsequent investigations ... do not seem to have been carried on with the necessary care and intelligence," and continued his own researches within the narrowed frontiers of Denmark, publishing two monographs on the mosses of Fünen: _Kragehul Mosefund_, 1867; _Vimose Fundet_, 1869. These deposits, however, obviously belong to a period much earlier than that in which _Beowulf_ was written: indeed most of them certainly belong to a period earlier than that in which the historic events described in _Beowulf_ occurred; so that, close as is their relation with Anglian civilization, it is with the civilization of the Angles while still on the continent. The Archæology of _Beowulf_ has been made the subject of special study by Knut Stjerna, in a series of articles which appeared between 1903 and his premature death in 1909. A good service has been done to students of _Beowulf_ by Dr Clark Hall in collecting and translating Stjerna's essays[710]. They are a mine of useful information, and the reproductions of articles from Scandinavian grave-finds, with which they are so copiously illustrated, are invaluable. The magnificent antiquities from Vendel, now in the Stockholm museum, are more particularly laid under contribution[711]. Dr Clark Hall added a most useful "Index of things mentioned in _Beowulf_[712]," well illustrated. Here again the illustrations, with few exceptions, are from Scandinavian finds. {347} Two weighty arguments as to the origin of _Beowulf_ have been based upon archæology. In the first place it has been urged by Dr Clark Hall that: "If the poem is read in the light of the evidence which Stjerna has marshalled in the essays as to the profusion of gold, the prevalence of ring-swords, of boar-helmets, of ring-corslets, and ring-money, it becomes clear how strong the distinctively Scandinavian colouring is, and how comparatively little of the _mise-en-scène_ must be due to the English author[713]." Equally, Prof. Klaeber finds in Stjerna's investigations a strong argument for the Scandinavian character of _Beowulf_[714]. Now Stjerna, very rightly and naturally, drew his illustrations of _Beowulf_ from those Scandinavian, and especially Swedish, grave-finds which he knew so well: and very valuable those illustrations are. But it does not follow, because the one archæologist who has chosen to devote his knowledge so wholeheartedly to the elucidation of _Beowulf_ was a Scandinavian, using Scandinavian material, that therefore _Beowulf_ is Scandinavian. This, however, is the inference which Stjerna himself was apt to draw, and which is still being drawn from his work. Stjerna speaks of our poem as a monument raised by the Geatas to the memory of their saga-renowned king[715], though he allows that certain features of the poem, such as the dragon-fight[716], are of Anglo-Saxon origin. Of course, it must be allowed that accounts such as those of the fighting between Swedes and Geatas, if they are historical (and they obviously are), must have originated from eyewitnesses of the Scandinavian battles: but I doubt if there is anything in _Beowulf_ so purely Scandinavian as to compel us to assume that any line of the story, in the poetical form in which we now have it, was _necessarily_ composed in Scandinavia. Even if it could be shown that the conditions depicted in _Beowulf_ can be better illustrated from the grave-finds of Vendel in Sweden than from English diggings, this would not prove _Beowulf_ Scandinavian. Modern scientific archæology is surely based on chronology as well as geography. The English finds date from {348} the period before 650 A.D., and the Vendel finds from the period after. _Beowulf_ might well show similarity rather with contemporary art abroad than with the art of earlier generations at home. For intercourse was more general than is always realized. It was not merely trade and plunder which spread fashions from nation to nation. There were the presents of arms which Tacitus mentions as sent, not only privately, but with public ceremony, from one tribe to another[717]. Similar presentations are indicated in _Beowulf_[718]; we find them equally at the court of the Ostrogothic Theodoric[719]; Charles the Great sent to Offa of Mercia _unum balteum et unum gladium huniscum_[720]; according to the famous story in the _Heimskringla_, Athelstan sent to Harold Fairhair of Norway a sword and belt arrayed with gold and silver; Athelstan gave Harold's son Hakon a sword which was the best that ever came to Norway[721]. It is not surprising, then, if we find parallels between English poetry and Scandinavian grave-finds, both apparently dating from about the year 700 A.D. But I do not think that there is any _special_ resemblance, though, both in _Beowulf_ and in the Vendel graves, there is a profusion lacking in the case of the simpler Anglo-Saxon tomb-furniture. Let us examine the five points of special resemblance, alleged by Dr Clark Hall, on the basis of Stjerna's studies. "The profusion of gold." Gold is indeed lavishly used in _Beowulf_: the golden treasure found in the dragon's lair was so bulky that it had to be transported by waggon. And, certainly, gold is found in greater profusion in Swedish than in English graves: the most casual visitor to the Stockholm museum must be impressed by the magnificence of the exhibits there. But, granting gold to have been rarer in England than in Sweden, I cannot grant Stjerna's contention that therefore an English poet could not have conceived the idea of a vast gold hoard[722]; or that, even if the poet does deck his warriors with gold somewhat more sumptuously than was actually the case in England, {349} we can draw any argument from it. For, if the dragon in _Beowulf_ guards a treasure, so equally does the typical dragon of Old English proverbial lore[723]. Beowulf is spoken of as _gold-wlanc_, but the typical thegn in _Finnsburg_ is called _gold-hladen_[724]. The sword found by Beowulf in the hall of Grendel's mother has a golden hilt, but the English proverb had it that "gold is in its place on a man's sword[725]." Heorot is hung with golden tapestry, but gold-inwoven fabric has been unearthed from Saxon graves at Taplow, and elsewhere in England[726]. Gold glitters in other poems quite as lavishly as in _Beowulf_, sometimes more so. Widsith made a hobby of collecting golden _b[=e]agas_. The subject of _Waldere_ is a fight for treasure. The byrnie of Waldere[727] is adorned with gold: so is that of Holofernes in _Judith_[728], so is that of the typical warrior in the _Elene_[729]. Are all these poems Scandinavian? "The prevalence of ring-swords." We know that swords were sometimes fitted with a ring in the hilt[730]. It is not clear whether the object of this ring was to fasten the hilt by a strap to the wrist, for convenience in fighting (as has been the custom with the cavalry sword in modern times) or whether it was used to attach the "peace bands," by which the hilt of the sword was sometimes fixed to the scabbard, when only being worn ceremonially[731]. The word _hring-m[=æ]l_, applied three times to the sword in _Beowulf_, has been interpretated as a reference to these "ring-swords," though it is quite conceivable that it may refer only to the damascening of the sword with a ringed pattern[732]. Assuming that the reference in _Beowulf_ _is_ to a "ring-sword," Stjerna illustrates the allusion from seven ring-swords, or fragments of ring-swords, found in Sweden. But, as Dr Clark Hall himself points out (whilst oddly enough accepting this argument {350} as proof of the Scandinavian colouring of _Beowulf_) four ring-swords at least have been found in England[733]. And these English swords are _real_ ring-swords; that is to say, the pommel is furnished with a ring, within which another ring moves (in the oldest type of sword) quite freely. This freedom of movement seems, however, to be gradually restricted, and in one of these English swords the two rings are made in one and the same piece. In the Swedish swords, however, this restriction is carried further, and the two rings are represented by a knob growing out of a circular base. Another sword of this "knob"-type has recently been found in a Frankish tomb[734], and yet another in the Rhineland[735]. It seems to be agreed among archæologists that the English type, as found in Kent, is the original, and that the Swedish and continental "ring-swords" are merely imitations, in which the ring has become conventionalized into a knob[736]. But, if so, how can the mention of a ring-sword in _Beowulf_ (if indeed that be the meaning of _hring-m[=æ]l_) prove Scandinavian colouring? If it proved anything (which it does not) it would tend to prove the reverse, and to locate _Beowulf_ in Kent, where the true ring-swords have been found. "The prevalence of boar-helmets." It is true that several representations of warriors wearing boar-helmets have been found in Scandinavia. But the only certainly Anglo-Saxon {351} helmet yet found in England has a boar-crest[737]; and this is, I believe, the only actual boar-helmet yet found. How then can the boar-helmets of _Beowulf_ show Scandinavian rather than Anglo-Saxon origin? "The prevalence of ring-corslets." It is true that only one trace of a byrnie, and that apparently not of ring-mail, has so far been found in an Anglo-Saxon grave. (We have somewhat more abundant remains from the period prior to the migration to England: a peculiarly fine corslet of ring-mail, with remains of some nine others, was found in the moss at Thorsbjerg[738] in the midst of the ancient Anglian continental home; and other ring-corslets have been found in the neighbourhood of Angel, at Vimose[739] in Fünen.) But, for the period when _Beowulf_ must have been composed, the ring-corslet is almost as rare in Scandinavia as in England[740]; the artist, however, seems to be indicating a byrnie upon many of the warriors depicted on the Vendel helm (Grave 14: seventh century). Equally, in England, warriors are represented on the Franks Casket as wearing the byrnie: also the laws of Ine (688-95) make it clear that the byrnie was by no means unknown[741]. Other Old English poems, certainly not Scandinavian, mention the ring-byrnie. How then can the mention of it in _Beowulf_ be a proof of Scandinavian origin? "The prevalence of ring-money." Before minted money became current, rings were used everywhere among the Teutonic peoples. Gold rings, _intertwined_ so as to form a chain, have been found throughout Scandinavia, presumably for use as a medium of exchange. The term _locenra b[=e]aga_ (gen. plu.) occurs in _Beowulf_, and this is interpreted by Stjerna as "rings _intertwined or locked_ together[742]." But _locen_ in _Beowulf_ need not have the meaning of "intertwined"; it occurs elsewhere in Old English of a single jewel, _sincgim locen_[743]. Further, even if _locen_ does mean {352} "intertwined," such intertwined rings are not limited to Scandinavia proper. They have been found in Schleswig[744]. And almost the very phrase in _Beowulf_, _londes ne locenra b[=e]aga_[745], recurs in the _Andreas_. The phrase there may be imitated from _Beowulf_, but, equally, the phrase in _Beowulf_ may be imitated from some earlier poem. In fact, it is part of the traditional poetic diction: but its occurrence in the _Andreas_ shows that it cannot be used as an argument of Scandinavian origin. Whilst, therefore, accepting with gratitude the numerous illustrations which Stjerna has drawn from Scandinavian grave-finds, we must be careful not to read a Scandinavian colouring into features of _Beowulf_ which are at least as much English as Scandinavian, such as the ring-sword or the boar-helmet or the ring-corslet. There is, as is noted above, a certain atmosphere of profusion and wealth about some Scandinavian grave-finds, which corresponds much more nearly with the wealthy life depicted in _Beowulf_ than does the comparatively meagre tomb-furniture of England. But we must remember that, after the spread of Christianity in the first half of the seventh century, the custom of burying articles with the bodies of the dead naturally ceased, or almost ceased, in England. Scandinavia continued heathen for another four hundred years, and it was during these years that the most magnificent deposits were made. As Stjerna himself points out, "a steadily increasing luxury in the appointment of graves" is to be found in Scandinavia in these centuries before the introduction of Christianity there. When we find in Scandinavia things (complete ships, for example) which we do not find in England, we owe this, partly to the nature of the soil in which they were embedded, but also to the continuance of such burial customs after they had died out in England. Helm and byrnie were not necessarily unknown, or even very rare in England, simply because it was not the custom to bury them with the dead. On the other hand, the frequent mention of them in _Beowulf_ does not imply that they were common: for {353} _Beowulf_ deals only with the aristocratic adherents of a court, and even in _Beowulf_ fine specimens of the helm and byrnie are spoken of as things which a king seeks far and wide to procure for his retainers[746]. We cannot, therefore, argue that there is any discrepancy. However, if we do so argue, it would merely prove, not that _Beowulf_ is Scandinavian as opposed to English, but that it is comparatively late in date. Tacitus emphasizes the fact that spear and shield were the Teutonic weapons, that helmet and corslet were hardly known[747]. Pagan graves show that at any rate they were hardly known _as tomb-furniture_ in England in the fifth, sixth, and early seventh centuries. The introduction of Christianity, and the intercourse with the South which it involved, certainly led to the growth of pomp and wealth in England, till the early eighth century became "the golden age of Anglo-Saxon England." It might therefore conceivably be argued that _Beowulf_ reflects the comparative abundance of early Christian England, as opposed to the more primitive heathen simplicity; but to argue a Scandinavian origin from the profusion of _Beowulf_ admits of an easy _reductio ad absurdum_. For the same arguments would prove a heathen, Scandinavian origin for the _Andreas_, the _Elene_, the _Exodus_, or even for the Franks Casket, despite its Anglo-Saxon inscription and Christian carvings. However, though the absence of helm and byrnie from Anglo-Saxon graves does not prove that these arms were not used by the living in heathen times, one thing it assuredly _does_ prove: that the Anglo-Saxons in heathen times did not sacrifice helm and byrnie recklessly in funeral pomp. And this brings us to the second argument as to the origin of _Beowulf_ which has been based on archæology. Something has been said above of this second contention[748]--that the accuracy of the account of Beowulf's funeral is confirmed in every point by archæological evidence: that it must {354} therefore have been composed within living memory of a time when ceremonies of this kind were still actually in use in England: and that therefore we cannot date _Beowulf_ later than the third or fourth decade of the seventh century. To begin with; the pyre in _Beowulf_ is represented as hung with helmets, bright byrnies, and shields. Now it is impossible to say exactly how the funeral pyres were equipped in England. But we _do_ know how the buried bodies were equipped. And (although inhumation cemeteries are much more common than cremation cemeteries) all the graves that have been opened have so far yielded only one case of a helmet and byrnie being buried with the warrior, and one other very doubtful case of a helmet without the byrnie. Abroad, instances are somewhat more common, but still of great rarity. For such things could ill be spared. Charles the Great forbade the export of byrnies from his dominions. Worn by picked champions fighting in the forefront, they might well decide the issue of a battle. In the mounds where we have reason to think that the great chiefs mentioned in _Beowulf_, Eadgils or Ohthere, lie buried, any trace of weapons was conspicuously absent among the burnt remains. Nevertheless, the belief that his armour would be useful to the champion in the next life, joined perhaps with a feeling that it was unlucky, or unfair on the part of the survivor to deprive the dead of his personal weapons, led in heathen times to the occasional burial of these treasures with the warrior who owned them. The fifth century tomb of Childeric I, when discovered twelve centuries later, was found magnificently furnished--the prince had been buried with treasure and much equipment[749], sword, scramasax[750], axe, spear. But these were his own. Similarly, piety might have demanded that Beowulf should be burnt with his full equipment. But would the pyre have been hung with helmets and byrnies? Whose? Were the thegns asked to sacrifice theirs, and go naked into the next fight in honour of their lord? If so, what archæological authority have we for such a custom in England? {355} Then the barrow is built, and the vast treasure of the dragon (which included "many a helmet[751]") placed in it. Now there are instances of articles which have not passed through the fire being placed in or upon or around an urn with the cremated bones[752]. But is there any instance of the thing being done on this scale--of a wholesale burning of helmets and byrnies followed by a burial of huge treasure? If so, one would like to know when, and where. If not, how can it be argued that the account in _Beowulf_ is one of which "the accuracy is confirmed in every point by archæological or contemporary literary evidence?" Rather we must say, with Knut Stjerna, that it is "too much of a good thing[753]." For the antiquities of Anglo-Saxon England, the student should consult the _Victoria County History_. The two splendid volumes of Professor G. Baldwin Brown on _Saxon Art and Industry in the Pagan Period_[754] at length enable the general reader to get a survey of the essential facts, for which up to now he has had to have recourse to innumerable scattered treatises. _The Archæology of the Anglo-Saxon Settlements_ by Mr E. Thurlow Leeds will also be found helpful. Side-lights from the field of Teutonic antiquities in general can be got from Prof. Baldwin Brown's _Arts and Crafts of our Teutonic Forefathers_, 1910, and from Lindenschmit's _Handbuch der deutschen Alterthumskunde, I. Theil: Die Alterthümer der Merovingischen Zeit_ (Braunschweig, 1880-89), a book which is still indispensable. Hoops' _Reallexikon der germanischen Altertumskunde_, Strassburg, 1911-19, 4 vols., includes a large number of contributions of the greatest importance to the student of _Beowulf_, both upon archæological and other subjects. By the completion[755] of this most valuable work, amid heart-breaking difficulties, Prof. Hoops has placed all students under a great obligation. Much help can be got from an examination of the antiquities of Teutonic countries other than England. The following books are useful--for Norway: {356} Gustafson (G.), _Norges Oldtid_, 1906; for Denmark: Müller (S.), _Vor Oldtid_, 1897; for Sweden: Montelius (O.), _Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times_, 1888, _Kulturgeschichte Schwedens_, 1906; for Schleswig: Mestorf (J.), _Vorgeschichtliche Alterthümer aus Schleswig_; for the Germanic nations in their wanderings on the outskirts of the Roman Empire: Hampel (J.), _Alterthümer des frühen Mittelalters in Ungarn_, 3 Bde, 1905; for Germanic remains in Gaul: Barrière-Flavy (M. C.), _Les Arts industriels des peuples barbares de la Gaule du V^me au VIII^me siècle_, 3 tom. 1901. Somewhat popular accounts, and now rather out of date, are the two South Kensington handbooks: Worsaae (J. J. A.), _Industrial Arts of Denmark_, 1882, and Hildebrand (H.), _Industrial Arts of Scandinavia_, 1883. _Scandinavian Burial Mounds_ The three great "Kings' Mounds" at Old Uppsala were explored between 1847 and 1874: cremated remains from them can be seen in the Stockholm Museum. An account of the tunnelling, and of the complicated structure of the mounds, was given in 1876 by the Swedish State-Antiquary[756]. From these finds Knut Stjerna dated the oldest of the "Kings' Mounds" about 500 A.D.[757], and the others somewhat later. Now, as we are definitely told that Athils (Eadgils) and the two kings who figure in the list of Swedish monarchs as his grandfather and great-grandfather (Aun and Egil) were "laid in mound" at Uppsala[758], and as the chronology agrees, it seems only reasonable to conclude that the three Kings' Mounds were raised over these three kings[759]. That Athils' father Ottar (Ohthere) was not regarded as having been buried at Uppsala is abundantly clear from the account given of his death, and of his nickname Vendel-crow[760]. A mound near Vendel north of Uppsala is known by his name. Such names are often the result of quite modern antiquarian conjecture: but that such is not the case here was proved by the recent discovery that an antiquarian survey (preserved in MS in the Royal Library at Stockholm) dating from 1677, mentions in Vendel "widh Hussby, [en] stor jorde högh, som heeter Otters högen[761]." An exploration of Ottar's mound showed a striking similarity with the Uppsala mounds. The structure was the same, a cairn of stones covered over with earth; the {357} cremated remains were similar, there were abundant traces of burnt animals, a comb, half-spherical draughts with two round holes bored in the flat side, above all, there was in neither case any trace of weapons. In Ottar's mound a gold Byzantine coin was found, pierced, having evidently been used as an ornament. It can be dated 477-8; it is much worn, but such coins seldom remained in the North in use for a century after their minting[762]. Ottar's mound obviously, then, belongs to the same period as the Uppsala mounds, and confirms the date attributed by Stjerna to the oldest of those mounds, about 500 A.D. _Weapons_ For weapons in general see Lehmann (H.), _Über die Waffen im angelsächsischen Beowulfliede_, in _Germania_, XXXI, 486-97; Keller (May L.), _The Anglo-Saxon weapon names treated archæologically and etymologically_, Heidelberg, 1906 (_Anglistische Forschungen_, XV: cf. Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XVIII, 65-9, Binz, _Litteraturblatt_, XXXI, 98-100); ++Wagner (R.), _Die Angriffswaffen der Angelsächsischen_, Diss., Königsberg; and especially Falk (H.), _Altnordische Waffenkunde_, in _Videnskapsselskapets Skrifter, Hist.-Filos. Klasse_, 1914, Kristiania. THE SWORD. The sword of the Anglo-Saxon pagan period (from the fifth to the seventh century) "is deficient in quality as a blade, and also ... in the character of its hilt[763]." In this it contrasts with the sword found in the peat-bogs of Schleswig from an earlier period: "these swords of the Schleswig moss-finds are much better weapons[764]," as well as with the later Viking sword of the ninth or tenth century, which "is a remarkably effective and well-considered implement[765]." It has been suggested that both the earlier Schleswig swords and the later Viking swords (which bear a considerable likeness to each other, as against the inferior Anglo-Saxon sword) are the product of intercourse with Romanized peoples[766], whilst the typical Anglo-Saxon sword "may represent an independent Germanic effort at sword making[767]." However this may be, it is noteworthy that nowhere in _Beowulf_ do we have any hint of the skill of any sword-smith who is regarded as contemporary. A good sword is always "an old heirloom," "an ancient treasure[768]." The sword of Wiglaf, which had belonged to Eanmund, or the sword with which Eofor slays Ongentheow, are {358} described by the phrase _ealdsweord eotenisc_, as if they were weapons of which the secret and origin had been lost--indeed the same phrase is applied to the magic sword which Beowulf finds in the hall of Grendel's mother. The blade of these ancestral swords was sometimes damascened or adorned with wave-like patterns[769]. The swords of the Schleswig moss-finds are almost all thus adorned with a variegated surface, as often are the later Viking swords; but those of the Anglo-Saxon graves are _not_. Is it fanciful to suggest that the reference to damascening is a tradition coming down from the time of the earlier sword as found in the Nydam moss? A few early swords might have been preserved among the invaders as family heirlooms, too precious to be buried with the owner, as the product of the local weapon-smith was. See, for a full discussion of the sword in _Beowulf_, Stjerna, _Hjälmar och svärd i Beovulf_ (_Studier tillägnade O. Montelius_, Stockholm, pp. 99-120 = _Essays_, transl. Clark Hall, pp. 1-32). The standard treatise on the sword, _Den Yngre Jernalders Sværd_, Bergen, 1889, by A. L. Lorange, deals mainly with a rather later period. THE HELMET. The helmet found at Benty Grange in Derbyshire in 1848 is now in the Sheffield Museum[770]: little remains except the boar-crest, the nose-piece, and the framework of iron ribs radiating from the crown, and fixed to a circle of iron surrounding the brow (perhaps the _fr[=e]awr[=a]sn_ of _Beowulf_, 1451). Mr Bateman, the discoverer, described the helmet as "coated with narrow plates of horn, running in a diagonal direction from the ribs, so as to form a herring-bone pattern; the ends were secured by strips of horn, radiating in like manner as the iron ribs, to which they were riveted at intervals of about an inch and a half: all the rivets had ornamented heads of silver on the outside, and on the front rib is a small cross of the same metal. Upon the top or crown of the helmet, is an elongated oval brass plate, upon which stands the figure of an animal, carved in iron, now much rusted, but still a very good representation of a pig: it has bronze eyes[771]." Helmets of very similar construction, but without the boar, have been found on the Continent and in Scandinavia (Vendel, Grave 14, late seventh century). The continental helmets often {359} stand higher[772] than the Benty Grange or Vendel specimens, being sometimes quite conical (cf. the epithet "war-steep," _heaðo-st[=e]ap_, _Beowulf_). Many of the continental helmets are provided with cheek-protections, and these also appear in the Scandinavian representations of warriors on the Torslunda plates and elsewhere. These side pieces have become detached from the magnificent Vendel helmet, which is often shown in engravings without them[773], but they can be seen in the Stockholm Museum[774]. If it ever possessed them, the Benty Grange helmet has lost these side pieces. Such cheek-protections are, however, represented, together with the nose-protection, on the head of one of the warriors depicted on the Franks Casket. In the Vendel helms, the nose-pieces were connected under the eyes with the rim of the helmet, so as to form a mask[774]; the helmet in _Beowulf_ is frequently spoken of as the battle-mask[775]. Both helmet and boar-crest were sometimes gold-adorned[776]: the golden boar was a symbol of the god Freyr: some magic protective power is still, in _Beowulf_[777], felt to adhere to these swine-likenesses, as it was in the days of Tacitus[778]. In Scandinavia, the Torslunda plates show the helmet with a boar-crest: the Vendel helmet has representations of warriors whose crests have an animal's head tailing off to a mere rim or roll: this may be the _walu_ or _wala_ which keeps watch over the head in _Beowulf_[779]. The helmet was bound fast to the head[780]; exactly how, we do not know. See Lehmann (H.), _Brünne und Helm im ags. Beowulfliede_ (Göttingen Diss., Leipzig; cf. Wülker, _Anglia_, VIII, _Anzeiger_, 167-70; Schulz, _Engl. Stud._, IX, 471); Hoops' _Reallexikon_, s.v. _Helm_; Baldwin Brown, III, 194-6; Falk, _Altnord. Waffenkunde_, 155-73; Stjerna, _Hjälmar och svärd_, 1907, as above: but the attempt of Stjerna to arrange the helmets he depicts in a {360} chronological series is perilous, and depends on a dating of the Benty Grange helmet which is by no means generally accepted. THE CORSLET. This in _Beowulf_ is made of rings[781], twisted and interlaced by hand[782]. As stated above, the fragments of the only known Anglo-Saxon byrnie were not of this type, but rather intended to have been sewn "upon a doublet of strong cloth[783]." Byrnies were of various lengths, the longer ones reaching to the middle of the thigh (_byrnan s[=i]de_, _Beow._ 1291, cf. _loricæ longæ, síðar brynjur_). See Falk, 179; Baldwin Brown, III. 194. THE SPEAR. Spear and shield were the essential Germanic weapons in the days of Tacitus, and they are the weapons most commonly found in Old English tombs. The spear-shaft has generally decayed, analysis of fragments surviving show that it was frequently of ash[784]. The butt-end of the spear was frequently furnished with an iron tip, and the distance of this from the spear-head, and the size of the socket, show the spear-shaft to have been six or seven feet long, and three-quarters of an inch to one inch in diameter. See Falk, 66-90; Baldwin Brown, III, 234-41. THE SHIELD. Several round shields were preserved on the Gokstad ship, and in the deposits of an earlier period at Thorsbjerg and Nydam. These are formed of boards fastened together, often only a quarter of an inch thick, and not strengthened or braced in any way, bearing out the contemptuous description of the painted German shield which Tacitus puts into the mouth of Germanicus[785]. It was, however, intended that the shield should be light. It was easily pierced, but, by a rapid twist, the foe's sword could be broken or wrenched from his hand. Thus we are told how Gunnar gave his shield a twist, as his adversary thrust his sword through it, and so snapped off his sword at the hilt[786]. The shield was held by a bar, crossing a hole some four inches wide cut in the middle. The hand was protected by a hollow conical boss or umbo, fixed to the wood by its brim, but projecting considerably. In England the wood of the shield has always perished, but a large number of bosses have been preserved. The boss seems to have been called _rond_, a word which is also used for the shield as a whole. In _Beowulf_, 2673, _Gifts of Men_, 65, the meaning "boss" suits _rond_ best, also in _rand sceal on scylde, fæst fingra gebeorh_ (_Cotton. Gnomic Verses_, 37-8). But the original meaning of _rand_ must have been the circular rim round the edge, and this {361} meaning it retains in Icelandic (Falk, 131). The linden wood was sometimes bound with bast, whence _scyld (sceal) gebunden, l[=e]oht linden bord_ (_Exeter Gnomic Verses_, 94-5). See Falk (126-54); Baldwin Brown, III, 196-204; Pfannkuche (K.), _Der Schild bei den Angelsachsen_, Halle Dissertation, 1908. THE BOW is a weapon of much less importance in _Beowulf_ than the spear. Few traces of the bow have survived from Anglo-Saxon England, though many wooden long-bows have been preserved in the moss-finds in a remarkably fine state. They are of yew, some over six feet long, and in at least one instance tipped with horn. The bow entirely of horn was, of course, well known in the East, and in classical antiquity, but I do not think traces of any horn-bow have been discovered in the North. It was a difficult weapon to manage, as the suitors of Penelope found to their cost. Possibly that is why Hæthcyn is represented as killing his brother Herebeald accidentally with a horn-bow: he could not manage the exotic weapon. See Falk, 91-103; Baldwin Brown, III, 241. _The Hall_ It may perhaps be the fact that in the church of Sta. Maria de Naranco, in the north of Spain, we have the hall of a Visigothic king driven north by the Mohammedan invasion. But, even if this surmise[787] be correct, the structure of a stone hall of about 750 A.D. gives us little information as to the wooden halls of early Anglo-Saxon times. Heorot is clearly built of timber, held together by iron clamps[788]. These halls were oblong, and a famous passage in Bede[789] makes it clear that, at any rate at the time of the Conversion, the hall had a door at both ends, and the fire burnt in the middle. (The smoke escaped through a hole in the roof, through which probably most of the light came, for windows were few or none.) The _Finnsburg Fragment_ also implies two doors. Further indications can be drawn from references to the halls of Norse chiefs. The Scandinavian hall was divided by rows of wooden pillars into a central nave and side aisles. The pillars in the centre were known as the "high-seat pillars." Rows of seats ran down the length of the hall on each side. The central position, facing the high-seat pillars and the fire, was the most honourable. The place of honour for the chief guest was opposite: and it is quite clear that in _Beowulf_ also the guest did not sit next his host[790]. Other points we may note about Heorot, are the tapestry with which its walls are draped[791], and the paved and variegated floor[792]. Unlike so {362} many later halls, Heorot has a floor little, if anything, raised above the ground: horses can be brought in[793]. In later times, in Iceland, the arrangement of the hall was changed, and the house consisted of many rooms; but these were formed, not by partitioning the hall, but by building several such halls side by side: the _stufa_ or hall proper, the _skáli_ or sleeping hall, _etc._ See M. Heyne, _Ueber die Lage und Construction der Halle Heorot_, Paderborn, 1864, where the scanty information about Heorot is collected, and supplemented with some information about Anglo-Saxon building. For the Icelandic hall see Valtyr Guðmundsson, _Privatboligen på Island i Sagatiden_, København, 1889. This has been summarized, in a more popular form, in a chapter on _Den islandske Bolig i Fristatstiden_, contributed by Guðmundsson to Rosenberg's _Træk af Livet paa Island i Fristatstiden_, 1894 (pp. 251-74). Here occurs the picture of an Icelandic hall which has been so often reproduced--by Olrik, Holthausen, and in _Beowulf_-translations. But it is a conjectural picture, and we can by no means assume all its details for Heorot. Rhamm's colossal work is only for the initiated, but is useful for consultation on special points (_Ethnographische Beiträge zur Germanischslawischen Altertumskunde_, von K. Rhamm, 1905-8. I. _Die Grosshufen der Nordgermanen_; II. _Urzeitliche Bauernhöfe_). For various details see Hoops' _Reallexikon_, s.v. _flett_; Neckel in _P.B.B._ XLI, 1916, 163-70 (_under edoras_); Meiringer in _I.F._, especially XVIII, 257 (_under eoderas_); Kaufmann in _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXIX, 282-92. _Ships_ In a tumulus near Snape in Suffolk, opened in 1862, there were discovered, with burnt bones and remains thought to be of Anglo-Saxon date, a large number of rivets which, from the positions in which they were found, seemed to give evidence of a boat 48 feet long by over nine feet wide[794]. A boat, similar in dimensions, but better preserved, was unearthed near Bruges in 1899, and the ribs, mast and rudder removed to the Gruuthuuse Museum[795]. Three boats were discovered in the peat-moss at Nydam in Schleswig in 1863, by Engelhardt. The most important is the "Nydam boat," clinker-built (i.e. with overlapping planks), of oak, 77 feet [23.5 m.] long, by some 11 [3.4 m.] broad, with rowlocks for fourteen oars down each side. There was no trace of any mast. Planks and framework had been held together, partly by iron bolts, and partly by ropes of bast. The boat had fallen to pieces, and had to be laboriously put together in the museum at Flensborg. Another boat was quite fragmentary, but a third boat, of fir, was found tolerably complete. Then the war of 1864 ended Engelhardt's labours at Nydam. [Illustration: THE GOKSTAD SHIP] [Illustration: THE OSEBERG SHIP] {363} The oak-boat was removed to Kiel, where it now is. The fir-boat was allowed to decay: many of the pieces of the oak-boat had been rotten and had of necessity been restored in facsimile, and it is much less complete than might be supposed from the numerous reproductions, based upon the fine engraving by Magnus Petersen. The rustic with a spade, there depicted as gazing at the boat, is apt to give a wrong impression that it was dug out intact[796]. Such was, however, actually the case with regard to the ship excavated from the big mound at Gokstad, near Christiania, by Nicolaysen, in 1880. This was fitted both as a rowing and sailing ship; it was 66 feet [20.1 m.] long on the keel, 78 feet [23.8 m.] from fore to aft and nearly 17 feet [5.1 m.] broad, and was clinker-built, out of a much larger number of oaken planks than the Nydam ship. It had rowlocks for sixteen oars down each side, the gunwale was lined with shields, some of them well preserved, which had been originally painted alternately black and yellow. The find owed its extraordinary preservation to the blue clay in which it was embedded. Its discoverer wrote, with pardonable pride: "Certain it is that we shall not disinter any craft which, in respect of model and workmanship, will outrival that of Gokstad[797]." Yet the prophecy was destined to prove false: for on Aug. 8, 1903, a farmer came into the National Museum at Christiania to tell the curator, Prof. Gustafson, that he had discovered traces of a boat on his farm at Oseberg. Gustafson found that the task was too great to be begun so late in the year: the digging out of the ship, and its removal to Christiania, occupied from just before Midsummer to just before Christmas of 1904. The potter's clay in which the ship was buried had preserved it, if possible, better than the Gokstad ship: but the movement of the soft subsoil had squeezed and broken both ship and contents. The ship was taken out of the earth in nearly two thousand fragments. These were carefully numbered and marked: each piece was treated, bent back into its right shape, and the ship was put together again plank by plank, as when it was first built. With the exception of a piece about half a yard long, five or six little bits let in, and one of the beams, the ship as it stands now consists of the original woodwork. Two-thirds of the rivets are the old ones. Till his death in 1915 Gustafson was occupied in treating and preparing for exhibition first the ship, and then its extraordinarily rich contents: a waggon and sledges beautifully carved, beds, chests, kitchen utensils which had been buried with the princess who had owned them. A full account of the find is only now being published[798]. {364} The Oseberg ship is the pleasure boat of a royal lady: clinker-built, of oak, exquisitely carved, intended not for long voyages but for the land-locked waters of the fiord, 70½ feet [21.5 m.] long by some 16½ feet [5 m.] broad. There are holes for fifteen oars down each side, and the ship carried mast and sail. The upper part of the prow had been destroyed, but sufficient fragments have been found to show that it ended in the head of a snake-like creature, bent round in a coil. This explains the words _hringed-stefna_[799], _hring-naca_[800], _wunden-stefna_[801], used of the ship in _Beowulf_. A similar ringed prow is depicted on an engraved stone from Tjängvide, now in the National Historical Museum at Stockholm. This is supposed to date from about the year 1000[802]. The Gokstad and Oseberg ships, together with the ship of Tune, a much less complete specimen (unearthed in 1867, and found like the others on the shore of the Christiania fiord) owe their preservation to the clay, and the skill of Scandinavian antiquaries. Yet they are but three out of thousands of ship- or boat-burials. Schetelig enumerates 552 known instances from Norway alone. Often traces of the iron rivets are all that remain. Ships preserved from the Baltic coast of Germany can be seen at Königsberg, Danzig and Stettin; they are smaller and apparently later; the best, that of Brösen, was destroyed. The seamanship of _Beowulf_ is removed by centuries from that of the (? fourth or fifth century) Nydam boat, which not only has no mast or proper keel, but is so built as to be little suited for sailing. In _Beowulf_ the sea is a "sail-road," the word "to row" occurs only in the sense of "swim," sailing is assumed as the means by which Beowulf travels between the land of the Geatas and that of the Danes. Though he voyages with but fourteen companions, the ship is big enough to carry back four horses. How the sail may have been arranged is shown in many inscribed stones of the eighth to the tenth centuries: notably those of Stenkyrka[803], Högbro[804], and Tjängvide[805]. The Oseberg and Gokstad ships are no doubt later than the composition of _Beowulf_. But it is when looking at the Oseberg ship, especially if we picture the great prow like the neck of a swan ending in a serpent's coil, that we can best understand the words of _Beowulf_ flota f[=a]m[=i]-heals fugle gel[=i]cost, wunden-stefna, well rendered by Earle "The foamy-necked floater, most like to a bird--the coily-stemmed." {365} See Boehmer (G. H.), _Prehistoric Naval Architecture of the North of Europe, Report of the U.S. National Museum for 1891_ (now rather out of date); Guðmundsson (V.), _Nordboernes Skibe i Vikinge- og Sagatiden_, København, 1900; [*]Schnepper, _Die Namen der Schiffe u. Schiffsteile im Altenglischen_ (Kiel Diss.), 1908; Falk (H.), _Altnordisches Seewesen_ (_Wörter u. Sachen_, IV, Heidelberg, 1912); Hoops' _Reallexikon_, s.v. _Schiff_. * * * * * G. LEIRE BEFORE ROLF KRAKI That Leire was the royal town, not merely of Rolf Kraki, but of Rolf's predecessors as well, is stated in the _Skjoldunga Saga_, extant in the Latin abstract of Arngrim Jonsson: _Scioldus in arce Selandiae Hledro sedes posuit, quae et sequentium plurimorum regum regia fuit_ (ed. Olrik, København, 1894, p. 23 [105]). Similarly we are told in the _Ynglinga Saga_, concerning Gefion, _Hennar fekk Skj[o,]ldr, sonr Óðins; þau bjoggu at Hleiðru_ (_Heimskringla_, udgivne ved F. Jónsson, København, I, 15 [cap. V]). Above all, it is clear from the _Annales Lundenses_ that, in the twelfth century, Dan, Ro (Hrothgar) and Haldan (Healfdene) were traditionally connected with Leire, and three of the grave mounds there were associated with these three kings. See the extract given above, pp. 204-5, and cf. p. 17. * * * * * H. BEE-WOLF AND BEAR'S SON The obvious interpretation of the name _B[=e]owulf_ is that suggested by Grimm[806], that it means "wolf, or foe, of the bee." Grimm's suggestion was repeated independently by Skeat[807], and further reasons for the interpretation "bee-foe" have been found by Sweet[808] (who had been anticipated by Simrock[809] in some of his points), by Cosijn[810], Sievers[811], von Grienberger[812], Panzer[813] and Björkman[814]. From the phonological point of view the etymology is a {366} perfect one, but many of those who were convinced that "Beowulf" meant "bee-foe" had no satisfactory explanation of "bee-foe" to offer[815]. Others, like Bugge, whilst admitting that, so far as the form of the words goes, the etymology is satisfactory, rejected "bee-foe" because it seemed to them meaningless[816]. Yet it is very far from meaningless. "Bee-foe" means "bear." The bear has got a name, or nickname, in many northern languages from his habit of raiding the hives for honey. The Finnish name for bear is said to be "honey-hand": he is certainly called "sweet-foot," _sötfot_, in Sweden, and the Old Slavonic name, "honey-eater," has come to be accepted in Russian, not merely as a nickname, but as the regular term for "bear." And "bear" is an excellent name for a hero of story. The O.E. _beorn_, "warrior, hero, prince" seems originally to have meant simply "bear." The bear, says Grimm, "is regarded, in the belief of the Old Norse, Slavonic, Finnish and Lapp peoples, as an exalted and holy being, endowed with human understanding and the strength of twelve men. He is called 'forest-king,' 'gold-foot,' 'sweet-foot,' 'honey-hand,' 'honey-paw,' 'honey-eater,' but also 'the great,' 'the old,' 'the old grandsire[817].'" "Bee-hunter" is then a satisfactory explanation of _B[=e]owulf_: while the alternative explanations are none of them satisfactory. Many scholars have been led off the track by the assumption that Beow and Beowulf are to be identified, and that we must therefore assume that the first element in Beowulf's name is _B[=e]ow_--that we must divide not _B[=e]o-wulf_ but _B[=e]ow-ulf_, "a warrior after the manner of Beow[818]." But there is no ground {367} for any such assumption. It is true that in ll. 18, 53, "Beowulf" is written where we should have expected "Beowa." But, even if two words of similar sound have been confused, this fact affords no reason for supposing that they must necessarily have been in the first instance connected etymologically. And against the "warrior of Beow" interpretation is the fact that the name is recorded in the early Northumbrian _Liber Vitae_ under the form "Biuuulf[819]." This name, which is that of an early monk of Durham, is presumably the same as that of the hero of our poem, though it does not, of course, follow that the bearer of it was named with any special reference to the slayer of Grendel. Now _Biuuulf_ is correct Northumbrian for "bee-wolf," but the first element in the word cannot stand for _B[=e]ow_[820], unless the {368} affinities and forms of that word are quite different from all that the evidence has hitherto led us to believe. So much at least seems certain. Besides, we have seen that Byggvir is taunted by Loki precisely with the fact that he _is_ no warrior. If we can estimate the characteristics of the O.E. Beow from those of the Scandinavian Byggvir, the name "Warrior after the manner of Beow" would be meaningless, if not absurd. Bugge[821], relying upon the parallel O.N. form _Bjólfr_[822], which is recorded as the name of one of the early settlers in Iceland[823], tried to interpret the word as _Boejólfr_ "the wolf of the farmstead," quoting as parallels _Heimulf_, _Gardulf_. But _Bjólfr_ itself is best interpreted as "Bee-wolf[824]." And admittedly Bugge's explanation does not suit the O.E. _B[=e]owulf_, and necessitates the assumption that the word in English is a mere meaningless borrowing from the Scandinavian: for _B[=e]owulf_ assuredly does not mean "wolf of the farmstead[825]." Neither can we take very seriously the explanation of Sarrazin and Ferguson[826] that _B[=e]owulf_ is an abbreviation of _Beadu-wulf_, "wolf of war." Our business is to interpret the name _B[=e]owulf_, or, if we cannot, to admit that we cannot; not to substitute some quite distinct name for it, and interpret that. Such theories merely show to what straits we may be reduced, if we reject the obvious etymology of the word. And there are two further considerations, which confirm, almost to a certainty, this obvious interpretation of "Beowulf" as "Bee-wolf" or "Bear." The first is that it agrees excellently with Beowulf's bear-like habit of hugging his adversaries to death--a feature which surely belongs to the original kernel of our story, since it is incompatible with the chivalrous, {369} weapon-loving trappings in which that story has been dressed[827]. The second is that, as I have tried to show, the evidence is strongly in favour of Bjarki and Beowulf being originally the same figure[828]: and Bjarki is certainly a bear-hero[829]. His name signifies as much, and in the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_ we are told at length how the father of Bjarki was a prince who had been turned by enchantment into a bear[830]. If, then, Beowulf is a bear-hero[831], the next step is to enquire whether there is any real likeness between his adventures at Heorot and under the mere, and the adventures of the hero of the widely-spread "Bear's Son" folk-tale. This investigation has, as we have seen above[832], been carried out by Panzer in his monumental work, which marks an epoch in the study of _Beowulf_. Panzer's arguments in favour of such connection would, I think, have been strengthened if he had either quoted textually a number of the more important and less generally accessible folk-tales, or, since this would have proved cumbersome, if he had at least given abstracts of them. The method which Panzer follows, is to enumerate over two hundred tales, and from them to construct a story which is a compound of them all. This is obviously a method which is liable to abuse, though I do not say that Panzer has abused it. But we must not let a story so constructed usurp in our minds the place of the actual recorded folk-tales. Folk-tales, as Andrew Lang wrote long ago, "consist of but few incidents, grouped together in a kaleidoscopic variety of arrangements." A collection of over two hundred cognate tales offers a wide field for the selection therefrom of a composite story. Further, some geographical discrimination is necessary: these tales are scattered over Europe and Asia, and it is important to keep constantly in mind whether a given type of tale belongs, for example, to Greece or to Scandinavia. {370} A typical example of the Bear's son tale is _Der Starke Hans_ in Grimm[833]. Hans is brought up in a robber's den: but quite apart from any of the theories we are now considering, it has long been recognized that this is a mere toning down of the original incredible story, which makes a bear's den the nursery of the strong youth[834]. Hans overcomes in an empty castle the foe (a mannikin of magic powers) who has already worsted his comrades Fir-twister and Stone-splitter. He pursues this foe to his hole, is let down by his companions in a basket by a rope, slays the foe with his club and rescues a princess. He sends up the princess in the basket; but when his own turn comes to be pulled up his associates intentionally drop the basket when halfway up. But Hans, suspecting treason, has only sent up his club. He escapes by magic help, takes vengeance on the traitors, and weds the princess. In another story in Grimm[835], the antagonist whom the hero overcomes, but does not in this case slay, is called the Earthman, _Dat Erdmänneken_. This type begins with the disappearance of the princesses, who are to the orthodox number of three; otherwise it does not differ materially from the abstract given above. Grimm records four distinct versions, all from Western Germany. The versions of this widespread story which are most easily accessible to English readers are likely to prejudice such readers against Panzer's view. The two versions in Campbell's _Popular Tales of the West Highlands_[836], or the version in Kennedy's _Legendary Fictions of the Irish Celts_[837] are not of a kind to remind any unprejudiced reader strongly of _Beowulf_, or of the _Grettir_-story either. Indeed, I believe that from countries so remote as North Italy or Russia parallels can be found which are closer than any so far quoted from the Celtic portions of the British Isles. Possibly more Celtic parallels may be forthcoming in the future: some striking ones at any rate are promised[838]. {371} So, too, the story of the "Great Bird Dan" (_Fugl Dam_[839]), which is accessible to English readers in Dasent's translation[840], is one in which the typical features have been overlaid by a mass of detail. A much more normal specimen of the "Bear's son" story is found, for example, in a folk-tale from Lombardy--the story of _Giovanni dell' Orso_[841]. Giovanni is brought up in a bear's den, whither his mother has been carried off. At five, he has the growth of a man and the strength of a giant. At sixteen, he is able to remove the stone from the door of the den and escape, with his mother. Going on his adventures with two comrades, he comes to an empty palace. The comrades are defeated: it becomes the turn of Giovanni to be alone. An old man comes in and "grows, grows till his head touched the roof[842]." Giovanni mortally wounds the giant, who however escapes. They all go in search of him, and find a hole in the ground. His comrades let Giovanni down by a rope. He finds a great hall, full of rich clothes and provision of every kind: in a second hall he finds three girls, each one more beautiful than the other: in a third hall he finds the giant himself, drawing up his will[843]. Giovanni kills the giant, rescues the damsels, and, in spite of his comrades deserting the rope, he escapes, pardons them, himself weds the youngest princess and marries his comrades to the elder ones. I cannot find in this version any mention of the hero smiting the giant below with a magic sword which he finds there, as suggested by Panzer[844]. But even without this, the first part of the story has resemblances to _Beowulf_, and still more to the _Grettir_-story. There are many Slavonic variants. The South Russian story of the Norka[845] begins with the attack of the Norka upon the King's park. The King offers half his kingdom to whomsoever will destroy the beast. The youngest prince of three watches, {372} after the failure of his two elder brothers, chases and wounds the monster, who in the end pulls up a stone and disappears into the earth. The prince is let down by his brothers, and, with the help of a sword specially given him in the underworld, and a draught of the water of strength, he slays the foe, and wins the princesses. In order to have these for themselves, the elder brothers drop what they suppose to be their youngest brother, as they are drawing him up: but it is only a stone he has cautiously tied to the rope in place of himself. The prince's miraculous return in disguise, his feats, recognition by the youngest princess, the exposure of the traitors, and marriage of the hero, all follow in due course[846]. A closer Russian parallel is that of _Ivashko Medvedko_[847]. "John Honey-eater" or "Bear." John grows up, not by years, but by hours: nearly every hour he gains an inch in height. At fifteen, there are complaints of his rough play with other village boys, and John Bear has to go out into the world, after his grandfather has provided him with a weapon, an iron staff of immense weight. He meets a champion who is drinking up a river: "Good morning, John Bear, whither art going?" "I know not whither; I just go, not knowing where to go." "If so, take me with you." The same happens with a second champion whose hobby is to carry mountains on his shoulder, and with a third, who plucks up oaks or pushes them into the ground. They come to a revolving house in a dark forest, which at John's word stands with its back door to the forest and its front door to them: all its doors and windows open of their own accord. Though the yard is full of poultry, the house is empty. Whilst the three companions go hunting, the river-swallower stays in the house to cook dinner: this done, he washes his head, and sits at the window to comb his locks. Suddenly the earth shakes, then stands still: a stone is lifted, and from under it appears Baba Yaga driving in her mortar with a pestle: behind her comes barking a little dog. A short dialogue ensues, and the champion, at her request, gives her food; but the second helping she throws to her dog, and thereupon beats the champion with {373} her pestle till he becomes unconscious; then she cuts a strip of skin from his back, and after eating all the food, vanishes. The victim recovers his senses, ties up his head with a handkerchief, and, when his companions return, apologizes for the ill-success of his cooking: "He had been nearly suffocated by the fumes of the charcoal, and had had his work cut out to get the room clear." Exactly the same happens to the other champions. On the fourth day it is the turn of John Bear, and here again the same formulas are repeated. John does the cooking, washes his head, sits down at the window and begins to comb his curly locks. Baba Yaga appears with the usual phenomena, and the usual dialogue follows, till she begins to belabour the hero with her pestle. But he wrests it from her, beats her almost to death, cuts three strips from her skin, and imprisons her in a closet. When his companions return, they are astonished to find dinner ready. After dinner they have a bath, and the companions try not to show their mutilated backs, but at last have to confess. "Now I see why you all suffered from suffocation," says John Bear. He goes to the closet, takes the three strips cut from his friends, and reinserts them: they heal at once. Then he ties up Baba Yaga by a cord fastened to one foot, and they all shoot at the cord in turn. John Bear hits it, and cuts the string in two; Baba Yaga falls to the earth, but rises, runs to the stone from under which she had appeared, lifts it, and vanishes. Each of the companions tries in turn to lift the stone, but only John can accomplish it, and only he is willing to go down. His comrades let him down by a rope, which however is too short, and John has to eke it out by the three strips previously cut from the back of Baba Yaga. At the bottom he sees a path, follows it, and reaches a palace where are three beautiful maidens, who welcome him, but warn him against their mother, who is Baba Yaga herself: "She is asleep now, but she keeps at her head a sword. Do not touch it, but take two golden apples lying on a silver tray, wake her gently, and offer them to her. As soon as she begins to eat, seize the sword, and cut her head off at one blow." John Bear carries out these instructions, and sends up the maidens, two to be wives to his companions, and the youngest to be his own wife. This leaves the third companion wifeless {374} and, in indignation, he cuts the rope when the turn comes to pull John up. The hero falls and is badly hurt. [John has forgotten, in this version, to put his iron club into the basket instead of himself--indeed he has up to now made no use of his staff.] In time the hero sees an underground passage, and makes his way out into the white world. Here he finds the youngest maiden, who is tending cattle, after refusing to marry the false companion. John Bear follows her home, slays his former comrades with his staff, and throws their bodies on the field for the wild beasts to devour. He then takes his sweetheart home to his people, and weds her. The abstract given above is from a translation made by one of my students, Miss M. Steine, who tells me that she had heard the tale in this form many times from her old nurse "when we were being sent to sleep, or sitting round her in the evening." I have given it at this length because I do not know of any accessible translation into any Western language. Panzer enumerates two hundred and two variants of the story: and there are others[848]. But there is reason in the criticism that what is important for us is the form the folk-tale may have taken in those countries where we must look for the original home of the _Beowulf_-story[849]. The Mantuan folk-tale may have been carried down to North Italy from Scandinavia by the Longobards: who can say? But Panzer's theory must stand or fall by the parallels which can be drawn between the _Beowulf-Grettir_-story on the one hand, and the folk-tales as they have been collected in the countries where this story is native: the lands, that is to say, adjoining the North Sea. Now it is precisely here that we do find the most remarkable resemblances: in Iceland, the Faroes, Norway, Denmark, Jutland, Schleswig, and the Low German lands as far as the Scheldt. An Icelandic version exists in an unprinted MS at Reykjavik[850] which can be consulted in a German translation[851]. In this {375} version a bear, who is really an enchanted prince, carries off a princess. He resumes his human form and weds the princess, but must still at times take the bear's form. His child, the Bear-boy (Bjarndreingur), is to be kept in the house during the long periods when the enchanted husband is away. But at twelve years old the Bear-boy is too strong and unmanageable, bursts out, and slays a bear who turns out to be his father. His mother's heart is broken, but Bear-boy goes on his adventures, and associates with himself three companions, one of whom is Stein. They build a house in the wood, which is attacked by a giant, and, as usual, the companions are unable to withstand the attacks. Bear-boy does so, ties the giant's hands behind his back, and fastens him by his beard. But the giant tears himself free. As in _Beowulf_, Bear-boy and his companions follow the track by the drops of blood, and come to a hole. Stein is let some way down, the other companions further, but only Bear-boy dares to go to the bottom. There he finds a weeping princess, and learns that she, and her two sisters, have been carried off by three giants, one of whom is his former assailant. He slays all three, and sends their heads up, together with the maidens and other treasures. But his companions desert the rope, and he has to climb up unaided. In the end he weds the youngest princess. The story from the Faroe Islands runs thus: Three brothers lived together and took turns, two to go out fishing, and one to be at home. For two days, when the two elder brothers were at home, came a giant with a long beard (Skeggjatussi) and ate and drank all the food. Then comes the turn of the despised youngest brother, who is called in one version Øskudólgur--"the one who sits and rakes in the ashes"--a kind of male Cinderella. This brother routs the giant, either by catching his long beard in a cleft tree-trunk, or by branding him in the nose with a hot iron. In either case the mutilated giant escapes down a hole: in one version, after the other brothers come home, they follow him to this hole by the track of his blood. The two elder brothers leave the task of plunging down to the youngest one, who finds below a girl (in the second version, two kidnapped princesses). He finds also a magic sword hanging {376} on the wall, which he is only able to lift when he has drunk a magic potion. He then slays the giant, rescues the maiden or maidens, is betrayed in the usual way by his brothers: in the one version they deliberately refuse to draw him up: in the other they cut the rope as they are doing so: but he is discreetly sending up only a big stone. The hero is helped out, however, by a giant, "Skræddi Kjálki" or "Snerkti risi," and in the end marries the princess[852]. In the Norwegian folk-tale the three adventurers are called respectively the Captain, the Lieutenant and the Soldier. They search for the three princesses, and watch in a castle, where the Captain and Lieutenant are in turn worsted by a strange visitor--who in this version is not identical with the troll below ground who guards the princesses[853]. When the turn of the Soldier comes, he seizes the intruder (the man, as he is called). "Ah no, Ah no, spare my life," said the man, "and you shall know all. East of the castle is a great sandheap, and down in it a winch, with which you can lower yourself. But if you are afraid, and do not dare to go right down, you only need to pull the bell rope which you will find there, and up you will come again. But if you dare venture so far as to come to the bottom, there stands a flask on a shelf over the door: you must drink what is in it: so will you become so strong that you can strike the head off the troll of the mountain. And by the door there hangs a Troll-sword, which also you must take, for no other steel will bite on his body." When he had learnt this, he let the man go. When the Captain and the Lieutenant came home, they were not a little surprised to find the Soldier alive. "How have you escaped a drubbing," said they, "has not the man been {377} here?" "Oh yes, he is quite a good fellow, he is," said the Soldier, "I have learnt from him where the princesses are," and he told them all. They were glad when they heard that, and when they had eaten, they went all three to the sandheap. As usual, the Captain and the Lieutenant do not dare to go to the bottom: the hero accomplishes the adventure, is (as usual) betrayed by his comrades, but is saved because he has put a stone in the basket instead of himself, and in the end is rescued by the interposition of "Kløverhans." What is the explanation of the "sandheap" (_sandhaug_) I do not know. But one cannot forget that Grettir's adventure in the house, followed by his adventure with the troll under the earth, is localized at Sandhaugar. This may be a mere accident; but it is worth noting that in following up the track indicated by Panzer we come across startling coincidences of this kind. As stated above, it can hardly be due to any influence of the _Grettis Saga_ upon the folk-tale[854]. The likeness between the two is too remote to have suggested a transference of such details from the one story to the other. We find the story in its normal form in Jutland[855]. The hero, a foundling, is named Bjørnøre (Bear-ears). There is no explanation offered of this name, but we know that in other versions of the story, where the hero is half bear and half man, his bear nature is shown by his bear's ears. "Bear-ears" comes with his companions to an empty house, worsts the foe (the old man, _den gamle_) who has put his companions to shame, and fixes him by his beard in a cloven tree. The foe escapes nevertheless; they follow him to his hole: the companions are afraid, but "Bear-ears" is let down, finds the enemy on his bed, and slays him. The rest of the story follows the usual pattern. "Bear-ears" rescues and sends up the princesses, his comrades detach the rope, which however is hauling up only the hero's iron club. He escapes miraculously from his confinement below, and returns to marry the youngest princess. In another Danish version, from the South of Zealand[856], the hero, "Strong Hans" (nothing is said {378} about his bear-origin), comes with his companions to a magnificent but empty castle. The old witch worsts his comrades and imprisons them under the trap-door: but Hans beats her and rescues them, though the witch herself escapes. Hans is let down, rescues the princesses, is betrayed by his comrades (who, thinking to drop him in drawing him up, only drop his iron club), and finally weds the third princess. A little further South we have three versions of the same tale recorded for Schleswig-Holstein[857]. The hero wins his victory below by means of "a great iron sword" (_en grotes ysernes Schwäert_) which he can only wield after drinking of the magic potion. From Hanover comes the story of Peter Bär[858], which shows all the familiar features: from the same district came some of Grimm's variants. Others were from the Rhine provinces: but the fullest version of all comes from the Scheldt, just over the Flemish border. The hero, Jean l'Ourson, is recovered as a child from a bear's den, is despised in his youth[859], but gives early proof of his strength. He defends an empty castle _un superbe château_, when his companion has failed, strikes off an arm[860] of his assailant _Petit-Père-Bidoux_, chases him to his hole, _un puits vaste et profond_. He is let down by his companion, but finding the rope too short, plunges, and arrives battered at the bottom. There he perceives _une lumière qui brillait au bout d'une longue galerie_[861]. At the end of the gallery he sees his former assailant, attended by _une vieille femme à cheveux blancs, qui semblait âgée de plus de cent ans_, who is salving his wounded arm. The hero quenches the light (which is a magic one) smites his foe on the head and kills him, and then rekindles the lamp[862]. His companion above seeks to rob him of the two princesses he has won, by detaching the rope. Nevertheless, he escapes, weds the good princess, and punishes his faithless companion by making him wed the bad one. The white-haired old woman is not spoken of as the mother {379} of the foe she is nursing, and it may be doubted whether she is in any way parallel to Grendel's mother. The hero does not fight her: indeed it is she who, in the end, enables him to escape. Still the parallels between Jean l'Ourson and Beowulf are striking enough. Nine distinct features recur, in the same order, in the _Beowulf_-story and in this folk-tale. It needs a more robust faith than I possess to attribute this solely to chance. Unfortunately, this French-Flemish tale is found in a somewhat sophisticated collection. Its recorder, as Sainte-Beuve points out in his letter introductory to the series[863], uses literary touches which diminish the value of his folk-tales to the student of origins. Any contamination from the _Beowulf_-story or the _Grettir_-story is surely improbable enough in this case: nevertheless, one would have liked the tale taken down verbatim from the lips of some simple-minded narrator as it used to be told at Condé on the Scheldt. But if we take together the different versions enumerated above, the result is, I think, convincing. Here are eight versions of one folk-tale taken as representatives from a much larger number current in the countries in touch with the North Sea: from Iceland, the Faroes, Norway, Jutland, Zealand, Schleswig, Hanover, and the Scheldt. The champion is a bear-hero (as Beowulf almost certainly is, and as Bjarki quite certainly is); he is called, in Iceland, _Bjarndreingur_, in Jutland, _Bjørnøre_, in Hanover, _Peter Bär_, on the Scheldt _Jean l'Ourson_. Like Beowulf, he is despised in his youth (Faroe, Scheldt). In all versions he resists his adversary in an empty house or castle, after his comrades have failed. In most versions of the folk-tale this is the third attack, as it is in the case of Grettir at Sandhaugar and of Bjarki: in _Beowulf_, on the contrary, we gather that Heorot has been raided many times. The adversary, though vanquished, escapes; in one version after the loss of an arm (Scheldt): they follow his track to the hole into which he has vanished, sometimes, as in _Beowulf_, marking traces of his blood (Iceland, Faroe, Schleswig). The hero always ventures down alone, and gets into {380} an underworld of magic, which has left traces of its mysteriousness in _Beowulf_. In one tale (Scheldt) the hero sees a magic lamp burning below, just as he sees the fire in _Beowulf_ or the _Grettis Saga_. He overcomes either his original foe, or new ones, often by the use of a magic sword (Faroe, Norway, Schleswig); this sword hangs by the door (Norway) or on the wall (Faroe) as in _Beowulf_. After slaying his foe, the hero rekindles the magic lamp, in the Scheldt fairy tale, just as he kindles a light in the _Grettis Saga_, and as the light flashes up in _Beowulf_ after the hero has smitten Grendel's mother. The hero is in each case deserted by his companions: a feature which, while it is marked in the _Grettis Saga_, can obviously be allowed to survive in _Beowulf_ only in a much softened form. The chosen retainers whom Beowulf has taken with him on his journey could not be represented as unfaithful, because the poet is reserving the episode of the faithless retainers for the death of Beowulf. To have twice represented the escort as cowardly would have made the poem a satire upon the _comitatus_, and would have assured it a hostile reception in every hall from Canterbury to Edinburgh. But there is no doubt as to the faithlessness of the comrade Stein in the _Grettis Saga_. And in Zealand, one of the faithless companions is called _Stenhuggeren_ (the Stone-hewer), in Schleswig _Steenklöwer_, in Hanover _Steinspieler_, whilst in Iceland he has the same name, _Stein_, which he has in the _Grettis Saga_. The fact that the departure home of the Danes in _Beowulf_ is due to the same cause as that which accounts for the betrayal of his trust by Stein, shows that in the original _Beowulf_-story also this feature must have occurred, however much it may have become worn down in the existing epic. I think enough has been said to show that there is a real likeness between a large number of recorded folk-tales and the _Beowulf-Grettir_ story. The parallel is not merely with an artificial, theoretical composite put together by Panzer. But it becomes equally clear that _Beowulf_ cannot be spoken of as a version of these folk-tales. At most it is a version of a portion of them. The omission of the princesses in _Beowulf_ and the _Grettis Saga_ is fundamental. With the princesses much else falls away. There is no longer any motive for the betrayal of trust {381} by the watchers. The disguise of the hero and his vengeance are now no longer necessary to the tale. It might be argued that there was something about the three princesses which made them unsatisfactory as subjects of story. It has been thought that in the oldest version the hero married all three: an awkward episode where a _scop_ had to compose a poem for an audience certainly monogamous and most probably Christian. The rather tragic and sombre atmosphere of the stories of Beowulf and Grettir fits in better with a version from which the princesses, and the living happily ever afterwards, have been dropped. On the other hand, it might be argued that the folk-tale is composite, and that the source from which the _Beowulf-Grettir_-story drew was a simpler tale to which the princesses had not yet been added. And there are additions as well as subtractions. Alike in _Beowulf_ and in the _Grettis Saga_, the fight in the house and the fight below are associated with struggles with monsters of different sex. The association of "The Devil and his Dam" has only few and remote parallels in the "Bear's-son" folk-tale. But Panzer has, I think, proved that the struggle of Beowulf in the hall, and his plunging down into the deep, is simply an epic glorification of a folk-tale motive. * * * * * I. THE DATE OF THE DEATH OF HYGELAC. Gregory of Tours mentions the defeat of Chochilaicus (Hygelac) as an event of the reign of Theudoric. Now Theudoric succeeded his father Chlodoweg, who died 27 Nov. 511. Theudoric died in 534. This, then, gives the extreme limits of time; but as Gregory mentions the event among the first occurrences of the reign, the period 512-520 has generally been suggested, or in round numbers about 515 or 516. Nevertheless, we cannot attach much importance to the mere order followed by Gregory[864]. He may well have had no means of dating the event exactly. Of much more importance than the order, is the fact he records, that Theudoric did not {382} defeat Chochilaicus in person, but sent his son Theudobert to repel the invaders. Now Theudobert was born before the death of his grandfather Chlodoweg. For Gregory tells us that Chlodoweg left not only four sons, but a grandson Theudobert, _elegantem atque utilem_[865]: _utilem_ cannot mean that, at the time of the death of Chlodoweg, Theudobert was of age to conduct affairs of state, for Chlodoweg was only 45 at death[866]. The Merovingians were a precocious race; but if we are to allow Theudobert to have been at least fifteen before being placed in charge of a very important expedition, and Chlodoweg to have been at least forty before becoming a grandfather, the defeat of Hygelac cannot be put before 521; and probability would favour a date five or ten years later. There is confirmation for this. When Theudobert died, in 548, he left one son only, quite a child and still under tutelage[867]; probably therefore not more than twelve or thirteen at most. We know the circumstances of the child's birth. Theudobert had been betrothed by his father Theudoric to a Longobardic princess, Wisigardis[868]. In the meantime he fell in love with the lady Deoteria[869], and married her[870]. The Franks were shocked at this fickleness (_valde scandalizabantur_), and Theudobert had ultimately to put away Deoteria[871], although they had this young son (_parvulum filium_), who, as we have seen, could hardly have been born before 535, and possibly was born years later. Theudobert then married the Longobardic princess, in the seventh year after their betrothal. So it cannot have been much before 530 that Theudobert's father was first arranging the Longobardic match. A king is not likely to have waited to find a wife for a son, upon whom his dynasty was to depend, till fifteen years after that son was of age to win a memorable victory[872]. * * * * * {383} BIBLIOGRAPHY OF _BEOWULF_ AND _FINNSBURG_ I remember it was with extreme difficulty that I could bring my master to understand the meaning of the word _opinion_, or how a point could be disputable; because reason taught us to affirm or deny only where we are certain; and beyond our knowledge we cannot do either. So that controversies, wranglings, disputes, and positiveness in false or dubious propositions are evils unknown among the _Houyhnhnms_.... He would laugh that a creature pretending to reason should value itself upon the knowledge of other people's conjectures, and in things, where that knowledge, if it were certain, could be of no use.... I have often since reflected what destruction such a doctrine would make in the libraries of Europe. _Gulliver's Travels._ The following items are (except in special cases) not included in this bibliography: (_a_) Articles dealing with single passages in _Beowulf_, or two passages only, in cases where they have already been recorded under the appropriate passage in the footnotes to the text, or in the glossary, of my revision of Wyatt's edition. (_b_) Articles dealing with the emendation or interpretation of single passages, in cases where such emendations have been withdrawn by their author himself. (_c_) Purely popular paraphrases or summaries. (_d_) Purely personal protests (e.g., _P.B.B._ XXI, 436), however well founded, in which no point of scholarship is any longer involved. Books dealing with other subjects, but illustrating _Beowulf_, present a difficulty. Such books may have a value for _Beowulf_ students, even though the author may never refer to our poem, and have occasionally been included in previous bibliographies. But, unless _Beowulf_ is closely concerned, these books are not usually mentioned below: such enumeration, if carried out consistently, would clog a bibliography already all too bulky. Thus, Siecke's _Drachenkämpfe_ does not seem to come within the scope of this bibliography, because the author is not concerned with Beowulf's dragon. Obviously every general discussion of Old English metre must concern itself largely with _Beowulf_: for such treatises the student is referred to the section _Metrik_ of Brandl's Bibliography (_Pauls Grdr._); and, for Old English heroic legend in general, to the Bibliography of my edition of _Widsith_. Many scholars, e.g. Heinzel, have put into their reviews of the books of others, much original work which might well have formed the material for independent articles. Such reviews are noted as "weighty," but it must not be supposed that the reviews not so marked are negligible; unless of some value to scholarship, reviews are not usually mentioned below. The title of any book, article or review which I have not seen and verified is denoted by the sign ++. {384} SUMMARY § 1. Periodicals. § 2. Bibliographies. § 3. The MS and its transcripts. § 4. Editions. § 5. Concordances, _etc._ § 6. Translations (including early summaries). § 7. Textual criticism and interpretation. § 8. Questions of literary history, date and authorship. _Beowulf_ in the light of history, archæology[873], heroic legend, mythology and folk-lore. § 9. Style and Grammar. § 10. Metre. § 1. PERIODICALS The periodicals most frequently quoted are: _A.f.d.A._ = Anzeiger für deutsches Alterthum. Berlin, 1876 _etc._ _A.f.n.F._ = Arkiv för nordisk Filologi. Christiania, Lund, 1883 _etc._ _Quoted according to the original numbering._ _Anglia._ Halle, 1878 _etc._ _Archiv_ = Herrigs Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Litteraturen. Elberfeld, Braunschweig, 1846 _etc._ _Quoted according to the original numbering._ _D.L.Z._ = Deutsche Literatur-Zeitung. Berlin, 1880 _etc._ _Engl. Stud._ = Englische Studien. Heilbronn, Leipzig, 1877 _etc._ _Germania._ Wien, 1856-92. _I.F._ = Indogermanische Forschungen. Strassburg, 1892 _etc._ _J.(E.)G.Ph._ = Journal of (English and) Germanic Philology. Bloomington, Urbana, 1897 _etc._ _Lit. Cbl._ = Literarisches Centralblatt. Leipzig, 1851 _etc._ _Literaturblatt_ für germanische und romanische Philologie. Heilbronn, Leipzig, 1880 _etc._ _M.L.N._ = Modern Language Notes. Baltimore, 1886 _etc._ _Quoted by the page, not the column._ _M.L.R._ = The Modern Language Review. Cambridge, 1906 _etc._ _Mod. Phil._ = Modern Philology. Chicago, 1903 _etc._ _Morsbachs Studien_ zur englischen Philologie. Halle, 1897 _etc._ _P.B.B._ = Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache u. Litteratur. Halle, 1874 _etc._ _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ = Publications of the Modern Language Association of America. Baltimore, 1889 _etc._ _Z.f.d.A._ = Zeitschrift für deutsches Alterthum. Leipzig, Berlin, 1841 _etc._ _Z.f.d.Ph._ = Zachers Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie. Halle, 1869 _etc._ _Z.f.ö.G._ = Zeitschrift für die österreichischen Gymnasien. Wien, 1850 _etc._ The titles of other periodicals are given with sufficient fulness for easy identification. {385} § 2. BIBLIOGRAPHIES Bibliographies have been published from time to time as a supplement to _Anglia_; also in the _Jahresbericht über...german. Philologie_; by Garnett in his _Translation_, 1882 _etc._; and will be found in Wülker's _Grundriss_ (with very useful abstracts), 1885, pp. 245 _etc._ Clark Hall's _Translation_, 1901, 1911. Holthausen's _Beowulf_, 1906, 1909, 1913, 1919. Brandl's _Englische Literatur_, in _Pauls Grdr._(2), II, 1015-24 (full, but not so reliable as Holthausen's). Sedgefield's _Beowulf_, 1910, 1913 (carefully selected). An excellent critical bibliography of _Beowulf_-translations up to 1903 is that of Tinker: see under § 6, _Translations_. § 3. THE MS AND ITS TRANSCRIPTS _Beowulf_ fills ff. 129 (132)_a_ to 198 (201)_b_ of the British Museum MS _Cotton Vitellius A. XV._ _Beowulf_ is written in two hands, the first of which goes to l. 1939. This hand was identified by Prof. Sedgefield (_Beowulf_, _Introduction_, p. xiv, footnote) with that of the piece immediately preceding _Beowulf_ in the MS, and by Mr Kenneth Sisam, in 1916, with that of all three immediately preceding pieces: the _Christopher_ fragment, the _Wonders of the East_, and the _Letter of Alexander on the Wonders of India_. The pieces preceding these, however (the _Soliloquies of S. Augustine_, the _Gospel of Nicodemus_, _Salomon and Saturn_), are certainly not in the same hand, and their connection with the _Beowulf_-MS is simply due to the bookbinder. From l. 1939 to the end, _Beowulf_ is written in a second hand, thicker and less elegant than the first. This second hand seems to be clearly identical with that in which the poem of _Judith_, immediately following _Beowulf_, is written. This was pointed out by Sievers in 1872 (_Z.f.d.A._ XV, 457), and has never, I think, been disputed (cf. Sisam, p. 337; Förster, p. 31). Nevertheless the two poems have probably not always formed one book. For the last page of _Beowulf_ was apparently once the last page of the volume, to judge from its battered condition, whilst _Judith_ is imperfect at the beginning. And there are trifling differences, e.g. in the frequency of the use of contractions, and the form of the capital H. This identity of the scribe of the second portion of _Beowulf_ and the _Judith_ scribe, together with the identity (pointed out by Mr Sisam) of the scribe of the first portion of _Beowulf_ and the scribe of the three preceding works, is important. A detailed comparison of these texts will throw light upon the characteristics of the scribes. That the three preceding works are in the same hand as that of the first _Beowulf_ scribe was again announced, independently of Mr Sisam, by Prof. Max Förster, in 1919. Sievers had already in 1871 arrived at the same result (see Förster, p. 35, note) but had not published it. It seems to me in the highest degree improbable that the _Beowulf_-MS has lost its ending, as Prof. Förster thinks (pp. 82, 88). Surely nothing could be better than the conclusion of the poem as it stands in the MS: that the {386} casual loss of a number of leaves could have resulted in so satisfactory a conclusion is, I think, not conceivable. Moreover, the scribe has crammed as much material as possible into the last leaf of _Beowulf_, making his lines abnormally long, and using contractions in a way he does not use them elsewhere. The only reason for this must be to avoid running over into a new leaf or quire: there could be no motive for this crowded page if the poem had ever run on beyond it. There is pretty general agreement that the date of the _Beowulf_-MS is about the year 1000, and that it is somewhat more likely to be before that date than after. The _Beowulf_-MS was injured in the great Cottonian fire of 1731, and the edges of the parchment have since chipped away owing to the damage then sustained. Valuable assistance can therefore be derived from the two transcripts now preserved in the Royal Library of Copenhagen, made in 1787, when the MS was much less damaged. A. Poema anglosaxonicum de rebus gestis Danorum ... fecit exscribi Londini A.D. MDCCLXXXVII Grimus Johannis Thorkelin. B. Poema anglosaxonicum de Danorum rebus gestis ... exscripsit Grimus Johannis Thorkelin. Londini MDCCLXXXVII. The first description of the _Beowulf_-MS is in 1705 by H. WANLEY (_Librorum Septentrionalium ... Catalogus_, pp. 218--19, Oxoniæ, forming vol. II of Hickes' _Thesaurus_). Two short extracts from the MS are given by Wanley. He describes the poem as telling of the wars _quæ Beowulfus quidam Danus, ex regio Scyldingorum stirpe ortus, gessit contra Sueciæ regulos_. The text was printed by THORKELIN in 1815, and the MS was collated by CONYBEARE, who in his _Illustrations_ (1826) issued 19 pages of corrections of Thorkelin. These corrections were further corrected by J. M. KEMBLE in 1837 (Letter to M. Francisque Michel, in Michel's _Bibliothèque Anglo-Saxonne_, pp. 20, 51-8). Meantime Kemble's text had been issued in 1833, based upon his examination of the MS. The MS was also seen by THORPE (in 1830: Thorpe's text was not published till 1855) and by GRUNDTVIG (pub. 1861). A further collation was that of E. KÖLBING in 1876 (Zur Beóvulf-handschrift, _Archiv_, LVI, 91-118). Kölbing's collation proves the superiority of Kemble's text to Grundtvig's. Line for line transcripts of the MS were those of Holder, Wülker and Zupitza: 1881 HOLDER, A. Beowulf. Bd. I. Abdruck der Handschrift. Freiburg u. Tübingen. (++1881, from collation made in 1875.) Reviews: Kölbing, _Engl. Stud._ VII, 488; Kluge, _Literaturblatt_, 1883, 178; Wülker, _Lit. Cbl._ 1882, 1035-6. 1882. 2 Aufl. 1895. 3 Aufl. Reviews: Dieter, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, VI, 260-1; Brandl, _Z.f.d.A._ XL, 90. 1881 WÜLKER, R. P. Beowulf: Text nach der handschrift, in Grein's _Bibliothek_, I, 18-148. 1882 ZUPITZA, J. Beowulf. Autotypes of the unique Cotton MS. Vitellius A XV; with a transliteration and notes. _Early English Text Society_, London. Reviews: Trautmann, _Anglia_, VII, _Anzeiger_, 41; Kölbing, _Engl. Stud._ VII, 482 _etc._; Varnhagen, _A.f.d.A._ X, 304; Sievers, _Lit. Cbl._ 1884, 124. {387} Further discussion of the MS by 1890 DAVIDSON, C. Differences between the scribes of Beowulf. _M.L.N._ V, 43-4; MCCLUMPHA, C., criticizes the above, _M.L.N._ V, 123; reply by DAVIDSON, _M.L.N._ V, 189-90. 1910 LAMB, EVELYN H. "Beowulf": Hemming of Worcester. _Notes and Queries_, Ser. XI, vol. I, p. 26. (Worthless. An assertion, unsupported by any evidence, that _both_ the hands of the Beowulf MS are those of Hemming of Worcester, who flourished c. 1096.) 1916 SISAM, K. The Beowulf Manuscript. _M.L.R._ XI, 335-7. (Very important. Gives results of a scrutiny of the other treatises in _MS Vitellius A. XV_ (see above) and shows, among other things, that the Beowulf MS, before reaching the hands of Sir Robert Cotton, was (in 1563) in those of Lawrence Nowell, the Elizabethan Anglo-Saxon scholar.) 1919 FÖRSTER, MAX. Die Beowulf-Handschrift, Leipzig, _Berichte der Sächs_. _Akad. der Wissenschaften_, Bd. 71. (An excellent and detailed discussion of the problems of the MS, quite independent of that of Mr Sisam, whose results it confirms.) Review: Schröder, _Z.f.d.A._ LVIII, 85-6. 1920 RYPINS, S. I. The Beowulf Codex. _Mod. Phil._ XVII, 541-8 (promising further treatment of the problems of the MS). The MS of Finnsburg has been lost. See above, p. 245. § 4. EDITIONS OF BEOWULF AND FINNSBURG 1705 HICKES, G. Linguarum Vett. Septentrionalium Thesaurus. Oxoniæ. (Vol. I, 192-3, text of Finnsburg Fragment.) 1814 CONYBEARE, J. J. The Battle of Finsborough, in Brydges' _British Bibliographer_, vol. IV, pp. 261-7; No. XV (Text, Latin translation, and free verse paraphrase in English: some brief notes). 1815 THORKELIN, G. J. De Danorum rebus gestis secul. III et IV. Poëma Danicum dialecto Anglo-Saxonica. (Copenhagen, with Lat. transl.) Reviews: See § 7, _Textual Criticism_, 1815, Grundtvig; also _Dansk Litteratur-Tidende_, 1815, 401-32, 437-46, 461-2 (defending Thorkelin against Grundtvig); _Iduna_, vii, 1817, 133-59; _Monthly Review_, LXXXI, 1816, 516-23; ++_Jenaische Literatur-Zeitung_, 1816, _Ergänzungsblätter_, 353-65 (summary in Wülker's _Grundriss_, p. 252); Outzen in _Kieler Blätter_, 1816, see § 8, below. 1817 RASK, R. K. Angelsaksisk sproglære. Stockholm (pp. 163-6 contain Beowulf, ll. 53-114, with commentary). 1820 Text of Finnsburg, given by GRUNDTVIG in _Bjowulfs Drape,_ pp. xl-xlv. 1826 Text of Finnsburg, and of large portions of Beowulf, given in CONYBEARE'S _Illustrations_. See § 5, _Translations_. 1833 KEMBLE, J. M. Beowulf, the Travellers Song, and the Battle of Finnesburh, edited with a glossary ... and an historical preface. London. 1835. Second edit. 1847 SCHALDEMOSE, F. Beo-wulf og Scopes Widsið ... med Oversættelse. Kjøbenhavn. (Follows Kemble's text of 1835: Text and transl. of Finnsburg also given, pp. 161-4.) 1851, Reprinted. 1849 KLIPSTEIN, L. F. Analecta Anglo-Saxonica. New York. (Selections from Beowulf, II, 227-61: Text of Finnsburg, 426-7.) 1850 ETTMÜLLER, L. Engla and Seaxna scopas and b[=o]ceras. Quedlinburg u. Leipzig. (Text of large portions of Beowulf, with Finnsburg, pp. 95-131.) 1855 THORPE, B. The A.S. poems of Beowulf, the scop or gleeman's tale, and Finnesburg, with a literal translation ... Oxford. ++1875, Reprinted. {388} 1857 GREIN, C. W. M. Bibliothek der angelsächsischen Poesie, I. Göttingen (pp. 255--343, Beóvulf, Ueberfall in Finnsburg). 1861-4. Bd. III, IV. Sprachschatz. 1861 RIEGER, M. Alt- u. angelsächsisches Lesebuch. Giessen. (Der Kampf zu Finnsburg, pp. 61-3: aus dem Beovulf, 63-82.) 1861 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Beowulfes Beorh eller Bjovulfs-Drapen. Kiöbenhavn, London. (The Finnsburg Fragment is inserted in the text of Beowulf, after l. 1106.) 1863 HEYNE, M. Beovulf, mit ausführlichem Glossar. Paderborn. (Anhang: Der Ueberfall in Finnsburg.) Reviews: Grein, _Lit. Cbl._ 1864, 137--8; Holtzmann, _Germania_, VIII, 506-7. 1868. ++2 Aufl. Review: Rieger, _Z.f.d.Ph._ II, 371-4. 1873. 3 Aufl. Review: Sievers, _Lit. Cbl._ 1873, 662-3, brief but severe. 1879. 4 Aufl. [in this, Kölbing's collation of 1876 was utilized; see p. 82]. Reviews: Brenner, _Engl. Stud._ IV, 135-9; Gering, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XII, 122-5. 1867 GREIN, C. W. M. Beovulf, nebst den Fragmenten Finnsburg u. Valdere. Cassel u. Göttingen. 1875 ETTMÜLLER, L. Carmen de Beóvulfi, Gautarum regis, rebus praeclare gestis atque interitu, quale fuerit antequam in manus interpolatoris, monachi Vestsaxonici, inciderat. (Zürich. University Programme. The additions of the "interpolator" being omitted, the edition contains 2896 lines only.) Reviews: Schönbach, _A.f.d.A._ III, 36-46; ++Suchier, _Jenaer Literatur-Zeitung_, XLVII, 1876, 732. 1876 ARNOLD, T. Beowulf, with a translation, notes and appendix. London. Reviews (unfavourable): Sweet, _Academy_, X, 1876, 588; Wülker, _Lit. Cbl._ 1877, 665-6, and _Anglia_, I, 177-86. 1879 WÜLKER, R. P. Kleinere angelsächsische Dichtungen. Halle, Leipzig. (Finnsburg, pp. 6-7.) 1883 MÖLLER, H. Das altenglische Volksepos in der ursprünglichen strophischen Form. I. Abhandlungen. II. Texte. Kiel. (Containing only those parts of the Finn-story and of Beowulf which Möller regarded as "genuine," in strophic form.) Reviews: Heinzel, _A.f.d.A._ X, 215-33 (important); Schönbach, _Z.f.ö.G._ XXXV, 37-46. 1883 WÜLKER, R. P. Das Beowulfslied, nebst den kleineren epischen ... stücken. Kassel. (In the second edit. of Grein's _Bibliothek der ags. Poesie._) Review: Kölbing, _Engl. Stud._ VII, 482 _etc._ 1883 HARRISON, J. A. and SHARP, R. Beowulf. Boston, U.S.A. (++1883, on the basis of Heyne's edition; with Finnsburg.) Reviews: York Powell, _Academy_, XXVI, 1884, 220-1; reply by Harrison, 308-9; by York Powell, 327; Kölbing, _Engl. Stud._ VII, 482; Bright, _Literaturblatt_, 1884, 221--3. 1892. Third edit. 1894. Fourth edit. Reviews: Wülker, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, V, 65-7; Glöde, _Engl. Stud._ XX, 417-18. 1884 HOLDER, A. Beowulf, II. Berichtigter Text u. Wörterbuch. Freiburg u. Tübingen. Reviews: York Powell, _Academy_, XXVI, 1884, 220-1; Wülker, _Lit. Cbl._ 1885, 1008-9; Krüger, _Literaturblatt_, 1884, 468-70. 1899. 2 Aufl. [with suggestions of Kluge and Cosijn]. Reviews: Trautmann, _Anglia, Beiblatt,_ X, 257; Wülfing, _Engl. Stud._ XXIX, 278-9; Holthausen, _Literaturblatt_, 1900, 60-2 (important corrections). 1888 HEYNE, M. and SOCIN, A. [Fifth edit. of Heyne's text.] Paderborn u. Münster. Reviews: Koeppel, _Engl. Stud._ XIII, 466-72; Heinzel, _A.f.d.A._ XV, 189-94; Sievers, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXI, 354-65 (very important corrections); Schröer, _Literaturblatt_, 1889, 170-1. {389} 1898. 6 Aufl. Reviews: Trautmann, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, X, 257; Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, X, 265; Sarrazin, _Engl. Stud._ XXVIII, 408-10; Jantzen, _Archiv_, CIII, 175-6. 1903. 7 Aufl. Reviews: Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XVIII, 193-4; Klaeber, the same, 289-91; Kruisinga, _Engl. Stud._ XXXV, 401-2; v. Grienberger, _Z.f.ö.G._ LVI, 744-61 (very full); E. Kock, _A.f.n.F._ XXII, 215 (brief). 1894 WYATT, A. J. Beowulf, edited with textual footnotes, index of proper names, and glossary. (Text of Finnsburg.) Cambridge. Reviews: Bradley, _Academy_, XLVI, 1894, 69-70; Wülker, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, V, 65-7; Brenner, _Engl. Stud._ XX, 296; Zupitza, _Archiv_, XCIV, 326-9. 1898. Second edit. Reviews: Trautmann, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, X, 257; Sarrazin, _Engl. Stud._ XXVIII, 407-8. 1902 KLUGE, F. Angelsächsisches Lesebuch. 3 Aufl. Halle. (XXX. Der Überfall von Finnsburuh, pp. 127-8.) 1903 TRAUTMANN, M. Finn u. Hildebrand. _Bonner Beiträge_, VII. (Text, translation and comment on the Episode and Fragment.) Reviews: Binz, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXVII, 529-36; Jantzen, _Die Neueren Sprachen_, XI, 543-8; _Neue philol. Rundschau_, 1903, 619-21 (signed -tz- ? Jantzen). Some additional notes by Trautmann, "Nachträgliches zu Finn u. Hildebrand" appeared in _Bonner Beiträge_, XVII, 122. 1904 TRAUTMANN, M. Das Beowulflied ... das Finn-Bruchstück u. die Waldhere-Bruchstücke. Bearbeiteter Text u. deutsche Übersetzung. _Bonner Beiträge_, XVI. Reviews: Klaeber, _M.L.N._ XX, 83-7 (weighty); Eckhardt, _Engl. Stud._ XXXVII, 401-3; Schücking, _Archiv_, CXV, 417-21; Barnouw, _Museum_, XIV, 96-8; _Neue philologische Rundschau_ (? by Jantzen), 1905, 549-50. 1905-6 HOLTHAUSEN, F. Beowulf nebst dem Finnsburg-Bruchstück. I. Texte. II. Einleitung, Glossar u. Anmerkungen. Heidelberg. Reviews: Lawrence, _J.E.G.Ph._ VII, 125-9; Klaeber, _M.L.N._ XXIV, 94-5; Schücking, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 94-111 (weighty); Deutschbein, _Archiv_, CXXI, 162-4; v. Grienberger, _Z.f.ö.G._ 1908, LIX, 333-46 (giving an elaborate list of etymological parallels); Barnouw, _Museum_, XIV, 169-70; Wülker, _D.L.Z._ 1906, 285-6; ++Jantzen, _Neue philologische Rundschau_, 1907, 18. 1908-9. 2 Aufl., nebst den kleineren Denkmälern der Heldensage, Finnsburg, Waldere, Deor, Widsith, Hildebrand. Reviews: Eichler, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXI, 129-33; XXII, 161-5; Schücking, _Engl. Stud._ XLII, 108-11; Brandl, _Archiv_, CXXI, 473, CXXIV, 210; Binz, _Literaturblatt_, XXXII, 1911, 53-5: see also Koeppel, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXIII, 297. 1912-13. 3 Aufl. 1914-19. 4 Aufl. Reviews: Binz, _Literaturblatt_, XLI, 1920, 316-17; Fischer, _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 404-6. 1908 SCHÜCKING, L. L. Beowulf [8th edit. of Heyne's text]. Paderborn. Reviews: Lawrence, _M.L.N._ XXV, 155-7; Klaeber, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 425-33 (weighty); Imelmann, _D.L.Z._ 1909, 995 (contains important original contributions); v. Grienberger, _Z.f.ö.G._ LX, 1089; Boer, _Museum_, XVI, 139 (brief). 1910. 9 Aufl. Reviews: Sedgefield, _Engl. Stud._ XLIII, 267-9; F. Wild, _Z.f.ö.G._ LXIV, 153-5. 1913. 10 Aufl. Reviews: Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXIV, 289-91; _Engl. Stud._ XLIX, 424; ++Degenhart, _Blätter f. gymnasialschulwesen_, LI, 130; E. A. Kock, _A.f.n.F._ XXXII, 222-3; Holthausen, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XLVIII, 127-31 (weighty). 1918. 11, 12 Aufl. Reviews: Björkman, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 121-2, 180; Fischer, _Engl. Stud._ LIII, 338-9. {390} 1910 SEDGEFIELD, W. J. Beowulf, edited with Introduction, Bibliography, Notes, Glossary and Appendices. Manchester. Reviews: Thomas, _M.L.R._ VI, 266-8; Lawrence, _J.E.G.Ph._ X, 633-40; Wild, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXIII, 253-60; Klaeber, _Engl. Stud._ XLIV, 119-26; Brandl, _Archiv_, CXXVI, 279. 1913. Second edit. Reviews: _M.L.R._ IX, 429; Lawrence, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIV, 609-13; Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXV, 166-8. 1912 Text of the Finn episode given in MEYER, W., Beiträge zur Geschichte der Eroberung Englands durch die Angelsachsen. 1914 CHAMBERS, R. W. Beowulf with the Finnsburg Fragment, ed. by A. J. WYATT. New edition, revised. Cambridge. Reviews: Jones, _M.L.R._ XI, 230-1: Lawrence, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIV, 609-13; Bright, _M.L.N._ XXXI, 188-9; Schücking, _Engl. Stud._ LV, 88-100. 1915 DICKINS, B. Runic and Heroic Poems (Text of Finnsburg with Notes). Cambridge. Review: Mawer, _M.L.R._ XII, 82-4. 1917 MACKIE, W. L. The Fight at Finnsburg (Introduction, Text and Notes). _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 250-73. 1919 SCHÜCKING, L. L. Kleines angelsächsisches Dichterbuch. [Includes Finnsburg Fragment, Finnsburg Episode and "Beowulf's Return" (ll. 1888-2199).] Reviews: Binz, _Literaturblatt_, XLI, 1920, pp. 315-16; Imelmann, _D.L.Z._ XL, 1919, 423-5; Fischer, _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 1920, 302-3. 1920 Text of Finnsburg Fragment and Episode, with commentary, in IMELMANN'S "Forschungen zur altenglischen Poesie." An edition of Beowulf by Prof. F. KLAEBER is in the press. § 5. CONCORDANCES, etc. 1896 HOLDER, A. Beowulf, vol. II_b_, Wortschatz. Freiburg. Review: Brandl, _A.f.d.A._ XXIII, 107. 1911 COOK, A. S. Concordance to Beowulf. Halle. Reviews: Klaeber, _J.E.G.Ph._ XI, 277-9; Garnett, _Amer. Jnl. Philol._ XXXIII, 86-7. § 6. TRANSLATIONS (INCLUDING EARLY SUMMARIES) 1881 WÜLKER, R. P. Besprechung der Beowulfübersetzungen, _Anglia_, IV, _Anzeiger_, 69-80. 1886 GUMMERE, F. B. The translation of Beowulf, and the relations of ancient and modern English verse, _Amer. Jour. of Phil._ VII, 46-78. (A weighty argument for translation into "the original metre.") 1891 GARNETT, J. M. The translation of A.S. poetry, _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ VI, 95-105. (Agreeing in the main with Gummere.) 1897 FRYE, P. H. The translation of Beowulf, _M.L.N._ XII, 79-82. (Advocating blank verse.) 1898 FULTON, E. On translating A.S. poetry, _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XIII, 286-96. (Recommending an irregular four-accent line.) 1903 GARNETT, J. M. Recent translations of O.E. poetry, _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XVIII, 445-58. 1903 TINKER, C. B. The translations of Beowulf. A critical bibliography. _Yale Studies in English_. New York. Reviews: Klaeber, _J.E.G.Ph._ V, 116-8; Binz, _Anglia, Beiblatt,_ XVI, 291-2. 1909 CHILD, G. C. "Gummere's Oldest English Epic," _M.L.N._ XXIV, 253-4. (A criticism advocating prose translation.) 1910 GUMMERE, F. B. Translation of Old English Verse, _M.L.N._ XXV, 61-3. (Advocating alliterative verse.) Reply by CHILD, _M.L.N._ XXV, 157-8. See also reviews of Gummere, under year 1909, below. {391} 1918 LEONARD, W. E. Beowulf and the Niebelungen couplet, _Univ. of Wisconsin Studies in Language and Literature_, II, 99-152. 1805 TURNER, SHARON. History of the manners ... poetry ... and language of the Anglo-Saxons. London. (From p. 398 to p. 408 is a summary, with translations, of Beowulf, Prol.-VIII. Turner was misled as to the subject of the poem, because a leaf had been misplaced in the MS, so that the account of the fighting between Grendel and Beowulf (ll. 740-82) occurred immediately after l. 91. The struggle between Beowulf and an (unnamed) adversary being thus made to follow the account of Hrothgar's court at Heorot, Turner was led to suppose that the poem narrated the attempt of Beowulf to avenge _on Hrothgar_ the feud for a homicide he had committed. "The transition," Turner not unreasonably complains, "is rather violent." The correct placing of the shifted leaf is due to Thorkelin.) 1815 THORKELIN, G. J. [Latin version in his edition, q.v.] The reviewers gave summaries of the poem, with translations of portions of it: English in the _Monthly Review_, LXXXI, 1816, 516-23 (less inaccurate than Turner's summary); Danish in the _Dansk Litteratur-Tidende_, 1815, 401-32, 437-46, and by Grundtvig in the _Nyeste Skilderie_ (see below, § 7); Swedish in _Iduna_, VII, 1817, 133-59. 1819 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Stykker af Skjoldung-Kvadet eller Bjovulfs Minde, _Dannevirke_, IV, 234-62. 1820 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Bjowulfs Drape, Kjøbenhavn. (Free rhymed translation of Beowulf: Finnsburg rendered into short lines, unrhymed: Introduction and most important critical notes.) Review: J. Grimm in _Gött. Anzeigen_, 1823 = _Kleinere Schriften_, IV, 178-86. For second edit., see 1865. 1820 TURNER, SHARON. History of the Anglo-Saxons ... third edit. London. (Vol. III, pp. 325-48, contains a summary, with translations, of the earlier part of the poem, much less inaccurate than that of 1805.) 1826 CONYBEARE, J. J. Illustrations of Anglo-Saxon poetry. London. (Pp. 35-136 contain a summary of Beowulf, with blank verse transl. and the corresponding text in A.S. and Latin; pp. 175-82, Finnsburg, text with transl. into Latin and into English verse.) 1832 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Nordens mythologi. Anden Udgave. Kiöbenhavn. (Pp. 571-94 give a summary of the Beowulf-stories. This was, of course, wanting in the first edit. of 1808.) 1837 KEMBLE, J. M. Translation ... with ... glossary, preface and notes. London. (The "postscript to the preface" in which Kemble supplemented and corrected the "Historical Preface" to his edition of 1833, is the basis of the mythological explanations of Beowulf as an Anglian god, Beowa.) 1839 LEO, H. [Summary with translation of extracts.] See § 8, below. 1840 ETTMÜLLER, L. Beowulf, stabreimend übersetzt, mit Einleitung und Anmerkungen (Finnsburg, pp. 36-8). Zürich. 1845 LONGFELLOW, H. W. The Poets and Poetry of Europe. Philadelphia. (Pp. 8-10 contain transl. of extracts from Beowulf.) 1847 SCHALDEMOSE, F. [Danish transl. of Beowulf and Finnsburg, in his edit., q.v.] 1849 WACKERBARTH, A. D. Beowulf, translated into English verse. London. (Imitation of Scott's metre.) 1855 THORPE, B. [In his edit., q.v.] 1857 UHLAND, L. [Prose transl. of Finnsburg.] _Germania_, II, 354-5. {392} 1857 GREIN, C. W. M. Dichtungen der Angelsachsen, stabreimend übersetzt. Göttingen. (Vol. I, pp. 222--308, Beowulf, trans. into alliterative verse.) 1883. 2 Aufl. [Incorporating Grein's manuscript corrections, seen through the press by Wülker.] Cassel. Review: Krüger, _Engl. Stud._ VIII, 139--42. 1859 SIMROCK, K. Beowulf übersetzt u. erläutert. Stuttgart u. Augsburg. (Alliterative verse: Finnsburg Fragment inserted after l. 1124.) 1859 SANDRAS, G. S. De carminibus anglo-saxonicis Caedmoni adjudicatis. Paris. (Pp. 8--10 contain extract from Beowulf and Latin transl.) 1861 HAIGH, D. H. (Prose transl. of Finnsburg.) In _Anglo-Saxon Sagas,_ pp. 32--3, q.v. 1863 HEYNE, M. Beowulf übersetzt. Paderborn. (Blank verse.) Review: Holtzmann, _Germania_, VIII, 506--7. 1897--8. 2 Aufl. Paderborn. Reviews: Holthausen, _Archiv_, CIII, 373--6; Wülker, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, IX, 1; Jantzen,_ Engl. Stud._ XXV, 271--3; Löhner, _Z.f.ö.G._ XLIX, 563. 1915. 3 Aufl. Paderborn. 1865 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Bjovulfs-Drapen. Anden Udgave. 1872 VON WOLZOGEN, H. Beovulf aus dem ags. Leipzig. (Verse.) 1876 ARNOLD, T. [In his edit., q.v.] 1877 BOTKINE, L. Beowulf traduite en français. Havre. (Prose: some omissions.) Review: Körner, _Engl. Stud._ II, 248--51. 1881 ZINSSER, G. Der Kampf Beowulfs mit Grendel [vv. 1--836] als Probe einer metrischen Uebersetzung. Saarbrücken. Reviews: _Archiv_, LXVIII, 446; Krüger, _Engl. Stud_. VII, 370--2. 1881 LUMSDEN, H. W. Beowulf ... transl. into modern rhymes. London. (Some omissions.) Reviews: _Athenæum_, April 1881, p. 587; Garnett, _Amer. Jour. of Phil._ II, 355--61; Wülker, _Anglia_, IV, _Anzeiger_, 69--80. 1883. ++Second edit. Review: York Powell, _Academy_, XXVI, 1884, pp. 220--1. 1882 SCHUHMANN, G. Beovulf, antichissimo poema epico de' popoli germanici. _Giornale Napoletano di filosofia e lettere_. Anno IV, vol. 7, 25--36, 175--190. (A summary only.) 1882 GARNETT, J. M. Beowulf and the Fight at Finnsburg, translated. Boston, U.S.A. Reviews: _Nation_ (New York), No. 919, 1883; Harrison, _Amer. Jour. of Phil._ IV, 84--6, reply by Garnett, 243--6; Schipper, _Anglia_, VI, _Anzeiger_, 120--4; Krüger, _Engl. Stud_. VIII, 133--8, and (second edit.) IX, 151; Bright, _Literaturblatt_, 1883, 386--7. 1885. Second edit., revised. 1900. Fourth edit. 1883 GRION, GIUSTO. Beovulf, poema epico anglòsassone del VII secolo, tradotto e illustrato. In the _Atti della reale Accademia Lucchese_, XXII. (First Italian translation.) Review: Krüger, _Engl. Stud._ IX, 64--77. 1889 ++WICKBERG, R. Beowulf, en fornengelsk hjältedikt översatt. Westervik. 1914. ++Second edit. Upsala. Review: Kock, _A.f.n.F._ XXXII, 223--4. 1892 HALL, JOHN LESSLIE. Beowulf translated. (Verse, with notes.) Boston, U.S.A. Reviews: _M.L.N._ VII, 128, 1892 (brief mention); Miller, _Viking Club Year Book_, I, 91--2; Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, IV, 33--6; Glöde, _Engl. Stud._ XIX, 257--60. 1893. ++Student's edit. 1892 (1891) EARLE, JOHN. The deeds of Beowulf. Oxford. (Prose translation, somewhat spoilt by its artificial and sometimes grotesque vocabulary; very valuable introduction, with summary of the controversy to date, {393} and notes.) Reviews: _Athenæum_, 1 Oct. 1892; Koeppel, _Engl. Stud._ XVIII, 93-5 (fair, though rather severe). 1893 HOFFMANN, P. Beówulf ... aus dem angelsächsischen übertragen. Züllichau. (In the measure of the Nibelungenlied; ind. Finnsburg.) Reviews (mostly unfavourable): Shipley, _M.L.N._ IX, 121-3, 1894; Wülker, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, V, 67; Wülker, _Lit. Cbl._ 1894, p. 1930; Glöde, _Engl. Stud._ XIX, 412-5; ++Detter, _Öster. Literaturblatt_, V, 9; ++Marold, _Deut. Literaturblatt_, XXIII, 332. 1900. ++Second edit. Hannover. 1895 MORRIS, W. and WYATT, A. J. The Tale of Beowulf. Kelmscott Press, Hammersmith. (Verse: archaic vocabulary.) 1898. New edit. Review: Hulme, _M.L.N._ XV, 22-6, 1900. 1896 SIMONS, L. Beówulf ... vertaald in stafrijm en met inleiding en aanteekeningen. Gent (_Koninklijke vlaamsche Academie_). Reviews: Glöde, _Engl. Stud._ XXV, 270-1; Uhlenbeck, _Museum_ (Groningen), V, 217-8. 1898 STEINECK, H. Altenglische Dichtungen (Beowulf, Elene, u.a.) in wortgetreuer Übersetzung. Leipzig. (Prose, line for line.) Reviews: Binz, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, IX, 220-2; Holthausen, _Archiv_, CIII, 376-8 (both very unfavourable). 1901 HALL, J. R. CLARK. Beowulf and the fight at Finnsburg. A translation into modern English prose. London. Reviews: _Athenæum_, 1901, July, p. 56; _Academy_, LX, 1901, 342; Stedman, _Viking Club Year Book_, III, 72-4; Tinker, _J.E.G.Ph._ IV, 379-81; Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XIII, 225-8; Dibelius, _Archiv_, CIX, 403-4; Vietor, _Die neueren Sprachen_, XI, 439; Wülker, _Lit. Cbl._ 1902, 30-1 ("sehr zu empfehlen"). 1911 (q.v.). New edit., with considerable additions. 1902 TINKER, C. B. Beowulf translated out of the Old English. New York. (Prose.) Reviews: Klaeber, _J.E.G.Ph._ V, 91-3; Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XIV, 7. 1903 ++BJÖRKMAN, E. Swedish transl. (prose) of Beowulf, Part II (in Schück's _Världslitteraturen_, with introd. by Schück). 1903-4 TRAUTMANN, M., in his editions, q.v. 1904 CHILD, C. G. Beowulf and the Finnesburh Fragment translated. London and Boston. Reviews: Grattan, _M.L.R._ III, 303-4 ("a good prose translation which steers an even course between pseudo-archaisms and modern colloquialisms"); Miller, _Viking Club Year Book_, I, 91-2; Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XVI, 225-7; Brandl, _Archiv_, CXXI, 473. 1904 ++HANSEN, A. Transl. into Danish of Beowulf, ll. 491-924, _Danske Tidsskrift_. 1905 VOGT, P. Beowulf ... übersetzt. Halle. (Text rearranged according to theories of interpolation: Finnsburg Fragment translated, following Möller's text.) Reviews: Binz, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXI, 289-91; Eichler, _Z.f.ö.G._ LVII, 908-10; Klaeber, _Archiv_, CXVII, 408-10: Jantzen, _Lit. Cbl._ 1906, 257-8. 1906 GERING, H. Beowulf nebst dem Finnsburg-Bruchstück übersetzt. Heidelberg. (Verse.) Reviews: Lawrence, _J.E.G.Ph._ VII, 129-33 ("thoroughly scholarly"); Jantzen, _Lit. Cbl._ 1907, 64-5; Ries, _A.f.d.A._ XXXIII, 143-7; Binz, _Literaturblatt_, XXXI, 397-8 ("Fliessend und ungezwungen, sinngetreu ..."); ++Zehme, _Monatsschrift_, XIV, 597-600; v. Grienberger, _Z.f.ö.G._ 1908, LIX, 423-8. 1914. 2 Aufl. 1907 HUYSHE, W. Beowulf ... translated into ... prose ("Appendix: The Fight at Finn's burgh"). London. ("Translation," to quote Clark Hall, "apparently such as might have been compiled from previous translations by a person ignorant of Ags. Some original mistakes.") Reviews: _Athenæum_, 1907, II, 96 ("Mr Huyshe displays sad ignorance of Old {394} English ... but an assiduous study of the work of his predecessors has preserved him from misrepresenting seriously the general sense of the text"); _Notes and Queries_, Ser. X, vol. VIII, 58; Garnett, _Amer. Jnl. Philol._ XXIX, 344-6; Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XIX, 257. 1909 GUMMERE, F. B. The oldest English Epic. Beowulf, Finnsburg, Waldere, Deor and the German Hildebrand, translated in the original metres. New York. Reviews: _Athenæum_, 1909, II, 151; Trautmann, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXXIII, 353-60 (metrical debate); Sedgefield, _Engl. Stud._ XLI, 402-3 (discussing possibility of reproducing in Mod. Eng. the Old Eng. alliterative verse-rhythm); Derocquigny, _Revue Germanique_, VI, 356-7; see also above, p. 390. 1910 HANSEN, ADOLF. Bjovulf, oversat af A. Hansen, og efter hans død gået efter og fuldført samt forsynet med en inledning og en oversættelse af brudstykket om kampen i Finsborg, af Viggo Julius von Holstein Rathlou; udgivet ved Oskar Hansen. København og Kristiania. An account of this translation, by v. Holstein Rathlou, in _Tilskueren_, June, 1910, pp. 557-62; Review: Olrik, _Danske Studier_, 1910, 112-13. 1911 CLARK HALL, J. R. Beowulf and the Finnsburg Fragment. A translation into Modern English Prose. London. Reviews: Mawer, _M.L.R._ VI, 542 ("probably the best working translation that we have, enriched by a valuable introduction and excellent appendices"); _Academy_, 1911, I, 225-6; Björkman, _Engl. Stud._ XLIV, 127-8; _Archiv_, CXXVI, 492-3; Binz, _Literaturblatt_, XXXII, 232. 1912 PIERQUIN, H. Le poème Anglo-Saxon de Beowulf. (An extraordinary piece of work; the version mainly follows Kemble's text, which is reproduced, but with many misprints: Kemble's _Saxons in England_ is translated by way of introduction. The Finnsburg Fragment is included.) Reviews: _Academy_, 1912, II, 509-10 (seems to regard Pierquin as author of _Les Saxons en Angleterre_); Sedgefield, _M.L.R._ VIII, 550-2; Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXIV, 138-9; Imelmann, _D.L.Z._ XXXIV (1913), 1062-3 (very unfavourable); ++Luick, _Mitt. d. inst. f. österr. gesch.-forsch._ XXXVI, 401; ++Barat, _Moyen Âge_, XXVI (see. ser. XVII), 298-302. 1913 KIRTLAN, E. J. The Story of Beowulf. London. (A fair specimen of the less scholarly translations; nicely got up and not exceedingly incorrect.) Reviews: _Athenæum_, 1914, II, 71; Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVII, 129-31. 1914 CLARK HALL, J. R. Beowulf: a metrical translation. Cambridge. (Not so successful as the same writer's prose translation.) Reviews: Sedgefield, _M.L.R._ X, 387-9 (discussing the principles of metrical translation); Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVI, 170-2. 1915 OLIVERO, F. Traduzioni dalla Poesia Anglo-sassone. Bari. (Pp. 73-119, extracts from Beowulf.) Review: _M.L.R._ XI, 509. 1916 ++BENEDETTI, A. La canzone di Beowulf, poema epico anglo-sassone del VI secolo. Versione italiana, con introduzione e note. Palermo. 1918 LEONARD, W. E. [Specimen, Passus IX, of forthcoming transl., in the measure of the Nibelungenlied.] In _Univ. of Wisconsin Studies_, II, 149-52; see above. A translation of Beowulf into the Norwegian "landsmaal," by H. RYTTER, will appear shortly. Popular paraphrases of Beowulf are not included in the above list. An account will be found in Tinker's _Translations_ of those of E. H. Jones (in COX'S _Popular Romances_, 1871); J. Gibb, 1881-4; Wägner-MacDowall, 1883 _etc._; Miss Z. A. Ragozin, 1898, 1900; A. J. Church, 1898; Miss C. L. Thomson, 1899, 1904. Mention may also be made of those of ++F. A. Turner, 1894; H. E. Marshall, 1908; T. Cartwright, 1908; Prof. J. H. Cox, 1910. An illustrated summary of {395} the _Beowulf_ story was issued by Mr W. T. Stead in his penny "Books for the Bairns." The versions of Miss Thomson and Prof. Cox are both good. The paraphrase in the _Canadian Monthly_, II, 83 (1872), attributed in several bibliographies to Earle, is assuredly not the work of that scholar: it is an inaccurate version based upon Jones. An account will be found in Tinker of the German paraphrase of Therese Dahn, 1883 _etc._; mention may also be made of those of J. Arnheim, 1871; ++ F. Bässler, sec. edit. 1875 (praised highly by Klaeber in _J.E.G.Ph._ V, 118). § 7. TEXTUAL CRITICISM AND INTERPRETATION 1815 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Et Par Ord om det nys udkomne angelsaxiske Digt. _Nyeste Skilderie af Kjøbenhavn_, No. 60 _etc._, cols. 945, 998, 1009, 1025, 1045; Nok et Par Ord om Bjovulfs Drape, 1106, 1121, 1139 (comment upon Thorkelin's text and translation). 1815 THORKELIN, G. J. Reply to Grundtvig in _Nyeste Skilderie_, cols. 1057, 1073. (There were further articles in the same magazine, but they were purely personal.) 1820 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Emendations to Thorkelin's text, added to _Bjowulfs Drape_, 267-312. 1826 CONYBEARE, J. J. Illustrations of Anglo-Saxon poetry. London. (Beowulf and "Finnsborough," pp. 30-182.) 1859 BOUTERWEK, K. W. Zur Kritik des Beowulfliedes, _Z.f.d.A._ XI, 59-113. 1859 DIETRICH, F. Rettungen, _Z.f.d.A._ XI, 409-20. 1863 HOLTZMANN, A. Zu Beowulf, _Germania_, VIII, 489-97. (Incl. Finnsburg.) 1865 GREIN, C. W. M. Zur Textkritik der angelsächsischen Dichter: Finnsburg, _Germania_, X, 422. 1868-9 BUGGE, SOPHUS. Spredte iagttagelser vedkommende de oldengelske digte om Beówulf og Waldere; _Tidskrift for Philologi og Pædagogik_, VIII, 40-78 and 287-307 (incl. Finnsburg, 304-5). Important. 1871 RIEGER, M. Zum Beowulf, _Z.f.d.Ph._ III, 381-416. 1873 BUGGE, S. Zum Beowulf, _Z.f.d.Ph._ IV, 192-224. 1880 KÖLBING, E. Kleine Beiträge (Beowulf, 168, 169), _Engl. Stud._ III, 92 _etc._ 1882 KLUGE, F. Sprachhistorische Miscellen (Beowulf, 63, 1027, 1235, 1267), _P.B.B._ VIII, 532-5. 1882 COSIJN, P. J. Zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ VIII, 568-74. 1883 SIEVERS, E. Zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ IX, 135-44, 370. 1883 KLUGE, F. Zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ IX, 187-92. 1883 KRÜGER, TH. Zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ IX, 571-8. 1889 MILLER, T. The position of Grendel's arm in Heorot, _Anglia_, XII, 396-400. 1890 JOSEPH, E. Zwei Versversetzungen im Beowulf, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXII, 385-97. 1891 SCHRÖER, A. Zur texterklärung des Beowulf, _Anglia_, XIII, 333-48. 1891-2 COSIJN, P. J. Aanteekeningen op den Beowulf. Leiden. (Important.) Reviews: Lübke, _A.f.d.A._ XIX, 341-2; Holthausen, _Literaturblatt_, 1895, p. 82. 1892 SIEVERS, E. Zur texterklärung des Beowulf, _Anglia_, XIV, 133-46. 1895 BRIGHT, J. W. Notes on the Beowulf (ll. 30, 306, 386-7, 623, 737), _M.L.N._ X, 43-4. 1899 TRAUTMANN, M. Berichtigungen, Vermutungen und Erklärungen zum Beowulf (ll. 1-1215). _Bonner Beiträge zur Anglistik_, II, 121-92. Reviews: Binz, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XIV, 358-60; Holthausen, _Literaturblatt_, 1900, 62-4 (important). See Sievers, _P.B.B._ XXVII, 572; XXVIII, 271. 1901 KLAEBER, F. A few Beowulf notes (ll. 459, 847 _etc._, 1206, 3024 _etc._, 3171); _M.L.N._ XVI, 14-18. {396} 1902 KLAEBER, F. Zum Beowulf (497-8; 1745-7), _Archiv_, CVIII, 368-70. 1902 KLAEBER, F. Beowulf's character, _M.L.N._ XVII, 162. 1903 KRACKOW, O. Zu Beowulf, 1225, 2222, _Archiv_, CXI, 171-2. 1904 BRYANT, F. E. Beowulf, 62, _M.L.N._ XIX, 121-2. 1904 ABBOTT, W. C. Hrothulf, _M.L.N._ XIX, 122-5. (Abbott suggests that Hrothulf is the name--missing in whole or part from l. 62--of the husband of the daughter of Healfdene. This suggestion is quite untenable, for many reasons: Hrothulf (Rolf Kraki) is a Dane, and the missing husband is a Swede: but the article led to a long controversy between Bryant and Klaeber; see _M.L.N._ XX, 9-11; XXI, 143, 255; XXII, 96, 160. Klaeber is undoubtedly right.) 1904 KRAPP, G. B. Miscellaneous Notes: _Sc[=u]rheard_; _M.L.N._ XIX, 234. 1904 SIEVERS, E. Zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ XXIX, 305-31. (Criticism of Trautmann's emendations.) 1904 KOCK, E. A. Interpretations and Emendations of Early English Texts: III (Beowulf), _Anglia_, XXVII, 218-37. 1904 SIEVERS, E. Zum Beowulf (l. 5, Criticism of Kock), _P.B.B._ XXIX, 560-76. Reply by Kock, _Anglia_, XXVIII (1905), 140-2. 1905 TRAUTMANN, M. Auch zum Beowulf: ein gruss an herren Eduard Sievers, _Bonner Beiträge zur Anglistik_, XVII, 143-74. (Reply to Sievers' criticism of Trautmann's conjectural emendations.) Review: Klaeber, _M.L.N._ XXII, 252. 1905 SWIGGETT, G. L. Notes on the Finnsburg fragment, _M.L.N._ XX, 169-71. 1905 KLAEBER, F. Notizen zur texterklärung des Beowulf, _Anglia_, XXVIII, 439-47 (incl. Finnsburg); Zum Beowulf, the same, 448-56. 1905 KLAEBER, F. Bemerkungen zum Beowulf, _Archiv_, CXV, 178-82. (Incl. Finnsburg.) 1905 HOLTHAUSEN, F. Beiträge zur Erklärung des altengl. epos. I, Zum Beowulf; II, Zum Finnsburg-fragment; _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXVII, 113-25. 1905-6 KLAEBER, F. Studies in the Textual Interpretation of "Beowulf," _Mod. Phil._ III, 235-66, 445-65 (Most important). 1906 CHILD, C. G. Beowulf, 30, 53, 132 (i.e. 1323), 2957, _M.L.N._ XXI, 175-7, 198-200. 1906 HORN, W. Textkritische Bemerkungen (Beowulf, 69 _etc._), _Anglia_, XXIX, 130-1. 1906 KLAEBER, F. Notizen zum Beowulf, _Anglia_, XXIX, 378-82. 1907 KLAEBER, F. Minor Notes on the Beowulf, _J.E.G.Ph._ VI, 190-6. 1908 TINKER, C. B. Notes on Beowulf, _M.L.N._ XXIII, 239-40. 1908 KLAEBER, F. Zum Beowulf, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 463-7. 1909 KLAEBER, F. Textual Notes on Beowulf, _J.E.G.Ph._ VIII, 254-9. 1910 VON GRIENBERGER, T. Bemerkungen zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ XXXVI, 77-101. (Incl. Finnsburg.) 1910 SIEVERS, E. Gegenbemerkungen zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ XXXVI, 397-434. (Incl. Finnsburg.) 1910 SEDGEFIELD, W. J. Notes on "Beowulf," _M.L.R._ V, 286-8. 1910 TRAUTMANN, M. Beiträge zu einem künftigen "Sprachschatz der altenglischen Dichter," _Anglia_, XXXIII, 276-9 (_gedræg_). 1911 BLACKBURN, F. A. Note on Beowulf, 1591-1617, _Mod. Phil._ IX, 555-66. (Argues that a loose leaf has been misplaced and the order of events thus disturbed.) 1911 KLAEBER, F. Zur Texterklärung des Beowulf, vv. 767, 1129, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXII, 372-4. 1912 HART, J. M. Beowulf, 168-9, _M.L.N._ XXVII, 198. {397} 1912-14 GREIN, C. W. M. Sprachschatz der angelsächsischen dichter. Unter mitwirkung von F. Holthausen neu herausgegeben von J. J. Köhler. Heidelberg. Reviews: Trautmann, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXIV, 36-43; Schücking, _Engl. Stud._ XLIX, 113-5. 1915 CHAMBERS, R. W. The "Shifted leaf" in Beowulf, _M.L.R._ X, 37-41. (Points out that the alleged "confused order of events" is that also followed in the Grettis saga.) 1916 GREEN, A. The opening of the episode of Finn in Beowulf, _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXXI, 759-97. 1916 BRIGHT, J. W. Anglo-Saxon _umbor_ and _seld-guma_, _M.L.N._ XXXI, 82-4; Beowulf, 489-90, _M.L.N._ XXXI, 217-23. 1917 GREEN, A. An episode in Ongenþeow's fall, _M.L.R._ XII, 340-3. 1917 HOLLANDER, L. M. Beowulf, 33, _M.L.N._ XXXII, 246-7. (Suggests the reading _[=i]tig_.) 1917 HOLTHAUSEN, F. Zu altenglischen Denkmälern--Beowulf, 1140, _Engl. Stud._ LI, 180. 1918 HUBBARD, F. G. Beowulf, 1598, 1996, 2026: uses of the impersonal verb _geweorþan_, _J.E.G.Ph._ XVII, 119. 1918 KOCK, E. A. Interpretations and emendations of early English Texts: IV, Beowulf, _Anglia_, XLII, 99-124. (Important.) 1918 ++KOCK, E. A. Jubilee Jaunts and Jottings, in the _Lunds univ. årsskrift_, N. F. avd. I, bd. 14, nr. 26 (_Festskrift vid ... 250-årsjubileum_). Reviews: Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 1-5; Klaeber, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIX, 409-13. 1919 MOORE, SAMUEL. Beowulf Notes (Textual), _J.E.G.Ph._ XVIII, 205-16. 1919 KLAEBER, F. Concerning the functions of O.E. _geweorðan_, _J.E.G.Ph._ XVIII, 250-71. (Cf. paper of Prof. Hubbard above, by which this was suggested.) 1919 KLAEBER, F. Textual notes on "Beowulf," _M.L.N._ XXXIV, 129-34. 1919 BROWN, CARLETON. Beowulf, 1080-1106, _M.L.N._ XXXIV, 181-3. 1919 BRETT, CYRIL. Notes on passages of Old and Middle English, _M.L.R._ XIV, 1-9. 1919-20 KOCK, E. A. Interpretations and emendations of Early English Texts: V (Incl. Beowulf, 2030, 2419-24); VI (Incl. Beowulf 24, 154-6, 189-90, 1992-3, 489-90, 581-3, 1745-7, 1820-1, 1931-2, 2164); VII (Incl. Beowulf, 1230, 1404, 1553-6); _Anglia_, XLIII, 303-4; XLIV, 98 _etc._, 245 _etc._ 1920 BRYAN W. F. Beowulf Notes (303-6, 532-4, 867-71), _J.E.G.Ph._ XIX, 84-5. § 8. QUESTIONS OF LITERARY HISTORY, DATE AND AUTHORSHIP: BEOWULF IN THE LIGHT OF HISTORY, ARCHÆOLOGY, HEROIC LEGEND, MYTHOLOGY AND FOLKLORE See also preceding section. No attempt is made here to deal with Old English heroic legend in general: nor to enumerate the references to _Beowulf_ in histories of literature. Probably the earliest allusion to our poem by a great writer is in Scott's _Essay on Romance_ (1824): "The Saxons had, no doubt, Romances, ... and Mr Turner ... has given us the abridgement of one entitled Caedmon, in which the hero, whose adventures are told much after the manner of the ancient Norse Sagas, encounters, defeats and finally slays an evil being called Grendel...." 1816 OUTZEN, N. Das ags. Gedicht Beowulf, _Kieler Blätter_, III, 307-27. (See above, p. 4, note.) {398} 1816 (Review of Thorkelin in) _Monthly Review_, LXXXI, 516-23. (Beowulf identified with Beaw Sceldwaing of the West Saxon genealogy; see above, p. 292.) 1817 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. _Danne-Virke_, II, 207-89. (Identifies Chochilaicus; see above, p. 4, note.) 1826 GRIMM, W. Einleitung über die Elfen, _Kleinere Schriften_, I, 405, esp. p. 467 (extract relating to Grendel's hatred of song). From ++_Irische Elfenmärchen_. 1829 GRIMM, W. Die deutsche Heldensage. Göttingen. (Pp. 13-17. Extracts from Beowulf, with translation, relating to Weland, Sigemund, Hama and Eormenric.) 1836 KEMBLE, J. M. Über die Stammtafel der Westsachsen. München. Review: J. Grimm, _Göttingische gelehrte Anziegen_, 1836, 649-57, = _Kleinere Schriften_, V, 240. 1836 MONE, F. J. Zur Kritik des Gedichts von Beowulf (in Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der teutschen Heldensage). Quedlinburg u. Leipzig. (Pp. 129-36.) 1839 LEO, H. Bëówulf ... nach seinem inhalte, und nach seinen historischen und mythologischen beziehungen betrachtet. Halle. 1841 DISRAELI, I. Amenities of Literature. London. (Beowulf; the Hero-Life. Vol. I, pp. 80-92.) 1841 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Bjovulfs Drape, _Brage og Idun_, IV, 481-538. (Discusses the story, with criticism of previous scholars, and especially of Kemble.) 1843-9 GRIMM, W. Einleitung zur Vorlesung über Gudrun [with an abstract of Beowulf]; see _Kleinere Schriften_, IV, 557-60. 1844 MÜLLENHOFF, K. Die deutschen Völker an Nord- und Ostsee in ältester Zeit, _Nordalbingische Studien_, I, 111 _etc._ 1845 A brief discussion of Beowulf in _Edinburgh Review_, LXXXII, 309-11. 1845 HAUPT, M. Zum Beowulf, _Z.f.d.A._ V, 10. (Drawing attention to the reference to Hygelac in the _liber de monstris_; see above, p. 4.) 1848 MÜLLENHOFF, K. Die austrasische Dietrichssage, _Z.f.d.A._ VI, 435 _etc._ 1849 MÜLLENHOFF, K. Sceáf u. seine Nachkommen, _Z.f.d.A._ VII, 410-19; Der Mythus von Beóvulf, _Z.f.d.A._ VII, 419-41. 1849 GRIMM, J. Ueber das Verbrennen der Leichen, _Abhandl. d. Berl. Akad._, 1849, 191 _etc._ = _Kleinere Schriften_, II, 211-313 (esp. 261-4). 1849 BACHLECHNER, J. Die Merovinge im Beowulf, _Z.f.d.A._ VII, 524-6. 1851 ZAPPERT, G. Virgil's Fortleben im Mittelalter, _Denkschriften der k. Akad. Wien, Phil.-Hist. Classe_, Bd. II, Abth. 2, pp. 17-70. (Gives numerous parallels between Virgil and "Beowulf," somewhat indiscriminately.) 1852 BRYNJULFSSON, G. Oldengelsk og Oldnordisk, _Antikuarisk Tidsskrift_, Kjøbenhavn, 1852-4, pp. 81-143. (An important paper which has been unduly overlooked. Brynjulfsson notes the parallel between Beowulf and Bjarki (see above, p. 61) and in other respects anticipates later scholars, e.g., in noting the close relationship between Angles and Danes (p. 143) and less fortunately (pp. 129-31) in identifying the Geatas with the Jutes.) 1856 BACHLECHNER, J. Eomaer und Heming (Hamlac), _Germania_, I, 297-303 and 455-61. 1856 BOUTERWEK, K. W. Das Beowulflied: Eine Vorlesung; _Germania_, I, 385-418. 1857 UHLAND, L. Sigemund und Sigeferd, _Germania_, II, 344-63 = _Schriften_, VIII, 479 _etc._ (Incl. Finnsburg.) {399} 1858 WEINHOLD, K. Die Riesen des germanischen Mythus, _Sitzungberichte der K. Akad., Wien, Phil-Hist. Classe_, XXVI, 225-306. (Grendel and his mother, p. 255.) 1859 RIEGER, M. Ingaevonen, Istaevonen, Herminonen, _Z.f.d.A._ XI, 177-205. 1859 MÜLLENHOFF, K. Zur Kritik des angelsächsischen Volksepos, 2, Widsith, _Z.f.d.A._ XI, 275-94. 1860 MÜLLENHOFF, K. Zeugnisse u. Excurse zur deutschen Heldensage, _Z.f.d.A._ XII, 253-386. (_This portion_ of vol. XII was published in 1860.) 1861 HAIGH, D. H. The Anglo-Saxon Sagas. London. (An uncritical attempt to identify the proper names in Beowulf and Finnsburg with sites in England.) 1862 GREIN, C. W. M. Die historischen Verhältnisse des Beowulfliedes, _Eberts Jahrbuch für roman. u. engl. Litt._ IV, 260-85. (Incl. Finnsburg.) 1864 ++SCHULTZE, M. Ueber das Beowulfslied. _Programm der städtischen Realschule zu Elbing._ (Not seen, but contents, including the mythical interpretations current at the period, noted in _Archiv_, XXXVII, 232.) 1864 HEYNE, M. Ueber die Lage und Construction der Halle Heorot. Paderborn. 1868 KÖHLER, A. Germanische Alterthümer im Beóvulf, _Germania_, XIII, 129-58. 1869 MÜLLENHOFF, K. Die innere Geschichte des Beovulfs, _Z.f.d.A._ XIV, 193-244. (Reprinted in _Beovulf_, 1889. See above, p. 113 _etc._) 1870 KÖHLER, A. Die Einleitung des Beovulfliedes. Die beiden Episoden von Heremod, _Z.f.d.Ph._ II, 305-21. 1875 SCHRØDER, L. Om Bjovulfs Drapen. København. (See above, p. 30.) 1876 BOTKINE, L. Beowulf. Analyse historique et géographique. Havre. (Material subsequently incorporated in translation, q.v. § 6.) Review: Körner, _Engl. Stud._ I, 495-6. 1877 SKEAT, W. W. The name "Beowulf," _Academy_, XI (Jan.-June), p. 163. (Suggests Beowulf = "woodpecker"; see above, pp. 365-6, _note_.) 1877 TEN BRINK, B. Geschichte der englischen Litteratur. (Beowulf, Finnsburg, pp. 29-40.) 1877 DEDERICH, H. Historische u. geographische Studien zum ags. Beóvulfliede. Köln. (Incl. Finnsburg.) Reviews: Körner, _Engl. Stud._ I, 481-95; Müllenhoff, _A.f.d.A._ III, 172-82; ++Suchier, _Jenaer Literatur-Zeitung_, XLVII, 732, 1876. 1877 HORNBURG, J. Die Composition des Beowulf. _Programm des K. Lyceums in Metz._ Full summary by F. Hummel in _Archiv_, LXII, 231-3. See also under 1884. 1877 SCHULTZE, M. Alt-heidnisches in der angelsächsischen Poesie, speciell im Beowulfsliede. Berlin. 1877 SUCHIER, H. Ueber die Sage von Offa u. Þryðo, _P.B.B._ IV, 500-21. 1878 MÜLLER, N. Die Mythen im Beówulf, in ihrem Verhältniss zur germanischen Mythologie betrachtet. Dissertation, Heidelberg. Leipzig. 1879 LAISTNER, L. Nebelsagen. Stuttgart. (See above, p. 46, note.) 1879 SWEET, H. Old English etymologies: I, _Beóhata_, _Engl. Stud._ II, 312-14. (See above, p. 365.) 1880 GERING, H. Der Beówulf u. die isländische Grettissaga, _Anglia_, III, 74-87. (Important. Gering announced Vigfússon's discovery to a wider circle of readers, with translation of the Sandhaugar episode, and useful comment. The discovery was further announced to American readers by GARNETT in the _American Journal of Philology_, I, 492 (1880), though its importance was there rather understated. See above, p. 54.) {400} 1881 SMITH, C. SPRAGUE. Beówulf Gretti, _New Englander_, XL (N. S. IV), 49-67. (Translation of corresponding passages in Grettis saga and Beowulf.) 1882 MARCH, F. A. The World of Beowulf, _Proceedings of Amer. Phil. Assoc._ pp. xxi-xxiii. 1883 RÖNNING, F. Beovulfs-kvadet; en literær-historisk undersøgelse. København. Review: Heinzel, _A.f.d.A._ X, 233-9. (Rönning criticises Müllenhoff's theories of separate lays. His book and Heinzel's review are both important.) 1883 MERBOT, R. Aesthetische Studien zur Ags. Poesie. Breslau. Reviews: Koch, _Anglia_, VI, _Anzeiger_, 100-3; Kluge, _Engl. Stud._, VIII, 480-2. 1884 EARLE, J. Anglo-Saxon Literature (The dawn of European Literature). London. (Pp. 120-39 deal with Beowulf. Earle holds Beowulf to be "a genuine growth of that junction in time ... when the heathen tales still kept their traditional interest, and yet the spirit of Christianity had taken full possession of the Saxon mind.") 1884 FAHLBECK, P. Beowulfs-kvädet såsom källa för nordisk fornhistoria, _Antikvar. tidskr. för Sverige_, VIII, 1-87. Review: _Academy_, XXIX, 1886, p. 12. (See above, pp. 8, 333.) 1884 HARRISON, J. A. Old Teutonic life in Beowulf, _Overland Monthly_, Sec. Ser. vol. IV, 14-24; 152-61. 1884 HERTZ, W. Beowulf, das älteste germanische Epos, _Nord und Süd_, XXIX, 229-53. 1884 HORNBURG, J. Die komposition des Beovulf, _Archiv_, LXXII, 333-404. (Rejects Müllenhoff's "Liedertheorie.") 1884 KRÜGER, TH. Zum Beowulfliede. Bromberg. Reviewed favourably by Kölbing, _Engl. Stud._ IX, 150; severely by Kluge, _Literaturblatt_, 1884, 428-9. (A useful summary, which had the misfortune to be superseded next year by the publication of Wülker's _Grundriss_.) 1884 KRÜGER, TH. Über Ursprung u. Entwickelung des Beowulfliedes, _Archiv_, LXXI, 129-52. 1884-5 EARLE, J. Beowulf, in _The Times_, London (Aug. 25, 1884, p. 6 (not signed); Oct. 29, 1885, p. 3; Sept. 30, 1885, p. 3. "The Beowulf itself is a tale of old folk-lore which, in spite of repeated editing, has never quite lost the old crust of its outline.... This discovery, if established, must have the effect of quite excluding the application of the Wolffian hypothesis to our poem.") 1885 WÜLKER, R. Grundriss zur geschichte der angelsächsischen Litteratur. Leipzig. 6. Die angelsächsische Heldendichtung, Beowulf, Finnsburg, 244-315. (An important and useful summary.) 1885 LEHMANN, H. Brünne und Helm im angelsächsischen Beowulfliede. Dissertation, Göttingen. Leipzig. Reviews: Wülker, _Anglia_, VIII, _Anzeiger_, 167-70; Schulz, _Engl. Stud._ IX, 471. 1886 SKEAT, W. W. On the signification of the monster Grendel ... with a discussion of ll. 2076-2100. Read before the Cambridge Philological Society. _Journal of Philology_, XV, 120-31. (Not _American Jour. of Phil._, as frequently quoted.) 1886 SARRAZIN, G. Die Beowulfsage in Dänemark, _Anglia_, IX, 195-9; Beowa und Böthvar, _Anglia_, IX, 200-4; Beowulf und Kynewulf, _Anglia_, IX, 515-50; Der Schauplatz des ersten Beowulfliedes und die Heimat des Dichters, _P.B.B._ XI, 159-83 (see above, p. 101). 1886 SIEVERS, E. Die Heimat des Beowulfdichters, _P.B.B._ XI, 354-62. 1886 SARRAZIN, G. Altnordisches im Beowulfliede, _P.B.B._ XI, 528-41. (See above, p. 102.) 1886 SIEVERS, E. Altnordisches im Beowulf? _P.B.B._ XII, 168-200. {401} 1886 SCHILLING, H. Notes on the Finnsaga, _M.L.N._ I, 89-92; 116-17. 1886 LEHMANN, H. Über die Waffen im angelsächsischen Beowulfliede, _Germania_, XXXI, 486-97. 1887 SCHILLING, H. The Finnsburg-fragment and the Finn-episode, _M.L.N._ II, 146-50. 1887 MORLEY, H. Beowulf and the Fight at Finnsburg, in _English Writers_, vol. I, 276-354. London. 1887 BUGGE, S. Studien über das Beowulfepos, _P.B.B._ XII, 1-112, 360-75. Important. (Das Finnsburgfragment, pp. 20-8.) 1887 ++SCHNEIDER, F. Der Kampf mit Grendels Mutter. _Program des Friedrichs Real-Gymnasiums._ Berlin. 1888 TEN BRINK, B. Beowulf. Untersuchungen. (_Quellen u. Forschungen_, LXII.) (Important. See above, p. 113.) Strassburg. Reviews: Wülker, _Anglia_, XI, 319-21 and _Lit. Cbl._ 1889, 251; Möller, _Engl. Stud._ XIII, 247-315 (weighty, containing some good remarks on the Jutes-Geatas); Koeppel, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXIII, 113-22; Heinzel, _A.f.d.A._ XV, 153-82 (weighty); Liebermann, _Deut. Zeitschr. f. Geschichtswissenschaft_, II, 1889, 197-9; Kraus, _D.L.Z._ XII, 1891, 1605-7, 1846: reply by ten Brink ("Beowulfkritik und _ABAB_"), _D.L.Z._ 1892, 109-12. 1888 SARRAZIN, G. Beowulf-Studien. Berlin. Reviews: Koeppel, _Engl. Stud._ XIII, 472-80; Sarrazin, Entgegnung, _Engl. Stud._ XIV, 421 _etc._, reply by Koeppel, XIV, 427; Sievers, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXI, 366; Dieter, _Archiv_, LXXXIII, 352-3; Heinzel, _A.f.d.A._ XV, 182-9; Wülker, _Lit. Cbl._ 1889, 315-16; Wülker, _Anglia_, XI, 536-41. Holthausen, _Literaturblatt_, 1890, 14-16; Liebermann, _Deut. Zeitschr. f. Geschichtswissenschaft_, VI, 1891, 138; Kraus, _D.L.Z._ XII, 1891, pp. 1822-3. (All these reviews express dissent from Sarrazin's main conclusions, though many of them show appreciation of details in his work. See above, p. 101.) 1888 KITTREDGE, G. L. Zu Beowulf, 107 _etc._, _P.B.B._ XIII, 210 (Cain's kin). 1889 MÜLLENHOFF, K. Beovulf (pp. 110-65=_Z.f.d.A._ XIV, 193-244). Berlin. See above, pp. 46-7, 113-15. Reviews: Schirmer, _Anglia_, XII, 465-7; Sarrazin, _Engl. Stud._ XVI, 71-85 (important); Wülker, _Lit. Cbl._ 1890, 58-9; Heinzel, _A.f.d.A._ XVI, 264-75 (important); Koeppel, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXIII, 110-13; Holthausen, _Literaturblatt_, 1890, 370-3; Liebermann, _Deut. Zeitschr. f. Geschichtswissenschaft_, VI, 1891, 135-7; Kraus, _D.L.Z._ XII, 1891, pp. 1820-2; Logeman, _Le Moyen Âge_, III, 266-7 ("personne ne conteste plus ... que le poème se composait originairement de plusieurs parties"). Müllenhoff's book, like that of ten Brink, is based on assumptions generally held at the time, but now not so widely accepted; yet it remains important. 1889 LAISTNER, L. Das Rätsel der Sphinx. Berlin. (See above, p. 67.) 1889 LÜNING, O. Die Natur ... in der altgermanischen und mittelhochdeutschen Epik. Zürich. Reviews: Weinhold, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXII, 246-7; Golther, _D.L.Z._ 1889, 710-2; Ballerstedt, _A.f.d.A._ XVI, 71-4; Fränkel, _Literaturblatt_, 1890, 439-44. 1890 ++DESKAU, H. Zum studium des Beowulf. Berichte des freien deutschen Hochstiftes, 1890. Frankfurt. 1890 ++KLÖPPER, C. Heorot-Hall in the Anglo-Saxon poem of Beowulf. Festschrift für K. E. Krause. Rostock. 1891 JELLINEK, M. H. and KRAUS, C. Die Widersprüche im Beowulf, _Z.f.d.A_, XXXV, 265-81. 1891 BUGGE, S. and OLRIK, A. Røveren ved Gråsten og Beowulf, _Dania_, I, 233-45. 1891 JELLINEK, M. H. Zum Finnsburgfragment, _P.B.B._ XV, 428-31. 1892 EARLE, J. The Introduction to his Translation (q.v.) gave a summary of the controversy, with "a constructive essay." {402} 1892 BROOKE, STOPFORD A. History of Early English Literature (Beowulf, pp. 17-131). London. Reviews: McClumpha, _M.L.N._ VIII, 27-9, 1892 (attacks in a letter of unnecessary violence); Wülker, _Anglia, Beiblatt_ IV, 170-6, 225-33; Glöde, _Engl. Stud._ XXII, 264-70. 1892 GUMMERE, F. B. Germanic Origins. A study in primitive culture. New York. 1892 FERGUSON, R. The Anglo-Saxon name Beowulf, _Athenæum_, June, 1892 p. 763. See above, p. 368. 1892 HAACK, O. Zeugnisse zur altenglischen Heldensage. Kiel. 1892 ++KRAUS, K. Hrodulf. (P. Moneta, zum 40 jähr. Dienstjub.) Wien. (p. 4 _etc._) 1892 OLRIK, A. Er Uffesagnet indvandret fra England? _A.f.n.F._ VIII (N.F. IV), 368-75. 1892 SARRAZIN, G. Die Abfassungszeit des Beowulfliedes, _Anglia_, XIV, 399-415. 1892 SIEVERS, E. Sceaf in den nordischen Genealogien, _P.B.B._ XVI, 361-3. 1892 KÖGEL, R. Beowulf, _Z.f.d.A._ XXXVII, 268-76. (Etymology of the name.) Discussed by Sievers, _P.B.B._ XVIII, 413. See above, p. 367, footnote. 1893 WARD, H. L. D. Catalogue of Romances in the British Museum; Beowulf: vol. II, pp. 1-15, 741-3. 1893 TEN BRINK, B. Altenglische Literatur, _Pauls Grdr._(1), II, I, 510-50. (Finnsburg, 545-50.) 1894 MCNARY, S. J. Beowulf and Arthur as English Ideals, _Poet-Lore_, VI, 529-36. 1894 ++DETTER, F. Über die Heaðobarden im Beowulf, _Verhandl. d. Wiener Philologenversammlung_, Mai, 1893. Leipzig, p. 404 _etc._ (Argues that the story is not historical, but mythical--_Ragnarok_.) 1895 SIEVERS, E. Beowulf und Saxo, _Berichte der kgl. sächs. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften_, XLVII, 175-93. (Important, see above, pp. 90-7.) 1895 BINZ, G. Zeugnisse zur germanischen sage in England, _P.B.B._ XX, 141-223. (A most useful collection, though the significance of many of the names collected is open to dispute.) 1895 KLUGE, F. Zeugnisse zur germanischen sage in England, _Engl. Stud._ XXI, 446-8. 1895-6 KLUGE, F. Der Beowulf u. die Hrolfs Saga Kraka, _Engl. Stud._ XXII, 144-5. 1896 Sarrazin, G. Neue Beowulf-studien, _Engl. Stud._ XXIII, 221-67. 1897 Ker, W. P. Epic and Romance. London. (Beowulf, pp. 182-202. Important. See above, p. 116.) Reviews: Fischer, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, X, 133-5; Brandl, _Archiv_, C, 198-200. New edit. 1908. 1897 BLACKBURN, F. A. The Christian coloring in the Beowulf, _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XII, 205-25. (See above, p. 125.) 1897 SARRAZIN, G. Die Hirschhalle, _Anglia_, XIX, 368-92; Der Balder-kultus in Lethra, _ibid._ 392-7; Rolf Krake und sein Vetter im Beowulfliede, _Engl. Stud._ XXIV, 144-5. (Important. See above, p. 31.) 1897 HENNING, R. Sceaf und die westsächsische Stammtafel, _Z.f.d.A._ XLI, 156-69. 1898 ARNOLD, T. Notes on Beowulf. London. Reviews: Hulme, _M.L.N._ XV, 22-6, 1900; Sarrazin, _Engl. Stud._ XXVIII, 410-18; Garnett, _Amer. Jour. of Phil._ XX, 443. 1898 NIEDNER, F. Die Dioskuren im Beowulf, _Z.f.d.A._ XLII, 229-58. 1899 COOK, A. S. An Irish Parallel to the Beowulf Story, _Archiv_, CIII, 154-6. 1899 AXON, W. E. A. A reference to the evil eye in Beowulf, _Trans. of the Royal Soc. of Literature_, London. (Very slight.) {403} 1899 ++FURST, CLYDE. "Beowulf" in "A Group of Old Authors." Philadelphia. (Popular.) Review: Child, _M.L.N._ XV, 31-2. 1900 FÖRSTER, MAX. Bêowulf-Materialien, zum Gebrauch bei Vorlesungen. Braunschweig. Reviews: Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XI, 289; Behagel, _Literaturblatt_, 1902, 67 (very brief). 1908. 2 Aufl. 1912. 3 Aufl. Review: Wild, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXIV, 166-7. 1901 POWELL, F. YORK. Beowulf and Watanabe-No-Tsema, _Furnivall Miscellany_, pp. 395-6. Oxford. (A parallel from Japanese legend.) 1901 LEHMANN, E. Fandens Oldemor, _Dania_, VIII, 179-94. Repeated ("Teuffels Grossmutter"), _Archiv f. Religionswiss._ VIII, 411-30. (See above, p. 49, note, and p. 381.) 1901 ++OTTO, E. Typische Motive in dem weltlichen Epos der Angelsachsen. Berlin. Reviews: Binz, _Engl. Stud._ XXXII, 401-5; Spies, _Archiv_, CXV, 222. 1901 OHLENBECK, C. C. Het Béowulf-epos als geschiedbron, _Tijdschrift voor nederlandsche taal- en letterkunde_, XX (N. R. XII), 169-96. 1902 _Gerould, G. H._ Offa and Labhraidh Maen, _M.L.N._ XVII, 201-3. (An Irish parallel of the story of the dumb young prince.) 1902 GOUGH, A. B. The Constance-Saga. Berlin. (The "Thrytho saga," pp. 53-83.) Reviews: Eckhardt, _Engl. Stud._ XXXII, 110-3; Weyrauch, _Archiv_, CXI, 453. 1902 BOER, R. C. Die Béowulfsage. I. Mythische reconstructionen; II. Historische untersuchung der überlieferung; _A.f.n.F._ XIX (N. F. XV), 19-88. 1902 BRANDL, A. Ueber den gegenwärtigen Stand der Beowulf-Forschung, _Archiv_, CVIII, 152-5. 1903 ANDERSON, L. F. The Anglo-Saxon Scop. (_Univ. of Toronto Studies, Phil. Ser. 1._) Review: Heusler, _A.f.d.A._ XXXI, 113-5. 1903 OLRIK, A. Danmarks Heltedigtning: I, Rolf Krake og den ældre Skjoldungrække. Kobenhavn. (Most important.) Reviews: Heusler, _A.f.d.A._ XXX, 26-36; Golther, _Literaturblatt_, XXVIII, 1907, pp. 8-9; Ranisch, _A.f.d.A._ XXI, 276-80. Revised translation 1919 (q.v.). 1903 ++BOER, R. C. Eene episode uit den Beowulf, _Handelingen van het 3 nederl. phil. congres._, p. 84 _etc._ 1903 A Summary of the _Lives of the Offas_, with reproductions of a number of the drawings in _MS Cotton Nero D. I_, in _The Ancestor_, V, 99-137. 1903 HART, J. M. Allotria [on the forms _B[=e]anst[=a]n_, l. 524 and _Þr[=y]ðo_, l. 1931], _M.L.N._ XVIII, 117. 1903 STJERNA, K. Hjälmar och svärd i Beovulf, _Studier tillägnade O. Montelius_, 99-120. Stockholm. See above, pp. 346 _etc._ 1903-4 BOER, R. C. Finnsage und Nibelungen-sage, _Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, 125-60. 1904 RICKERT, E. The O.E. Offa-saga, _Mod. Phil._ II, 29-76 and 321-76. (Important. See above, pp. 34 _etc._) 1904 HAGEN, S. N. Classical names and stories in Beowulf, _M.L.N._ XIX, 65-74 and 156-65. (Very fantastic). 1904 STJERNA, K. Vendel och Vendelkråka, _A.f.n.F._ XXI (N. F. XVII), 71-80. (Most important: see above, pp. 343-5.) 1904 ++VETTER, F. Beowulf und das altdeutsche Heldenzeitalter in England, _Deutschland_, III, 558-71. 1905 MOORMAN, F. W. The interpretation of nature in English poetry from Beowulf to Shakespeare. Strassburg. _Quellen u. Forschungen_, 95. {404} 1905 ROUTH, J. E. Two studies on the Ballad Theory of the Beowulf: I. The Origin of the Grendel legend; II. Irrelevant Episodes and Parentheses as features of Anglo-Saxon Poetic Style. Baltimore. Reviews: Eckhardt, _Engl. Stud._ XXXVII, 404-5; Heusler, _A.f.d.A._ XXXI, 115-16; Schücking, _D.L.Z._ 1905, pp. 1908-10. 1905 HEUSLER, A. Lied und Epos in germanischer Sagendichtung. Dortmund. (See above, p. 116.) Reviews: Kauffmann, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXVIII, 546-8; Seemüller, _A.f.d.A._ XXXIV, 129-35; Meyer, _Archiv_, CXV, 403-4; Helm, _Literaturblatt_, XXVIII, 237-8. 1905 SCHÜCKING, L. L. Beowulfs Rückkehr. (_Morsbachs Studien_, XXI.) Halle. (Important: see above, pp. 118-20.) Review: Brandl, _Archiv_, CXV, 421-3 (dissenting). 1905 SCHÜCK, H. Studier i Ynglingatal, I-III. Uppsala. 1905 HANSCOM, E. D. The Feeling for Nature in Old English Poetry, _J.E.G.Ph._ V, 439-63. 1905 SARRAZIN, G. Neue Beowulf Studien, _Engl. Stud._ XXXV, 19-27. 1905 STJERNA, K. Skölds hädanfärd, _Studier tillägnade H. Schück_, 110-34. Stockholm. 1905 ++STJERNA, K. Svear och Götar under folkvandringstiden, _Svenska Förnminnesforeningens Tidskr._ XII, 339-60. (Transl. by Clark Hall in _Essays_. See under 1912.) 1905-6 RIEGER, M. Zum Kampf in Finnsburg, _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 9-12. 1905-6 HEUSLER, A. Zur Skiöldungendichtung, _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 57-87. 1905-6 NECKEL, J. Studien über Fróði, _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 163-86. 1905-7 STJERNA, K. Arkeologiska anteckningar till Beovulf, _Kungl. vitterhets akademiens månadsblad_ for 1903-5 (1907), pp. 436-51. 1906 EMERSON, O. F. Legends of Cain, especially in Old and Middle English (see particularly § VI, "Cain's Descendants"), _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXI, 831-929. (Important.) 1906 SKEMP, A. R. Transformation of scriptural story, motive, and conception in Anglo-Saxon poetry, _Mod. Phil._ IV, 423-70. 1906 DUFF, J. W. Homer and Beowulf: a literary parallel, _Saga-Book of the Viking Club_. London. 1906 MORSBACH, L. Zur datierung des Beowulf-epos, _Nachrichten der kgl. Ges. d. Wiss. zu Göttingen, Phil.-Hist. Klasse_, pp. 252-77. (Important. See above, pp. 107-12.) 1906 PFÄNDLER, W. Die Vergnügungen der Angelsachsen, _Anglia_, XXIX, 417-526. 1906 GARLANDA, F. Béowulf. Origini, bibliografia, metrica ... significato storico, etico, sociologico. Roma. (Slight.) 1906 STJERNA, K. Drakskatten i Beovulf, _Fornvännen_, I, 119-44. 1907 CHADWICK, H. M. Origin of the English Nation. Cambridge. (Important.) Reviews: Andrews, _M.L.N._ XXIII, 261-2; Chambers, _M.L.R._ IV, 262-6; Schütte, _A.f.n.F._ XXV (N. F. XXI), 310-32 (an elaborate discussion of early Germanic ethnology and geography); Huchon, _Revue Germanique_, III, 625-31. 1907 CHADWICK, H. M. "Early National Poetry," in _Cambridge History of English Literature_, vol. I, 19-32, 421-3. Important. See above, pp. 122-6. 1907 HART, WALTER MORRIS. Ballad and Epic. Boston: Harvard _Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature_. (Important: see above, p. 116.) Review: _Archiv_, CXIX, 468. 1907 OLRIK, A. Nordisk Aandsliv i Vikingetid og tidlig Middelalder. København og Kristiania. (Translated into German by W. Ranisch, 1908, as "Nordisches Geistesleben.") {405} 1907 SCHÜCK, H. Folknamnet Geatas i den fornengelska dikten Beowulf. Uppsala. (Important. See above, pp. 8-10, 333 _etc._) Reviews: Mawer, _M.L.R._ IV, 273; Freeburg, _J.E.G.Ph._ XI, 279-83. 1907 COOK, A. S. Various notes, _M.L.N._ XXI, 146-7. (Further classical parallels to Beowulf, 1408 ff., in succession to a parallel from Seneca quoted in _M.L.N._ XVII, 209-10.) 1907 SARRAZIN, G. Zur Chronologie u. Verfasserfrage Ags. Dichtungen, _Engl. Stud._ XXXVIII, 145 _etc._, esp. 170-95 (Das Beowulflied und die ältere Genesis). 1907 BRANDL, A. Entstehungsgeschichte des Beowulfepos. A five-line summary of this lecture is given in the _Sitzungsberichte d. k. preuss. Akad. Phil.-Hist. Classe_, p. 615. 1907 HOLTHAUSEN, F. Zur altenglischen literatur--Zur datierung des Beowulf, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XVIII, 77. 1907 ++GRÜNER, H. Mathei Parisiensis vitae duorum Offarum, in ihrer manuskript- und textgeschichte. Dissertation, Munich. Kaiserslautern. 1908 BRANDL, A. Geschichte der alteng. Literatur. (Offprint from _Pauls Grdr._(2): Beowulf, pp. 988-1024; Finnsburg, pp. 983-6; an exceedingly useful and discriminating summary.) 1908 SCHÜCKING, L. L. Das Angelsächsische Totenklagelied, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 1-13. 1908 WEYHE, H. König Ongentheow's Fall, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 14-39. 1908 NECKEL, G. Beiträge zur Eddaforschung; Anhang: Die altgermanische heldenklage (pp. 495-6: cf. p. 376). Dortmund. 1908 KLAEBER, F. Zum Finnsburg Kampfe, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 307-8. 1908 BJÖRKMAN, E. Über den Namen der Jüten, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 356-61. 1908 LEVANDER, L. Sagotraditioner om Sveakonungen Adils, _Antikvarisk Tidskrift för Sverige_, XVIII, 3. 1908 STJERNA, K. Fasta fornlämningar i Beovulf, _Antikvarisk Tidskrift för Sverige_, XVIII, 4. 1908 GRAU, G. Quellen u. Verwandtschaften der älteren germanischen Darstellungen des jüngsten Gerichtes. Halle. (See esp. pp. 145-56.) Review: Guntermann, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XLI, 401-415. 1909 SCHÜCK, H. Studier i Beowulfsagan. Uppsala. Review: Freeburg, _J.E.G.Ph._ XI, 488-97 (a very useful summary). 1909 LAWRENCE, W. W. Some disputed questions in Beowulf-criticism, _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 220-73. (Very important.) Review: Brandl, _Archiv_, CXXIII, 473. 1909 EHRISMANN, G. Religionsgeschichtliche Beiträge zum germanischen Frühchristentum, _P.B.B._ XXXV, 209-39. 1909 BUGGE, S. Die Heimat der Altnordischen Lieder von den Welsungen u. den Nibelungen, II, _P.B.B._ XXXV, 240-71. 1909 DEUTSCHBEIN, M. Die Sagenhistorischen u. literarischen Grundlagen des Beowulfepos, _Germanisch-Romanische Monatsschrift_, I, 103-19. 1910 OLRIK, A. Danmarks Heltedigtning: II, Starkad den gamle og den yngre Skjoldungrække. København. (Most important.) Reviews: Heusler, _A.f.d.A._ XXXV, 169-83 (important); Ussing, _Danske Studier_, 1910, 193-203; Boer, _Museum_, XIX, 1912, 171-4. 1910 PANZER, F. Studien zur germanischen Sagengeschichte. I. Beowulf. München. (Most important: see above, pp. 62-8; 365-81. Valuable criticisms and modifications are supplied by the reviews, more particularly perhaps that of von Sydow (_A.f.d.A._ XXXV, 123-31), but also in the elaborate discussions of Heusler (_Engl. Stud._ XLII, 289-98), Binz (_Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXIV, 321-37), Brandl (_Archiv_, CXXVI, 231-5), Kahle {406} (_Z.f.d.Ph._ XLIII, 383-94) and the briefer ones of Lawrence (_M.L.N._ XXVII, 57-60) Sedgefield _(M.L.R._ VI, 128-31) and Golther (_Neue Jahrbücher f. das klassische Altertum_, XXV, 610-13).) 1910 BRADLEY, H. Beowulf, in _Encyclopædia Britannica_, III, pp. 758-61. (Important. See above, pp. 121, 127-8.) 1910 SCHÜCK, H. Sveriges förkristna konungalängd. Uppsala. 1910 CLARK HALL, J. R. A note on Beowulf, 1142-5, _M.L.N._ XXV, 113-14. _(H[=u]nl[=a]fing._) 1910 SARRAZIN, G. Neue Beowulf-studien, _Engl. Stud._ XLII, 1-37. 1910 KLAEBER, F. Die ältere Genesis und der Beowulf, _Engl. Stud._ XLII, 321-38. 1910 HEUSLER, A. Zeitrechnung im Beowulf-epos, _Archiv_, CXXIV, 9-14. 1910 NECKEL, G. Etwas von germanischer Sagenforschung, _Germ.-Rom. Monatsschrift_, II, 1-14. 1910 SMITHSON, G. A. The Old English Christian Epic ... in comparison with the Beowulf. Berkeley. _Univ. of California Pub. in Mod. Phil._ (See particularly pp. 363-8, 376-90.) 1911 CLARKE, M. G. Sidelights on Teutonic History. Cambridge. Reviews: Mawer, _M.L.N._ VII, 126-7; Chambers, _Engl. Stud._ XLVIII, 166-8; Fehr, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVI, 19-20; Imelmann, _D.L.Z._ XXXIV, 1913, 1062 _etc._ 1911-19 HEUSLER, A. A series of articles in Hoops' _Reallexikon_: Beowulf, Dichtung, Ermenrich, Gautensagen, Heldensage, Hengest, Heremod, Offa, Skj[o,]ldungar, Ynglingar, _etc._ Strassburg. (Important.) 1911 NECKEL, G. Ragnacharius von Cambrai, _Festschrift zur Jahrhundertfeier der Universität zu Breslau = Mitt. d. Schlesischen Gesellschaft für Volkskunde_, XIII-XIV, 121-54. (A historical parallel between the treatment of Ragnachar by Chlodowech and that of Hrethric by Hrothulf.) 1911 SCHÖNFELD, M. Worterbuch der altgermanischen Personen- und Völkernamen. Heidelberg. See also Schütte, Noter til Schönfelds Navnesamling, in _A.f.n.F._ XXXIII, 22-49. 1911 KLAEBER, F. Aeneis und Beowulf, _Archiv_, CXXVI, 40-8, 339-59. (Important: see above, p. 330.) 1911 LIEBERMANN, F. Grendel als Personenname, _Archiv_, CXXVI, 180. 1911-12 KLAEBER, F. Die Christlichen Elemente im Beowulf, _Anglia_, XXXV, 111-36, 249-70, 453-82; XXXVI, 169-99. (Most important: demonstrates the fundamentally Christian character of the poem.) 1912 CHADWICK, H. Munro. The Heroic Age. Cambridge. (Important: see above, p. 122.) Reviews: Mawer, _M.L.R._ VIII, 207-9; Chambers, _Engl. Stud._ XLVIII, 162-6. 1912 STJERNA, K. Essays on questions connected with the O.E. poem of Beowulf, transl. and ed. by John R. Clark Hall, (Viking Club), Coventry. (Important: see above, pp. 346 _etc._) Reviews: Klaeber, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIII, 167-73, weighty; Mawer, _M.L.N._ VIII, 242-3; _Athenæum_, 1913, I, 459-60; Brandl, _Archiv_, CXXXII, 238-9; Schütte, _A.f.n.F._ XXXIII, 64-96, elaborate; Olrik, _Nord. Tidskr. f. Filol._ IV, 2. 127; Mogk, _Historische Vierteljahrsschrift_, XVIII, 196-7. 1912 CHAMBERS, R. W. Widsith: a study in Old English heroic legend. Cambridge. Reviews: Mawer, _M.L.R._ VIII, 118-21; Lawrence, _M.L.N._ XXVIII, 53-5; Fehr, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVI, 289-95; Jordan, _Engl. Stud._ XLV, 300-2; Berendsohn, _Literaturblatt_, XXXV (1914), 384-6. 1912 BOER, R. C. Die Altenglische Heldendichtung. I. Béowulf. Halle. (Important.) Reviews: ++Jantzen, _Z. f. französischen u. englischen Unterricht_, XIII, 546-7; Berendsohn, _Literaturblatt_, XXXV, 152-4; Dyboski, _Allgemeines Literaturblatt_, XXII, 1913, 497-9; Imelmann, _D.L.Z._ XXXIV, 1913, 1062-6 (weighty criticisms); Barnouw, _Museum_, XXI, 53-8. {407} 1912 VON DER LEYEN, F. Die deutschen Heldensagen (Beowulf, pp. 107-23, 345-7). München. 1912 MEYER, W. Beiträge zur Geschichte der Eroberung Englands. Dissertation, Halle. (Finn story.) 1912 LAWRENCE, W. W. The haunted mere in Beowulf. _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXVII, 208-45. (Important. See above, pp. 52-3.) 1912 SCHÜTTE, G. The Geats of Beowulf, _J.E.G.Ph._ XI, 574-602. (See above, pp. 8, 333 _etc._) 1912 STEFANOVI[VC], S. Ein beitrag zur angelsächsischen Offa-sage, _Anglia_, XXXV, 483-525. 1912 MUCH, R. Grendel, _W[=o]rter u. Sachen_, IV, 170-3. (Deriving _Vendsyssel_, Vandal, and the _Wendle_ of Beowulf from _wandil_--"a bough, wand.") 1912 CHAMBERS, R. W. Six thirteenth century drawings illustrating the story of Offa and of Thryth (Drida) from _MS Cotton Nero D. I._ London, _privately printed_. 1913 ++FAHLBECK, P. Beowulfskvädet som källa för nordisk fornhistoria. (Stockholm, _N. F. K. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademiens Handlingar_, 13, 3.) Review: Klaeber, _Engl. Stud._ XLVIII, 435-7. 1913 NERMAN, B. Studier över Svärges hedna litteratur. Uppsala. 1913 NERMAN, B. Vilka konungar ligga i Uppsala högar? Uppsala. 1913 LAWRENCE, W. W. The Breca episode in Beowulf (Anniversary papers to G. L. Kittredge). Boston. 1913 SARRAZIN, G. Von Kädmon bis Kynewulf. Berlin. Reviews: Dudley, _J.E.G.Ph._ XV, 313-17; Berendsohn, _Literaturblatt_, XXXV (1914), 386-8; Funke, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXXI, 121-33. 1913 THOMAS, P. G. Beowulf and Daniel A, _M.L.R._ VIII, 537-9. (Parallels between the two poems.) 1913 BELDEN, H. M. Onela the Scylfing and Ali the Bold, _M.L.N._ XXVIII, 149-53. 1913 STEDMAN, D. Some points of resemblance between Beowulf and the Grettla (or Grettis Saga). From the _Saga Book of the Viking Club_, London. (It should have been held unnecessary to prove the relationship yet once again.) 1913 VON SYDOW, C. W. Irisches in Beowulf[874]. (_Verhandlungen der 52 Versammlung deutscher Philologen in Marburg_, pp. 177-80.) 1913 BERENDSOHN, W. A. Drei Schichten dichterischer Gestaltung im Beowulfepos, _Münchener Museum_, II, i, pp. 1-33. 1913 DEUTSCHBEIN, M. Beowulf der Gautenkönig, _Festschrift für Lorenz Morsbach_, Halle, pp. 291-7, _Morsbachs Studien_, L. (Very important. Expresses very well, and with full working out of details, the doubts which some of us had already felt as to the historic character of the reign of Beowulf over the Geatas.) {408} 1913 BENARY, W. Zum Beowulf-Grendelsage, _Archiv_, CXXX, 154-5. (Grändelsmôr in Siebenbürgen: see above, p. 308.) 1913 KLAEBER, F. Das Grändelsmôr--eine Frage, _Archiv_, CXXXI, 427. 1913 BRATE, E. Betydelsen av ortnamnet Skälv [cf. Scilfingas], _Namn och Bygd_, I, 102-8. 1914 MÜLLER, J. Das Kulturbild des Beowulfepos. Halle. _Morsbachs Studien_, LIII. Reviews: Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVII, 241-4; Brunner, _Archiv_, CXXXVIII, 242-3. 1914 MOORMAN, F. W. English place-names and Teutonic Sagas, in _Essays and Studies by members of the English Association_, vol. V, pp. 75-103. (Argues that "Gilling" and other place-names in Yorkshire, point to an early colony of Scandinavian "Gautar," who may have been instrumental in introducing Scandinavian traditions into England.) 1914 OLSON, O. L. Beowulf and the Feast of Bricriu, _Mod. Phil._ XI, 407-27. (Emphasises the slight character of the parallels noted by Deutschbein.) 1914 VON SYDOW, C. W. Grendel i anglosaxiska ortnamn, in _Nordiska Ortnamn, hyllningsskrift tillägnad Adolf Noreen_, Uppsala, pp. 160-4=_Namn och Bygd_, II. (Important). 1915 KIER, CHR. Beowulf, et Bidrag til Nordens Oldhistorie. København. (An elaborate and painstaking study of the historic problems of Beowulf, vitiated throughout by quite unjustifiable assumptions. See above, p. 333 _etc._) Review: Björkmann, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVII, 244-6. 1915 BRADLEY, H. The Numbered Sections in Old English Poetical MSS, _Proc. Brit. Acad._ vol. VII. 1915 LAWRENCE, W. W. Beowulf and the tragedy of Finnsburg, _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 372-431. (Important. An excellent survey of the Finnsburg problems.) 1915 VAN SWERINGEN, G. F. The main ... types of men in the Germanic Hero-Sagas, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIV, 212-25. 1915-19 LINDROTH, H. Är Skåne de gamles Scadinavia? _Namn och Bygd_, III, 1915, 10-28. Lindroth denied that the two words are the same, and was answered by A. Kock (_A.f.n.F._ XXXIV, 1917, 71 _etc._), A. Noreen (in ++_Studier tillegn. E. Tegnér_, 1918) and E. Björkman ("Scedeland, Scedenig," _Namn och Bygd_, VI, 1918, 162-8). Lindroth replied ("Äro Scadinavia och Skåne samma ord," _A.f.n.F._ XXXV, 1918, 29 _etc._, and "Skandinavien och Skåne," _Namn och Bygd_, VI, 1918, 104-12) and was answered by Kock ("Vidare om Skåne och Scadinavia," _A.f.n.F._ XXXVI, 74-85). Björkman's discussion is the one of chief importance to students of Beowulf. 1915 KLAEBER, F. Observations on the Finn episode, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIV, 544-9. 1915 ANSCOMBE, A. Beowulf in High-Dutch saga, _Notes and Queries_, Aug. 21, 1915, pp. 133-4. 1915 BERENDSOHN, WALTER A. Die Gelage am Dänenhof zu Ehren Beowulfs, _Münchener Museum_, III, i, 31-55. 1915-16 PIZZO, E. Zur frage der ästhetischen einheit des Beowulf, _Anglia_, XXXIX, 1-15. (Sees in Beowulf the uniform expression of the early Anglo-Saxon Christian ideal.) 1916 OLSON, O. L. The relation of the Hrólfs Saga Kraka and the Bjarkarímur to Beowulf. Chicago. (Olson emphasises that the monster slain by Bjarki in the _Saga_ does not attack the hall, but the cattle outside, and is therefore a different kind of monster from Grendel (p. 30). But he does not disprove the general equation of Beowulf and Bjarki: many of the most striking points of resemblance, such as the support given to Eadgils (Athils) against Onela (Ali), lie outside the scope of his study.) Review: Hollander, _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 147-9. {409} 1916 NECKEL, G. Adel und gefolgschaft, _P.B.B._ XLI, 385-436 (esp. pp. 410 ff. for social conditions in Beowulf). 1917 FLOM, G. T. Alliteration and Variation in Old Germanic name giving, _M.L.N._ XXXII, 7-17. 1917 MEAD, G. W. Wiðer[gh]yld of Beowulf, 2051, _M.L.N._ XXXII, 435-6. (Suggests, very reasonably, that Wiðer[gh]yld is the father of the young Heathobard warrior who is stirred to revenge.) 1917 AYRES, H. M. The tragedy of Hengest in Beowulf, _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 282-95. (See above, pp. 266-7.) 1917 AURNER, N. S. An analysis of the interpretations of the Finnsburg documents. (_Univ. of Iowa Monographs: Humanistic Studies_, I, 6.) 1917 BJÖRKMAN, E. Zu ae. _Eote_, _Yte_, usw., dän. _Jyder_, "Jüten," _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVIII, 275-80. (See above, p. 334.) 1917 ROOTH, E. G. T. Der name Grendel in der Beowulfsage, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVIII, 335-40. (Etymologies. Grendel is the "sandman," a man-eating monster of the sea-bottom. With this, compare Panzer's interpretation of Grendel as the "earthman." See above, p. 309.) 1917 SCHÜCKING, L. L. Wann entstand der Beowulf? Glossen, Zweifel und Fragen, _P.B.B._ XLII, 347-410. (Important. See above, pp. 322-32.) 1917 FOG, REGINALD. Trolden "Grendel" i Bjovulf: en hypothese, _Danske Studier_, 1917, 134-40. (Grendel is here interpreted as an infectious disease, prevalent among those who sleep in an ill-ventilated hall in a state of intoxication, but to which Beowulf, whose health has been confirmed by a recent sea-voyage, is not liable. This view is not as new as its author believes it to be, and a letter from von Holstein Rathlau is added, pointing this out. It might further have been pointed out that as early as 1879 Grendel was explained as the malaria. Cf. the theories of Laistner, Kögel and Golther, and see above, p. 46.) 1917 NEUHAUS, J. Sillende = vetus patria = Angel, _Nordisk Tidsskrift för Filologi_, IV. Række, Bd. V, 125-6; Helges Prinsesse Svåvå = Eider = den svebiske Flod hos Ptolemæos, VI, 29-32; Halfdan = Frode = Hadbardernes Konge, hvis Rige forenes med det danske, VI, 78-80; Vestgermanske Navne i dansk Historie og Sprog, 141-4. The inherent difficulty of the subject is enhanced by the obscurity of the writer's style: but much of the argument (e.g. that Halfdan and Frode are identical) is obviously based upon quite reckless conjectures. The question is complicated by political feeling: many of Neuhaus' arguments are repeated in his pamphlet, _Die Frage von Nordschleswig im Lichte der neuesten vorgeschichtlichen Untersuchungen_, Jena, 1919. His theories were vigorously refuted by G. SCHÜTTE, "Urjyske 'Vestgermaner,'" _Nordisk Tidsskrift för Filologi_, IV. Række, Bd. VII, 129 _etc._ 1917 ++FREDBORG. Det första årtalet i Sveriges historia. Umeå. 1917 NERMAN, B. Ynglingasagan i arkeologisk belysning, _Fornvännen_, 1917, 226-61. 1917 NERMAN, B. Ottar Vendelkråka och Ottarshögen i Vendel, _Upplands Fornminnesförenings Tidskrift_, VII, 309-34. 1917 BJÖRKMAN, E. B[=e]owulf och Sveriges Historia, _Nordisk Tidskrift_, 1917, 161-79. 1917-18 ++VON SYDOW, C. W. Draken som skattevaktare, _Danmarks folkeminder_, XVII, 103 _etc._ 1918 HACKENBERG, E. Die Stammtafeln der angelsächsischen Königreiche, Dissertation, Berlin. (A useful collection.) Reviews: Fischer, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXXI, 73-4; Ekwall, _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 307-10; Liebemann, _D.L.Z._ 1 March, 1919. 1918 LAWRENCE, W. W. The dragon and his lair in Beowulf, _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXXIII, 547-83. {410} 1918 BELDEN, H. M. Beowulf 62, once more, _M.L.N._ XXXIII, 123. 1918 BELDEN, H. M. Scyld Scefing and Huck Finn, _M.L.N._ XXXIII, 315. 1918 KLAEBER, F. Concerning the relation between Exodus and Beowulf, _M.L.N._ XXXIII, 218-24. 1918 BJÖRKMAN, E. B[=e]ow, B[=e]aw, und B[=e]owulf, _Engl. Stud._ LII, 145-93. (Very important. See above, p. 304.) 1918 BRANDL, A. Die Urstammtafel der Westsachsen und das Beowulf-Epos, _Archiv_, CXXXVII, 6-24. (See above, p. 200, note.) 1918 BRANDL, A. Die urstammtafel der englischen könige, _Sitzungsberichte d. k. preuss. Akad., Phil.-Hist. Classe_, p. 5. (Five line summary only published). 1918 ++BJÖRKMAN, E. B[=e]owulf-forskning och mytologi, _Finsk Tidskrift_, 151 _etc._ (Cf. _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 207.) 1918 BJÖRKMAN, E. Sköldungaättens mytiska stamfäder, _Nordisk Tidskrift_, 163 _etc._ 1918 V. UNWERTH, W. Eine schwed. Heldensage als deutsches Volksepos, _A.f.n.F._ XXXV, 113-37. (An attempt to connect the story of Hygelac and Hæthcyn with the M.H.G. _Herbort ûz Tenelant_.) 1918 NEUHAUS, J. Om Skjold, _A.f.n.F._ XXXV, 166-72. (A dogmatic assertion of errors in Olrik's arguments in the _Heltedigtning_.) 1918 CLAUSEN, H. V. Kong Hugleik, _Danske Studier_, 137-49. (Conjectures based upon the assumption Geatas = Jutes.) 1918 ++LUND University "Festskrift" contains NORLIND, Skattsägner; VON SYDOW, Sigurds strid med Favne. 1919 OLRIK, A. The heroic legends of Denmark translated ... and revised in collaboration with the author by Lee M. Hollander. New York. (Very important.) Review: Flom, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIX, 284-90. 1919 BJÖRKMAN, E. Bedwig in den westsächsischen genealogien, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 23. 1919 BJÖRKMAN, E. Zu einigen Namen im B[=e]owulf: _Breca_, _Brondingas_, _Wealhþ[=e]o(w)_; _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 170-80. 1919 MOGK, E. Altgermanische Spukgeschichten: Zugleich ein Beitrag zur Erklärung der Grendelepisode im Beowulf, _Neue Jahrbücher für das klass. altertum ... und deutsche literatur_, XXXIV, 103-17. (Mogk here abandons his older allegorical interpretation of Grendel as the destroying power of the sea, and sees in the Grendel-story a Germanic ghost-tale, poetically adorned.) 1919 BJÖRKMAN, E. Skialf och Skilfing [edited by E. Ekwall, with a note on Björkman's work], _Namn och Bygd_, VII, 163-81. 1919 LINDERHOLM, E. Vendelshögens konunganamn i socknens 1600-tals-tradition, _Namn och Bygd_, VII, 36-40. 1919 FOG, R. Bjarkemaals "Hjalte," _Danske Studier_, 1919, 29-35. (With a letter from A. Olrik.) 1919 SEVERINSEN, P. Kong Hugleiks Dødsaar, _Danske Studier_, 1919, 96. 1920 IMELMANN, R. Forschungen zur altenglischen Poesie. (IX. Hengest u. Finn; X. _Enge [=a]npaðas, unc[=u]ð gel[=a]d_; XII. _Þr[=y]ðo_; XIII. _H[=æ]þenra hyht._) Berlin. (A weighty statement of some original views). 1920 BJÖRKMAN, E. Studien über die Eigennamen im Beowulf. Halle. _Morsbachs Studien_, LVIII. (An extremely valuable and discriminating digest. See above, p. 304.) 1920 BARTO, P. S. The _Schwanritter-Sceaf_ Myth in _Perceval le Gallois_, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIX, 190-200. 1920 HUBBARD, F. G. The plundering of the Hoard. _Univ. Wisconsin Stud._ 11. {411} 1920 SCHÜCKING, L. L. Wiðergyld (Beowulf, 2051), _Engl. Stud._ LIII, 468-70. (Schücking, like Mead, but independently, interprets Withergyld as the name of the warrior whose son is being stirred to revenge.) 1920 BJÖRKMAN, E. Hæðcyn und Hákon, _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 24-34. 1920 HOOPS, J. Das Verhüllen des Haupts bei Toten, ein angelsächsisch-nordischer Brauch (Zu Beowulf, 446, _hafalan h[=y]dan_), _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 19-23. 1920 NOREEN, A. Yngve, Inge, Inglinge [Ingwine], _Namn och Bygd_, VIII, 1-8. 1920 LA COUR, V. Lejrestudier, _Danske Studier_, 1920, 49-67. (Weighty. Emphasizing the importance of the site of Leire in the sixth century.) A discussion on the date and origin of Beowulf, by LIEBERMANN, is about to appear (_Gott. Gelehrt. Gesellschaft_). § 9. STYLE AND GRAMMAR Titles already given in previous sections are not repeated here. General treatises on O.E. style and grammar are recorded here only if they have a special and exceptional bearing upon _Beowulf_. 1873 LICHTENHELD, A. Das schwache adjectiv im ags., _Z.f.d.A._ XVI, 325-93. (Important. See above, pp. 105-7.) 1875 HEINZEL, R. Über den Stil der altgermanischen Poesie. Strassburg. (_Quellen u. Forschungen_, X.) (Important and suggestive: led to further studies on the style of Beowulf, such as those of Hoffmann and Bode.) Review: Zimmer, _A.f.d.A._ II, 294-300. 1877 ++ARNDT, O. Über die altgerm. epische Sprache. Paderborn. 1877 SCHÖNBACH, A. [A discussion of words peculiar to sections of Beowulf, added to a review of Ettmüller's Beowulf], _A.f.d.A._ III, 36-46. See also Möller, _Volksepos_, 60 _etc._ 1879 NADER, E. Zur Syntax des Béowulf. _Progr. der Staats-Ober-Realschule_, in Brünn. Review: Bernhardt, _Literaturblatt_, 1880, 439-40 (unfavourable: reply by Nader and answer by Bernhardt, 1881, 119-20). 1881 ++GUMMERE, F. B. The Anglo-Saxon metaphor. Dissertation, Freiburg. 1882 SCHEMANN, K. Die Synonyma im Beówulfsliede, mit Rücksicht auf Composition u. Poetik des Gedichtes. Hagen. Dissertation, Münster. (Examines the use of noun-synonyms in the different sections of the poem as divided by Müllenhoff, and finds no support for Müllenhoff's theories.) Review: Kluge, _Literaturblatt_, 1883, 62-3. 1882 ++NADER, E. Der Genitiv im Beówulf. Brünn. Review: Klinghardt, _Engl. Stud._ VI, 288. 1882 SCHULZ, F. Die Sprachformen des Hildebrand-Liedes im Beovolf. Königsberg. 1883 NADER, E. Dativ u. Instrumental im Beówulf. Wien. Review: Klinghardt, _Engl. Stud._ VII, 368-70. 1883 HARRISON, J. A. List of irregular (strong) verbs in Béowulf, _Amer. Jour. of Phil._ IV, 462-77. 1883 HOFFMANN, A. Der bildliche Ausdruck im Beówulf u. in der Edda, _Engl. Stud._ VI, 163-216. 1886 BODE, W. Die Kenningar in der angelsächsischen Dichtung. Darmstadt and Leipzig. Reviews: Gummere, _M.L.N._ II, 17-19 (important--praises Bode highly); Kluge, _Engl. Stud._ X, 117; Brandl, _D.L.Z._ 1887, 897-8; Bischoff, _Archiv_, LXXIX, 115-6; Meyer, _A.f.d.A._ XIII, 136. 1886 ++KÖHLER, K. Der syntaktische gebrauch des Infinitivs und Particips im Beowulf. Dissertation, Münster. 1886 BANNING, A. Die epischen Formeln im Bêowulf. I. Die verbalen synonyma. Dissertation, Marburg. {412} 1887 TOLMAN, A. H. The style of Anglo-Saxon poetry, _Trans. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ III, 17-47. 1888-9 NADER, E. Tempus und modus im Beowulf, _Anglia_, X, 542-63; XI, 444-99. 1889 KAIL, J. Über die Parallelstellen in der Ags. Poesie, _Anglia_, XII, 21-40. (A _reductio ad absurdum_ of the theories of Sarrazin. Important.) 1891 DAVIDSON, C. The Phonology of the Stressed Vowels in Béowulf, _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ VI, 106-33. Review: Karsten, _Engl. Stud._ XVII, 417-20. 1892 SONNEFELD, G. Stilistisches und Wortschatz im Beówulf. Dissertation, Strassburg. Würzburg. 1893 TODT, A. Die Wortstellung im Beowulf, _Anglia_, XVI, 226-60. 1898 KISTENMACHER, R. Die wörtlichen Wiederholungen im Bêowulf. Dissertation, Greifswald. Reviews: Mead, _J.(E.)G.Ph._ II, 546-7; Kaluza, _Engl. Stud._ XXVII, 121-2 (short but valuable). 1902 BARNOUW, A. J. Textkritische Untersuchungen nach dem gebrauch des bestimmten Artikels und des schwachen Adjektivs in der altenglischen Poesie. Leiden. (Important, see above, p. 107.) Reviews: Kock, _Engl. Stud._ XXXII, 228-9; Binz, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXVI, 269-74; Schücking, _Göttingische gelehrte Anzeigen_, 1905, 730-40. 1902 HEUSLER, A. Der dialog in der altgermanischen erzählenden Dichtung. _Z.f.d.A._ XLVI, 189-284. 1903 SHIPLEY, G. The genitive case in Anglo-Saxon Poetry. Baltimore. Reviews: Kock, _Engl. Stud._ XXV, 92-5; Mourek, _A.f.d.A._ XXX, 172-4. 1903 KRACKOW, O. Die Nominalcomposita als Kunstmittel im altenglischen Epos. Dissertation, Berlin. Review: Björkman, _Archiv_, CXVII, 189-90. 1904 SCHÜCKING, L. L. Die Grundzüge der Satzverknüpfung im Beowulf. Pt. I. (_Morsbachs Studien_, XV.) Halle. (Important.) Reviews: Eckhardt, _Engl. Stud._ XXXVII, 396-7; Pogatscher, _D.L.Z._ 1905, 922-3; Behagel, _Literaturblatt_, XXVIII, 100-2; Grossmann, _Archiv_, CXVIII, 176-9. 1904 HÄUSCHKEL, B. Die Technik der Erzählung im Beowulfliede. Dissertation, Breslau. 1905 KRAPP, G. P. The parenthetic exclamation in Old English poetry, _M.L.N._ XX, 33-7. 1905 SCHEINERT, M. Die Adjektiva im Beowulfepos als Darstellungsmittel, _P.B.B._ XXX, 345-430. 1906 THOMAS, P. G. Notes on the language of Beowulf, _M.L.R._ I, 202-7. (A short summary of the dialectal forms.) 1906 BARNOUW, A. J. Nochmals zum ags. Gebrauch des Artikels, _Archiv_, CXVII, 366-7. 1907 RIES, J. Die Wortstellung im Beowulf. Halle. (An important and exhaustive study by an acknowledged specialist.) Reviews: Binz, _Anglia_, _Beiblatt_, XXII, 65-78 (important); Borst, _Engl. Stud._ XLII, 93-101; Delbrück, _A.f.d.A._ XXXI, 65-76 (important); Reis, _Literaturblatt_, XXVIII, 328-30; _Lit. Cbl._ 1907, p. 1474; Huchon, _Revue germanique_, III, 634-8. 1908 KRAUEL, H. Der Haken- und Langzeilenstil im Beowulf. Dissertation, Göttingen. 1908 LORS, A. Aktionsarten des Verbums im Beowulf. Dissertation, Würzburg. 1908 ++MOUREK, E. Zur Syntax des konjunktivs im Beowulf, _Prager deutsche stud._ VIII. 1909-10 RANKIN, J. W. A study of the Kennings in Ags. poetry, _J.E.G.Ph._ VIII, 357-422; IX, 49-84. (Latin parallels; very important.) {413} 1909 SHEARIN, H. G. The expression of purpose in Old English poetry, _Anglia_, XXXII, 235-52. 1909 ++RIGGERT, G. Der syntaktische Gebrauch des Infinitivs in der altenglischen Poesie. Dissertation, Kiel. 1910 RICHTER, C. Chronologische Studien zur angelsächsischen Literatur auf grund sprachl.-metrischer Kriterien. Halle. (_Morsbachs Studien_, XXXIII.) Reviews: Binz, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXII, 78-80; Imelmann, _D.L.Z._ 1910, 2986-7; Hecht, _Archiv_, CXXX, 430-2. 1910 WAGNER, R. Die Syntax des Superlativs ... im Beowulf. Berlin. (_Palaestra_, XCI.) Reviews: Schatz, _D.L.Z._ 1910, 2848-9; Kock, _A.f.n.F._ XXVIII, 347-9. 1910 SCHUCHARDT, R. Die negation im Beowulf. Berlin. (_Berliner Beiträge zur germ. u. roman. Philol._ XXXVIII.) 1912 BRIGHT, J. W. An Idiom of the Comparative in Anglo-Saxon, _M.L.N._ XXVII, 181-3. (Bearing particularly upon Beowulf, 69, 70.) 1912 EXNER, P. Typische Adverbialbestimmungen in frühenglischer Poesie. Dissertation, Berlin. 1912 GRIMM, P. Beiträge zum Pluralgebrauch in der altenglischen Poesie. Dissertation, Halle. 1913 PAETZEL, W. Die Variationen in der altgermanischen Alliterationspoesie. Berlin. See pp. 73-84 for Beowulf and Finnsburg. (_Palaestra_, XLVIII.) Pt. I. had appeared in 1905 as a Berlin dissertation. § 10. METRE For bibliography of O.E. metre in general, see _Pauls Grdr._ (2), II, 1022-4. 1870 SCHUBERT, H. De Anglosaxonum arte metrica. Dissertatio inauguralis, Berolini. 1884 SIEVERS, E. Zur rhythmik des germanischen alliterationsverses: I. Vorbemerkungen. Die metrik des Beowulf: II. Sprachliche Ergebnisse, _P.B.B._ X, 209-314 and 451-545. (Most important.) 1894 KALUZA, M. Studien zum altgermanischen alliterationsvers. I. Kritik der bisherigen theorien. II. Die Metrik des Beowulfliedes. (Important.) Reviews: Martin, _Engl. Stud._ XX, 293-6; Heusler, _A.f.d.A._ XXI, 313-17; Saran, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXVII, 539-43. 1905 TRAUTMANN, M. Die neuste Beowulfausgabe und die altenglische verslehre, _Bonner Beiträge zur Anglistik_, XVII, 175-91. (A discussion of O.E. metre in view of Holthausen's edition.) Review: Klaeber, _M.L.N._ XXII, 252. 1908 MORGAN, B. Q. Zur lehre von der alliteration in der westgermanischen dichtung: I. Die tonverhältnisse der hebungen im Beowulf: II. Die gekreuzte alliteration; _P.B.B._ XXXIII, 95-181. 1908 BOHLEN, A. Zusammengehörige Wortgruppen, getrennt durch Cäsur oder Versschluss, in der angelsächsischen Epik. Dissertation, Berlin. Reviews: Dittes, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XX, 199-202; Kroder, _Engl. Stud._ XL, 90. 1912 TRAUTMANN, M. Zum altenglischen Versbau, _Engl. Stud._ XLIV, 303-42. 1913 SEIFFERT, F. Die Behandlung der Wörter mit auslautenden ursprünglich silbischen Liquiden oder Nasalen und mit Kontraktionsvokalen in der Genesis A und im Beowulf. Dissertation, Halle. (Concludes the dialect of the two poems to be distinct, but finds no evidence on these grounds which is the earlier.) 1914 FIJN VAN DRAAT, P. The cursus in O.E. poetry, _Anglia_, XXXVIII, 377-404. 1918 LEONARD, W. E. Beowulf and the Niebelungen couplet, in _Univ. of Wisconsin Studies in Language and Literature_, II, 98-152. (Important. Pp. 123-46 advocating the "four-accent theory.") 1920 ++NEUNER, E. Ueber ein- und dreihebige Halbverse in der altenglischen alliterierenden Poesie. Berlin. Review: Bright, _M.L.N._ XXXVI, 59-63. * * * * * {414} INDEX Abingdon, sheaf ordeal at, 83-4, 303 Adam of Bremen, on the Götar, 339 Æthelbert of East Anglia, 239-43 Agnerus, 132-3 Alboin and Thurisind, 281, 282, 285 Alcester, _Grindeles pytt_ near, 305 Alcuin, 22, 332 Aldfrid, 325 Aldhelm, 331 Alfsola, 69 Ali, _see_ Onela Aliel, _see_ Riganus _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, Pedigrees in, 72 _etc._, 312 _etc._ Archæology in relation to _Beowulf_, 122 _etc._, 345-65 Asbiorn, 186-92 Athils, Athislus, _see_ Eadgils Attila, funeral of, compared with that of Beowulf, 124 Atuarii, _see_ Hetware Ayres, Prof. H. M., on the _Finnsburg_ story, 266 _etc._ Baldæg, 321 Baldr, 69 _bana_, 270-1 Battersea, _Gryndeles sylle_ near, 306 "Bear's-son" folk-tale, 62 _etc._, 369-81 _B[=e]as broc_, _B[=e]as feld_, 310 Bede, the Venerable, 326 _etc._ Bedwig, 303-4 Beow(a), Beaw, 10, 42 _etc._, 87-8, 202-3, 291 _etc._, 296 _etc._ Beowi, 303 Beowulf the Dane (Beowulf Scyldinga), 41 _etc._, 88, 92 _etc._, 291 _etc._ Beowulf son of Ecgtheow, king of the Geatas, 10-13; his struggle with Grendel and Grendel's mother, 41 _etc._; with the dragon, 92 _etc._; his funeral rites, 122 _etc._; etymology and meaning of the name, 365-9 _Beowulf_, suggested translation from a Scandinavian original, 98-104; dialect, syntax and metre of, 104-12; theories as to the structure of, 112-20; the Christian elements in, 121-8; date of, 122, 322 _etc._, 353 _etc._; possible classical influence upon, 329 _etc._; archæology of, 345-65; division into fittes or passus, 294 _etc._ Biar, 7, 45 _Biuuulf_, 367 _Bjarkamál_, 26, 264; Saxo's Latin translation quoted, 135-6 _Bjarka rímur_, 58, 182-6 Bjarki, 9, 12, 54-61, 132-6, 138-46, 182-6 Bjarndreingur, 374-5 Bjørnøre, 377 Blackburn, Prof., on the Christian element in _Beowulf_, 125 Blood-feud, in primitive society, 276 _etc._ Boar-helmets, 350-1, 358-9 Bocus, 26, 135 Boerinus, 201 Bothvar Bjarki, _see_ Bjarki Bow, the, in _Beowulf_, 361 Bradley, Dr Henry, on the Christian elements in _Beowulf_, 127; on Beow and Beowulf the Dane, 293 _etc._; on the passus in _Beowulf_, 294-5 Brusi, 187-92 Brutus (Hildebrandus), 222 Bugge, Sophus, on the _Finnsburg_ story, 257-66 Burial mounds, Scandinavian, 356 Burials, 122 _etc._, 353-5 Byggvir, 45, 297 _etc._ Cerdic, his ancestry, 316 _etc._ Chadwick, Prof. H. M., on the date of _Beowulf_, 122, 353 _etc._ Chatuarii, _see_ Hetware Chochilaicus, 2, 3 Christianity of _Beowulf_, 121 _etc._, 322 _etc._ Cities of Refuge, 276-7 Clyst, river, 44, 310 Creedy, the, _Grendeles pyt_ near, 305 Crying the Neck, 82-3, 302 Cynethryth, 37 _etc._ Dan, king of the Danes, 129, 204 Danes, first mentioned soon after A.D. 500, 14; their early kings, 13-31; their early history as recorded in Saxo, 129-37; in the _Little Chronicle of the Kings of Leire_, 204-6; in Sweyn Aageson, 211; their relation to the English, 314 _etc._ Date of _Beowulf_, 122, 322 _etc._, 353 _etc._ Dialect of _Beowulf_, 104 Dorestad, 259, 288-9 Dragons, not extinct in 1649, 11 (note); Frotho's dragon, 92 _etc._, 130-1; the Vendsyssel dragon, 192-5 Dunstan, 332 Drida, 36 _etc._; 238-43; _see also_ Thryth Eadgils (Athils, Athislus), 5-8; 184, 186, 356 {415} Eaha, 246 Eanmund, 5 _Edda_ of Snorri, 69 Engelhardt, on the Moss-finds, 345 _etc._ Eomaer (Eamer), 31, 197-8 Eotan, Eote, _see_ Jutes Eotenas, part played by them in the _Finnsburg Episode_, 219 _etc._; 260 _etc._; 283 _etc._ Eric, jarl, 277, 278 Esthonian cult of Pekko, 299 _etc._ Ethelwerd, 70 _etc._, 202, 318 _etc._ Fahlbeck, Pontus, his Jute-theory, 8, 333 _etc._ Faroe "Bear's-son" tale, 375-6 _ferhð-freca_, 276 Fifeldor, 35, _note_ Finn, son of Folcwald, 199, 200, 248 _etc._, 253-4, 283 _etc._, 289 Finnsburg, the story of, 245-89; site of, 259 Florence of Worcester, 8 Folcwald(a), 199 Frealaf, 321 Freawaru, daughter of Hrothgar, 21 _etc._, 282 Frisia in the Heroic Age, 288-9 Froda (Frothi, Frotho), 21, 24-5, 211, 282 Frotho and the dragon, 92-7, 130-1 Frowinus, 33-4 Funeral rites, _see_ Burials Garulf, his part in the _Finnsburg_ story, 246-7; 283 _etc._, 287 Gautar, _see_ Geatas Geatas (O.N. Gautar), 2, 8-10, 333-45; their kings, 2-13; boundaries of their territory, 339 Gefwulf, 286-7 Genealogies, 311 _etc._ Giovanni dell' Orso, 371 Glam, 48, 147 _etc._, 164 _etc._ Godulf, 200 Götar, _see_ Geatas Gokstad ship, 363-4 Gold in the Heroic Age, 348 _etc._ Gram Guldkølve, 192, 194 Grändels môr in Transsylvania, 308 _grandi_, 309 Greek scholarship in Anglo-Saxon times, 329 Gregory of Tours, his account of the death of Hygelac, 3-4, 9, 342 Grendel, 41 _etc._; occurrence of the name in English charters, 305-6; etymology, 309-10 _Grendles mere_, 43-4, 306 Grettir Asmundarson, 48 _etc._, 152-62, 169-82 _Grettis Saga_, 162; extracts from, 146-62; translation, 162-82; death of Illugi, 280 Grimm's story of _Der Starke Hans_, 370 Grindale village, 308 Grindle or Greendale brook, near Exeter, 44, 309 _grundel_, 309 Grundtvig, his identification of Chochilaicus, 4 Guest (Gestr), _see_ Grettir Gullinhjalti, 141, 146 Guthlaf, 246-7, 252, 267, 285 Haki, 68-9 Halga (Helgi, Helgo), 14 _etc._, 132, 205, 211 Hall, Dr Clark, on the archæology of _Beowulf_, 346 _etc._ Hall, the, in _Beowulf_, 361 Ham, _Grendles mere_ near, 43-4, 306 Hamlet (Amlethus), 39; Hengest's hesitation compared to that of Shakespeare's Hamlet, 266 Hans, der starke, 370 Harold Fairhair and the Gautar, 340 Harvest customs, 81 _etc._ _h[=e]aburh_, 259 _note_ Healfdene (Halfdan, Haldanus), 14 _etc._, 131, 205, 211 Heardred, slain by Onela, 5, 13 Heathobeardan, 20 _etc._, 244 Hendon, "Grendels gate" near, 306-7 Hengest, 246, 250 _etc._, 284 _etc._ Henry (Henrik) slays a dragon, 192-5 Heorogar, 14, 287 Heorot, 13-20; _see also_ Leire Heoroweard (Hj[o,]rvarðr, Hiarwarus), 14, 15, 29-30, 134-7, 205-6, 277 Heremod, 89 _etc._ Hermuthruda, 39 Heruli, identified by some with the Heathobeardan, 24 Hetware (Atuarii), 2-3 Hiarthwarus, Hiarwarus, _see_ Heoroweard Hickes, his text of the _Finnsburg Fragment_, 245-6 Hildebrandus, another name for Brutus, _q.v._ Hildeburh, 248 _etc._ Hjalti (Hott), 55 _etc._, 132 _etc._, 138-46, 182-6 Hnæf, 247 _etc._, 283 _etc._ Hocingas, 249 Hott, _see_ Hjalti Hrethric, 25-7, 135 (Röricus), 211 (Rökil) Hrothgar (Hroarr, Roe), 14 _etc._, 132, 204, 244 {416} Hrothulf (Rolf Kraki, Roluo), 15, 25-9, 132-7, 139-46, 205-6, 244 Hugleikr, 323 Huglek, 323 Humblus, 129 Hunlafing, 252, 267, 283 Hygelac, death of, 2-4 Ialto, _see_ Hjalti Icelandic "Bear's-son" tale, 374-5 Illugi, _see Grettis Saga_ Ingeld, son of Froda, 21 _etc._, 244, 282, 284-5 Intercourse between tribes in Heroic Age, 348 _etc._ Ivashko Medvedko, 372-4 Jean l'Ourson, 378-9 Jenny Greenteeth, 307 Jomsvikings, 278 Jovial huntsmen, the Three, their views, 310 Jutes, attempt to identify them with the Geatas, 8-10, 333-45; Jutes and _Eotenas_, 261 _etc._, 272 _etc._ Jutland, "Bear's-son" tale in, 377 _Kálfsvísa_, 7, 45 Kemble, his mythological theories, 291 _etc._ Keto, 33-4 Klaeber, on the Christian element in _Beowulf_, 126 Lawrence, Prof. W. W., on mythology in _Beowulf_, 43 _etc._, 291 _etc._; on _Finnsburg_, 270 _etc._ _Laxdæla Saga_, parallels from, 278-9 Leifus, 252, _note_ Leire, 16 _etc._, 134, 204, 211, 216, 365; _see also_ Heorot _Leire, Little Chronicle of the Kings of_, extracts from, 204-6 Lethra, _see_ Leire _Liber Historiae Francorum_, account of the death of Chochilaicus (Hygelac) in, 3 "Lichtenheld's Test," 105 _etc._ _Lokasenna_ quoted, 297-9 Loki, 297-9 Lombard story of the "Bear's-son," 371 Longobardi, relation to the Heathobeardan, 23; 311; _see also_ Alboin Lother(us), 89 _etc._, 129 Malmesbury, William of, _see_ William of Malmesbury Mercian genealogy, 195-8 Milio, 220 Minstrelsy forbidden to priests, 332 Mitunnus, 218 _etc._ Möller, on _Finnsburg_, 254-7 _Monsters and Strange Beasts_, account of Hygelac in the _Book of (Liber Monstrorum)_, 4, 339 "Morsbachs Test," 107-12 Moss-finds, 345 _etc._ Müllenhoff's theories on _Beowulf_, 113 _etc._, 292 _etc._ Myrgingas, 31-2, 244 Mythology in _Beowulf_, 46 _etc._, 291 _etc._ Neck, _see_ Crying the Neck Neckersgate, 307 _Njáls Saga_, parallels from, 271, 277, 280-1 Norka, the, 371-2 North Frisians, 249, _note_, 273 Northumbrian anarchy in the eighth century, 324 Norwegian folk-tale ("Bear's-son" type), 376-7 Nydam, 345 _etc._ Nydam boat, 362-3 _Odyssey_, parallels with _Beowulf_, 329 Offa I, king of Angel, 31-40, 197-8, 206-15, 217-35, 244 Offa II, 36 _etc._, 235-43 Ohthere, 5, 343 _etc._; _see also_ Ottar Vendel-crow Onela, 5-8, 184-6 Ongentheow, 4-5, 8 Ordlaf (Oslaf), 246, 252, 267, 285, 287 Origin of the English, 314 _etc._ Orm Storolfsson, 53, 186-92 Oseberg ship, 363-4 Oslaf, _see_ Ordlaf Oswin, king, 324 _etc._ Oswiu, king, 325 Otta, 220 Ottar Vendelcrow, his mound, 343-5, 356; _see also_ Ohthere Panzer, his derivation of the story of _Beowulf_ from the "Bear's-son" folk-tale, 67-8, 369-81 passus of _Beowulf_, 294 _etc._ Peg o' Nell, 307 Peg Powler, 307 Pekko, 87, 299 _etc._ Pellon-Pecko, _see_ Pekko Peter Bär, 378 Pinefredus, _see_ Offa II Procopius, mentions the Goutai (Geatas), 8-9, 338 Riganus (or Aliel), 218 _etc._ Ring-corslets, 351, 360 Ring-money, 351-2 Ring-swords, 349 _etc._ Roe, _see_ Hrothgar {417} Rökil, _see_ Hrethric Röricus, _see_ Hrethric _Rolf Kraki, Saga of_, 16, 55 _etc._; extract from, 138-46; quoted in illustration of the _Finnsburg_ story, 281, 282 Rolf Kraki, _see_ Hrothulf Roluo, _see_ Hrothulf Roskilde, 18, 132, 204 Runkoteivas, 300 Russian variants of the "Bear's-son" story, 371-4 Ruta, 133 Sämpsä, 84-5, 300 _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, see _Rolf Kraki, Saga of_ Sandhaugar, 48, 66, 156-62, 175-82 Saxo Grammaticus, 16; his story of Starcatherus, 22-3; of Röricus, 26; of Hiarwarus, 30; of Uffo (Offa), 32-3; of Biarco (Bjarki), 57 _etc._; of Skyoldus, 77; of Lotherus, 89 _etc._; of Frotho, 91 _etc._; on cremation, 123; extracts from, 129-37, 206-11; on text of, 215-16; 282 Sceaf, 68-86, 200-3, 302 _etc._, 311 _etc._ Sceafa, 311 Scenery of _Beowulf_, 101 Schücking, Prof., on the structure of _Beowulf_, 117-20; on the date of _Beowulf_, 322 _etc._ Schütte, on the Geatas, 8, 333 _etc._ Sculda, 133-4, 204-5 Scyld, 68-86, 201-4, 303, 314 _etc._ Secgan, 269, 286 Setukese, 301 Sheaf, _see_ Sceaf Shield, _see_ Scyld Shield, the, in Anglo-Saxon times, 360-1 Ships, 362-4 Sigeferth, 246-7, 269, 286, 287 Sigmund, 91 Sigurd Ring, 69 Sinfjotli, his foul language, 28 Skeggjatussi, 375 Skjold (Skyoldus), 71 _etc._, 130, 211 _Skjoldunga Saga_, account of Adilsus (Eadgils) in, 7; of Rolf Kraki (Hrothulf), 16 _etc._; quoted, 69, 252 _note_ Spear, the, in Anglo-Saxon times, 360 Starkad (Starcatherus), 22-3 Steenklöwer, Stenhuggeren, 380 Stein, 49, 66, 156-62, 175-82, 380 Steinspieler, 380 Steinv[o,]r, 157-62, 175-82 Stjerna, Knut, on the funeral customs of _Beowulf_, 124; on Ottar Vendelcrow, 343-5; on the archæology of _Beowulf_, 346 _etc._ Sueno, 222 Svold, battle of, 277 Sweden, kings of, 4-8; _see_ Eadgils, Ohthere, Onela, Ongentheow Sweyn Aageson, his account of Uffo (Offa), 33; extract from, 211-15; 216 Swinford, _Grendels mere_ near, 306 Swords in _Beowulf_ and in Anglo-Saxon grave-finds, 357 Ten Brink's theories on _Beowulf_, 113 _etc._ Theodoric, king of the Franks, 3 Thorgaut, 150 _etc._, 167 _etc._ Thorhall Grimsson, 146-56, 163-74 Thorsbjerg, 345 _etc._ Thryth, 37 _etc._, 238-43 Tours, Gregory of, _see_ Gregory of Tours Uffo, _see_ Offa Ull, 303 Unferth, 27-30 Ursula, 205 Vendel finds, 347 _etc._ Vendsyssel, dragon of, 192-5 Virgil, possible influence of, upon _Beowulf_, 329 _etc._ _Vitae duorum Offarum_, 34 _etc._, 217-43 _V[o,]lsunga Saga_, parallels from, 275, 286 Wäder Öar and Wäder Fiord, 342 Warmundus, _see_ Wermundus Weak and strong forms of heroic names used alternatively, 311 Wealhtheow, her forebodings, 25 Weapons in _Beowulf_, 357-61 Wederas, name applied to the Geatas, 342 Wener, Lake, 9, 342 _wer-gild_, 277 Wermund, 32 _etc._, 197-8, 206-15, 217-26 West-Saxon genealogy, 72 _etc._, 198-201, 311 _etc._ _Widsith_, account of the Heathobeardan in, 20 _etc._; of Hrothulf, 25; of Offa, 31; of Sceafa, 80; extract from, 243-4; 286; 338 Wiggo, 133-7, 264-5 Wigo, 33-4 Wijk bij Duurstede, _see_ Dorestad William of Malmesbury, 70 _etc._, 203, 302 Woden's ancestors, 311 _etc._ _Ynglinga tal_ and _Ynglinga Saga_, 5-7, 68-9, 344 Yte, _see_ Jutes Ytene, 8, 337 * * * * * NOTES [1] The exact equivalent to _Hr[=o]ðgar_ is found in O.N., in the form _Hróðgeirr_. The by-form _Hróarr_, which is used of the famous Danish king, is due to a number of rather irregular changes, which can however be paralleled. The Primitive Germanic form of the name would have been *_Hr[=o]þugaisaz_: for the loss of the _g_ at the beginning of the second element we may compare _Aðils_ with _[=E]adgils_ (Noreen, _Altisländische Grammatik_, 1903, § 223); for the loss of _ð_ before _w_ compare _Hrólfr_ with _Hr[=o]ðwulf_ (Noreen, § 222); for the absence of _R-_ umlaut in the second syllable, combined with loss of the _g_, compare O.N. _nafarr_ with O.E. _nafug[=a]r_ (Noreen, § 69). [2] Corresponding to O.N. _Aðils_ we should expect O.E. _Æðgils_, _Æðgisl_. The form _[=E]adgils_ may be due to confusion with the famous Eadgils, king of the Myrgingas, who is mentioned in _Widsith_. The name comes only once in _Beowulf_ (l. 2392) and may owe its form there to a corruption of the scribe. That the O.E. form is corrupt seems more likely than that the O.N. _Aðils_, so well known and so frequently recorded, is a corruption of _Auðgisl_. [3] It must be remembered that the sound changes of the Germanic dialects have been worked out so minutely that it is nearly always possible to decide quite definitely whether two names do or do not exactly correspond. Only occasionally is dispute possible [e.g. whether _Hrothgar_ is or is not phonetically the exact equivalent of _Hroarr_]. [4] See below, pp. 8-10. [5] _Chochilaicus_, which appears to be the correct form, corresponds to _Hygelac_ (in the primitive form _Hugilaikaz_) as _Chlodovechus_ to _Hludovicus_. [6] The passages in _Beowulf_ referring to this expedition are: 1202 _etc._. Frisians (adjoining the Hetware) and Franks mentioned as the foes. 2354 _etc._ Hetware mentioned. 2501 _etc._ Hugas (= Franks) and the Frisian king mentioned. 2914 _etc._ Franks, Frisians, Hugas, Hetware and "the Merovingian" mentioned. [7] The identification of Chochilaicus with Hygelac is the most important discovery ever made in the study of _Beowulf_, and the foundation of our belief in the historic character of its episodes. It is sometimes attributed to Grundtvig, sometimes to Outzen. It was first vaguely suggested by Grundtvig (_Nyeste Skilderie af Kjøbenhavn_, 1815, col. 1030): the importance of the identification was worked out by him fully, two years later (_Danne-Virke_, II, 285). In the meantime the passage from Gregory had been quoted by Outzen in his review of Thorkelin's _Beowulf_ (_Kieler Blätter_, III, 312). Outzen's reference was obviously made independently, but he failed to detect the real bearing of the passage upon _Beowulf_. Credit for the find accordingly belongs solely to Grundtvig. [8] Ongentheow is mentioned in _Widsith_ (l. 31) as a famous king of the Swedes. Many of the kings mentioned in the same list can be proved to be historical, and the reference in _Widsith_ therefore supports Ongentheow's historic character, but is far, in itself, from proving it. [9] Strictly _Anganþér_. See Heusler, _Heldennamen in mehrfacher Lautgestalt, Z.f.d.A._ LII, 101. [10] ll. 2382-4. [11] ll. 2612-9. [12] Whether it be accuracy or accident, these names Ottar and Athils come just at that place in the list of the _Ynglinga tal_ which, when we reckon back the generations, we find to correspond to the beginning of the sixth century. And this is the date when we know from _Beowulf_ that they should have been reigning. [13] But the accounts are quite inconsistent. Saxo (ed. Holder, pp. 56-7) implies a version in which Athils was deposed, if not slain, by Bothvar Bjarki, which is quite at variance with other information given by Saxo. [14] Unless they are among the fragments carried off to the Stockholm Museum. Little of interest was found in these mounds when they were opened: everything had been too thoroughly burnt. [15] See Schück, _Folknamnet Geatas_, 22 _etc._ [16] See below, p. 98 and Appendix (E); The "Jute-Question." [17] See below, pp. 45 _etc._ [18] Olrik (_Heltedigtning_, I, 22 _etc._). The Danish house--Healfdene, Heorogar, Hrothgar, Halga, Heoroweard, Hrethric, Hrothmund, Hrothulf: the Swedish--Ongentheow, Onela, Ohthere, Eanmund, Eadgils: the Geatic--Hrethel, Herebeald, Hætheyn, Hygelac, Heardred. The same principle is strongly marked in the Old English pedigrees. [19] ll. 3018 _etc._ [20] As is done, e.g., by Schück (_Studier i Beowulf-sagan_, 27). [21] "Dragon fights are more frequent, not less frequent, the nearer we come to historic times": Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 313. The dragon survived much later in Europe than has been generally recognized. He was flying from Mount Pilatus in 1649. (See J. J. Scheuchzer, _Itinera per Helvetiae Alpinas regiones_, 1723, III, p. 385.) The same authority quotes accounts of dragons authenticated by priests, his own contemporaries, and supplies many bloodcurdling engravings of the same. [22] Cf. on this point Klaeber in _Anglia_, XXXVI (1912) p. 190. [23] l. 2382. [24] l. 2393. [25] Of course, even if Beowulf's reign over the Geatas is not historic, this does not exclude the possibility of his having _some_ historic foundation. [26] Attempts at working out the chronology of _Beowulf_ have been made by Gering (in his translation) and by Heusler (_Archiv_, CXXIV, 9-14). On the whole the chronology of _Beowulf_ is self-consistent, but there are one or two discrepancies which do not admit of solution. [27] l. 468. [28] l. 2161. [29] _Widsith_, l. 46. [30] _Beowulf_, l. 2160. Had Hrothulf been a son of Heorogar he could not have been passed over in silence here. Neither can Hrothulf be Hrothgar's sister's son: for since the sister married the Swedish king, Hrothulf would in that case be a Swedish prince, and presumably would be living at the Swedish court, and bearing a name connected by alliteration with those of the Swedish, not the Danish house. Besides, had he been a Swedish prince, he must have been heard of in connection with the dynastic quarrels of the Swedish house. [31] ll. 1163-5. [32] ll. 1188-91. [33] ll. 1180 _etc._ [34] Doubts are expressed, for example, in Trap's monumental topographical work (_Kongeriket Danmark_, II, 328, 1898). [35] For example Sweyn Aageson (c. 1200) had no doubt that the little village of Leire near Roskilde was identical with the Leire of story: _Rolf Kraki, occisus in Lethra, qvae tunc famosissima Regis extitit curia, nunc autem Roskildensi vicina civitati, inter abjectissima ferme vix colitur oppida._ Svenonis Aggonis _Historia Regum Daniae_, in Langebek, I, 45. [36] _Ro ... patrem vero suum Dan colle apud Lethram tumulavit Sialandie ubi sedem regni pro eo pater constituit, qvam ipse post eum divitiis multiplicibus ditavit._ In the so-called _Annales Esromenses_, in Langebek, I, 224. Cf. Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 188, 194. For further evidence, see Appendix (G) below. [37] We must not think of Heorot as an isolated country seat. The Royal Hall would stand in the middle of the Royal Village, as in the case of the halls of Attila (Priscus in Möller's _Fragmenta_, IV, 85) or Cynewulf (_A.S. Chronicle_, Anno 755). [38] _Lethram pergitur, quod oppidum, a Roluone constructum eximiisque regni opibus illustratum, ceteris confinium prouinciarum urbibus regie fundacionis et sedis auctoritate prestabat._ Saxo, Book II (ed. Holder, p. 58). [39] _His cognitis Helgo filium Roluonem Lethrica arce conclusit, heredis saluti consulturus_ (p. 52). [40] _A Roe Roskildia condita memoratur._ Saxo, Book II (ed. Holder, p. 51). Roe's spring, after being a feature of the town throughout the ages, is now (owing perhaps to its sources having been tapped by a neighbouring mineral-water factory) represented only by a pump in a market-garden. [41] I owe this paragraph to information kindly supplied me by Dr Sofus Larsen, librarian of the University Library, Copenhagen. [42] It was once believed that, in prehistoric times, the sea came up to Leire also (Forchhammer, Steenstrup and Worsaae: _Undersøgelser i geologisk-antiqvarisk Retning_, Kjøbenhavn, 1851). A most exact scrutiny of the geology of the coast-line has proved this to be erroneous. (Danmarks geologiske Undersøgelse I.R. 6. _Beskrivelse til Kaartbladene Kjøbenhavn og Roskilde_, af K. Rørdam, Kjøbenhavn, 1899.) [43] The presence at Leire of early remains makes it tempting to suppose that it may have been from very primitive times a stronghold or sacred place. It is impossible here to examine these conjectures, which would connect Heorot ultimately with the "sacred place on the isle of the ocean" mentioned by Tacitus. The curious may be referred to Much in _P.B.B._ XVII, 196-8; Mogk in _Pauls Grdr._ (2) III, 367; Kock in the Swedish _Historisk Tidskrift_, 1895, 162 _etc._; and particularly to the articles by Sarrazin: _Die Hirsch Halle_ in _Anglia_, XIX, 368-91, _Neue Beowulfstudien_ (_Der Grendelsee_) in _Engl. Stud._ XLII, 6-15. [44] This seems to me much more probable than, as Olrik supposes, that Froda fell in battle against Healfdene (_Skjoldungasaga_, 162 [80]). [45] _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, cap. IV. [46] Olrik wishes to read the whole of this account, not as a prediction in the present future tense, but as a narrative of past events in the historic present. (_Heltedigtning_, I, 16; II, 38.) Considering the rarity of the historic present idiom in Old English poetry, this seems exceedingly unlikely. [47] ll. 2047-2056. [48] _Verba dei legantur in sacerdotali convivio; ibi decet lectorem audiri, non citharistam, sermones patrum, non carmina gentilium. Quid Hinieldus cum Christo?_ See Jaffé's _Monumenta Alcuiniana_ (_Bibliotheca Rer. Germ._ VI), Berlin, 1873, p. 357; _Epistolae_, 81. [49] Saxo, Book _VI_ (ed. Holder, 205, 212-13). The contrast between this lyrical outburst, and the matter-of-fact speech in which the old warrior in _Beowulf_ eggs on the younger man, is thoroughly characteristic of the difference between Old English and Old Scandinavian heroic poetry. This difference is very noticeable whenever we have occasion to compare a passage in _Beowulf_ with any parallel passage in a Scandinavian poem, and should be carefully pondered by those who still believe that _Beowulf_ is, in its present form, a translation from the Scandinavian. [50] Saxo, Book VIII (ed. Holder, p. 274); _Helga kviþa Hundingsbana_, II, 19. See also Bugge, _Helge-digtene_, 157. [51] _Þáttr Þorsteins Skelks_ in _Flateyarbók_ (ed. Vigfússon and Unger), I, 416. [52] Similarly, there is certainly a primitive connection between the names of the Geatas (Gautar) and of the Goths: but they are quite distinct peoples: we should not be justified in speaking of the Geatas as identical with the Goths. [53] Müllenhoff (_Beovulf_, 29-32) followed by Much (_P.B.B._ XVII, 201) and Heinzel (_A.f.d.A._ XVI, 271). The best account of the Heruli is in Procopius (_Bell. Gott._ II, 14, 15). [54] See also Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 21, 22: Sarrazin in _Engl. Stud._ XLII, 11: Bugge, _Helgi-digtene_, 151-63; 181: Chambers, _Widsith_, p. 82 (note), pp. 205-6. [55] _Saga of Rolf Kraki: Skjoldungasaga._ [56] Best represented in Saxo. [57] See above, p. 15. [58] ll. 1180-87. [59] ll. 1188-91. [60] ll. 1163-5. [61] ll. 1017-19. [62] ll. 45-6. [63] For a contrary view see Clarke, _Sidelights_, 100. [64] Saxo has mistaken a title _hnøggvanbaugi_ for a father's name, (_hins_) _hnøggva Baugs_ "(son of the) covetous Baug." [65] _Langfeðgatal_ in Langebek, I, 5. The succession given in _Langfeðgatal_ is Halfdan, Helgi and Hroar, Rolf, Hrærek: it should, of course, run Halfdan, Helgi and Hroar, Hrærek, Rolf. Hrærek has been moved from his proper place in order to clear Rolf of any suspicion of usurpation. [66] l. 1189. [67] See Olrik, _Episke Love_ in _Danske Studier_, 1908, p. 79. Compare the remark of Goethe in _Wilhelm Meister_, as to the necessity of there being _both_ a Rosencrantz _and_ a Guildenstern (_Apprenticeship_, Book V, chap. V). [68] ll. 587-9. [69] ll. 1165-8. [70] Perhaps such murder of kin was more common among the aristocratic houses than among the bulk of the population (Chadwick, _H.A._ 348). In some great families it almost becomes the rule, producing a state of things similar to that in present day Afghanistan, where it has become a proverb that a man is "as great an enemy as a cousin" (Pennell, _Afghan Frontier_, 30). [71] This is proposed by Cosijn (_Aanteekeningen_, 21) and again independently by Lawrence in _M.L.N._ XXV, 157. [72] ll. 467-9. [73] ll. 2155-62. [74] See _Widsith_, ed. Chambers, pp. 92-4. [75] See Rickert, "The Old English Offa Saga" in _Mod. Phil._ II, esp. p. 75. [76] The common ascription of the _Lives of the Offas_ to Matthew Paris is erroneous: they are somewhat earlier. [77] The identification of _Fifeldor_ with the Eider has been doubted, notably by Holthausen, though he seems less doubtful in his latest edition (third edit. II, 178). The reasons for the identification appear to me the following. Place names ending in _dor_ are exceedingly rare. When, therefore, two independent authorities tell us that Offa fought at a place named _Fifel-dor_ or _Egi-dor_, it appears unlikely that this can be a mere coincidence: it seems more natural to assume that the names are corruptions of one original. But further, the connection is not limited to the second element in the name. For the Eider (_Egidora_, _Ægisdyr_) would in O.E. be _Egor-dor_: and _Egor-dor_ stands to _Fifel-dor_ precisely as _egor-stream_ (Boethius, _Metra_, XX, 118) does to _fifel-stream_ (_Metra_, XXVI, 26), _"egor" and "fifel" being interchangeable synonyms_. See note to _Widsith_, l. 43 (p. 204). It is objected that the interchange of _fifel_ and _egor_, though frequent in common nouns, would be unusual in the name of a place. The reply is that the Old English scop may not have regarded it as a place-name. He may have substituted _fifel-dor_ for the synonymous _egor-dor_, "the monster gate," without realizing that it was the name of a definite place, just as he would have substituted _fifel-stream_ for _egor-stream_, "the monster stream, the sea," if alliteration demanded the change. [78] _The Deeds of Beowulf_, LXXXV. [79] See below, pp. 105-12, and Appendix (D) below. [80] Wihtlæg appears in Saxo as _Vigletus_ (Book IV, ed. Holder, p. 105). [81] _Nibelungen Lied_, ed. Piper, 328. [82] Book IV (ed. Holder, p. 102). [83] Kemble, _Beowulf_, _Postscript_ IX; followed by Müllenhoff, _etc._ So, lately, Chadwick (_H.A._ 126): cf. also Sievers ('Beowulf und Saxo' in the _Berichte d. k. sächs. Gesell. d. Wissenschaften_, 1895, pp. 180-88); Bradley in _Encyc. Brit._ III, 761; Boer, _Beowulf_, 135. See also Olrik, _Danmarks Heltedigtning_, I, 246. For further discussion see below, Appendix (A). [84] _Beo_--_Scyld_--_Scef_ in Ethelwerd: _Beowius_--_Sceldius_--_Sceaf_ in William of Malmesbury. But in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ five generations intervene between Sceaf and his descendant Scyldwa, father of Beaw. [85] "Item there is vii acres lond lying by the high weye toward the grendyll": _Bury Wills_, ed. S. Tymms (Camden Soc. XLIX, 1850, p. 31). [86] I should hardly have thought it worth while to revive this old "cesspool" theory, were it not for the statement of Dr Lawrence that "Miller's argument that the word _grendel_ here is not a proper name at all, that it means 'drain,' has never, to my knowledge, been refuted." (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 253.) Miller was a scholar whose memory should be reverenced, but the letter to the _Academy_ was evidently written in haste. The only evidence which Miller produced for _grendel_ standing alone as a common noun in Old English was a charter of 963 (Birch, 1103: vol. III, p. 336): _þanon forð eft on grendel: þanon on clyst_: _grendel_ here, he asserted, meant "drain": and consequently _gryndeles sylle_ and _grendles mere_ in the other charters must mean "cesspool." But the locality of this charter of 963 is known (Clyst St Mary, a few miles east of Exeter), and the two words exist there as names of streams to this day--"thence again along the Greendale brook, thence along the river Clyst." The Grindle or Greendale brook is no sewer, but a stream some half dozen miles in length which "winds tranquilly through a rich tract of alluvial soil" (_Journal of the Archaeol. Assoc._ XXXIX, 273), past three villages which bear the same name, Greendale, Greendale Barton and Higher Greendale, under Greendale Bridge and over the ford by Greendale Lane, to its junction with the Clyst. Why the existence of this charming stream should be held to justify the interpretation of _Grendel_ or _Gryndel_ as "drain" and _grendles mere_ as "cesspool" has always puzzled me. Were a new Drayton to arise he might, in a new _Polyolbion_, introduce the nymph complaining of her hard lot at the hands of scholars in the Hesperides. I hope, when he next visits England, to conduct Dr Lawrence to make his apologies to the lady. Meantime a glance at the "six inch" ordnance map of Devon suffices to refute Miller's curious hypothesis. [87] It is often asserted that the same Beowa appears as a witness to a charter (Müllenhoff, _Beovulf_, p. 8: Haak, _Zeugnisse zur altenglischen Heldensage_, 53). But this rests upon a misprint of Kemble (_C.D.S._ V, 44). The name is really _Beoba_ (Birch, _Cart. Sax._ I, 212). [88] _Beaf er ver kollum Biar_, in the descent of Harold Fairhair from Adam, in _Flateyarbók_, ed. Vigfússon and Unger, Christiania, 1859, I, 27. [The genealogy contains many names obviously taken from a MS of the O.E. royal pedigrees, not from oral tradition, as is shown by the miswritings, e.g., _Beaf_ for _Beaw_, owing to mistaking the O.E. _w_ for _f_.] "This is no proof," Dr Lawrence urges, "of popular acquaintance with Bjár as a Scandinavian figure." (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 246.) But how are we to account for the presence of his name among a mnemonic list of some of the most famous warriors and their horses--mention along with heroes like Sigurd, Gunnar, Atli, Athils and Ali, unless Bjar was a well-known figure? [89] _en Bjárr [reið] Kerti_. _Kortr_, "short" (Germ. _Kurz_), if indeed we are so to interpret it, is hardly an Icelandic word, and seems strange as the name of a horse. Egilsson (_Lex. Poet._ 1860) suggests _kertr_, "erect," "with head high" (cf. Kahle in _I.F._ XIV, 164). [90] See Appendix (A) below. [91] Müllenhoff derived Beaw from the root _bh[=u]_, "to be, dwell, grow": Beaw therefore represented settled dwelling and culture. Müllenhoff's mythological explanation (_Z.f.d.A._ VII, 419, _etc._, _Beovulf_, 1, _etc._) has been largely followed by subsequent scholars, e.g., ten Brink (_Pauls Grdr._ II, 533: _Beowulf_, 184), Symons (_Pauls Grdr._ (2), III, 645-6) and, in general outline, E. H. Meyer (_Mythol. der Germanen_, 1903, 242). [92] Uhland in _Germania_, II, 349. [93] Laistner (_Nebelsagen_, 88, _etc._, 264, _etc._), Kögel (_Z.f.d.A._ XXXVII, 274: _Geschichte d. deut. Litt._ I, 1, 109), and Golther (_Handbuch der germ. Mythologie_, 1895, 173) see in Grendel the demon of combined storm and pestilence. [94] E. H. Meyer (_Germ. Mythol._ 1891, 299). [95] Mogk (_Pauls Grdr._ (2), III, 302) regards Grendel as a "water-spirit." [96] Boer (_Ark. f. nord. Filol._ XIX, 19). [97] This suggestion is made (very tentatively) by Brandl, in _Pauls Grdr._ (2), II, i, 992. [98] This view has been enunciated by Wundt in his _Völkerpsychologie_, II, i, 326, _etc._, 382. For a discussion see A. Heusler in _Berliner Sitzungsberichte_, XXXVII, 1909, pp. 939-945. [99] Cf. Lawrence in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 265, _etc._, and Panzer's "Beowulf" throughout. [100] The tradition of "the devil and his dam" resembles that of Grendel and his mother in its coupling together the home-keeping female and the roving male. See E. Lehmann, "Fandens Oldemor" in _Dania_, VIII, 179-194; a paper which has been undeservedly neglected in the _Beowulf_ bibliographies. But the devil beats his dam (cf. _Piers Plowman_, C-text, XXI, 284): conduct of which one cannot imagine Grendel guilty. See too Lehmann in _Arch. f. Religionswiss._ VIII, 411-30: Panzer, _Beowulf_, 130, 137, _etc._: Klaeber in _Anglia_, XXXVI, 188. [101] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 1282-7. [102] There are other coincidences which _may_ be the result of mere chance. In each case, before the adventure with the giants, the hero proves his strength by a feat of endurance in the ice-cold water. And, at the end of the story, the hero in each case produces, as evidence of his victory, a trophy with a runic inscription: in _Beowulf_ an engraved sword-hilt; in the _Grettis saga_ bones and a "rune-staff." [103] Vigfússon, _Corp. Poet. Boreale_, II, 502: Bugge, _P.B.B._ XII, 58. [104] Boer, for example, believes that _Beowulf_ influenced the _Grettis saga_ (_Grettis saga_, Introduction, xliii); so, tentatively, Olrik (_Heltedigtning_, I, 248). [105] For this argument and the following, cf. Schück, _Studier i Beowulfssagan_, 21. [106] Even assuming that a MS of _Beowulf_ had found its way to Iceland, it would have been unintelligible. This is shown by the absurd blunders made when Icelanders borrowed names from the O.E. genealogies. [107] Cf. Olrik, _A. f. n. F._, VIII (N.F. IV), 368-75; and Chadwick, _Origin_, 125-6. [108] _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXVII, 208 _etc._ [109] _Cotton. Gnomic Verses_, ll. 42-3. [110] _Fornmannas[o,]gur_, III, 204-228. [111] Hammershaimb, _Fær[=o]iske Kvoeder_, II, 1855, Nos. 11 and 12. [112] A. I. Arwidsson, _Svenska Fornsånger_, 1834-42, Nos. 8 and 9. [113] Boer, _Beowulf_, 177-180. [114] ll. 1553-6. [115] l. 455. [116] The attacks have taken place at Yule for two successive years, exactly as in the _Grettis saga_. [In _Beowulf_ it is, of course, "twelve winters" (l. 147).] Is this mere accident, or does the _Grettis saga_ here preserve the original time limit, which has been exaggerated in _Beowulf_? If so, we have another point of resemblance between the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_ and the earliest version of the _Beowulf_ story. [117] _Beowulf_, ll. 801-5. [118] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 590-606. [119] _Beowulf_, l. 679. [120] _Beowulf_, ll. 1508-9, 1524. [121] It is only in this adventure that Rolf carries the sword _Gullinhjalti_. His usual sword, as well known as Arthur's Excalibur, was _Skofnungr_. For _Gyldenhilt_, whether descriptive, or proper noun, see _Beowulf_, 1677. [122] Cf. Symons in _Pauls Grdr._ (2), III, 649: Züge aus dem anglischen Mythus von Béaw-Biar (Biarr oder Bjár?; s. Symons Lieder der Edda, I, 222) wurden auf den dänischen Sagenhelden (Boðvarr) Bjarki durch Ähnlichkeit der Namen veranlasst, übertragen. Cf. too, Heusler in _A.f.d.A._ XXX, 32. [123] See p. 87 and Appendix (A) below. [124] _Heltedigtning_, I, 1903, 135-6. [125] _Beowulf_, 1518. [126] See Heusler in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 62. [127] Cf. on this Heusler, _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 64-5. [128] Cf. _Skjoldunga saga_, cap. XII; and see Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 201-5; _Bjarka rímur_, VIII. [129] Similarly _Skáldskaparmál_, 41 (44). [130] Bärensohn. Jean l'Ours. The name is given to the group because the hero is frequently (though by no means always) represented as having been brought up in a bear's den. The story summarized above is a portion of Panzer's "Type A." See Appendix (H), below. [131] ll. 704, 729. [132] ll. 691-6. [133] In the _Beowulf_ it was even desirable, as explained above, to go further, and completely to exculpate the Danish watchers. [134] From the controversial point of view Panzer has no doubt weakened his case by drawing attention to so many of these, probably accidental, coincidences. It gives the critic material for attack (cf. Boer, _Beowulf_, 14) [135] ll. 2183 _etc._ [136] ll. 408-9. [137] It comes out strongly in the _Bjarki_-story. [138] It can hardly be argued that Stein is mentioned because he was an historic character who in some way came into contact with the historic Grettir: for in this case his descent would have been given, according to the usual custom in the sagas. (Cf. note to Boer's edition of _Grettis saga_, p. 233.) [139] P. E. K. Kaalund, _Bidrag til en historisk-topografisk Beskrivelse af Island_, Kjøbenhavn, 1877, II, 151. [140] The localization in _en stor sandhaug_ is found in a version of the story to which Panzer was unable to get access (see p. 7 of his _Beowulf_, Note 2). A copy is to be found in the University Library of Christiania, in a small book entitled _Nor, en Billedbog for den norske Ungdom_. Christiania, 1865. (_Norske Folke-Eventyr ... fortalte af P. C. Asbjørnsen_, pp. 65-128.) The _sandhaug_ is an extraordinary coincidence, if it _is_ a mere coincidence. It cannot have been imported into the modern folk-tale from the _Grettis saga_, for there is no superficial resemblance between the two tales. [141] Cf. Boer, _Beowulf_, 14. [142] Yet both Beowulf and Orm are saved by divine help. [143] Panzer exaggerates the case against his own theory when he quotes only six versions as omitting the princesses (p. 122). Such unanimity as this is hardly to be looked for in a collection of 202 kindred folk-tales. In addition to these six, the princesses are altogether missing, for example, in the versions Panzer numbers 68, 69, 77: they are only faintly represented in other versions (e.g. 76). Nevertheless the rescue of the princesses may be regarded as the most essential element in the tale. [144] I cannot agree with Panzer when (p. 319) he suggests the possibility of the _Beowulf_ and the _Grettir_-story having been derived independently from the folk-tale. For the two stories have many features in common which do not belong to the folk-tale: apart from the absence of the princesses we have the _hæft-m[=e]ce_ and the strange conclusion drawn by the watchers from the blood-stained water. [145] Ipse Scef cum uno dromone advectus est in insula Oceani, quae dicitur Scani, armis circundatus, eratque valde recens puer, & ab incolis illius terrae ignotus; attamen ab eis suscipitur, & ut familiarem diligenti animo eum custodierunt, & post in regem eligunt. Ethelwerdus, III, 3, in Savile's _Rerum Anglicarum Scriptores post Bedam_, Francofurti, 1601, p. 842. [146] See Chadwick, _Origin_, 259-60. [147] Sceldius [fuit filius] Sceaf. Iste, ut ferunt, in quandam insulam Germaniae Scandzam, de qua Jordanes, historiographus Gothorum, loquitur, appulsus navi sine remige, puerulus, posito ad caput frumenti manipulo, dormiens, ideoque Sceaf nuncupatus, ab hominibus regionis illius pro miraculo exceptus et sedulo nutritus: adulta aetate regnavit in oppido quod tunc Slaswic, nunc vero Haithebi appellatur. Est autem regio illa Anglia vetus dicta.... William of Malmesbury, _De Gestis Regum Anglorum_. Lib. II, § 116, vol. I, p. 121, ed. Stubbs, 1887. [148] Although Saxo Grammaticus has provided some even earlier kings. [149] Cf. Müllenhoff in _Z.f.d.A._ VII, 413. [150] In _Grímnismál_, 54, Odin gives _Gautr_ as one of his names. [151] See below. [152] Excluding, of course, the Hebrew names. [153] _Scyld_ appears as _Scyldwa_, _Sce(a)ldwa_ in the _Chronicle_. The forms correspond. [154] See Part II. [155] _armis circundatus_. [156] For a list of the scholars who have dealt with the subject, see _Widsith_, p. 119. [157] _Beovulf_, p. 6 _etc._ [158] _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 259 _etc._ [159] This objection to the Scyld-theory has been excellently expressed by Olrik--at a time, too, when Olrik himself accepted the story as belonging to Scyld rather than Sceaf. "Binz," says Olrik, "rejects William of Malmesbury as a source for the Scyld story. But he has not noticed that in doing so he saws across the branch upon which he himself and the other investigators are sitting. For if William is not a reliable authority, and even a more reliable authority than the others, then 'Scyld with the sheaf' is left in the air." _Heltedigtning_, I, 238-9, note. [160] The discussion of Skjold by Olrik (_Danmarks Heltedigtning_, I, 223-271) is perhaps the most helpful of any yet made, especially in emphasizing the necessity of differentiating the stages in the story. But it must be taken in connection with the very essential modifications made by Dr Olrik in his second volume (pp. 249-65, especially pp. 264-5). Dr Olrik's earlier interpretation made Scyld the original hero of the story: _Scefing_ Olrik interpreted, not as "with the sheaf," but as "son of Scef." To the objection that any knowledge of Scyld's parentage would be inconsistent with his unknown origin, Olrik replied by supposing that Scyld was a foundling whose origin, though unknown to the people of the land to which he came, was well known to the poet. The poet, Dr Olrik thought, regarded him as a son of the Langobardic king, Sceafa, a connection which we are to attribute to the Anglo-Saxon love of framing genealogies. But this explanation of Scyld Scefing as a human foundling does not seem to me to be borne out by the text of _Beowulf_. "The child is a poor foundling," says Dr Olrik, "_he suffered distress from the time when he was first found as a helpless child_. Only as a grown man did he get compensation for his childhood's adversity" (p. 228). But this is certainly not the meaning of _egsode eorl[as]_. It is "_He inspired the earl[s] with awe_." [161] See below (App. C) for instances of ancestral names extant both in weak and strong forms, like _Scyld_, _Sceldwa_ (the identity of which no one doubts) or _Sceaf_, _Sceafa_ (the identity of which has been doubted). [162] "As for the name _Scyldungas-Skjöldungar_, we need not hesitate to believe that this originally meant 'the people' or 'kinsmen of the shield.' Similar appellations are not uncommon, e.g., _Rondingas_, _Helmingas_, _Brondingas_ ... probably these names meant either 'the people of _the_ shield, _the_ helmet,' _etc._, or else the people who used shields, helmets, _etc._, in some special way. In the former case we may compare the Ancile of the Romans and the Palladion of the Greeks; in either case we may note that occasionally shields have been found in the North which can never have been used except for ceremonial purposes." Chadwick, _Origin_, p. 284: cf. Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 274. [163] Sweyn Aageson, _Skiold Danis primum didici praefuisse_, in Langebek, _S.R.D._ I, 44. [164] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 246; Lawrence, _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc._ XXIV, 254. [165] It is odd that Binz, who has recorded so many of these, should have argued on the strength of these place-names that the Scyld story is not Danish, but an ancient possession of the tribes of the North Sea coast (p. 150). For Binz also records an immense number of names of heroes of alien stock--Danish, Gothic or Burgundian--as occurring in England (_P.B.B._ XX, 202 _etc._). [166] _Beovulf_, p. 7. [167] Chadwick, _Origin_, p. 278. [168] The scandals about King Edgar (_infamias quas post dicam magis resperserunt cantilenae_: see _Gesta Regum Anglorum_, II, § 148, ed. Stubbs, vol. I, p. 165); the story of Gunhilda, the daughter of Knut, who, married to a foreign King with great pomp and rejoicing, _nostro seculo etiam in triviis cantitata_, was unjustly suspected of unchastity till her English page, in vindication of her honour, slew the giant whom her accusers had brought forward as their champion (_Gesta_, II, § 188, ed. Stubbs, I, pp. 229, 230); the story of King Edward and the shepherdess, learnt from _cantilenis per successiones temporum detritis_ (_Gesta_, II, § 138, ed. Stubbs, I, 155). Macaulay in the _Lays of Ancient Rome_ has selected William as a typical example of the historian who draws upon popular song. Cf. Freeman's _Historical Essays_. [169] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 245. [170] _Origin_, pp. 279-281. [171] Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, 1813, I, 443. [172] Henderson, _Folklore of the Northern Counties_, 87-89. [173] Hone's _Every Day Book_, 1827, p. 1170. [174] _The Tamar and the Tavy_, I. 330 (1836). [175] Raymond, _Two men o' Mendip_, 1899, 259. [176] Miss M. A. Courtney, _Glossary of West Cornwall_; T. Q. Couch, _Glossary of East Cornwall_, s. v. Neck (_Eng. Dial. Soc._ 1880); Jago, _Ancient Language of Cornwall_, 1882, s. v. Anek. [177] _Notes and Queries_, 4th Ser. XII, 491 (1873). [178] Holland's _Glossary of Chester_ (_Eng. Dial. Soc._), s.v. _Cutting the Neck._ [179] Burne, _Shropshire Folk Lore_, 1883, 371. [180] "to cry the Mare." Blount, _Glossographia_, 4th edit. 1674, s.v. _mare_. Cf. _Notes and Queries_, 5th Ser. VI, 286 (1876). [181] Wright, _Eng. Dial. Dict._, s.v. _neck_. [182] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn_, 1912, I, 268. The word was understood as = "neck" by the peasants, because "They'm taied up under the chin laike" (_Notes and Queries_, 5th Ser. X, 51). But this may be false etymology. [183] Wright, _Eng. Dial. Dict._ Cf. _Notes and Queries_, 5th Ser. X, 51. [184] _Heltedigtning_, II, 252. [185] The earliest record of the term "cutting the neck" seems to be found in Randle Holme's _Store House of Armory_, 1688 (II, 73). It may be noted that Holme was a Cheshire man. [186] Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_, Strassburg, 1884, 326 _etc._ [187] Quod dum servi Dei propensius actitarent, inspiratum est eis salubre consilium et (ut pium est credere) divinitus provisum. Die etenim statuto mane surgentes monachi sumpserunt scutum rotundum, cui imponebant manipulum frumenti, et super manipulum cereum circumspectae quantitatis et grossitudinis. Quo accenso scutum cum manipulo et cereo, fluvio ecclesiam praetercurrenti committunt, paucis in navicula fratribus subsequentibus. Praecedebat itaque eos scutum et quasi digito demonstrans possessiones domui Abbendoniae de jure adjacentes nunc huc, nunc illuc divertens; nunc in dextra nunc in sinistra parte fiducialiter eos praeibat, usquedum veniret ad rivum prope pratum quod Beri vocatur, in quo cereus medium cursum Tamisiae miraculose deserens se declinavit et circumdedit pratum inter Tamisiam et Gifteleia, quod hieme et multociens aestate ex redundatione Tamisiae in modum insulae aqua circumdatur. _Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon_, ed. Stevenson, 1858, vol. I, p. 89. [188] Chadwick, _Origin_, 278. [189] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, II, 251. [190] But is this so? "The word Sämpsä (now sämpsykka) 'small rush, _scirpus silvaticus_, forest rush,' is borrowed from the Germanic family (Engl. semse; Germ. simse)." Olrik, 253. But the Engl. "semse" is difficult to track. See also note by A. Mieler in _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, X, 43, 1910. [191] Kaarle Krohn, "Sampsa Pellervoinen" in _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_ IV, 231 _etc._, 1904. [192] Cf. Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, II, 252 _etc._. [193] I do not understand why Olrik (_Heltedigtning_, I, 235) declares the coming to land in Scani (Ethelwerd) to be inconsistent with Sceaf as a Longobardic king (_Widsith_). For, according to their national historian, the Longobardi came from "Scadinavia" [Paul the Deacon, I, 1-7]. It is a more serious difficulty that Paul knows of no Longobardic king with a name which we can equate with Sceaf. [194] So, corresponding to O.E. _tr[=i]ewe_ we have Icel. _tryggr_; to O.E. _gl[=e]aw_, Icel. _gl[o,]ggr_; O.E. _sc[=u]wa_, Icel. _skugg-_. [195] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, II, 1910, pp. 254-5. An account of the worship of Pekko will be found in _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, VI, 1906, pp. 104-111: _Über den Pekokultus bei den Setukesen_, by M. J. Eisen. See also Appendix (A) below. Pellon-Pecko is mentioned by Michael Agricola, Bishop of Åbo, in his translation of the Psalter into Finnish, 1551. It is here that we are told that he "promoted the growth of barley." [196] l. 15. [197] That Heremod is a Danish king is clear from ll. 1709 _etc._ And as we have all the stages in the Scylding genealogy from Scyld to Hrothgar, Heremod must be placed earlier. [198] Of Grein in _Eberts Jahrbuch_, IV, 264. [199] A good example of this is supplied by the Assyrian records, which make Jehu a son of Omri--whose family he had destroyed. [200] This reconstruction is made by Sievers in the _Berichte d. k. sächs. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften_, 1895, pp. 180-88. [201] The god _Hermóðr_ who rides to Hell to carry a message to the dead Baldr is here left out of consideration. His connection with the king _Hermóðr_ is obscure. [202] On this see Dederich, _Historische u. geographische Studien_, 214; Heinzel in _A.f.d.A._ XV, 161; Chadwick, _Origin_, 148; Chadwick, _Cult of Othin_, 51. [203] Chadwick, _Cult of Othin_, pp. 50, _etc._ [204] _puerulus ... pro miraculo exceptus_ (William of Malmesbury). Cf. _Beowulf_, l. 7. In Saxo, Skjold distinguishes himself at the age of fifteen. [205] _omnem Alemannorum gentem tributaria ditione perdomuit._ Cf. _Beowulf_, l. 11. [206] See above, p. 77. [207] This relationship of Frothi and Skjold is preserved by Sweyn Aageson: Skiold Danis primum didici praefuisse.... A quo primum.... Skioldunger sunt Reges nuncupati. Qui regni post se reliquit haeredes Frothi videlicet & Haldanum. Svenonis Aggonis _Hist. Regum Dan._ in Langebek, _S.R.D._ I, 44. In Saxo Frotho is not the son, but the great grandson of Skioldus--but this is a discrepancy which may be neglected, because it seems clear that the difference is due to Saxo having inserted two names into the line at this point--those of Gram and Hadding. There seems no reason to doubt that Danish tradition really represented Frothi as son of Skjold. [208] Those who accept the identification would regard _Fróði_ (O.E. _Fr[=o]da_, 'the wise') as a title which has ousted the proper name. [209] Boer, _Ark. f. nord. filol._, XIX, 67, calls this theory of Sievers "indisputable." [210] Sievers, p. 181. [211] _Beowulf_, 2405. Cf. 2215, 2281. [212] So Regin guides Sigurd: Una the Red Cross Knight. The list might be indefinitely extended. Similarly with giants: "Then came to him a husbandman of the country, and told him how there was in the country of Constantine, beside Brittany, a great giant".... _Morte d'Arthur_, Book V, cap. V. [213] _Beowulf_, 895. [214] l. 2338. [215] ll. 2570 _etc._ [216] intrepidum mentis habitum retinere memento. [217] ll. 2663 _etc._ [218] Cf. _Beowulf_, 2705: _forwr[=a]t Wedra helm wyrm on middan_. [219] Cf. _Cotton. Gnomic verses_, ll. 26-7: _Draca sceal on hl[=æ]we: fr[=o]d, frætwum wlanc._ [220] virusque profundens: _wearp wæl-f[=y]re_, 2582. [221] implicitus gyris serpens crebrisque reflexus orbibus et caudae sinuosa volumina ducens multiplicesque agitans spiras. Cf. _Beowulf_, 2567-8, 2569, 2561 (_hring-boga_), 2827 (_w[=o]hbogen_). [222] _Volospá_, 172-3 in _Corpus Poeticum Boreale_. I, 200. [223] Cf. on this Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 305-15. [224] Panzer, _Beowulf_, 313. [225] A further and more specific parallel between Lotherus and Heremod has been pointed out by Sarrazin (_Anglia_, XIX, 392). It seems from _Beowulf_ that Heremod went into exile (ll. 1714-15), and apparently _mid Eotenum_ (l. 902) which (in view of the use of the word _Eotena_, _Eotenum_, in the _Finnsburg_ episode) very probably means "among the Jutes." A late Scandinavian document tells us that _Lotherus ... superatus in Jutiam profugit_ (Messenius, _Scondia illustrata_, printed 1700, but written about 1620). [226] Pointed out by Panzer. A possible parallel to the old man who hides his treasure is discussed by Bugge and Olrik in _Dania_, I, 233-245 (1890-92). [227] Cf. Ettmüller, _Scopas and Boceras_, 1850, p. ix; _Carmen de Beovvulfi rebus gestis_, 1875, p. iii. [228] _P.B.B._ XI, 167-170. [229] Sarrazin, _Der Schauplatz des ersten Beowulfliedes_ (_P.B.B._ XI, 170 _etc._); Sievers, _Die Heimat des Beowulfdichters_ (_P.B.B._ XI, 354 _etc._); Sarrazin, _Altnordisches im Beowulfliede_ (_P.B.B._ XI, 528 _etc._); Sievers, _Altnordisches im Beowulf?_ (_P.B.B._ XII, 168 _etc._) [230] _Beovulf-Studien_, 68. [231] Sarrazin has countered this argument by urging that since the present day Swedes and Danes have better manners than the English, they therefore presumably had better manners already in the eighth century. I admit the premises, but deny the deduction. [232] Sedgefield, _Beowulf_ (1st ed.), p. 27. [233] Schück, _Studier i Beovulfsagan_, 41. [234] The brief _Fata Apostolorum_ is doubted by Sievers (_Anglia_, XIII, 24). [235] Two of these occur twice: _h[=a]tan heolfre_, 1423, 849; _n[=i]owan stefne_, 1789, 2594; the rest once only, 141, 561, 963, 977, 1104, 1502, 1505, 1542, 1746, 2102, 2290, 2347, 2440, 2482, 2492, 2692. See Barnouw, 51. [236] 74, 99, 122, 257, 390, 412. [237] _Christ_, 510. [238] Lichtenheld omits 2011, _se m[=æ]ra mago Healfdenes_, inserting instead 1474, where the same phrase occurs, but with a vocative force. [239] 758, 813, 2011, 2587, 2928, 2971, 2977, 3120. [240] 1199. [241] 102, 713, 919, 997, 1016, 1448, 1984, 2255, 2264, 2675, 3024, 3028, 3097. [242] Saintsbury in _Short History of English Literature_, I. 3. [243] Morsbach, 270. [244] Morsbach, 271. [245] Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 4. [246] "Thus in place of the expression _to widan feore_ we find occasionally _widan feore_ in the same sense, and even in _Beowulf_ we meet with _widan feorh_, which is not improbably the oldest form of the phrase. Before the loss of the final _-u_ it [_widan feorhu_] would be a perfectly regular half verse, but the operation of this change would render it impossible and necessitate the substitution of a synonymous expression. In principle, it should be observed, the assumption of such substitutions seems to be absolutely necessary, unless we are prepared to deny that any old poems or even verses survived the period of apocope." Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, pp. 46-7. [247] _Heroic Age_, 46. [248] Birch, _Cart. Sax._ No. 81. See Morsbach, 260. [249] The most important examples being _breguntford_ (Birch, _Cart. Sax._ No. 115, dating between 693 and 731; perhaps 705): _heffled_ in the life of St Gregory written by a Whitby monk apparently before 713: _-gar_ on the Bewcastle Column, earlier than the end of the first quarter of the eighth century and perhaps much earlier: and many names in _ford_ and _feld_ in the Moore MS of Bede's _Ecclesiastical History_ (a MS written about 737). [250] An English Miscellany presented to Dr Furnivall, 370. [251] Grienberger, _Anglia_, XXVII, 448. [252] i.e. _flodu ahof_ might stand for _fl[=o]d u[p] [)a]h[=o]f_, as is suggested by Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 69. [253] In the Franks casket _b_ already appears as _f_, and the _n_ of _sefu_, "seven," has been lost. [254] Birch, _Cart. Sax._ No. 45. [255] Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 67: "In personal names we must clearly allow for traditional orthography." Morsbach admits this in another connection (p. 259). [256] Lübke's preface to Müllenhoff's _Beovulf_. Both the tendencies specially associated with Müllenhoff's name--the "mythologizing" and the "dissecting"--are due to the influence of Lachmann. It must be frankly admitted that on these subjects Müllenhoff did not begin his studies with an open mind. [257] "Es ist einfach genug"--_Beovulf_, 110. [258] Möller, _V.E._ 140: cf. Schücking, _B.R._ 14. [259] Earle, _Deeds of Beowulf_, xlix (an excellent criticism of Müllenhoff). [260] Heusler, _Lied u. Epos_, 26. [261] _Epic and Romance_, Chap. II, § 2. [262] _Ballad and Epic_, 311-12. [263] _Beowulfs Rückkehr_, 1905. [264] e.g. _Genesis_. [265] Chap. IV, pp. 29-33. [266] Chap. V, pp. 34-41. [267] Chap. VI, cf. esp. p. 50. [268] In the portion which Schücking excludes, we twice have _g[=æ]ð_ = _g[=a]ið_ (2034, 2055). Elsewhere in the _Return_ we have _d[=o]n_ = _d[=o]an_ (2166) whilst _fr[=e]a_ (1934), _Hondsci[=o]_ (2076) need to be considered. [269] 2069. [270] 2093. [271] _Satzverknüpfung im Beowulf_, 139. [272] _Þ[=y]l[=æ]s_ = "lest" (1918); _ac_ in direct question (1990); _þ[=a]_ occurring unsupported late in the sentence (2192); _forþ[=a]m_ (1957) [see Sievers in _P.B.B._ XXIX, 313]; _sw[=a]_ = "since," "because" (2184). But Schücking admits in his edition two other instances of _forþ[=a]m_ (146 and 2645), so this can hardly count. [273] _h[=y]rde ic_ as introducing a statement, 62, 2163, 2172; _sið ðan [=æ]rest_, 6, 1947. [274] A similar use of _þ[=a]_, 1078, 1988; cf. 1114, 1125, 2135. [275] _hæbbe_, 1928; _g[=e]ong_, 2019. [276] _þurfe_, 2495. [277] Schücking, Chap. VIII. [278] Cf. Brandl in Herrigs _Archiv_, CXV, 421 (1905). [279] e.g. Blackburn in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XII, 204-225; Bradley in the _Encyc. Brit._ III, 760; Chadwick, _H.A._ 49; Clarke, _Sidelights_, 10. [280] Chadwick, in _Cambridge History_, I, 30. [281] We may refer especially to the account of Attila's funeral given by Jordanes. [Mr Chadwick's note.] [282] Chadwick in _The Heroic Age_, 53. [283] It is adopted, e.g., by Clarke, _Sidelights_, 8. [284] Yet this is very doubtful: see Leeds, _Archæology_, 27, 74. [285] Notably in Book VIII (ed. Holder, 264) and Book III (ed. Holder, 74). [286] 'Fasta fornlämningar i Beowulf,' in _Ant. Tidskrift för Sverige_, XVIII, 4, 64. [287] See Schücking, _Das angelsächsische Totenklaglied_, in _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 1-13. [288] Blackburn, in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ Cf. Hart, _Ballad and Epic_, 175. [289] Clark Hall, xlvii. [290] Blackburn, as above, p. 126. [291] Chadwick, in _Cambridge History_, I, 30. [292] Clark Hall, xlvii. See, to the contrary, Klaeber in _Anglia_, XXXVI, 196. [293] This point is fully developed by Brandl, 1002-3. As Brandl points out, if we want to find a parallel to the hero Beowulf, saving his people from their temporal and ghostly foes, we must look, not to the other heroes of Old English heroic poetry, such as Waldhere or Hengest, but to Moses in the Old English _Exodus_. [Since this was written the essentially Christian character of _Beowulf_ has been further, and I think finally, demonstrated by Klaeber, in the last section of his article on _Die Christlichen Elemente im Beowulf_, in _Anglia_, XXXVI; see especially 194-199.] [294] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 180 _etc._ [295] Bradley, in _Encyc. Brit._ [296] Bradley, in _Encyc. Brit._ III, 760-1. [297] Blackburn, 218. [298] See Finnur Jónsson, _Den Norsk-Islandske Skjaldedigtning_, B. ii. 473-4. [299] MS A, followed by Magnússon, makes Glam _bláeygðr_, "blue-eyed": Boer reads _gráeygðr_, considering grey a more uncanny colour. [300] MS A has _fon^m_ or _fen^m_, it is difficult to tell which. Magnússon reads _fenum_, "morasses." [301] Immediately inside the door of the Icelandic dwelling was the _anddyri_ or vestibule. For want of a better word, I translate _anddyri_ by "porch": but it is a porch inside the building. Opening out of this 'porch' were a number of rooms. Chief among which were the _skáli_ or "hall," and the _stufa_ or "sitting room," the latter reached by a passage (_g[o,]ng_). These were separated from the "porch" by panelling. In the struggle with Glam, Grettir is lying in the hall (_skáli_), but the panelling has all been broken away from the great cross-beam to which it was fixed. Grettir consequently sees Glam enter the outer door; Glam turns to the _skáli_, and glares down it, leaning over the cross-beam; then enters the hall, and the struggle begins. See Guðmundssen (V.), _Privatbolegen på Island i Sagatiden_, 1889. [302] The partition beams (_set-stokkar_) stood between the middle of the _skáli_ or hall and the planked daïs which ran down each side. The strength of the combatants is such that the _stokkar_ give way. Grettir gets no footing to withstand Glam till they reach the outer-door. Here there is a stone set in the ground, which apparently gives a better footing for a push than for a pull. So Grettir changes his tactics, gets a purchase on the stone, and at the same time pushes against Glam's breast, and so dashes Glam's head and shoulders against the lintel of the outer-door. [303] So MS 551 a. Magnússon reads _dvaldist þar_ "he stayed there." [304] Meaning that an attack by the evil beings would at least break the monotony. [305] A passage (_g[o,]ng_) had to be traversed between the door of the room (_stufa_) and the porch (_anddyri_). [306] MSS _bælt_. Boer reads _bolat_ "hewn down." [307] A night troll, if caught by the sunrise, was supposed to turn into stone. [308] _Skúta_ may be acc. of the noun _skúti_, "overhanging precipice, cave"; or it may be the verb, "hang over." Grettir and his companion see that the sides of the ravine are precipitous (_skúta upp_) and so clean-cut (_meitil-berg: meitill_, "a chisel") that they give no hold to the climber. Hence the need for the rope. The translators all take _skúta_ as acc. of _skúti_, which is quite possible: but they are surely wrong when they proceed to identify the _skúti_ with the _hellir_ behind the waterfall. For this cave behind the waterfall is introduced in the _saga_ as something which Grettir discovers _after_ he has dived beneath the fall, the fall in front naturally hiding it till then. The verb _skúta_ occurs elsewhere in _Grettis saga_, of the glaciers overhanging a valley. Boer's attempt to reconstruct the scene appears to me wrong: cf. Ranisch in _A.f.d.A._ XXVIII, 217. [309] The old editions read _fimm tigir faðma_ "fifty fathoms": but according to Boer's collation the best MS (A) read X, whilst four of the five others collated give XV (_fimtán_). The editors seem dissatisfied with this: yet sixty to ninety feet seems a good enough height for a dive. [310] _ok sat þar hjá_, not in MS A, nor in Boer's edition. [311] The two poems are given according to the version of William Morris. [312] On his first arrival at Leire, Bjarki had been attacked by, and had slain, the watch-dogs (_Rímur_, IV, 41): this naturally brings him now into disfavour, and he has to dispute with men. [313] Reading _kappana_. [314] The MSS have either _Sandeyar_ or _Saudeyar_ (_Sauðeyar_). But that _Sandeyar_ is the correct form is shown by the name Sandø, which is given still to the island of Dollsey, where Orm's fight is localized (Panzer, 403). [315] Literally "she-cat," _ketta_; but the word may mean "giantess." It is used in some MSS of the _Grettis saga_ of the giantess who attacks Grettir at Sandhaugar. [316] See Sweet, _Oldest English Texts_, 1885, p. 170. [317] See _Catalogue of MSS. in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge_ by Montague Rhodes James, Camb., 1912, p. 437. [318] See _Publications of the Palæographical Society_, 1880, where a facsimile of part of the _Vespasian MS_ is given. (Pt. 10, Plate 165: subsequently Ser. I, Vol. II.) [319] So Zimmer, _Nennius Vindicatus_, Berlin, 1893, pp. 78 etc., and Duchesne (_Revue Celtique_, XV, 196). Duchesne sums up these genealogies as "un recueil constitué, vers la fin du VII^e siècle, dans le royaume de Strathcluyd, mais complété par diverses retouches, dont la dernière est de 796." [320] This is shown by one of the supplementary Mercian pedigrees being made to end, both in the _Vespasian_ genealogy and the _Historia Brittonum_, in Ecgfrith, who reigned for a few months in 796. See Thurneysen (_Z.f.d.Ph._ XXVIII, 101). [321] Ed. Mommsen, p. 203. [322] Anno 626: a similar genealogy will be found in these MSS and in the Parker MS, anno 755 (accession of Offa II). [323] Zimmer (_Nennius Vindicatus_, p. 84) argues that this _Geta-Woden_ pedigree belongs to a portion of the _Historia Brittonum_ written down A.D. 685. Thurneysen (_Z.f.d.Ph._ XXVIII, 103-4) dates the section in which it occurs 679; Duchesne (_Revue Celtique_, XV, 196) places it more vaguely between the end of the sixth and the beginning of the eighth century; van Hamel (_Hoops Reallexikon_ s.v. _Nennius_) between much the same limits, and clearly before 705. [324] Zimmer (p. 275) says A.D. 796; Duchesne (p. 196) A.D. 800; Thurneysen (_Zeitschr. f. Celtische Philologie_, I, 166) A.D. 826; Skene (_Four Ancient Books of Wales_, 1868, I, 38) A.D. 858; van Hamel (p. 304) A.D. 820-859. See also Chadwick, _Origin_, 38. [325] Bradshaw, _Investigations among Early Welsh, Breton and Cornish MSS._ in _Collected Papers_, 466. [326] See above, p. 196. [327] Cf. _Bretwalda_. [328] The genealogies have recently been dealt with by E. Hackenberg, _Die Stammtafeln der angelsächsischen Königreiche_, Berlin, 1918; and by Brandl, (Herrig's _Archiv_, CXXXVII, 1-24). Most of Brandl's derivations seem to me to depend upon very perilous conjectures. Thus he derives _Sc[=e]fing_ from the Gr.-Lat. _scapha_, "a skiff": a word which was not adopted into Old English. This seems to be sacrificing all probability to the desire to find a new interpretation: and, even so, it is not quite successful. For Riley in the _Gentleman's Magazine_, August, 1857, p. 126, suggested the derivation of the name of Scef from the _schiff_ or _skiff_ in which he came. [329] For a list of the Icelandic versions, see Heusler, _Die gelehrte Urgeschichte im altisländischen Schrifttum_, pp. 18-19, in the _Abhandlungen d. preuss. Akad._, _Phil. Hist. Klasse_, 1908, Berlin. [330] The names are given as in the Trinity Roll (T), collated with Corpus (C) and Moseley (M). For Paris (P) I follow Kemble's report (_Postscript to Preface_, 1837, pp. vii, viii: _Stammtafel der Westsachsen_, pp. 18, 31). All seem to agree in writing _t_ for _c_ in Steph and Steldius, and in Boerinus, _obviously, as Kemble pointed out, r is written by error for [wynn] = Beowinus_ [or _Beowius_]; Cinrinicius T, Cinrinicus C, Cininicus P, Siuruncius M; Suethedus TCP, Suechedius M; Gethius T, Thecius M, Ehecius CP; Geate T, Geathe CM, Geathus P. [331] I follow the spelling of the Moseley roll in this note. [332] _Dacia_ = "Denmark": _Dacia_ and _Dania_ were identified. [333] _uocabitur_, Gertz; _uocatur_, all MSS. [334] This account of the peaceful reign of Ro is simply false etymology from Danish _ro_, "rest." [335] Note that Ro (Hrothgar), the son of Haldanus (Healfdene), is here represented as his father. Saxo Grammaticus, combining divergent accounts, as he often does, accordingly mentions two Roes--one the brother of Haldanus, the other his son. See above, pp. 131-2. [336] _cum piratica classe_, Langebek; the MSS have _cum pietate_ (!) with or without _classe_. [337] _post quem_, Holder-Egger, Gertz; _postquam_, all MSS. [338] Snyo: the viceroy whom Athisl had placed over the Danes. [339] _in_ added by Gertz; omitted in all MSS. [340] A scribal error for _transalbinas_, "beyond the Elbe." [341] Assembly. [342] Island. [343] I have substituted _u_ for _v_, and have abandoned spellings like _theutones_, _thezauro_, _orrifico_, _charitas_, _phas_ (for _fas_), _atlethas_, _choercuit_, _iocundum_, _charum_, _foelicissima_, _nanque_, _hæreditarii_, _exoluere_. The actual reading of the 1514 text is abandoned by substituting: p. 130, l. 3 _ingeniti_ for _ingenitis_ (1514); p. 132, l. 22, _iacientis_ for _iacentis_; p. 134, l. 2, _diutinæ_ for _diutiuæ_; p. 136, l. 11, _fudit_ for _fugit_; p. 136, l. 20, _ut_ for _aut_; p. 137, l. 8, _ammirationi_ for _ammirationis_; p. 137, l. 16, _offert_ for _affert_; p. 137, l. 17, _Roluoni_ for _Rouolni_; p. 137, l. 27, _ministerio_ for _ministros_; p. 137, l. 33 _diuturnus_ for _diuturnius_; p. 206, l. 22, _diutinam_ for _diutina_; p. 207, l. 3, _ei_ for _eique_; p. 207, l. 5, _destituat_ for _deficiat_; p. 209, l. 2, _latere_ for _latera_; p. 209, l. 5, _conscisci_ for _concissi_; p. 209, l. 14, _defoderat_ for _defodera_. [344] _Above this heading_ B _has_ Gesta Offe Regis mercior_um_. [345] A _repeats_ sibi _after_ constitueret. [346] Hic Riganus binomin[i]s fuit. Vocabat_ur_ eni_m_ alio nomine Aliel. Rigan_us_ u_er_o a rigore. Huic erat fili_us_ Hildebrand_us_, miles strenuus, ab ense sic d_i_c_tu_s. Hu_n_c uoluit p_ate_r p_ro_mouere: _Contemporary rubric in_ A, _inserted in the middle of the sketch representing Riganus demanding the kingdom from Warmundus._ [347] optat, B. [348] celebri, B; celibri, A. [349] hoc, B. [350] ueheement_er_, A. [351] ueheementi, A. [352] eciam, B. [353] _Added in margin in_ A; _not in_ B. [354] hec _omitted_, B. [355] _Added in margin in_ A; _not in_ B. [356] dereliqueru_n_t, B. [357] precipue _omitted_, B. [358] ei _omitted_, B. [359] Qualmhul _vel_ Q_u_almweld _in margin_, A. [360] planies, A: planicies, _perhaps corrected from_ planies, B. [361] blodifeld, B. [362] Gloria t_r_iumphi, _in margin_, A. [363] tripudium, B; tripuduum, A. [364] scis, A, B. [365] menbra, A. [366] gracias, B. [367] hosstibus, A. [368] romotis, A. [369] co_n_gnou_er_unt, A. [370] Warmandi, A. [371] habenas _repeated after_ regni _above in_ A, _but cancelled in_ B. [372] exaggeret, B. [373] pulcritudi_ni_s, B; pulch_r_itudini, A. [374] i_n_gnota, A. [375] euuangelii, B. [376] co_n_si_n_gnatas, A. [377] _from_ B, _written over erasure_. [378] scrib_itu_r, B. [379] Ep_isto_la, _in margin_, A. [380] i_n_co_n_gnita, A. [381] dicebant, B. [382] frustratim, A, B. [383] ossium, B. [384] co_n_gnouit, A. [385] hoc _omitted_, B. [386] co_n_gnic_i_one, A. [387] sui, A. [388] obtemp_er_are, B. [389] menbra, A. [390] qui, AB; quae, Wats. [391] reco_n_gnosce, A. [392] sancte _et_ dulcissime, B. [393] ut _added above line_, A, B. [394] scenobium, A; _the _s_i s erased in_ B. [395] deo, B [396] tuinfreth, B. [397] scenobio, A; s _erased_ B. [398] de tiran_n_ide Beormredi reg_is_ Mercie, B. [399] fecerat, _wanting in_ A; _added in margin_, B. [400] Pinefredum, B; Penefredum, A, _but with_ i _above in first case._ [401] uariis _repeated_, A; _second_ variis _cancelled_, B. [402] considerans, B, _inserted in margin; omitted_, A. [403] Marcelline, A; Marcell, B. [404] vixisset, B, _inserted in margin_; _omitted_, A. [405] Alberto, _etc. passim_, B. [406] virtutibus, _in margin, later hand,_ A; _in_ B, _over erasure._ [407] est _in margin_, A. [408] et _omitted_, B. [409] innotuerunt, B. [410] in pietatis manu, B. [411] p_re_missimis, A. [412] sinistrum, B. [413] quam _in margin_, A; _over erasure_, B. [414] _Space for cap. left vacant_, A. [415] aucmentu_m_, A. [416] facinoris, B. [417] co_n_gnouit, A. [418] celeriter, B. [419] cum _in_ A _is inserted after_ p_er_ueniss_et_, _instead of before: and this was probably the original reading in_ B, _although subsequently corrected._ [420] _per_, B. [421] _corrected to_ nullaten_us_ dormire quasi suspecta_m_ p_er_misit, B. [422] Justa Vindicta, A, _in margin_. [423] Mr Mackie, in an excellent article on the _Fragment_ (_J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 251) objects that my criticism of Hickes' accuracy "is not altogether judicial." Mackie urges that, since the MS is no longer extant, we cannot tell how far the errors are due to Hickes, and how far they already existed in the MS from which Hickes copied. But we must not forget that there are other transcripts by Hickes, of MSS which _are_ still extant, and from these we can estimate his accuracy. It is no disrespect to the memory of Hickes, a scholar to whom we are all indebted, to recognize frankly that his transcripts are not sufficiently accurate to make them at all a satisfactory substitute for the original MS. Hickes' transcript of the _Cottonian Gnomic Verses_ (_Thesaurus_, I, 207) shows an average of one error in every four lines: about half these errors are mere matters of spelling, the others are serious. Hickes' transcript of the _Calendar_ (_Thesaurus_, I, 203) shows an average of one error in every six lines. When, therefore, we find in the _Finnsburg Fragment_ inaccuracies of exactly the type which Hickes often commits, it would be "hardly judicial" to attribute these to the MS which he copied, and to attribute to Hickes in this particular instance an accuracy to which he has really no claim. Mr Mackie doubts the legitimacy of emending _Garulf_ to _Garulf[e]_: but we must remember that Hickes (or his printer) was systematically careless as to the final _e_: cf. _Calendar_, 15, 23, 41, 141, 144, 171, 210; _Gnomic Verses_, 45. Other forms in the _Finnsburg Fragment_ which can be easily paralleled by Hickes' miswritings in the _Calendar_ and _Gnomic Verses_ are Confusion of _u_ and _a_ (_Finn._ 3, 27, perhaps 44) cf. _Gn._ 66. " " _c_ " _e_ (_Finn._ 12) cf. _Cal._ 136, _Gn._ 44. " " _e_ " _æ_ (_Finn._ 41) cf. _Cal._ 44, 73, _Gn._ 44. " " _e_ " _a_ (_Finn._ 22) cf. _Cal._ 74. " " _eo_ " _ea_ (_Finn._ 28) cf. _Cal._ 121. " " letters involving long down stroke, e.g., _f_, _s_, _r_, _þ_, _w_, _p_ (_Finn._ 2, 36) cf. _Cal._ 97, 142, 180, 181, _Gn._ 9. Addition of _n_ (_Finn._ 22) cf. _Cal._ 161. [424] _Heimskringla_, chap. 220. [425] It has been suggested that the phrase "Hengest himself" indicates that Hengest is the "war-young king." But surely the expression merely marks Hengest out as a person of special interest. If we _must_ assume that he is one of the people who have been speaking, then it would be just as natural to identify him with the watcher who has warned the king, as with the king himself. The difficulties which prevent us from identifying Hengest with the king are explained below. [426] Garulf must be an assailant, since he falls at the beginning of the struggle, whilst we are told that for five days none of the defenders fell. [427] Very possibly Guthere is uncle of Garulf. For Garulf is said to be son of Guthlaf (l. 35) and a _Guth_ere would be likely to be a brother of a _Guth_laf. Further, as Klaeber points out (_Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 307) it is the part of the uncle to protect and advise the nephew. [428] Koegel, _Geschichte d. deut. Litt._ I, i, 165. [429] Klaeber (_Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 308) reminds us that, as there are two warriors named Godric in the _Battle of Maldon_ (l. 325), so there may be two warriors named Guthlaf here. But to this it might possibly be replied that "Godric" was, in England, an exceedingly common name, "Guthlaf" an exceedingly rare one. [430] Finn is called the _bana_, "slayer" of Hnæf. But this does not necessarily mean that he slew him with his own hand; it would be enough if he were in command of the assailants at the time when Hnæf was slain. Cf. _Beowulf_, l. 1968. [431] The idea that Finn's Frisians are the "North Frisians" of Schleswig has been supported by Grein (_Eberts Jahrbuch_, IV, 270) and, following him, by many scholars, including recently Sedgefield (_Beowulf_, p. 258). The difficulties of this view are very many: one only need be emphasized. We first hear of these North Frisians of Schleswig in the 12th century, and Saxo Grammaticus tells us expressly that they were a colony from the greater Frisia (Book XIV, ed. Holder, p. 465). At what date this colony was founded we do not know. The latter part of the 9th century has been suggested by Langhans: so has the end of the 11th century by Lauridsen. However this may be, all the evidence precludes our supposing this North Friesland, or, as Saxo calls it, Fresia Minor, to have existed at the date to which we must attribute the origin of the Finn story. On this point the following should be consulted: Langhans (V.), _Ueber den Ursprung der Nordfriesen_, Wien, 1879 (most valuable on account of its citation of documents: the latter part of the book, which consists of an attempt to rewrite the Finn story by dismissing as corrupt or spurious many of the data, must not blind us to the value of the earlier portions): Lauridsen, _Om Nordfrisernes Indvandring i Sønderjylland, Historisk Tidsskrift_, 6 R, 4 B. II, 318-67, Kjøbenhavn, 1893: Siebs, _Zur Geschichte der Englisch-Friesischen Sprache_, 1889, 23-6: Chadwick, _Origin_, 94: Much in _Hoops Reallexikon_, s.v. _Friesen_; and Bremer in _Pauls Grdr._ (2), III, 848, where references will be found to earlier essays on the subject. [432] The theory that Hnæf is a captain of Healfdene is based upon a rendering of l. 1064 which is in all probability wrong. [433] The view that the _Eotenas_ are the men of Hnæf and Hengest has been held by Thorpe (_Beowulf_, pp. 76-7), Ettmüller (_Beowulf_, 1840, p. 108), Bouterwek (_Germania_, I, 389), Holtzmann (_Germania_, VIII, 492), Möller (_Volksepos_, 94-5), Chadwick (_Origin_, 53), Clarke (_Sidelights_, 184). [434] "And therefore, said the King ... much more I am sorrier for my good knights' loss, than for the loss of my fair queen. For queens I might have enow: but such a fellowship of good knights shall never be together in no company." Malory, _Morte Darthur_, Bk. XX, chap. ix. [435] The argument of Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 37) that the Eotens here (l. 1088) must be the Frisians, is inconclusive: but so is Miss Clarke's argument that they must be Danes (_Sidelights_, 181), as is shown by Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 395). [436] I say "son" in what follows, without prejudice to the possibility of more than one son having fallen. It in no wise affects the argument. [437] For example, it might well be said of Achilles, whilst thirsting for vengeance upon the Trojans for the death of Patroclus, that "he could not get the children of the Trojans out of his mind." But surely it would be unintelligible to say that "he could not get the child of the Achaeans out of his mind," meaning Patroclus, for "child of the Achaeans" is not sufficiently distinctive to denote Patroclus. Cf. Boer in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, 134. [438] In the _Skjoldunga Saga_ [extant in a Latin abstract by Arngrim Jonsson, ed. Olrik, 1894], cap. IV, mention is made of a king of Denmark named Leifus who had six sons, three of whom are named Hunleifus, Oddleifus and Gunnleifus--corresponding exactly to O.E. _H[=u]nl[=a]f_, _Ordl[=a]f_ and _G[=u]ðl[=a]f_. That Hunlaf was well known in English story is proved by a remarkable passage unearthed by Dr Imelmann from _MS Cotton Vesp. D. IV_ (fol. 139 _b_) where Hunlaf is mentioned together with a number of other heroes of Old English story--Wugda, Hama, Hrothulf, Hengest, Horsa (_Hoc testantur gesta rudolphi et hunlapi, Unwini et Widie, horsi et hengisti, Waltef et hame_). See Chadwick, _Origin_, 52: R. Huchon, _Revue Germanique_, III, 626: Imelmann, in _D.L.Z._ XXX, 999: April, 1909. This disposes of the translation "Hun thrust or placed in his bosom Lafing, best of swords," which was adopted by Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 33), Holder, ten Brink and Gering. Hun is mentioned in _Widsith_ (l. 33) and in the Icelandic _Thulor_. That Guthlaf, Ordlaf and Hunlaf must be connected together had been noted by Boer (_Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, 139) before this discovery of Chadwick's confirmed him. [439] The fragment which tells of the fighting in the hall is so imperfect that there is nothing impossible in the assumption, though it is too hazardous to make it. [440] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 1900 _etc._ [441] _Das Altenglische Volksepos_, 46-99. [442] C. P. Hansen, _Uald' Söld'ring tialen_, Møgeltønder, 1858. See Möller, _Volksepos_, 75 _etc._ [443] See Müllenhoff in _A.f.d.A._ VI, 86. [444] So Möller, _Volksepos_, 152. [445] See _Beowulf_, ed. Wyatt, 1894, p. 145. [446] _Volksepos_, 71 _etc._ [447] e.g., Sedgefield, _Beowulf_, 2nd ed., p. 258. So 1st ed., p. 13 (_Hoc_ being an obvious misprint). [448] On the poet's use of plural for singular here, see Osthoff, _I.F._ XX, 202-7. [449] I have thought it necessary to give fully the reasons why Möller's view cannot be accepted, because in whole or in part it is still widely followed in England. Chadwick (_Origin_, 53) still interprets "Eotens" as "Danes"; and Sedgefield (_Beowulf_ (2), p. 258) gives Möller's view the place of honour. [450] The treachery of Finn is emphasized, for example, by Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 36), Koegel (_Geschichte d. deut. Litt._ 164), ten Brink (_Pauls Grdr._ (1), II, 545), Trautmann (_Finn und Hildebrand,_ 59), Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 397, 430), Ayres (_J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 290). [451] syþðan morgen c[=o]m ð[=a] h[=e]o under swegle ges[=e]on meahte, _etc._ [452] l. 36. The swords flash _swylce eal Finnsburuh f[=y]renu w[=æ]re_, "as if all Finnsburg were afire." I think we may safely argue from this that the swords are flashing near Finnsburg. It would be just conceivable that the poet's mind travels back from the scene of the battle to Finn's distant home: "the swords made as great a flash as would have been made had Finn's distant capital been aflame": but this is a weak and forced interpretation, which we have no right to assume, though it may be conceivable. [453] _Beowulf_, ll. 1125-7. I doubt whether it is possible to explain the difficulty away by supposing that "the warriors departing to see Friesland, their homes and their head-town" simply means that Finn's men, "summoned by Finn in preparation for the encounter with the Danes, return to their respective homes in the country," and that "_h[=e]aburh_ is a high sounding epic term that should not be pressed." This is the explanation offered by Klaeber (_J.E.G.Ph._ VI, 193) and endorsed by Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 401). But it seems to me taking a liberty with the text to interpret _h[=e]aburh_ (singular) as the "respective homes in the country" to which Finn's warriors resort on demobilisation. And the statement of ll. 1125-7, that the warriors departed from the place of combat to see Friesland, seems to necessitate that such place of combat was not in Friesland. Klaeber objects to this (surely obvious) inference: "If we are to infer [from ll. 1125-7] that Finnsburg lies outside Friesland proper, we might as well conclude that _Dyflen_ (Dublin) is not situated in Ireland according to the _Battle of Brunanburh (gewitan him þ[=a] Norðmenn ... Dyflen s[=e]can and eft [=I]raland_)." But how could anyone infer this from the _Brunanburh_ lines? What we _are_ justified in inferring, is, surely, that the _site of the battle of Brunanburh_ (from which the Northmen departed to visit Ireland and Dublin) was not identical with Dublin, and did not lie in Ireland. And by exact parity of reason, we are justified in arguing that Finnsburg, the site of the first battle in which Hnæf fell (from which site the warriors depart to visit Friesland and the _h[=e]aburh_) was not identical with the _h[=e]aburh_, and did not lie in Friesland. Accordingly the usual view, that Finnsburg is situated outside Friesland, seems incontestable. See Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 29-30), Trautmann (_Finn und Hildebrand_, 60) and Boer (_Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, 137). Cf. Ayres (_J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 294). [454] See below, p. 289. [455] So Brandl, 984, and Heinzel. [456] Or just as the attack on the Danes began at night, we might suppose (as does Trautmann) that it equally culminated in a night assault five days later. There would be obvious advantage in night fighting when the object was to storm a hall: Flugumýrr was burnt by night, and so was the hall of Njal. So, too, was the hall of Rolf Kraki. It would be, then, on the morning after this second night assault, that Hildeburh found her kinsfolk dead. [457] _Beowulf_, l. 1831: cf. l. 409. [458] Leo (_Beowulf_, 1839, 67), Müllenhoff (_Nordalbingische Studien_, I, 157), Rieger (_Lesebuch; Z.f.d.Ph._ III, 398-401), Dederich (_Studien_, 1877, 96-7), Heyne (in his fourth edition) and in recent times Holthausen have interpreted _eoten_ as a common noun "giant," "monster," and consequently "foe" in general. But they have failed to produce any adequate justification for interpreting _eoten_ as "foe," and Holthausen, the modern advocate of this interpretation, has now abandoned it. Grundtvig (_Beowulfes Beorh_, 1861, pp. 133 _etc._) and Möller (_Volksepos_, 97 _etc._) also interpret "giant," Möller giving an impossible mythological explanation, which was, at the time, widely followed. [459] Like _oxnum_, _nefenum_ (cf. Sievers, § 277, Anm. 1). [460] I do not attach much importance to the argument which might be drawn from the statement of Binz (_P.B.B._ XX, 185) that the evidence of proper names shows that in the Hampshire district (which was colonized by Jutes) the legend of _Finnsburg_ was particularly remembered. For on the other hand, as Binz points out, similar evidence is markedly lacking for Kent. And why, indeed, should the Jutes have specially commemorated a legend in which their part appears not to have been a very creditable one? [461] p. 97, note 225. [462] See above, p. 200. Zimmer, _Nennius Vindicatus_, 84, assumes that the Kentish pedigree borrowed these names from the Bernician: but there is no evidence for this. [463] Among those who have so held are Kemble, Thorpe (_Beowulf_, pp. 76-7), Ettmüller (_Beowulf_, 1840, p. 23), Bouterwek (_Germania_, I, 389), Grein (_Eberts Jahrbuch_, IV, 270), Köhler (_Germania_, XIII, 155), Heyne (in first three editions), Holder (_Beowulf_, p. 128), ten Brink (_Pauls Grdr_. (1), II, 548), Heinzel (_A.f.d.A._ X. 228), Stevenson (_Asser_, 1904, p. 169), Schücking (_Beowulf_, 1913, p. 321), Klaeber (_J.E.G.Ph._ XIV, 545), Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 393), Moorman (_Essays and Studies_, V, 99), Björkman (_Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 21). So too, with some hesitation, Chadwick (_Orgin_, 52-3): with much more hesitation, Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 37). Whilst this is passing through the press Holthausen has withdrawn his former interpretation _eotena_, "enemies," in favour of _Eotena_=_[=E]otna_, "Jutes" (_Engl. Stud._ LI, 180). [464] _P.B.B._ XII, 37. [465] The cognate of O.E. _f[=æ]r_ (Mod. Eng. "fear") in other Germanic languages, such as Old Saxon and Old High German, has the meaning of "ambush." In the nine places where it occurs in O.E. verse it has always the meaning of a peril which comes upon one suddenly, and is applied, e.g. to the Day of Judgement (twice) or some unexpected flood (three times). In compounds _f[=æ]r_ conveys an idea of suddenness: "_f[=æ]r-d[=e]að_, repentina mors." [466] _Volksepos_, 69. [467] It has been surmounted in two ways. (1) By altering _eaferum_ to _eaferan_ (a very slight change) and then making _f[=æ]r_ refer to the _final_ attack upon Finn, in which he certainly _was_ on the defensive (Lawrence, 397 _etc._, Ayres, 284, Trautmann, _BB._ II, Klaeber, _Anglia_, XXVIII, 443, Holthausen). (2) By making _h[=i][=e]_ refer to _hæleð Healf-Dena_ which follows (Green in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXXI, 759-97); but this is forced. See also below, p. 284. [468] Cf. Tacitus, _Germania_, XIV. [469] For examples of this see pp. 278-82 below. [470] _Fragment_, 40-1. [471] See above, p. 30. [472] Book II (ed. Holder, p. 67). [473] _P.B.B._ XII, 34. [474] For a discussion of the interpretation of the difficult _forþringan_, see Carlton Brown in _M.L.N._ XXXIV, 181-3. [475] _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 291-2. [476] _Ib._ 293-4. [477] I wish I could feel convinced, with Ayres, that the person whom Guthlaf and Oslaf blame for their woes is Hengest rather than Finn. Such an interpretation renders the story so much more coherent; but if the poet really meant this, he assuredly did not make his meaning quite clear. [478] See below, pp. 276, 288-9. [479] Ne h[=u]ru Hildeburh herian þorfte Eotena tr[=e]owe. [480] Ayres, in _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 286. So Lawrence in a private communication. [481] ll. 2910, _etc._ [482] We can construct the situation from such historical information as we can get from Gregory of Tours and other sources. The author of _Beowulf_ may not have been clear as to the exact relation of the different tribes. We cannot tell, from the vague way he speaks, how much he knew. [483] I have argued this at some length below, but I do not think anyone would deny it. Bugge recognized it to be true (_P.B.B._ XII, 29-30) as does Lawrence (392). See below, pp. 288-9. [484] We can never argue that words are synonymous because they are parallel. Compare Psalm cxiv; in the first verse the parallel words are synonymous, but in the second and third not: "When Israel came out of Egypt and the house of Jacob from among the strange people" [Israel = house of Jacob: Egypt = strange people]. "Judah was His sanctuary and Israel His dominion." [Judah is only one of the tribes of Israel.] "The sea saw that and fled: Jordan was driven back." [The Red Sea and Jordan are distinct, though parallel, examples.] [485] _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 288. [486] _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 430. [487] Plummer, _Two Saxon Chronicles Parallel_, II, 47. [488] _Njáls Saga_, cap. 45. [489] _Pauls Grdr._ (2), II, 524. [490] Helmhold. [491] I know of only one parallel for such assumed adoption of a name: that also concerns the Jutes. The Angles, says Bede, dwelt between the Saxons and Jutes: the Jutes must, then, according to Bede, have dwelt north of the Angles, since the Saxons dwelt south. But the people north of the Angles are now, and have been from early times, Scandinavian in speech, whilst the Jutes who settled Kent obviously were not. The best way of harmonizing known linguistic facts with Bede's statement is, then, to assume that Scandinavians settled in the old continental home of these Jutes and took over their name, whilst introducing the Scandinavian speech. Now many scholars have regarded this as so forced and unlikely an explanation that they reject it, and refuse to believe that the Jutes who settled Kent can have dwelt north of the Angles, in spite of Bede's statement. If we are asked to reject the "Scandinavian-Jute" theory, as too unlikely on _a priori_ grounds, although it is demanded by the express evidence of Bede, it is surely absurd to put forward a precisely similar theory in favour of "Frisian-Jutes" upon no evidence at all. [492] Koegel (164), Lawrence (382). [493] Björkman (_Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 23) interprets the _Eotenas_ as Jutist subjects of Finn. This suggestion was made quite independently of anything I had written, and confirms me in my belief that it is a reasonable interpretation. [494] Ayres in _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 288. [495] e.g. _Njáls Saga_, cap. 144: _Laxdæla Saga_, cap. 51. [496] Of course a primitive stage can be conceived at which homicide is regarded as worse than murder. Your brother shoots _A_ intentionally: he must therefore have had good reasons, and you fraternally support him. But you may feel legitimate annoyance if he aims at a stag, and shooting _A_ by mere misadventure, involves you in a blood-feud. [497] _Heimskringla, Ól. Tryggv._ K. 111; _Saga Olafs Tryggvasonar_, K. 70 (_Fornmanna S[o,]gur_, 1835, X.) [498] Saxo Grammaticus (ed. Holder, p. 67). [499] _Heimskringla, Ól. Tryggv._ K. 41. [500] _lýsti vígi á hendr sér._ _Laxdæla Saga_, cap. 49. [501] Cap. 55. [502] Cap. 85. [503] _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, anno 755. [504] _Njáls Saga_, cap. 158. [505] _Fragment_, ll. 40-1. [506] p. 213 (ed. Holder). [507] Finn may perhaps be holding a meeting of chieftains. For similar meetings of chieftains, compare _S[o,]rla þáttr_, cap. 4; _Laxdæla Saga_, cap. 12; _Skáldskaparmál_, cap. 47 (50). [508] There is assuredly a considerable likeness between the Finn story and the Nibelungen story: this has been noted often enough. It is more open to dispute whether the likeness is so great as to justify us in believing that the Nibelungen story is _copied_ from the Finn story, and may therefore safely be used as an indication how gaps in our existing versions of that story may be filled. See Boer in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, 125 _etc._ [509] The fact that both sides have suffered about equally facilitates a settlement in the Teutonic feud, just as it does among the Afridis or the Albanians at the present day. [510] The situation would then be parallel to that in _Laxdæla Saga_, cap. 60-5, where the boy Thorleik, aged fifteen, is nominally in command of the expedition which avenges his father Bolli, but is only able to accomplish his revenge by enlisting the great warrior Thorgils, who is the real leader of the raid. [511] Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 36) interpreted this _swylce_ as meaning that sword-bale came upon Finn in like manner as it had previously come upon Hnæf. But this is to make _swylce_ in l. 1146 refer back to the death of Hnæf mentioned (72 lines previously) in l. 1074. Möller (_Volksepos_, 67) tries to explain _swylce_ by supposing the passage it introduces to be a fragment detached from its context. [512] f, r, s, þ, w, p ([Old English Letters]), all letters involving a long down stroke, are constantly confused. For examples, see above, p. 245, and cf. e.g. _Beowulf_, l. 2882 (_fergendra_ for _wergendra_); _Crist_, 12 (_cræstga_ for _cræftga_); _Phoenix_, 15 (_fnæft_ for _fnæst_); Riddles III (IV), 18 (_þyran_ for _þywan_); XL (XLI), 63 (_þyrre_ for _þyrse_); XLII (XLIII), 4 (_speop_ for _sp[=e]ow_), 11 (_wæs_ for _þæs_); LVII (LVIII), 3 (_rope_ for _r[=o]fe_ or _r[=o]we_), _etc._ [513] p. 392. [514] p. 431. [515] _Nennius Interpretatus_, ed. Mommsen (_Chronica Minora_, III, 179, in _Mon. Germ. Hist._) [516] "De norske oldsager synes at vidne om, at temmelig livlige handelsforbindelser i den ældre jernalder har fundet sted mellem Norge og de sydlige Nordsøkyster." Undset, _Fra Norges ældre Jernalder_ in the _Aarbøger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie_, 1880, 89-184, esp. p. 173. See also Chadwick, _Origin_, 93. I am indebted to Chadwick's note for this reference to Undset. [517] _Ravennatis anonymi cosmographia_, ed. Pinder et Parthey, Berolini, 1860, pp. 27, 28 (§ I, 11). [518] The modern Wijk bij Duurstede, not far from Utrecht, on the Lower Rhine. [519] An account of the numerous coins found among the ruins of the old town will be found in the _Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte_, IV (1864), pp. 301-303. They testify to its commercial importance. [520] So Adam of Bremen, following Alcuin. Concerning "Heiligland" Adam says: "Hanc in vita Sancti Willebrordi Fosetisland appellari discimus, quae sita est in confinio Danorum et Fresonum." Adam of Bremen in Pertz, _Scriptores_, VII, 1846, p. 369. [521] Alcuin's _Life of Willibrord_ in Migne (1851)--Alcuini _Opera_, vol. II, 699-702. [522] See above, pp. 199-200. [523] It had been disputed by Skeat, Earle, Boer, and others, but never with such strong reasons. [524] I use below the form "Beow," which I believe to be the correct one. "Beaw" is the form in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_. But as the name of Sceldwa, Beaw's father, is there given in a form which is not West-Saxon (_sceld_, not _scield_ or _scyld_), it may well be that "Beaw" is also the Anglian dialect form, if it be not indeed a mere error: and this is confirmed by _Beo_ (Ethelwerd), _Beowius_ (William of Malmesbury), _Boerinus_ (for _Beowinus_: Chronicle Roll), perhaps too by _Beowa_ (Charter of 931) and _Beowi_, (_MS Cott. Tib. B. IV_). For the significance of this last, see pp. 303-4, below, and Björkman in _Engl. Stud._ LII, 171, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 23. [525] Vol. LXXXI, p. 517. [526] It has indeed been so argued by Brandl: "Beowulf ... ist nur der Erlöser seines Volkes ... und dankt es schliesslich dem Himmel, in einer an den Heiland gemahnenden Weise, dass er die Seinen um den Preis des eigenen Lebens mit Schätzen beglücken konnte." _Pauls Grdr._ (2), II, l. 1002. [527] _Encyclopædia Britannica_, 11th edit., III, 760-1. [528] l. 2039, where a capital O occurs, but without a section number. [529] _Moore, Namur, Cotton._ [530] _Cotton Tiberius B. XI._ [531] _Hatton_, 20. [532] See above, pp. 92-7. [533] See above, pp. 43-4. [534] Ethelwerd. [535] _Chronicle._ [536] Boer, _Beowulf_, 135, 143: _Arkiv f. nord. Filologi_, XIX, 29. [537] _Heroic Age_, 126. [538] _Postscript to Preface_, p. ix. [539] _Postscript_, pp. xi, xiv. [540] See _Lokasenna_ in _Die Lieder der Edda_, herausg. von Sijmons u. Gering, I, 134. Byggvir kvaþ: "[Veiztu] ef [ek] øþle ættak sem Ingunar-Freyr, ok svá sællekt setr, merge smæra mølþak [þá] meinkr[ó,]ko ok lemþa alla í liþo." [541] Lines corresponding to these of Burns are found both in the Scotch ballad recorded by Jamieson, and in the English ballad (Pepys Collection). See Jamieson, _Popular Ballads and Songs_, 1806, II, 241, 256. [542] Loki kvaþ: "Hvat's þat et lítla, es [ek] þat l[o,]ggra sék, ok snapvíst snaper? at eyrom Freys mont[u] æ vesa ok und kvernom klaka." [543] Jamieson, II, 239. So Burns: "John Barleycorn was a hero bold," and the ballad John Barleycorn is the wightest man That ever throve in land. [544] Byggvir kvaþ: "Byggver ek heite, en mik bráþan kveþa goþ [o,]ll ok gumar; því emk hér hróþogr, at drekka Hrópts meger aller [o,]l saman." [545] Loki kvaþ: "þege þú, Byggver! þú kunner aldrege deila meþ m[o,]nnom mat; [ok] þik í flets strae finna né m[ó,]tto, þás v[ó,]go verar." [546] This follows from the allusive way in which he and his wife are introduced--there must be a background to allusions. If the poet were inventing this figure, and had no background of knowledge in his audience to appeal to, he must have been more explicit. Cf. Olsen in Christiania _Videnskapsselskapets Skrifter_, 1914, II, 2, 107. [547] p. 87. [548] See Olrik, "Nordisk og Lappisk Gudsdyrkelse," _Danske Studier_, 1905, pp. 39-57; "Tordenguden og hans dreng," 1905, pp. 129-46; "Tordenguden og hans dreng i Lappernes myteverden," 1906, pp. 65-9; Krohn, "Lappische beiträge zur germ. mythologie," _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, VI, 1906, pp. 155-80. [549] See Axel Olrik in _Festgabe f. Vilh. Thomsen_, 1912 (= _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, XII, 1, p. 40). Olrik refers therein to his earlier paper on the subject in _Danske Studier_, 1911, p. 38, and to a forthcoming article in the _Germanisch-Romanische Monatsschrift_, which has, I think, never appeared. See also K. Krohn in _Göttingische gelehrte Anzeigen_, 1912, p. 211. Reviewing Meyer's _Altgermanische Religionsgeschichte_, Krohn, after referring to the Teutonic gods of agriculture, continues "Ausser diesen agrikulturellen Gottheiten sind aus der finnischen Mythologie mit Hülfe der Linguistik mehrere germanische Naturgötter welche verschiedene Nutzpflanzen vertreten, entdeckt worden: der Roggengott Runkoteivas oder Rukotivo, der Gerstengott Pekko (nach Magnus Olsen aus urnord. Beggw-, vgl. Byggwir) und ein Gott des Futtergrases Sämpsä (vgl. Semse od. Simse, 'die Binse')." See also Krohn, "Germanische Elemente in der finnischen Volksdichtung," _Z.f.d.A._ LI, 1909, pp. 13-22; and Karsten, "Einige Zeugnisse zur altnordischen Götterverehrung in Finland," _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, XII, 307-16. [550] As proposed by K. Krohn in a publication of the Finnish Academy at Helsingfors which I have not been able to consult, but as to which see Setälä in _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, XIII, 311, 424. Setälä accepts the derivation from _beggwu-_, rejecting an alternative derivation of Pekko from a Finnish root. [551] This is proposed by J. J. Mikkola in a note appended to the article by K. Krohn, "Sampsa Pellervoinen < Njordr, Freyr?" in _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, IV, 231-48. See also Olrik, "Forårsmyten hos Finnerne," in _Danske Studier_, 1907, pp. 62-4. [552] See note by K. Krohn, _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, VI, 105. [553] See above, p. 87, and M. J. Eisen, "Ueber den Pekokultus bei den Setukesen," _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, VI, 104-11. [554] See M. Olsen, _Hedenske Kultminder i Norske Stedsnavne_, Christiania _Videnskapsselskapets Skrifter_, II, 2, 1914, pp. 227-8. [555] See above, p. 84. [556] Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_, 332. [557] In view of the weight laid upon this custom by Olrik as illustrating the story of Sceaf, it is necessary to note that it seems to be confined to parts of England bordering on the "Celtic fringe." See above, pp. 81, _etc._ Olrik and Olsen quote it as Kentish (see _Heltedigtning_, II, 252) but this is certainly wrong. Frazer attributes the custom of "crying the mare" to Hertfordshire and Shropshire (_Spirits of the Corn_, I, 292 = _Golden Bough_, 3rd edit., VII, 292). In this he is following Brand's _Popular Antiquities_ (1813, I, 443; 1849, II, 24; also Carew Hazlitt, 1905, I, 157). But Brand's authority is Blount's _Glossographia_, 1674, and Blount says _Herefordshire_. [558] Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, 1849, II, 24. [559] Frazer in the _Folk-Lore Journal_, VII, 1889, pp. 50, 51; _Adonis, Attis and Osiris_, I, 237. [560] Frazer, _Adonis, Attis and Osiris_, I, 238 (_Golden Bough_, 3rd edit.). [561] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, I, 143-4. [562] Frazer in the _Folk-Lore Journal_, VII, 1889, pp. 50, 51. [563] Mannhardt, _Forschungen_, 317. [564] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn_, I, 138. [565] Mannhardt, 323; Fraser, _Adonis_, I, 238. [566] Mannhardt, 330. [567] Mannhardt, 24; Frazer, _Adonis_, I, 238. [568] Frazer, _Adonis_, I, 237. [569] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn_, I, 217. [570] See Björkman in _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 1919, p. 23. In a similar way Sceaf appears twice in William of Malmesbury, once as Sceaf and once as Strephius. [571] Vol. LII, p. 145. [572] _MS Cott. Vesp. B. XXIV_, fol. 32 (Evesham Cartulary). See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ I, 176 (No. 120); Kemble, _Cod. Dipl._ III, 376. Kemble prints _þæt æft_ for _þ[=a] æft_ (MS "[=þ] æft"). For examples of "[=þ]" for _þ[=a]_, see _Ælfrics Grammatik_, herausg. Zupitza, 1880; 38, 3; 121, 4; 291, 1. [573] There are two copies, one of the tenth and one of the eleventh century, among the Crawford Collection in the Bodleian. See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, ..7 (No. 1331); Napier and Stevenson, _The Crawford Collection_ (_Anecdota Oxoniensia_), 1895, pp. 1, 3, 50. [574] _MS Cotton Ch. VIII_, 16. See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ II, 363 (No. 677); Kemble, _Cod. Dipl._ II, 172. [575] A nearly contemporary copy: _Westminster Abbey Charters_, III. See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 189 (No. 994), and W. B. Sanders, _Ord. Surv. Facs._ II, plate III. [576] A fourteenth to fifteenth century copy preserved at Wells Cathedral (_Registr. Album_, f. 289 _b_). See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 223 (No. 1023). [577] _MS Cotton Aug. II_, 6. See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 588 (No. 1282). [578] _Brit. Mus. Stowe Chart._ No. 32. See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 605 (No. 1290). [579] Cf. the _Victoria History_, Middlesex, II, p. 1. [580] "_Grendeles gate_ har väl snarast varit någon naturbildning t. ex. ett trångt bergpass eller kanske en grotta": C. W. von Sydow, in an excellent article on _Grendel i anglosaxiska ortnamn_, in _Nordiska Ortnamn: Hyllningsskrift tillägnad A. Noreen_, Upsala, 1914, pp. 160-4. [581] Près du _Neckersgat molen_, il y avait jadis, antérieurement aux guerres de religion, des maisons entourées d'eau et appelées _de hoffstede te Neckersgate_: Wauters (A.), _Histoire des Environs de Bruxelles_, 1852, III, 646. [582] Peg Powler lived in the Tees, and devoured children who played on the banks, especially on Sundays: Peg o' Nell, in the Ribble, demanded a life every seven years. See Henderson (W.), _Notes on the Folk-Lore of the Northern Counties of England_, 1879 (_Folk-Lore Society_), p. 265. [583] See Kisch (G.), _Vergleichendes Wörterbuch der siebenbürgischen und moselfränkischluxemburgischen Mundart, nebst siebenbürgischniederrheinischem Ortsund Familiennamen-verzeichnis_ (vol. XXXIII, 1 of the _Archiv des Vereins f. siebenbürg_. _Landeskunde_, 1905). [584] See _Grindel_ in Förstemann (E.), _Altdeutsches Namenbuch_, Dritte Aufl., herausg. Jellinghaus, II, 1913, and in Fischer (H.), _Schwäbisches Wörterbuch_, III, 1911 (nevertheless Rooth legitimately calls attention to the names recorded by Fischer in which _Grindel_ is connected with _bach_, _teich_ and _moos_). [585] There is an account of this by G. Kisch in the _Festgabe zur Feier der Einweihung des neuen evang. Gymnasial Bürger- und Elementar-schulgebäudes in Besztercze (Bistritz) am 7 Oct. 1911_; a document which I have not been able to procure. [586] Such a connection is attempted by W. Benary in Herrig's _Archiv_, CXXX, 154. Alternative suggestions, which would exclude any connection with the Grendel of _Beowulf_, are made by Klaeber, in _Archiv_, CXXXI, 427. [587] A very useful summary of the different etymologies proposed is made by Rooth in _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVIII (1917), 335-8. [588] So Skeat, "On the significance of the monster Grendel," _Journal of Philology_, Cambridge, XV (1886), p. 123; Laistner, _Rätsel der Sphinx_, 1889, p. 23; Holthausen, in his edition. [589] So Weinhold in the _SB. der k. Akad. Wien, Phil.-Hist. Classe_, XXVI, 255. [590] Cf. Gollancz, _Patience_, 1913, Glossary. For _grindill_ as one of the synonyms for "storm," see _Edda Snorra Sturlusonar_, Hafniae, 1852, II, 486, 569. [591] This will be found in several of the vocabularies of Low German dialects published by the _Verein für Niederdeutsche Sprachforschung_. [592] See _grand_ in Falk and Torp, _Etymologisk Ordbog_, Kristiania, 1903-6. [593] See Feist, _Etymol. Wörterbuch der Gotischen Sprache_, Halle, 1909; _grunduwaddjus._ [594] With Grendel, thus explained, Rooth would connect the "Earth man" of the fairy-tale "Dat Erdmänneken" (see below, p. 370) and the name _Sandhaug_, _Sandey_, which clings to the Scandinavian _Grettir-_ and _Orm-_stories. We have seen that a _sandhaug_ figures also in one of the Scandinavian cognates of the folk-tale (see above, p. 67). These resemblances may be noted, though it would be perilous to draw deductions from them. [595] _Schweizerisches Idiotikon_, II, 1885, p. 776. [596] See above, pp. 43, _etc._; below, p. 311. [597] Duignan, _Warwickshire Place Names_, p. 22. Duignan suggests the same etymology for _Beoshelle_, _beos_ being "the Norman scribe's idea of the gen. plu." This, however, is very doubtful. [598] _Engl. Stud._ LII, 177. [599] _Heltedigtning_, II, 255. See above, pp. 81-7. [600] Binz in _P.B.B._ XX, 148; Chadwick, _Origin_, 282. So Clarke, _Sidelights_, 128. Cf. Heusler in _A.f.d. A._ XXX, 31. [601] _A.-S. Chronicle._ [602] _Historia Brittonum._ [603] "hrædlan" (gen.), _Beowulf_, 454. [604] "hrædles," _Beowulf_, 1485. [605] _A.-S. Chronicle._ [606] _Beowulf_, Ethelwerd. [607] Geata, Geta, _Historia Brittonum_; Asser; _MS Cott. Tib. A. VI; Textus Roffensis_. [608] _A.-S. Chronicle._ [609] Charter of 931. [610] _A.-S. Chronicle_, Ethelwerd. [611] _Origin_, 273. [612] _Origin_, 282. [613] Some O.H.G. parallels will be found in _Z.f.d.A._ XII, 260. The weak form _G[=e]ata_, Mr Stevenson argues, is due to Asser's attempt to reconcile the form _G[=e]at_ with the Latin _Geta_ with which he identifies it (Asser, pp. 160-161). See also Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 124 footnote. Yet we get _G[=e]ata_ in one text of the _Chronicle_, and in other documents. [614] This is the view taken by Plummer, who does not seem to regard any solution as possible other than that the names are missing from the _Parker MS_ by a transcriber's slip (see _Two Saxon Chronicles Parallel_, II, p. xciv). [615] Plummer, II, pp. xxix, xxxi, lxxxix. [616] Plummer, II, p. lxxi. Note _Beowi_ for _Bedwig_. [617] This table shows the relationship of the genealogies only, not of the whole MSS, of which the genealogies form but a small part. MS-relationships are always liable to fluctuation, as we pass from one part of a MS to another, and for obvious reasons this is peculiarly the case with the _Chronicle_ MSS. [618] _Origin_, 295. [619] _Origin_, 292. [620] _Origin_, 296. [621] The absence of the West-Saxon pedigree may be due to the document from which the _Historia Brittonum_ and the _Vespasian MS_ derive these pedigrees having been drawn up in the North: Wessex may have been outside the purview of its compiler; though against this is the fact that it contains the Kentish pedigree. But another quite possible explanation is, that Cerdic, with his odd name, was not of the right royal race, but an adventurer, and that it was only later that a pedigree was made up for his descendants, on the analogy of those possessed by the more blue-blooded monarchs of Mercia and Northumbria. [622] See _M.L.N._ 1897, XII, 110-11. [623] It is prefixed to the _Parker MS_ of the _Chronicle_, and is found also in the Cambridge MS of the Anglo-Saxon Bede (_Univ. Lib. Kk._ 3. 18) printed in Miller's edition; in _MS Cott. Tib. A. III_, 178 (printed in Thorpe's _Chronicle_): and in _MS Add._ 34652, printed by Napier in _M.L.N._ 1897, XII, 106 _etc._ There are uncollated copies in _MS C.C.C.C._ 383, fol. 107, and according to Liebermann (Herrig's _Archiv_, CIV, 23) in the _Textus Roffensis_, fol. 7 b. There is also a fragment, which does not however include the portion under consideration, in _MS Add._ 23211 (_Brit. Mus._) printed in Sweet's _Oldest English Texts_, p. 179. The statement, sometimes made, that there is a copy in _MS C.C.C.C._ 41, rests on an error of Whelock, who was really referring to the _Parker MS_ of the _Chronicle_ (_C.C.C.C._ 173). [624] p. 73. [625] See above, p. 70. [626] Brandl in Herrig's _Archiv_, CXXXVII, 12-13. [627] _Origin_, p. 272. [628] So Ethelwerd (_Lib._ I) sees in Woden a _rex multitudinis Barbarorum_, in error deified. It is the usual point of view, and persists down to Carlyle (_Heroes_). [629] _Origin_, p. 293. [630] _Beowulf_, p. 5. For a further examination of this "Beowa-myth" see Appendix A, above. [631] Cf. Tupper in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXVI, 275. [632] _P.B.B._ XLII, 347-410. A theory as to the date of _Beowulf_, in some respects similar, was put forward by Mone in 1836: _Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der teutschen Heldensage_, p. 132. [633] See above, p. 103; and Brandl in _Pauls Grdr._ (2) II, 1000, where the argument is excellently stated. [634] See Olrik, _Sakses Oldhistorie_, 1894, 190-91. [635] See Björkman, _Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 77. [636] Sarrazin's attempt to prove such corruption is an entire failure. Cf. Brandl in Herrig's _Archiv_, CXXVI, 234; Björkman, _Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 58 (_Heaðo-Beardan_). [637] A few Geatic adventurers may have taken part in the Anglo-Saxon invasion, as has been argued by Moorman (_Essays and Studies_, V). This is likely enough on _a priori_ grounds, though many of the etymologies of place-names quoted by Moorman in support of his thesis are open to doubt. [638] _P.B.B._ XLII, 366-7. [639] _History of England to the Norman Conquest_, I, 245. [640] _Heroic Age_, 52-6. I have tried to show (Appendix F) that these accounts of cremation are not so archaeologically correct as has sometimes been claimed. [641] Oman, _England before the Norman Conquest_, 319. [642] Bede, _Hist. Eccles._ IV, 26. [643] "Nunc qui Roma veniunt idem allegant, ut qui Haugustaldensem fabricam vident ambitionem Romanam se imaginari jurent." William of Malmesbury, _Gesta Pontificum_, Rolls Series, p. 255. [644] Baldwin Brown, _The Arts in Early England_, II, 1903, p. 325. [645] p. 407. [646] _Beowulf_, ll. 201, 601-3. [647] Cf. _Beowulf_, l. 1018. [648] Bede, _Eccles. Hist._ III, 21. [649] See Oman, pp. 460, 591, for the honour done to this saint by converted Danes. [650] p. 393. [651] _Æneid_, X, 467-9. [652] In the two admirable articles by Klaeber (_Archiv_, CCXVI, 40 _etc._, 399 _etc._) every possible parallel is drawn: the result, to my mind, is not complete conviction. [653] Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 74. [654] "Litteris itaque ad plenum instructus, nativae quoque linguae non negligebat carmina; adeo ut, teste libro Elfredi, de quo superius dixi, nulla umquam aetate par ei fuerit quisquam. Poesim Anglicam posse facere, cantum componere, _eadem apposite vel canere vel dicere_. Denique commemorat Elfredus carmen triviale, quod adhuc vulgo cantitatur, Aldelmum fecisse, aditiens causam qua probet rationabiliter tantum virum his quae videantur frivola institisse. Populum eo tempore semibarbarum, parum divinis sermonibus intentum, statim, cantatis missis, domos cursitare solitum. Ideo sanctum virum, super pontem qui rura et urbem continuat, abeuntibus se opposuisse obicem, quasi artem cantitandi professum. Eo plusquam semel facto, plebis favorem et concursum emeritum. Hoc commento sensim inter ludicra verbis Scripturarum insertis, cives ad sanitatem reduxisse." William of Malmesbury, _De gestis pontificum Anglorum_, ed. Hamilton, _Rolls Series_, 1870, 336. [655] "Reverentissimo patri meaeque rudis infantiae venerando praeceptori Adriano." _Epist._ (Aldhelmi _Opera_, ed. Giles, 1844, p. 330). [656] Faricius, Life, in Giles' edition of Aldhelm, 1844, p. 357. [657] Letter of Cuthbert to Cuthwine, describing Bede's last illness. "Et in nostra lingua, hoc est anglica, ut erat doctus in nostris carminibus, nonnulla dixit. Nam et tunc Anglico carmine componens, multum compunctus aiebat, _etc._" The letter is quoted by Simeon of Durham, ed. Arnold, _Rolls Series_, 1882, I, pp. 43-46, and is extant elsewhere, notably in a ninth century MS at St Gall. [658] "quid Hinieldus cum Christo." [659] "Þæt [=æ]nig pr[=e]ost ne b[=e]o ealuscop, ne on [=æ]nige w[=i]san gl[=i]wige, mid him sylfum oþþe mid [=o]þrum mannum"--Thorpe, _Ancient Laws and Institutes of England_, 1840, p. 400 (Laws of Edgar, cap. 58). [660] "avitae gentilitatis vanissima didicisse carmina." This charge is dismissed as "scabiem mendacii." _Vita Sancti Dunstani_, by "B," in _Memorials of Dunstan_, ed. Stubbs, _Rolls Series_, 1874, p. 11. Were these songs heroic or magic? [661] _The Heroic Legends of Denmark_, New York, 1919, p. 32 (footnote). [662] _Ibid._ p. 39. [663] Thus, much space has been devoted to discussing whether "Gotland," in the eleventh century Cotton MS of Alfred's Orosius, signifies Jutland. I believe that it does; but fail to see how it can be argued from this that Alfred believed the Jutes to be "Geatas." Old English had no special symbol for the semi-vowel _J_; so, to signify _J[=o]tland_, Alfred would have written "Geotland" (Sievers, _Gram._ §§ 74, 175). Had he meant "Land of the Geatas" he would have written "Geataland" or "Geatland." Surely "Gotland" is nearer to "Geotland" than to "Geatland." [664] _P.B.B._ XII, 1-10. [665] See above, p. 8. Fahlbeck has recently revised and re-stated his arguments. [666] _Danmarks Riges Historie_, I, 79 _etc._ [667] _Beowulf_, übersetzt von H. Gering, 1906, p. vii. [668] See above, also _Nordisk Aandsliv_, 10, where Olrik speaks of the Geatas as "Jyderne." His arguments as presented to the Copenhagen _Philologisk-historisk Samfund_ are summarized by Schütte, _J.E.G. Ph._ XI, 575-6. Clausen also supports the Jute-theory, _Danske Studier_, 1918, 137-49. [669] _J.E.G. Ph._ XI, 574-602. [670] _Beowulf, et Bidrag til Nordens Oldhistorie_ af Chr. Kier, København, 1915. [671] This is admitted by Bugge, _P.B.B._ XII, 6. "_Geátas_ ... ist sprachlich ein ganz anderer name als altn. _Jótar_, _Jútar_, bei Beda _Jutae_, und nach Beda im _Chron. Sax._ 449 _Jotum_, _Jutna_ ... Die _Geátas_ ... tragen einen namen der sprachlich mit altn. _Gautar_ identisch ist." [672] From a presumed Prim. Germ. _*Eutiz_, _*Eutjaniz_. The word in O.E. seems to have been declined both as an _i_-stem and an _n_-stem, the _n_-stem forms being used more particularly in the gen. plu., just as in the case of the tribal names, _Seaxe_, _Mierce_ (Sievers, § 264). The Latinized forms show the same duplication, the dat. _Euciis_ pointing to an _i_-stem, the nom. _Euthio_ to an _n_-stem, plu. _*Eutiones_. For a discussion of the relation of the O.E. name to the Danish _Jyder_, see Björkman in _Anglia, Beiblatt,_ XXVIII, 274-80: "Zu ae. _Eote_, _Yte_, dän. _Jyder_ 'Jüten'." [673] I regard it as simply an _error_ of the translator, possibly because he had before him a text in which Bede's _Iutis_ had been corrupted in this place into _Giotis_, as it is in Ethelwerd: _Cantuarii de Giotis traxerunt originem, Vuhtii quoque_. (Bk. I: other names which Ethelwerd draws from Bede in this section are equally corrupt.) Bede's text runs: (I, 15) _Aduenerant autem de tribus Germaniae populis fortioribus, id est Saxonibus, Anglis, Iutis. De Iutarum origine sunt Cantuarii et Victuarii_; in the translation: "Comon hi of þrim folcum ðam strangestan Germanie, þæt [is] of Seaxum and of Angle and of Geatum. Of Geata fruman syndon Cantware and Wihtsætan": (IV, 16) _In proximam Iutorum prouinciam translati ... in locum, qui uocatur Ad Lapidem_; "in þa neahmægðe, seo is gecegd Eota lond, in sume stowe seo is nemned Æt Stane" (Stoneham, near Southampton). _MS C.C.C.C._ 41 reads "Ytena land": see below. [674] _Two Saxon Chronicles_, ed. Plummer, 1899. _Introduction_, pp. lxx, lxxi. [675] _The O.E. version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History_, ed. Miller, II, xv, xvi, 1898. [676] Florentii Wigorn. _Chron._, ed. Thorpe, II, 45; I, 276. [677] It cannot be said that this is due to textual corruption in our late copy, for the alliteration constantly demands a G-form, not a vowel-form. [678] See pp. 8, 9 above, §§ 2-7. [679] Just as, for example, in _Heimskringla: Haraldz saga ins hárfagra_, 13-17, the Götar are constantly mentioned, because the kingdom of Sweden is being attacked from their side. [680] Procopius tells us that there were in Thule (i.e. the Scandinavian peninsula) thirteen nations, each under its own king: [Greek: basileis te eisi kata ethnos hekaston ... hôn ethnos hen poluanthrôpon hoi Gautoi eisi] (_Bell. Gott._ ii, 15). [681] On this alliteration-test, which is very important, see above, pp. 10-11. [682] _Geta_ was the recognized Latin synonym for _Gothus_, and is used in this sense in the sixth century, e.g. by Venantius Fortunatus and Jordanes. And the Götar are constantly called _Gothi_, e.g. in the formula _rex Sueorum et Gothorum_ (for the date of this formula see Söderqvist in the _Historisk Tidskrift_, 1915: _Ägde Uppsvearne rätt att taga och vräka konung_); or Saxo, Bk. XIII (ed. Holder, p. 420, describing how the _Gothi_ invited a candidate to be king, and slew the rival claimant, who was supported by the legally more constitutional suffrages of the Swedes); or Adam of Bremen (as quoted below). [683] _Folknamnet Geatas_, p. 5 _etc._ [684] Speaking of the Götaelv, Adam says "Ille oritur in praedictis alpibus, perque _medios Gothorum populos_ currit in Oceanum, unde et Gothelba dicitur." Adami Canonici Bremensis, _Gesta Hamm. eccl. pontificum_, Lib. IV, in Migne, CXLVI, 637. Modern scholars are of the opinion that the borrowing has been rather the other way. According to Noreen the river Götaelv (Gautelfr) gets its name as the outflow from Lake Væner. (Cf. O.E. _g[=e]otan_, _g[=e]at_, "pour.") Götland (Gautland) is the country around the river, and the Götar (Gautar) get their name from the country. See Noreen, _Våra Ortnamn och deras Ursprungliga Betydelse_, in _Spridda Studier_, II, 91, 139. [685] The Scholiast, in his commentary on Adam, records the later state of things, when the Götar were confined to the south of the river: "Gothelba fluvius a Nordmannis Gothiam separat." [686] _Heimskringla_, cap. 17. [687] "Hann [Haraldr] er úti á herskipum allan vetrinn ok herjar á Ránríki" (cap. 15). "Haraldr konungr fór víða um Gautland herskildi, ok átti þar margar orrostur tveim megin elfarinnar.... Síðan lagði Haraldr konungr land alt undir sik fyrir norðan elfina ok fyrir vestan Væni" (cap. 17). _Heimskringla: Haraldz saga ins hárfagra_, udgiv. F. Jónsson, København, 1893-1900. [688] Baltzer (L.), _Glyphes des rochers du Bohuslän, avec une préface de V. Rydberg_, Gothembourg, 1881. See also Baltzer, _Några af de viktigaste Hällristningarna_, Göteborg, 1911. [689] Guinchard, _Sweden: Historical and Statistical Handbook_, 1914, II, 549. [690] See Chadwick, _Origin_, 93; _Heroic Age_, 51. [691] ll. 2910-21. See Schütte, 579, 583. [692] ll. 2922-3007. [693] ll. 3018-27. [694] ll. 3029-30. [695] pp. 575, 581. [696] The reason for locating the _Eudoses_ in Jutland is that the name has, very hazardously, been identified with that of the Jutes, _Eutiones_. Obviously this argument could no longer be used, if the _Eudoses_ were the "Wederas." [697] See e.g. Schütte, 579-80. [698] _Beowulf_, 1856. [699] _Beowulf_, 1830 _etc._ [700] _Beowulf_, 2394. See Schütte, 576-9. [701] _S[=e]o [=e]a þ[=æ]r wyrcþ micelne s[=æ]._ Orosius, ed. Sweet, 12, 24. [702] See above, p. 7. [703] As Miss Paues, herself a _Geat_, points out to me. [704] Kier, 39; Schütte, 582, 591 _etc._ [705] See above, pp. 99, 100. [706] _Vendel och Vendelkråka_ in _A.f.n.F._ XXI, 71-80: see _Essays_, trans. Clark Hall, 50-62. [707] This grave mound is mentioned as "Kong Ottars Hög" in _Ättartal för Swea och Götha Kununga Hus_, by J. Peringskiöld, Stockholm, 1725, p. 13, and earlier, in 1677, it is mentioned by the same name in some notes of an antiquarian survey. That the name "Vendel-crow" is now attached to it is stated by Dr Almgren. These early references seem conclusive: little weight could, of course, be carried by the modern name alone, since it might easily be of learned origin. The mound was opened in 1914-16, and the contents showed it to belong to about 500 to 550 A.D., which agrees excellently with the date of Ohthere. See two articles in _Fornvännen_ for 1917: an account of the opening of the mound by S. Lindqvist entitled "Ottarshögen i Vendel" (pp. 127-43) and a discussion of early Swedish history in the light of archaeology, by B. Nerman, "Ynglingasagan i arkeologisk belysning" (esp. pp. 243-6). See also Björkman in _Nordisk Tidskrift_, Stockholm, 1917, p. 169, and _Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 1920, pp. 86-99. [708] See Appendix F: _Beowulf_ and the Archæologists, esp. p. 356, below. [709] By the Early Iron Age, Engelhardt meant from 250 to 450 A.D.: but more recent Danish scholars have placed these deposits in the fifth century, with some overlapping into the preceding and succeeding centuries (Müller, _Vor Oldtid_, 561; Wimmer, _Die Runenschrift_, 301, _etc._). The Swedish archæologists, Knut Stjerna and O. Almgren, agree with Engelhardt, dating the finds between about 250 and 450 A.D. (Stjerna's _Essays_, trans. Clark Hall, p. 149, and _Introduction_, xxxii-iii). [710] _Essays on questions connected with the O.E. poem of Beowulf_, trans. and ed. by John R. Clark Hall, (Viking Club), Coventry. (Reviews by Klaeber, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIII, 167-73, weighty; Mawer, _M.L.N._ VIII, 242-3; _Athenæum_, 1913, I, 459-60; _Archiv_, CXXXII, 238-9; Schütte, _A.f.n.F._ XXXIII, 64-96, elaborate.) [711] An account of these was given at the time by H. Stolpe, who undertook the excavation. See his _Vendelfyndet_, in the _Antiqvarisk Tidskrift för Sverige_, VIII, 1, 1-34, and Hildebrand (H.) in the same, 35-64 (1884). Stolpe did not live to issue the definitive account of his work, _Graffältet vid Vendel, beskrifvet af_ H. Stolpe och T. J. Arne, Stockholm, 1912. [712] Also added as an Appendix to his _Beowulf_ translation, 1911. [713] Clark Hall's _Preface_ to Stjerna's _Essays_, p. xx. [714] _J.E.G.Ph._ XIII, 1914, p. 172. [715] _Essays_, p. 239: cf. p. 84. [716] p. 39. [717] _Germania_, cap. XV. [718] ll. 378, 470. [719] Cassiodorus, _Variae_, V, 1. [720] Walter, _Corpus juris Germanici antiqui_, 1824, II, 125. [721] _Heimskringla, Haraldz saga_, cap. 38-40. [722] "The idea of a gold hoard undoubtedly points to the earlier version of the _Beowulf_ poem having originated in Scandinavia. No such 'gold period' ever existed in Britain." _Essays_, p. 147. [723] _Cottonian Gnomic Verses_, ll. 26-7. [724] l. 14. [725] _Exeter Gnomic Verses_, l. 126. [726] Baldwin Brown, III, 385, IV, 640. [727] _B._ l. 19. [728] l. 339. [729] l. 991. [730] Cf. Falk, _Altnordische Waffenkunde_, 28. [731] I would suggest this as the more likely because, if the ring were inserted for a practical purpose, it is not easy to see why it later survived in the form of a mere knob, which is neither useful nor ornamental. But if it were used to attach the symbolical "peace bands," it may have been retained, in a "fossilized form," with a symbolical meaning. [732] Most editors indeed do take it in this sense, though recently Schücking has adopted Stjerna's explanation of "ring-sword." In l. 322, Falk (27) takes _hring-[=i]ren_ to refer to a "ring-adorned sword," though it may well mean a ring-byrnie. [733] Actually, I believe, more: for two ring-swords were found at Faversham, and are now in the British Museum. For an account of one of them see Roach Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, 1868, vol. VI, 139. In this specimen both the fixed ring and the ring which moves within it are complete circles. But in the Gilton sword (_Archæologia_, XXX, 132) and in the sword discovered at Bifrons (_Archæologia Cantiana_, X, 312) one of the rings no longer forms a complete circle, and in the sword discovered at Sarre (_Archæol. Cant._ VI, 172) the rings are fixed together, and one of them has little resemblance to a ring at all. [734] At Concevreux. It is described by M. Jules Pilloy in _Mémoires de la Société Académique de St Quentin_, 4^e Sér. tom. XVI, 1913; see esp. pp. 36-7. [735] See Lindenschmit, "Germanisches Schwert mit ungewöhnlicher Bildung des Knaufes," in _Die Altertümer unserer heidnischen Vorzeit_, V Bd., V Heft, Taf. 30, p. 165, Mainz, 1905. [736] Salin has no doubt that the Swedish type from Uppland (his figure 252) is later than even the latest type of English ring-sword (the Sarre pommel, 251) which is itself later than the Faversham (249) or Bifrons (250) pommel. See Salin (B.), _Die Altgermanische Thierornamentik_, Stockholm, 1904, p. 101. The same conclusion is arrived at by Lindenschmit: "Die ursprüngliche Form ist wohl in dem, unter Nr. 249 von Salin abgebildeten Schwertknopf aus Kent zu sehen"; and even more emphatically by Pilloy, who pronounces the Swedish Vendel sword both on account of its "ring" and other characteristics, as "inspirée par un modèle venu de cette contrée [Angleterre]." [737] The Benty Grange helmet; see below, p. 358. [738] Depicted by Clark Hall, Stjerna's _Essays_, p. 258. [739] Clark Hall's _Beowulf_, p. 227. [740] "Von Skandinavien gibt es aus der Völkerwanderungszeit und Wikingerepoche keine archäologischen Anhaltspunkte für das Tragen des Panzers, weder aus Funden noch aus Darstellungen," Max Ebert in Hoops' _Reallexikon_, III, 395 (1915-16). But surely this is too sweeping. Fragments of an iron byrnie, made of small rings fastened together, were found in the Vendel grave 12 (seventh century). See _Graffältet vid Vendel, beskrifvet af_ H. Stolpe och T. J. Arne, pp. 49, 60, plates xl, xli, xlii. [741] 54-I. Liebermann, p. 114. [742] _Essays_, 34-5. [743] _Elene_, 264. [744] Engelhardt, _Denmark in the Early Iron Age_, p. 66. [745] _Andreas_, 303. [746] l. 2869. [747] "Few have corslets and only one here and there a helmet" (_Germania_, 6). In the _Annals_ (II, 14) Tacitus makes Germanicus roundly deny the use of either by the Germans: _non loricam Germano, non galeam_. [748] See above, p. 124. [749] See Chifflet, J. J., _Anastasis Childerici I ... sive thesaurus sepulchralis_, Antverpiæ, _Plantin_, 1655. [750] That _both_ sword and scramasax were buried with Childeric is shown by Lindenschmit, _Handbuch_, I, 236-9: see also pp. 68 _etc._ [751] l. 2762-3. [752] Worsaae, _Nordiske Oldsager_, Kjøbenhavn, 1859; see No. 499; Roach Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, 1852, II, 164; Montelius, _Antiq. Suéd._ 1873, No. 294 (p. 184). [753] _Essays_, p. 198. See also above, p. 124. Mr Reginald Smith writes to me: "Unburnt objects with cremated burials in prehistoric times (Bronze, Early and late Iron Ages) are the exception, and are probably accidental survivals from the funeral pyre. In such an interpretation of _Beowulf_ I agree with the late Knut Stjerna, who was an archæologist of much experience." [754] Forming vols. 3 and 4 of _The Arts in Early England_, 1903-15. [755] It was, however, necessary to leave over for a supplementary volume some of the contributions most interesting from the point of view of the archæology of _Beowulf_: e.g. spatha, speer, schild. [756] B. E. Hildebrand, _Grafhögarne vid Gamla Upsala, Kongl. Vitterhets Historie och Antiqvitets Akademiens Månadsblad_, 1875-7, pp. 250-60. [757] _Fasta fornlämningar i Beovulf_, in _Antiqvarisk Tidskrift för Sverige_, XVIII, 48-64. [758] _Heimskringla: Ynglingasaga_, cap. 25, 26, 29. [759] See B. Nerman, _Vilka konungar ligga i Uppsala högar?_ Uppsala, 1913, and the same scholar's _Ynglingasagan i arkeologisk belysning_, in _Fornvännen_, 1917, 226-61. [760] _Heimskringla: Ynglingasaga_, cap. 27. [761] A discovery made by Otto v. Friesen in 1910: see S. Lindqvist in _Fornvännen_, 1917, 129. Two years earlier (1675) "Utters högen i Wändell" is mentioned in connection with an investigation into witchcraft. See Linderholm, _Vendelshögens konunganamn_, in _Namn och Bygd_, VII, 1919, 36, 40. [762] For a preliminary account of the discovery, see _Ottarshögen i Vendel_, by S. Lindqvist in _Fornvännen_, 1917, 127-43, and for discussion of the whole subject, B. Nerman, _Ottar Vendelkråka och Ottarshögen i Vendel_, in _Upplands Fornminnesförenings Tidskrift_, VII, 309-34. [763] Baldwin Brown, III, 216. [764] 213. [765] 218. [766] So Baldwin Brown, III, 213; Lorange, _Den Yngre Jernalders Sværd_, Bergen, 1889, passim. [767] Baldwin Brown, III, 215. [768] It is somewhat similar in Norse literature, where swords are constantly indicated as either inherited from of old, or coming from abroad: cf. Falk, 38-41. [769] _Beowulf_, 1489, _w[=æ]gsweord_; cf. _Vægir_ as a sword-name in the _Thulur_. In ll. 1521, 1564, 2037, _hringm[=æ]l_ may refer to the ring in the hilt, and terms like _wunden_- are more likely to refer to the serpentine ornament of the hilt. This must be the case with _wyrm-f[=a]h_ (1698) as it is a question of the hilt alone. Stjerna (p. 111 = _Essays_, 20) and others take _[=a]ter-t[=a]num f[=a]h_ (1459) as referring to the damascened pattern (cf. _eggjar ... eitrdropom innan fáþar; Brot af Sigurðarkviðu_). It is suggested however by Falk (p. 17) that _t[=a]n_ here refers to an edge welded-on: the Icelandic _egg-teinn_. [770] The only certainly Anglo-Saxon helmet as yet discovered: traces of what may have been a similar head-piece were found near Cheltenham: Roach Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, II, 1852, 238. [771] _Coll. Ant._ II, 1852, 239; Bateman, _Ten Years' Diggings_, 30; _Catalogue of the Antiquities preserved in the Museum of Thomas Bateman_, Bakewell, 1855. [772] A very good description of these continental "Spangenhelme" is given in the magnificent work of I. W. Gröbbels, _Der Reihengräberfund von Gammertingen_, München, 1905. These helms had long been known from a specimen (place of origin uncertain) in the Hermitage at Petrograd, and another example, that of Vézeronce, supposed to have been lost in the battle between Franks and Burgundians in 524. Seven other examples have been discovered in the last quarter of a century, including those of Baldenheim (for which see Henning (R.), _Der helm von Baldenheim und die verwandten helme des frühen mittelalters_, Strassburg, 1907, cf. Kauffmann, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XL, 464-7) and Gammertingen. They are not purely Germanic, and may have been made in Gaul, or among the Ostrogoths in Ravenna, or further east. [773] Stjerna, _Essays_, p. 11 = _Studier tillägnade Oscar Montelius af Lärjungar_, 1903, p. 104: Clark Hall, _Beowulf_, 1911, p. 228. [774] See also _Graffältet vid Vendel, beskrifvet af_ H. Stolpe och T. J. Arne, Stockholm, 1912, pp. 13, 54; Pl. v, xli. [775] ll. 396, 2049, 2257, 2605; cf. _gr[=i]mhelm_, 334. [776] 2811, 304, 1111 (cf. Falk, 156). [777] 1453-4 (cf. Falk, 157-9). [778] _securum etiam inter hostes praestat._ _Germ._ cap. 45. [779] 1031 (cf. Falk, 158). [780] 1630, 2723. Cf. _Exodus_, 174, _gr[=i]mhelm gesp[=e]on cyning cinberge_, and _Genesis_, 444. (See Falk, 166.) [781] Cf. ll. 1503, 1548, 2260, 2754. [782] Cf. ll. 322, 551, 1443. [783] Bateman, _Ten Years' Diggings_, 1861, p. 32. [784] Cf. _Beowulf_, 330, 1772, 2042. [785] "ne scuta quidem ferro neruoue firmata, sed ... tenuis et fucatas colore tabulas," _Annals_, II, 14; cf. _Germania_, 6, "scuta tantum lectissimis coloribus distinguunt." [786] _Njáls Saga_, cap. XXX. [787] It is the guess of A. Haupt, _Die Älteste Kunst der Germanen_, p. 213. [788] ll. 773-5, 998. [789] _Hist. Eccl._ II, 13. The life of man is compared to the transit of a sparrow flying from door to door of the hall where the king sits feasting with his thanes and warriors, with a fire in the midst. [790] ll. 617-24, 2011-3. [791] 995. [792] 725. [793] 1035 _etc._ [794] _Proc. Soc. Ant., Sec. Ser._ II, 177-82. [795] Jonckheere (É.), _L'origine de la Côte de Flandre et le Bateau de Bruges_, Bruges, 1903. [796] Engelhardt (H. C. C.), _Nydam Mosefund_, Kjöbenhavn, 1865. [797] Nicolaysen (N.), _Langskibet fra Gokstad_, Kristiania, 1882. [798] _Osebergfundet. Udgit av den Norske Stat, under redaktion av_ A. W. Brøgger, Hj. Falk, H. Schetelig. Bd. I, Kristiania, 1917. [799] _Beowulf_, ll. 32, 1131, 1897. [800] 1862. [801] 220. [802] Noreen, _Altschwedische Grammatik_, 1904, p. 499. [803] All these places are in Gotland. The Stenkyrka stone is reproduced in Stjerna's _Essays_, transl. Clark Hall, fig. 24. [804] The same, fig. 27. [805] Reproduced in Montelius, _Sveriges Historia_, p. 283. [806] _Deutsche Mythologie_, 3te Ausgabe, 1854, pp. 342, 639. [807] _Academy_, XI, 1877, p. 163. [808] _Engl. Stud._ II, 314. [809] _Beowulf_, p. 177. [810] _Aanteekeningen op den Beowulf_, 1892, p. 42. [811] _P.B.B._ XVIII, 413. [812] _Z.f.ö.G._ LVI, 759. [813] _Beowulf_, p. 392. [814] _Engl. Stud._ LII, 191. Among the many who have accepted the explanation "bee-wolf," without giving additional reasons, may be mentioned R. Müller, _Untersuchungen über die Namen des Liber Vitae_, 1901, p. 94. [815] Both Grimm and Skeat suggested the woodpecker, which feeds upon bees and their larvae: Grimm appealing to classical mythology, Skeat instancing the bird's courage. But nothing seems forthcoming from Teutonic mythology to favour this interpretation. Cosijn, following Sijmons, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXIV, 17, thought bees might have been an omen of victory. But there is no satisfactory evidence for this. The term _sigew[=i]f_ applied to the swarming bees in the _Charms_ (Cockayne's _Leechdoms_, I, 384) is insufficient. [816] _Tidskr. f. Philol. og Pædag._ VIII, 289. [817] _Deutsches Wörterbuch_, 1854, I, 1122. [818] "Das compositum Beóvulf, wie Gôzolf, Irminolf, Reginolf, und andre gebildet, zeigt nur einen helden und krieger im geist und sinn oder von der art des Beówa an. Ihm entspricht altn. Biôlfr." (Müllenhoff, in _Z.f.d.A._ XII, 284.) But certainly this interpretation is impossible for O.N. _Biólfr_: "warrior of Beowa" would be _*Byggulfr_, which we nowhere find. See Björkman in _Engl. Stud._ LII, 191. Müllenhoff at this date, whilst not connecting _B[=e]owulf_ directly with _b[=e]o_, "bee," did so connect _B[=e]owa_, whom he interpreted as a bee-god or bee-father. But there is no evidence for this, and the _w_ of _B[=e]owa_ tells emphatically against it. Müllenhoff subsequently abandoned this explanation. [819] It is actually written _Biu^uulf_. [820] _Biu_ in _Biuuulf_ cannot stand for _B[=e]o_ [older _Beu_] because in Old Northumbrian _iu_ and _eo_ are rigidly differentiated, as an examination of all the other names in the _Liber Vitae_ shows. As Sievers points out, if _Biuuulf_ is to be derived from _*Beuw (w)ulf_, then it would afford an isolated and inexplicable case of _iu_ for _eo[eu]_, unique in the _Liber Vitae_, as in the whole mass of the oldest English texts: "Soll ein zusammenhang mit st. _beuwa-_ stattfinden, so muss man auch diesen stamm für einen urspr. s-stamm erklären, und unser _biu-_ auf die stammform _biuwi(z)-_ nicht auf _beuwa(z)-_ zurückführen." (Sievers, _P.B.B._ XVIII, 413.) The word however is a neut. _wa_-stem, whether in O.E. (_b[=e]ow_), Old Saxon (_b[=e]o_) or Icelandic (_bygg_): see Sievers, _Ags. Grammatik_, 3te Aufl. § 250; Gallée, _Altsächsische Grammatik_, 2te Aufl. § 305; Noreen, _Altisländische Grammatik_, 3te Aufl. § 356. The word is extant in Old English only in the Glossaries, in the gen. sing., "handful beouaes," _etc._, and in Old Saxon only in the gen. plu. _beuuo_. It is thought to have been originally a _wu_-stem, which subsequently, as e.g. in O.E., passed into a _wa_-stem. (See Noreen, _A.f.n.F._ I, 166, arguing from the form _begg_ in the Dalecarlian dialect.) The presumed Primitive Norse form is _beggwu_, whence the various Scandinavian forms, Icel. _bygg_, Old Swedish and Old Danish _biug(g)_. See Hellquist in _A.f.n.F._ VII, 31; von Unwerth, _A.f.n.F._ XXXIII, 331; Binz, _P.B.B._ XX, 153; von Helten, _P.B.B._ XXX, 245; Kock, _Umlaut u. Brechung im Aschw._ p. 314, in _Lunds Universitets årsskrift_, Bd. XII. The proper name _Byggvir_ is a _ja_-stem, but _B[=e]ow_ cannot have been so formed, as a _ja_-stem would give the form _B[=e]owe_. Cosijn (_Aanteekeningen_, 42) was accordingly justified in pointing to the form _Biuuulf_ as refuting Kögel's attempt to connect _B[=e]owulf_ with _B[=e]ow_ through a form _*Bawiwulf_ (_A.f.d.A._ XVIII, 56). Kögel replied with a laboured defence (_Z.f.d.A._ XXXVII, 268): he starts by assuming that _B[=e]ow_ and _B[=e]owulf_ are etymologically connected, which is the very point which has to be proved: he has to admit that, if his etymology be correct, the _Biuuulf_ of the _Liber Vitae_ is not the same form as _B[=e]owulf_, which is the very point Cosijn urged as telling against his etymology: and even so his etymological explanations depend upon stages which cannot be accepted in the present state of our knowledge (see especially Sievers in _P.B.B._ XVIII, 413; Björkman in _Engl. Stud._ LII, 150). [821] _Tidskr. f. Philol og Pædag._ VIII, 289. [822] First pointed out by Grundtvig in Barfod's _Brage og Idun_, IV, 1841, p. 500, footnote. [823] "Lodmundr hinn gamli het madr enn annarr. Biólfr fostbrodir hans. Þeir foru til Islands af Vors af Þvlvnesi" (Voss in Norway). See _Landnámabók_, København, 1900, p. 92. [824] Noreen, _Altisländische Grammatik_, 3te Aufl. p. 97. See also Noreen in _Festskrift til H. F. Feilberg_, 1911, p. 283. Noreen seems to have no doubt as to the explanation of _Bjólfr_ as _Bý-olfr_, "Bee-wolf." [825] Bugge, has, however, been followed by Gering, _Beowulf_, 1906, p. 100. [826] Ferguson in the _Athenæum_, June 1892, p. 763: "Beadowulf by a common form of elision (!) would become Beowulf." Sarrazin admits "Freilich ist das eine ungewöhnliche verkürzung" (_Engl. Stud._ XLII, 19). See also Sarrazin in _Anglia_, V, 200; _Beowulf-Studien_, 33, 77; _Engl. Stud._ XVI, 79. [827] This incompatibility comes out very strongly in ll. 2499-2506, where Beowulf praises his sword particularly for the services it has _not_ been able to render him. [828] See above, pp. 60-1. [829] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 140: F. Jónsson, _Hrólfs Saga Kraka_, 1904, _Inledning_, XX. [830] _Hrólfs Saga Kraka_, cap. 17-20. [831] The trait is wanting in the _Grettis saga_: Grettir son of Asmund was too historical a character for such features to be attributed to him. [832] See pp. 62-7. [833] No. 166. Translated as "Strong Hans." (_Grimm's Household Tales, trans. by M. Hunt, with introduction by A. Lang_, 1884.) [834] As, for example, by Cosquin, _Contes populaires de Lorraine_, I, 7. A comparison of the different versions in which the "strange theme" is toned down, in a greater or less degree, seems to make this certain. [835] No. 91. [836] Edinburgh, 1860, vol. I, No. XVI, "The king of Lochlin's three daughters": vol. III, No. LVIII, "The rider of Grianaig." [837] London, 1866: p. 43, "The Three Crowns." [838] Notably by von Sydow. [839] Asbjørnsen og Moe, _Norske Folkeeventyr_, Christiania, 1852, No. 3. [840] _Popular Tales from the Norse_ (third edit., Edinburgh, 1888, p. 382). [841] Visentini, _Fiabe Mantovane_, 1879, No. 32, 157-161. [842] "fino a che col capo tocca le travi." Cf. Glam in the _Grettis Saga_. [843] "e qui vede il gigante seduto, che detteva il suo testamento." [844] p. 153. This is Panzer's version 97. [845] "A fabulous creature, but zoologically the name Norka (from _nora_, a hole) belongs to the otter," Ralston, _Russian Folk Tales_, p. 73. [846] Afanasief (A. N.), _Narodnuiya Russkiya Skazki_, Moscow, 1860-63, I, 6. See Ralston, p. 73. [847] Afanasief, VIII, No. 6. [848] For example, "Shepherd Paul," in _The Folk-Tales of the Magyars_, by W. H. Jones and L. L. Knopf, _Folk-Lore Society_, 1889, p. 244. The latest collection contains its version, 'The Story of T[=a]ling, the Half-boy' in _Persian Tales, written down for the first time and translated_ by D. L. R. and E. O. Lorimer, London, 1919. [849] Cf. von Sydow in _A.f.d.A._ XXXV, 126. [850] Ión Arnason's MSS, No. 536, 4^o. [851] Rittershaus (A.), _Die Neuisländischen Volksmärchen_, Halle, 1902, No. 25. [852] _Færøske Folkesagn og Æventyr_, ed. by Jakob Jakobsen, 1898-1901, pp. 241-4 (_Samfund til Udgivelse af gammel Nordisk Litteratur._) [853] This folk-tale is given in a small book, to be found in the Christiania University Library, and no doubt elsewhere in Norway: _Nor, en Billedbog for den norske Ungdom_ (Tredie Oplag, Christiania, 1865). _Norske Folke-Eventyr og Sagn_, fortalte af P. Chr. Asbjørnsen. A copy of the story, slightly altered, occurs in the _Udvalgte Eventyr og Sagn for Børn_, of Knutsen, Bentsen and Johnsson, Christiania, 1877, p. 58 _etc._ [854] pp. 66-7. [855] Berntsen (K.), _Folke-Æventyr_, 1873, No. 12, pp. 109-115. [856] Grundtvig (Sv.), _Gamle Danske Minder_, 1854, No. 34, p. 33: from Næstved. [857] _Hans mit de ysern Stang'_, Müllenhoff, _Sagen, Märchen u. Lieder_ ... 1845, No. XVI, p. 437. [858] Colshorn (C. and Th.), _Märchen u. Sagen_, Hannover, 1854, No. V, pp. 18-30. [859] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 2183-8. [860] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 815 _etc._ [861] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 1516-17; cf. _Grettis Saga_, LXVI. [862] Cf. _Grettis Saga_, LXVI, _hann kveikti ljós_; cf. _Beowulf_, 1570. [863] _Contes du roi Cambrinus_, par C. Deulin, Paris, 1874 (I. _L'intrépide Gayant_). The story is associated with Gayant, the traditional hero of Douai. [864] Cf. Schmidt, _Geschichte der deutschen Stämme_, II, 495, 499, _note_ 4. [865] III, 1. [866] II, 43. [867] [Greek: Pais ... neos ên komidêi, kai eti hupo paidokomôi tithênoumenos], Agathias, I, 4: _parvulus_, Gregory, IV, 6. [868] Gregory, III, 20. [869] III, 22. [870] III, 23. [871] III, 27. [872] Many recent historians have expressed doubts as to the conventional date, 515, for Hygelac's death. J. P. Jacobsen, in the Danish translation of Gregory (1911) suggested 525-30: following him Severinsen (_Danske Studier_, 1919, 96) suggested c. 526, as did Fredborg, _Det första årtalet i Sveriges historia_. L. Schmidt (_Geschichte der deutschen Stämme_, II, 500, _note_, 1918) suggested c. 528. [873] Archæological works bearing less directly upon _Beowulf_ are enumerated in _Appendix F_; that enumeration is not repeated here. [874] Most students nowadays will probably agree with v. Sydow's contention that the struggle of Beowulf, first above ground and then below, is a folk-story, one and indivisible, and that therefore there is no reason for attributing the two sections to different authors, as do Boer, Müllenhoff and ten Brink. But that the folk-tale is exclusively Celtic remains to be proved; v. Sydow's contention that Celtic influence is shown in _Beowulf_ by the inhospitable shamelessness of Unferth (compare that of Kai) is surely fanciful. Also the statement that the likeness of Bjarki and Beowulf is confined to the freeing of the Danish palace from a dangerous monster by a stranger from abroad, and that "das sonstige Beiwerk völlig verschieden ist" surely cannot be maintained. As argued above (pp. 54-61) there are other distinct points of resemblance. v. Sydow's statement no doubt suffers from the brevity with which it is reported, and his forthcoming volume of _Beowulf studien_ will be awaited with interest. * * * * * [Illustration: SOUTHERN SCANDINAVIA IN THE SIXTH CENTURY] [Illustration: ENGLISH BOAR-HELMET AND RING-SWORDS I. Benty Grange Helmet (Roach Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, II, 238). II. Pommel of Ring-Sword from Faversham, Kent (_Ibid._, VI, 139). III. Pommel of Ring-Sword from Gilton, Kent (_Archæologia_, XXX, 132). ]